Policy

Highlights Biden has enough political capital to pass at least one more major piece of legislation. The next major bill will increase the budget deficit further, adding additional stimulus, though it will consist of structural reforms over a ten-year time frame and with a drag created by tax hikes. Our annual key views are on track: polarization has subsided but remains at peak levels from a historical point of view; structural reform is underway, although any chance of bipartisanship is slipping; the Republicans remain deeply divided despite some signs of regrouping. Investors should remain cyclically bullish although the sharp rise in bond yields, the bounce in the US dollar, China’s growth deceleration, and geopolitical risks all warrant tactical caution in the near term. Feature The first quarter of the year brought a few political surprises – from the Capitol Hill riot to Trump’s second impeachment – but the only significant surprise for the American investor was the Democratic victory in the Georgia Senate runoffs. This victory changed the policy setting, producing a Democratic majority in the US Senate and enabling the Biden administration to project three budget reconciliation bills (for FY2021, 2022, 2023) that require zero Republican votes.  The first of these bills was signed into law promptly as expected. The $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act consists of short-term cash handouts and social spending that will supercharge an economic recovery that is rapidly accelerating due to the rollout of vaccines for COVID-19 (Chart 1). Chart 1American Rescue Plan Boosts GDP Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform The second major piece of legislation, likely the budget reconciliation bill for FY2022, will consist of net increases to the budget deficit, thus further stimulating the economy, albeit along with structural reform, i.e. social safety net and tax hikes, and a 10-year time horizon. In the second quarter investors will learn the parameters of the bill through Biden’s address to a joint session of Congress, an idealistic presidential budget proposal, a more realistic House and Senate budget resolution, and an extended negotiation. Yet Biden’s second bill will probably not be signed into law until the third or even fourth quarter. Big Government Is Back The American Rescue Plan Act cements a new era of “Big Government” that should be ascribed not to any particular party but to underlying populist pressures in the United States. President Trump’s big-spending ways and pandemic relief packages had already produced a major step up in the government contribution to economic output, as shown in Chart 2, and this will go higher once Biden’s 8.7% of GDP bill is added to the mix. This increase in the government role is likely to last beyond the pandemic given that President Trump had already taught the Republicans that fiscal austerity does not win votes. Republicans will still be the party of “limited government” but that is a relative concept and they will not be able to win elections on a platform of slashing spending, at least not until stagflation returns. In the meantime they are out of power and tax-and-spend liberals rule the roost. Chart 2Era Of Big Government Is Back Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Our updated budget projections show that the decline of stimulus spending will be gradual in the coming years if Biden delivers his second reconciliation bill for FY2022 (Chart 3). Major changes from previous versions have to do with changes to the Congressional Budget Office’s baseline outlook. Our new Democratic Low Spending scenario assumes a $2 trillion dollar green/infrastructure package, a $1 trillion health care reform, and a roughly $2 trillion increase in tax revenue. The Democrats will raise taxes – at least partially repealing Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act and raising a few other taxes. We expect the market to be negatively surprised by the magnitude of tax hikes, at least initially, though the upside risk to the equity market is that tax hikes will be watered down by moderate Democrats in the Senate. We would not bet on a positive tax surprise because even moderate Democrats are in favor of taxing corporations and the wealthy, the taxes can be phased in over a 10-year period, and the economy is on a cyclical upswing combined with mammoth new spending programs. Chart 3US Budget Deficit Booms Under Biden Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Our presumption that Biden will sign his second major bill into law this fall (even as late as December) rests on the vulnerability of his administration and party. Traditional Democrats, embodied by Biden, Democratic leaders in Congress, and Biden’s technocratic cabinet (Appendix), face a historic accumulation of political pressure from their populist left-wing and from Trump’s populist Republican Party. If they cannot deliver on major “bread and butter” promises to the American people, while including just enough progressive elements to keep the far left at bay, they risk extinction in coming election cycles. This pressure is real and will enable at least one more major legislative achievement. Bottom Line: Government spending has taken a big step up and Biden’s second major legislative initiative will ensure that the step up is permanent rather than a temporary response to a crisis. The macro impact is inflationary on the margin. Biden’s Second Reconciliation Bill Is the Biden administration over-stimulating the economy and setting the US up for overheating? It looks like it, though the size of tax hikes is as yet unknown. Going forward the stock market will be extremely attentive to two risks that cut in different directions: excessive stimulus and excessive tax hikes. The American Rescue Plan alone is more than twice as large as the estimated output gap. The output gap is widely expected to be closed by the end of the year (Chart 4). Even a $1 trillion infrastructure package – much lower than the currently rumored $3 trillion – would be excessive in this context. Chart 4Output Gap Is Virtually Closed Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform The infrastructure package that is being planned – which would include a range of measures in addition to roads and bridges, such as green energy projects, supply chain on-shoring, and digital infrastructure – would take place over a ten-year period and will be coupled with a drag from new taxes. A modern-age infrastructure plan would boost productivity and hence potential GDP growth, which could offset some of the inflationary impact. Speculatively, the simplest path for achieving Biden’s objectives would be to put his health care reform (with other welfare proposals) in the FY2022 reconciliation bill along with tax reform. Tax changes are the purpose of the reconciliation process. Unlike infrastructure, health provisions are virtually guaranteed to pass the arcane rules of reconciliation. This is not a minor concern: the Senate parliamentarian ruled out a federal minimum wage hike in the American Rescue Plan because it was not directly germane to government revenues and expenditures and could do the same to infrastructure. Bear in mind that the Obama administration passed a key component of the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) via reconciliation, setting a precedent that health care is germane. More broadly the Democratic Party has prioritized health care since 1992, now has a chance to clinch it, and has repeatedly benefited at the ballot box on the health agenda. Infrastructure, unlike health and tax reform, could conceivably pass in a regular bill, or piecemeal in annual spending bills, in which Biden would wheel and deal to try to get 60 votes (50 Democrats, 10 Republicans). However, the latest rumors as we go to press suggest the Democrats will prioritize infrastructure and link it to tax reform. Republicans will not vote for tax hikes so reconciliation would still be required in this case. Reconciliation is trickier with infrastructure spending than with health care, though not impossible. What is clear is that Biden’s agenda is too large to fit into one bill, that tax hikes are being planned, and that reconciliation is necessary for tax hikes. Based on our scenarios in Table 1, every realistic scenario involves an increase to the budget deficit, ranging from around $500 billion to $5.4 trillion over the 10-year period. Therefore the economy will receive additional stimulus on top of the unprecedented peacetime stimulus it has already received. Table 1Scenarios For Biden’s Second Reconciliation Bill Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Two other gleanings from Q1 bear mentioning: Biden’s policies on trade and immigration. On trade, Biden is coopting Trump’s hawkish China policy while trying to improve trade relations with allies and partners. The trade deficit is set to expand along with economic recovery and stimulus, resulting in larger twin deficits (Chart 5). This trend should weigh on the US dollar – but the dollar has strengthened so far this year. Given the US’s inherent strengths – rule of law, innovation, faster relative growth – and the structural rise in global geopolitical tensions, covered regularly by our twin Geopolitical Strategy, we are loathe to bet against a rising dollar. However, investors should note that the BCA House View expects the dollar to relapse and the dollar bear market to continue. On immigration, Biden faces his greatest domestic policy challenge. By easing border and immigration enforcement amid a hyper-charged economic recovery, he has invited a large flow of immigrants and refugees (Chart 6). He is thus forced to take urgent border actions to staunch the flow. If he does what is necessary to maintain order then he will widen the rift with the far left. Meanwhile Republicans are finding an issue over which they can start to reunite. Chart 5US Twin Deficits Balloon US Twin Deficits Balloon US Twin Deficits Balloon Chart 6Immigration A Looming Problem For Biden Immigration A Looming Problem For Biden Immigration A Looming Problem For Biden Bottom Line: The air of crisis is dissipating rapidly and proposed tax hikes will motivate opposition but Biden still has enough political capital to get at least one more budget reconciliation bill passed. The bill will focus on health/welfare (easier to pass but more inflationary) or infrastructure (harder but better for productivity). Either way the net deficit impact will be negative and the dual risk of higher taxes and economic overheating will create hurdles for the stock market rally.   Updating Our Three Key Views For 2021 How do the events of Q1 impact our three key views for 2021? At the start of the year we forecast (1) that the US’s political polarization would subside but remain at historically peak levels; (2) that the US would launch major structural reforms, in some cases on a bipartisan basis; (3) that Republican disunity would enable this contradictory environment of polarization yet occasional bipartisanship. Based on the first quarter’s events, we would draw the following conclusions for the second quarter and beyond: 1.   Peak Polarization: Polarization has indeed subsided (Chart 7). The country is still vulnerable to major polarizing events, including domestic extremists of whatever stripe, though any major terrorist attack would likely strengthen support for the sitting government. A fall in polarization is just one positive factor in Biden’s overall political capital, which we measure through our US Political Capital Index (Table 2). We consider Biden’s political capital moderate-to-strong because consumer confidence and the economy will likely improve. However, passing legislation will gradually get harder. The Obama administration had considerably greater strength in the Senate than the Biden administration, though, as mentioned, reconciliation guarantees Biden one or two more major pieces of legislation (Chart 8). Democrats can still overturn the filibuster, which requires a 60-vote majority on regular legislation, as we have long highlighted. But for now they seem to accept a watering-down of the filibuster (a “talking filibuster”) that will still give the minority Republicans the ability to halt controversial legislation. Chart 7Polarization Slips But Remains Elevated Polarization Slips But Remains Elevated Polarization Slips But Remains Elevated Table 2Biden’s Political Capital Is Moderate To Strong Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Chart 8Major Legislation Can Pass Early In Presidential Term Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform 2.   Bipartisan Structural Reform: The fact that not a single Republican senator voted for the American Rescue Plan Act, despite the lingering pandemic and air of crisis, suggests that bipartisanship is extremely limited, e.g. limited to the seven Republican senators who voted to convict Trump (Table 3). However, bipartisanship is still possible on an infrastructure package if the Democrats do not link it with tax hikes. Table 3Centrist Senators – And Republicans Who Voted To Convict Trump Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Beneath the surface there is bipartisanship when it comes to trade, supply chains, and countering China. Tariffs bottomed under the Obama administration and Biden started off with another round of “Buy America” provisions and a tentative decision to maintain Trump’s tariffs on China (Chart 9). Measures to boost US supply chain resilience in technology, health, and defense could be rolled up into an infrastructure package to help garner 10 Republican votes. Republicans have prepared for possible compromise by clearing the way for the use of “earmarks,” or constituency-based legislative incentives, otherwise known as pork-barrel spending.  Chart 9Tarriff Levels Bottomed Under Obama Tarriff Levels Bottomed Under Obama Tarriff Levels Bottomed Under Obama The market currently expects an infrastructure bill to pass, as indicated by the outperformance of infrastructure-related stocks, industrials, and materials relative to the market. Our BCA Infrastructure basket is outperforming (Chart 10). The market does not currently expect the Democrats to focus on health care policy, which creates the likelihood of a negative surprise for this sector (Chart 11). Chart 10Market Says Infrastructure Will Pass (One Way Or Another) Market Says Infrastructure Will Pass (One Way Or Another) Market Says Infrastructure Will Pass (One Way Or Another) The managed health care sub-sector (the insurance companies) staged a surprise rally over the past month that should reverse as Biden’s legislative proposals become known. However, Big Pharma and biotech continue to sell off as expected. Again, the simplest FY2022 reconciliation bill would consist of Biden’s health reform plus tax reform. The market is having some doubts about Democrats’ climate change agenda, which will be stuffed into the infrastructure package, given that the US renewable energy index has rolled over relative to global renewables. US cyclicals are also outperforming renewables (Chart 12). If Democrats do not use reconciliation, they may not get many green projects passed. If they do use reconciliation, their health and welfare reforms will have to wait until a FY2023 reconciliation bill that may not get passed. Chart 11More Pain Coming For Health Insurers, Big Pharma More Pain Coming For Health Insurers, Big Pharma More Pain Coming For Health Insurers, Big Pharma Chart 12Market Skeptical About Biden Climate Agenda Passage Market Skeptical About Biden Climate Agenda Passage Market Skeptical About Biden Climate Agenda Passage   3.   Republicans In The Wilderness: Although Republicans have begun to regroup faster than many expected, the divisions within the party have not been healed and will continue to flare up in disputes that threaten to wreck the party. Trump and the populist wing are preparing to put up primary election challengers to establishment Republican senators and representatives who voted against Trump or otherwise who vote against his “America First” agenda. Yet it is possible that 10 Republicans will find it impossible to vote against Biden’s infrastructure package if it is well-designed regarding supply chains and China and not linked with tax hikes. Trump could split the party via his personal following (which may be enhanced by a new social media outlet) and his ability to divide the party’s votes if he forms a “Patriot Party.” We recently showed, via the “Prisoner’s Dilemma” in game theory, that the Republicans must choose a Trumpist agenda of fiscal largesse, trade protectionism, and border security if they are to succeed. Yet Trump may or may not choose to run for president again or form a third party. The result is that Trump is more likely than not to be the Republican candidate in 2024 but there are huge risks to the party’s coherence as the party establishment tries to convince Trump to bow out and support a successor (Diagram 1). The point is that Trump remains a loose cannon and is capable of dividing the party single-handedly. Since investors cannot predict Trump’s behavior they should not expect the Republicans to unite in the near term. Diagram 1Game Theory Says Republicans Will Court Trump Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Bottom Line: Our three key views for 2021 are broadly on track – polarization is subsiding but still near peak levels, structural reform is underway (though bipartisanship is clearly at risk), and the Republicans remain divided and ineffectual. The Democrats’ handling of their infrastructure package will determine if bipartisanship can reinforce structural reform but the FY2022 reconciliation process enables them to achieve some reform regardless. Investment Takeaways The Federal Reserve expects GDP to grow by 6.5% in 2021 as a whole (up from the 4.2% estimate in December) and the unemployment rate to fall to 4.5% by the end of the year (down from 5% previously). Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen is expected to predict full employment by 2022. Households are likely to spend at least a third of the $699 billion in dole money they receive (stimulus checks and topped-up unemployment benefits), according to surveys highlighted by our Global Investment Strategy. This summer will have a party on every block, whether authorized or not. While details are scant about the exact makeup of the Biden administration’s next major legislation, what is clear is that it will have a net negative impact on the budget balance. Democrats will raise taxes but not so much as to jeopardize the economic recovery and their election prospects in 2022-24. This ultra-easy fiscal policy coincides with an ultra-easy monetary policy in which the Fed has insisted it will not raise rates through 2023. The market expects four rate hikes by that time, which would put the Fed funds rate at about 1.1%. The Fed will eventually have to adjust its path for the Fed funds rate and start thinking about thinking about tapering asset purchases. But the main thing to remember is that the Fed has committed to generating an inflation overshoot.   In this context, US investors should be cyclically bullish albeit tactically guarded given the sharp rise in bond yields and rising dollar. A pro-cyclical orientation would favor small caps over large caps, cyclicals over defensives, and value over growth stocks. All of these positions have recently met with some resistance and could face a healthy near-term correction. Cyclical stocks are historically very elevated relative to defensives (Chart 13). But over a 12-month period the recovery and stimulus will reinforce the bullish view, as rising bond yields will not stop equities from rising if the Fed stands pat. Chart 13Cyclicals Look Toppy Versus Defensives Cyclicals Look Toppy Versus Defensives Cyclicals Look Toppy Versus Defensives The chief risks to the pro-cyclical orientation stem from any breakout in the US dollar, the rollover in China’s growth momentum, and the Biden administration’s tax hikes and foreign policy challenges. These risks are all immediate and serious, especially given high stock market valuations. China’s policy tightening will not be fully felt in the economy until the second half of the year and Biden’s specific foreign policy challenges can result in negative geopolitical shocks at any time this year or over the next four years. The point is to buy on the dips unless surprise events fundamentally alter the reflationary cyclical backdrop. With regard to equity sectors, our US Political Risk Matrix highlights the chief policy risks to our US Equity Strategy’s views. Generally speaking Biden poses upside risks to industrials and consumer discretionary sectors and downside risks to energy, health care, tech, and communications (Table 4). After a quarter’s worth of information on markets and policy, these views are mostly confirmed: stay cyclically bullish on industrials and financials, bearish on tech and health care. Table 4US Political Risk Matrix Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform In the case of energy we continue to be neutral-to-bullish over a 12-month time horizon as long as demand is recovering, global inventories are drawing down, and the immediate geopolitical scene is conducive to tit-for-tat attacks in the Middle East, as is the case in the first half of the year. But Biden’s regulatory risks and disruptive climate change agenda can bring negative surprises for US oil producers and Biden’s foreign policy would ultimately be positive for Middle East oil supply. In the case of communications services we are neutral-to-bearish. The Biden administration is allied with Big Tech but it is tightening regulation and anti-trust enforcement gradually to gain greater control over the sector.1 The Treasury selloff is set to continue. Yields are starting to reach pre-COVID levels and have a way to go until they challenge 2018 levels. From peak to trough in the Bloomberg Barclays Treasury Index, the current selloff is not as bad as in the past four recoveries, as our US Bond Strategy has shown. As the economic rebound shows up in hard data over the course of this year, the Fed’s revised expectations will confirm the bond selloff in the financial market. We would thus favor high-yield corporate bonds. We remain overweight TIPS and municipal bonds relative to duration-matched nominal bonds. In recent years presidential approval has correlated remarkably well with the stock-to-bond ratio about two months later (Chart 14). The implication is that higher presidential approval is consistent with receding uncertainty and greater consumer optimism about the economy, which is reflected in rising bond yields and share prices. Neither Biden’s approval rating nor the stock-to-bond ratio is likely to go much higher without a consolidation phase, however, as implied by the chart. Chart 14Stock-To-Bond Ratio Needs A Breather In Q2 Stock-To-Bond Ratio Needs A Breather In Q2 Stock-To-Bond Ratio Needs A Breather In Q2 Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Table A1BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform   Table A1CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Table A2Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Second Quarter Outlook 2021: From Stimulus To Structural Reform Footnotes 1     Biden is expected to nominate anti-trust scholar Lina Khan for FTC commissioner.  

Highlights Duration & The Fed: Unlike the bond market, the Fed is being intentionally cautious about how quickly it revises its interest rate expectations higher, focusing more on hard economic data than on surveys. We expect the Fed dots to move up later this year as the hard economic data improve, validating current pricing in the bond market. Maintain below-benchmark portfolio duration. Yield Curve: The Treasury yield curve continues to trade directionally with the level of yields, except for the 10/30 slope which has now begun to bear-flatten. Investors should continue to position for curve steepening out to the 10-year maturity point. We recommend going long the 5-year note and short a duration-matched barbell consisting of the 2-year and 10-year notes. Economy: The US economy is at an inflection point where survey data indicate a great deal of optimism about the economic recovery, but where those optimistic growth prospects are not yet evident in the hard economic data. This is typical of post-recession environments where survey data move first and then the hard economic data play catch up. Feature The pain in the bond market continues. The 10-year Treasury yield rose again last week, closing at 1.74% on Friday, and the Bloomberg Barclays Treasury Index has now returned -6.1% since it peaked last August. If we use the peak-to-trough drawdown in the Treasury Index as our gauge, we are now in the midst of one of the five worst bond selloffs of the past 50 years. During that 50-year period, the current bearish bond move is only surpassed by the 2009, 2003, 1994 and 1980 episodes (Chart 1). Chart 1A Historic Bond Rout A Historic Bond Rout A Historic Bond Rout That said, the current bond selloff might still have a lot of runway. In level terms, the 30-year Treasury yield has only just recaptured its 2020 peak and the 10-year yield hasn’t even done that (Chart 2). Then, there’s another 101 bps of upside in the 30-year yield and 150 bps of upside in the 10-year yield just to get back to their 2018 peaks, yield levels that aren’t exactly distant memories. Yields do look stretched if we look at long-dated forwards. The 5-year/5-year forward Treasury yield, for example, is already well above its 2020 peak. The large increase in the 5-year/5-year forward yield is the result of Fed policy keeping the short-end of the yield curve capped (Chart 2, bottom 2 panels) forcing the bulk of Treasury weakness to be felt at the long-end. The 5-year/5-year forward Treasury yield is important because it reflects the market’s expectation of where the fed funds rate will settle in the long-run. In fact, you can use survey estimates of the long-run neutral fed funds rate to get a useful fair value range for the 5-year/5-year forward. At present, the 5-year/5-year forward yield has pushed well above this survey-derived fair value range (Chart 3), though it’s important to note that it is still 75 bps below its 2018 peak. Survey estimates of the long-run neutral fed funds rate were revised down as growth disappointed in 2019, it stands to reason that they could be revised higher as growth improves this year, thus moving the fair value range up as well. Chart 2Yields Can Rise Further Yields Can Rise Further Yields Can Rise Further Chart 35-Year/5-Year Is Elevated 5-Year/5-Year Is Elevated 5-Year/5-Year Is Elevated In fact, whether that process of upward revisions to survey estimates of the long-run neutral fed funds rate begins is an important near-term question for the bond market. Upward revisions would signal further upside in long-dated yields and more curve steepening ahead. Static long-run neutral rate estimates would signal that the upside in long-maturity yields is limited. In that latter case, the cyclical bond bear market would transition to a less severe bear-flattening phase where short-maturity yields eventually catch up to the long-end as the Fed tightens policy. It’s currently unclear how those survey estimates will evolve – we will get March updates for both surveys shown in Chart 3 on April 8th – but for now it’s too soon to say that the 5-year/5-year forward yield has peaked. We continue to recommend maintaining below-benchmark portfolio duration as we keep tabs on our Checklist To Increase Portfolio Duration.1 Currently, our Checklist is not screaming out for us to make a change. Explaining The Disagreement Between The Fed And The Market We expected that Fed policymakers would revise up their interest rate forecasts at last week’s FOMC meeting, but we also expected that the forecasts wouldn’t rise far enough to match the rate hike path that is currently priced in the market.2 This is in fact what happened, though the Fed was slightly more dovish than we anticipated. Only 7 out of 18 FOMC participants expect any rate hikes at all before the end of 2023, while the overnight index swap curve is discounting more than four 25 basis point hikes by then (Chart 4). Chart 4Market More Hawkish Than Fed Market More Hawkish Than Fed Market More Hawkish Than Fed What explains this divergence between the market and the Fed? Perhaps bond investors are simply ignoring the Fed’s dovish message. In that case, we should expect yields to fall as it becomes clear that the Fed intends to keep rates pinned at zero for much longer than is currently priced in the curve. Or perhaps Fed policymakers just don’t appreciate the surge in economic activity that is about to unfold. In that case, their interest rate forecasts (the “dots”) will rise sharply in the coming months as the economic data improve. Chair Powell gave a hint about how we should think about the divergence between the market and the “dots” in his post-meeting press conference. He said that the Fed wants to see “actual progress” towards its economic objectives not “forecast[ed] progress”, and he noted that this increased focus on “actual progress” is “a difference from our past approach.”3 In other words, the Fed is making a concerted effort to take a more backward-looking approach to policymaking under its new Average Inflation Targeting regime. It doesn’t want to tighten policy in response to a forecast of stronger growth in the future only to get whipsawed if that forecast doesn’t pan out. It would rather err on the side of tightening too late and then possibly have to move more quickly if it falls behind the curve. The market, by contrast, is a purely forward-looking discounting mechanism. Market prices move quickly to incorporate new information but are often caught offside. We are reminded of Paul Samuelson’s famous quip that the stock market has predicted nine of the past five recessions. This explains exactly what is happening right now. The market is looking ahead, taking its cues from survey data (or “soft data”) such as the ISM indexes that are pointing toward a sharp rise in economic activity and inflation. The Fed, by contrast, is endeavoring to focus more on the actual hard economic data such as the unemployment rate, industrial production and consumer price indexes. These hard economic data simply haven’t improved that much yet. The last section of this report (titled “Economy: Hard Vs Soft Data”) gives some examples of how the hard and soft economic data have diverged. Chart 5The Path Back To Maximum Employment The Path Back To Maximum Employment The Path Back To Maximum Employment Ultimately, the disagreement between the market’s funds rate expectations and the Fed’s dots will be resolved as the hard economic data are released during the next few months. Those data will either validate the current message from economic surveys, causing the Fed to revise up its rate forecasts, or disappoint market expectations, causing market forecasts and bond yields to fall. In this regard, the hard economic data on the labor market will be particularly important. The Fed has said that it will not lift rates until “maximum employment” is achieved. In practice, “maximum employment” means that the unemployment rate will fall into a range of 3.5% - 4.5%, consistent with the Fed’s estimates of the natural rate, and the labor force participation rate will recover to pre-COVID levels (Chart 5). The top row of Table 1 shows that average monthly employment growth of 419k is required to achieve that target by the end of 2022. We have made the case in prior reports that, though that number seems high, it is achievable.4   Table 1Average Monthly Nonfarm Payroll Growth Required For The Unemployment Rate To Reach 4.5% By The Given Date The Fed Looks Backward While Markets Look Forward The Fed Looks Backward While Markets Look Forward It’s also worth noting that the Fed’s median unemployment rate forecast was revised significantly lower last week. The Fed is now looking for an unemployment rate of 4.5% by the end of this year and 3.9% by the end of 2022 (Chart 5, top panel). The fact that the Fed doesn’t project any rate hikes during this timeframe can only mean that policymakers aren’t forecasting a similar recovery in the labor force participation rate. The bottom line is that, unlike the market, the Fed is being intentionally cautious about how quickly it revises its funds rate expectations higher, focusing more on hard economic data than surveys. Eventually, the disagreement between the hard and soft economic data will be resolved and either the Fed dots will move toward the market, or the market will move toward the Fed. Our sense is that the Fed is probably being overly cautious and that their forecasts will eventually move toward the market, validating current bond yields. Too Early To Expect Curve Flattening We have been recommending nominal Treasury curve steepeners for some time, on the view that the yield curve will trade directionally with yields. This means that rising yields will coincide with curve steepening.5 This correlation has held up extremely well, but we know that it won’t last forever. Eventually, we will be close enough to Fed rate hikes that the yield curve will start to flatten as yields rise. This process will begin at the long-end of the curve and gradually shift toward the short-end as Fed liftoff approaches. Chart 6 shows how the correlation between the level of Treasury yields and different yield curve slopes has held up during the recent surge in bond yields. For the most part, the tight correlation between rising yields and steeper curves remains intact, with the 10/30 slope being the exception (Chart 6, bottom panel). It looks like during the past month the 10/30 slope has transitioned from a bear-steepening/bull-flattening regime into a bear-flattening/bull-steepening regime. The investment implication is that the short position of a curve steepener trade should be applied to the 10-year note not the 30-year bond, particularly for duration-neutral steepeners. It’s difficult to know exactly when the other segments of the yield curve will transition from their bear-steepening/bull-flattening regimes into bear-flattening/bull-steepening regimes, but we suspect that the current correlations have quite a bit more running room. If we look at what occurred prior to the last time that the Fed lifted rates off the zero bound, in December 2015, we see that most curve segments didn’t start to bear-flatten until a few months before liftoff (Chart 7) Chart 6Bear-Steepening/Bull-Flattening Regime Continues Bear-Steepening/Bull-Flattening Regime Continues Bear-Steepening/Bull-Flattening Regime Continues Chart 7Bear-Flattening Started Just Months Before 2015 Liftoff Bear-Flattening Started Just Months Before 2015 Liftoff Bear-Flattening Started Just Months Before 2015 Liftoff In terms of how to implement a yield curve steepener, we have been recommending a position long the 5-year note and short a duration-matched barbell consisting of the 2-year and 10-year notes. We are sticking with that position for now, as it has performed well even as the 2/5/10 butterfly spread has widened in recent weeks (Chart 8). We expect it will continue to perform well as long as both the 2/5 and 5/10 yield curve slopes continue to steepen. Once we suspect that the 5/10 slope is transitioning into a bear-flattening/bull-steepening regime, we will have to either shift into a curve flattener or a curve steepener that is focused more at the short-end of the curve. Chart 85/10 Slope Still Steepening 5/10 Slope Still Steepening 5/10 Slope Still Steepening Bottom Line: The Treasury yield curve continues to trade directionally with the level of yields, except for the 10/30 slope which has now begun to bear-flatten. Investors should continue to position for curve steepening out to the 10-year maturity point. We recommend going long the 5-year note and short a duration-matched barbell consisting of the 2-year and 10-year notes. Economy: Hard Vs. Soft Data Chart 9IP Lags The PMI IP Lags The PMI IP Lags The PMI Chart 10Surveys Suggest Higher Inflation Ahead Surveys Suggest Higher Inflation Ahead Surveys Suggest Higher Inflation Ahead As noted above, the US economy is at an interesting inflection point where, owing to large-scale fiscal stimulus and an effective COVID vaccination rollout, there is a lot of optimism about the future. This optimism is showing up in how people respond to surveys about their economic and business expectations, but it has not yet translated into better actual economic outcomes. The ISM Manufacturing PMI survey is a case in point. It surged to 60.8 in February, its highest level since 2018, but actual measured industrial production continues to contract in year-over-year terms (Chart 9). In all likelihood, this is simply a result of surveys (“soft data”) leading the hard data. A simple linear regression fit between industrial production and the PMI shows that wide negative divergences have a habit of showing up during recessions, only for the gaps to close very quickly in the early stages of the recovery. We see the same dynamic at play in the inflation data. Actual core CPI inflation has not moved up significantly, but surveys indicate that price pressures are rising fast (Chart 10). Bottom Line: The US economy is at an inflection point where survey data indicate a great deal of optimism about the economic recovery, but where those optimistic growth prospects are not yet evident in the hard economic data. This is typical of post-recession environments where survey data move first and then the hard economic data play catch up.   Ryan Swift US Bond Strategist rswift@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For more details on our Checklist please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “No Panic From Powell”, dated March 9, 2021, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Limit Rate Risk, Load Up On Credit”, dated March 16, 2021, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 3 https://www.federalreserve.gov/mediacenter/files/FOMCpresconf20210317.pdf 4 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “No Panic From Powell”, dated March 9, 2021, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 5 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Life At The Zero Bound”, dated March 24, 2020, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com Fixed Income Sector Performance Recommended Portfolio Specification

Dear Client, Dhaval Joshi has started publishing the new BCA Research Counterpoint product, in which he will continue to apply his unique process to dig up original investment opportunities around the globe. I trust many of you will continue to read Dhaval’s excellent and thought-provoking work. I also hope to keep your readership as I take the helm of the European Investment Strategy product, where I will apply BCA’s time-tested method which emphasizes analysis of global liquidity and economic trends to forecast European market outcomes. Thank you for your continued trust and support. Best regards, Mathieu Savary   Highlights The Eurozone’s economy lags the US’s because of weakness in the service sector. Poor vaccine rollouts and tighter fiscal policy explain this bifurcated outcome. Even though Europe will continue to trail the US this year, the summer period will see a sharp European recovery. Investors can take advantage of this rebound by buying the cyclical equities that have lagged during last year’s rally. Favor the French, Italian and Spanish equity markets over the German and Dutch markets. The Bank of England does not need to fight rising Gilt yields; favor the pound over the euro as the UK-German spread widens. The Norges Bank will be the first G-10 central bank to lift rates, which will hurt EUR/NOK. Fade any hawkish noise coming from the German election season. Feature The service sector constitutes the biggest drag on the Eurozone’s economy, which will cause European growth to trail that of the US further. The euro area’s fundamental problem is that it lags the US significantly on both vaccination and fiscal stimulus fronts. Nonetheless, by the summer, the European service sector will start catching up, which will favor a basket of sectors exposed to the economic re-opening that have lagged until now. The Service Sector Remains Under The Weather The consensus is correct to expect European growth to lag that of the US in 2021, even if the extent of the shortfall does not hit the 4% currently penciled in by Bloomberg. Chart 1The Service Sector Is the Problem The Service Sector Is the Problem The Service Sector Is the Problem Unlike normal business cycles, the service sector is now Europe’s biggest handicap, while the manufacturing sector is performing in line with that of the US (Chart 1, top panel). On both sides of the Atlantic, industrial activity has benefited from the same set of positives in recent quarters. Goods purchases were the only outlet for pent-up demand built up in the first and second quarter of 2020. Extraordinarily accommodative global liquidity conditions and record-low interest rates boosted spending on big-ticket items, especially in light of the housing boom that has engulfed the globe. Finally, China’s rapid recovery fueled a swift rebound in the demand for natural resources, autos and machinery that benefited manufacturers the world over. Service activity did not enjoy a similar unified tailwind. Consequently, while the US Services PMI stands at a seven-year high, the Eurozone’s lingers at 45.7, in contraction territory (Chart 1, middle panel). The weaker confidence of European households sheds light on this bifurcated performance (Chart 1, bottom panel). Health and fiscal policies are the main headwinds in the Eurozone that have hurt its service sector and hampered the mood of its households, at least compared to the US. With regard to health policy, the poor vaccination rates on the European continent create the greatest problem. The vaccination effort has only reached 11.8, 11.1, 11.9 and 12.5 doses per 100 person in Germany, France, Italy and Spain respectively. In the US and the UK, authorities have already delivered more than 30 doses per 100 person (Chart 2). As a result, while infection and death per capita are rapidly declining in the US and in the UK, mortality is once again rising in France as well as in Italy and caseloads are increasing there and in Germany. Moreover, hospitalization rates and ICU usage in France, Germany, Italy or Portugal are once again trending up, and in some cases they are hitting threatening levels for the healthcare system. In response to these COVID-19 dynamics, governments in many major Eurozone countries are resorting to the re-imposition of restrictions. Italy has announced new lockdowns in half of its 20 regions while France just entered its third lockdown over the weekend. By contrast, the stringency of restrictions is set to ease in the UK and the US. In the US, limitations were already imposed or followed more laxly relative to the euro area (depending on the state) and mobility was improving (Chart 3). Chart 2Slow Vaccination In The Eurozone Slow Vaccination In The Eurozone Slow Vaccination In The Eurozone Chart 3The Stringency Of Lockdowns Matter The Stringency Of Lockdowns Matter The Stringency Of Lockdowns Matter Despite the lower mobility created by stricter restrictions in the Eurozone, the US government has opened the fiscal tap much more aggressively than European governments (Chart 4). Since the beginning of the crisis, the US fiscal help has reached 25% of GDP, while in Italy, Germany, France or Spain the budget deficits have swelled by a more modest 14%, 10%, 9% and 13% of GDP, respectively. True, European governments have also offered credit guarantees totaling EUR3 trillion euros, but these sums only have a very indirect impact on aggregate demand and should mostly be understood as liquidity insurance to prevent a liquidity crisis from morphing into a solvency crisis. Chart 4Tight Fists On The Continent Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 For the remainder of 2021, European fiscal policy is unlikely to be eased compared to the US. BCA Research’s Geopolitical strategy team anticipates the Biden government to add a further $2 trillion dollars of spending by the end of 2021, mostly in the form of long-term and infrastructure outlays, in addition to the $1.9 trillion recently legislated.While the European Union’s NGEU plan is an important step in the integration of European fiscal policy, its generous EUR750 billion envelope will be disbursed over five years. This implies a debt-based fiscal expansion of 1% per annum between 2021 and 2024 (the years of maximum disbursements). Individual state plans are also limited. Bottom Line: The European economy is lagging the US economy because of the inferior performance of its service sector. This disadvantage is the consequence of both a slower vaccine rollout that is negatively impacting mobility and a much more timid fiscal policy. Relief Is On Its Way The Eurozone’s service sector and domestic economic performance is nonetheless set to improve, despite the current health and fiscal policy deficiencies. First, the economy continues to adapt to its new socially distanced form. In the second quarter of 2020, the imposition of lockdowns caused the euro area’s quarterly GDP to collapse by 11%. The contribution to GDP of the retail, wholesale, artistic, entertainment, and hospitality sectors tumbled to -7.3%. In Q4 2020, as European governments were imposing equally stringent lockdowns, quarterly GDP growth fell to -0.1% and the contribution to growth of the same sectors only hit -0.54%. Second, the continental vaccination campaign is progressing. It is easy to worry that it will take a very long time to vaccinate the entire population, but the main reason to impose lockdowns is to preserve capacity in the healthcare system. Thus, the priority is to inoculate 50-year olds and above because they constitute 90% of hospitalizations. Through this aperture, even if the pace of vaccination remains tepid in Europe, the goal to decrease economic restrictions can reasonably be achieved by summer. Moreover, with Pfizer’s logistical issues corrected, the pace of vaccination can accelerate. Concerns remain over the population’s willingness to receive the vaccines, but these issues will fade as well. The current worries surrounding the AstraZeneca vaccines provide an example. The incidence of thromboembolic events is marginally higher than for the general population and the European Medicines Agency deemed the AstraZeneca vaccines safe, especially in light of the human costs of the disease it prevents. As caseloads and mortality rates decline in Israel, the UK and the US, even French elderlies will become more willing to receive their vaccines. Table 1Parsimonious But Constant Fiscal Stimulus… Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 Third, fiscal policy will remain easy. True, European government support is tepid compared to the US, but the continual drip of new policy measures shows that authorities are not intransigent (Table 1). In all likelihood, the various furlough and employment protection schemes implemented since the spring of 2020 are likely to remain in place this year even if lockdowns decrease. Their impact on employment was major and they contributed meaningfully to preserve household income (Chart 5). Finally, COVID-19 is a seasonal illness and summer is on its way in Europe. The experience of 2020, when vaccines and testing were much more limited than they are today, has taught us that in the summer months, this coronavirus spreads much less. Therefore, seasonal patterns will allow a relaxation of social distancing measures. Chart 5Furloughs Played A Crucial Role Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 In this context, service activity in the Eurozone will improve, which will boost GDP. European households, like their US counterparts, have accumulated significant excess savings (Chart 6). Furthermore, global manufacturing activity will remain robust, which will support employment and household income in the Eurozone. Hence, consumer confidence will improve and some of the EUR300 billion in excess savings will make its way into the economy. The service sector should be the prime beneficiary of this money because households have already fulfilled a large proportion of their pent-up demand for goods. What they now want to do is to go out, go to restaurants and spend their income on experiences. The rebound in the contribution to GDP of the retail and recreation sectors will be accretive to job and household income, unleashing a virtuous circle of activity (Chart 7). Chart 6European Are Building Their Nest Egg too European Are Building Their Nest Egg too European Are Building Their Nest Egg too Chart 7Services Will Contribute Again to Growth Services Will Contribute Again to Growth Services Will Contribute Again to Growth Bottom Line: In 2021, the euro area’s economy will further lag that of the US, but investors should nonetheless expect a robust uptick in service activity this summer. How To Play The Summer Recovery? Chart 8Buy The Laggards / Sell the Leaders Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 Five weeks ago, BCA Research’s US Equity Sector Strategy service designed a strategy to buy the laggards within a basket of sectors that should benefit from the recovery while selling the “back-to-work” stocks that had already priced in that recovery.  This recommendation protects investors against potential hiccups in the re-opening trade and is simple to implement: sell/underweight the pro-cyclical sectors that stand above their February 19 relative peak and buy/overweight those that remain below their relative highs (Chart 8). In the Eurozone context, this strategy involves focusing on the cyclical sectors, and buying/overweighting these cyclical stocks that stand below their pre-COVID high relative to the MSCI benchmark while selling/underweighting those that have punched above this threshold. Chart 9 illustrates the sectors to favor and the ones to avoid using this methodology. In essence, not only should the “laggards” baskets experience a catch up in earnings, but also, the shift in sentiment should prompt a re-rating of relative valuations (Chart 10). Chart 9Who Are the Laggards And the Leaders? Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 This strategy makes sense beyond the COVID-19 dynamics. From a global perspective, the basket of sectors purchased (the laggards”) outperforms the former “leaders” after global bond yields increase (Chart 11, top panel). This relationship reflects the heavy representation of financials in the “laggards” basket while tech and the interest rates-sensitive automobile sector are key constituents of the “leaders” basket. Additionally, the former “leaders” are more exposed to the Chinese business cycle than the “laggards". Chart 10Relative Valuations will Adjust Relative Valuations will Adjust Relative Valuations will Adjust Chart 11Macro Forces Favor The Laggards over the Leaders Macro Forces Favor The Laggards over the Leaders Macro Forces Favor The Laggards over the Leaders The deceleration in the Chinese economy is a problem for the “leaders” relative performance (Chart 11, bottom panel). China’s credit impulse has rolled over as Beijing aims to prevent excess speculation in the real estate sector. Moreover, a regulatory tightening is taking place in the Middle Kingdom, which will further slow its economy. Already, the new orders-to-inventories ratio from the NBS PMI reflects the downside risk for the Chinese economy, which highlights the threat to the previous high-flying leaders. A strategy that favors the former “laggards” at the expense of the previous “leaders” also has implications for geographical allocation within euro area equities. As Table 2 shows, Italy, France and Spain over represent the “laggards” in their national benchmarks while the Netherlands and Germany overweight the “leaders”. On a net basis, the tech-heavy Netherlands is the country to avoid, with a 27% relative underweight for the “laggards”, while Spain and Italy should be favored, with their 24% and 22% overweight in the “laggards” relative to the “leaders”. Spain and Italy in particular will also benefit from a further narrowing in sovereign spreads that will boost the performance of their financial sector while the re-opening of trade continues. Additionally, investors should favor France at the expense of Germany. Table 2France, Italy, and Spain Over The Netherlands And Germany Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 Bottom Line: The economic re-opening favors the Eurozone cyclicals that still trade below their February 19 2020 relative highs as the expense of those cyclicals that have already overtaken their pre-COVID peaks. This means buying/overweighting the Banks, Insurance, Energy and Aerospace & Defense sectors at the expense of the IT, Automobiles and Building products sectors. It also implies a preference for Italian and Spanish equities, especially relative to Dutch equities. Country Focus: The BoE Follows the Fed, Not The ECB Last Thursday, the Bank of England followed in the Fed’s footprints, not the ECB’s. The BoE refrained from adding to its asset purchases, even if this year, 10-year Gilt yields are rising in line with the Treasuries and rapidly outpacing Bund yields. However, the BoE remains committed to keeping short rates at record lows and it keeps the window open for rate cuts if economic conditions ever warrant it. We agree with the Bank of England that the UK’s economic outlook has improved in recent months. The extension of both the furlough schemes and tax holidays, along with the rapid pace of vaccination in the British Islands point to robust growth in the coming quarters. Nonetheless, the picture is not without blemish. Specifically, the UK’s exports to the EU are collapsing in wake of Brexit. Moreover, the pace of vaccination in the UK is set to slow a bit over the coming months. These risks to the outlook are unlikely to topple the economy, because the vigor of the UK’s housing market is an important support to domestic demand. While the UK’s labor market remains frail, the strength of the RICS housing survey suggests that real wages will stay well bid (Chart 12). The increase in household income will cause consumption to accelerate sharply once lockdowns are eased. This could accentuate inflationary pressures this year, and cause inflation over the next few years to trend higher relative to the euro area. Chart 12UK Real Wages Have Upside UK Real Wages Have Upside UK Real Wages Have Upside With this economic backdrop, the market’s pricing of the SONIA curve is appropriate. Over the past month, the OIS curve has steepened significantly (Chart 13). The BoE is comfortable with that pricing and considers the back up in interest rates to be reflective of stronger growth and not constraining of activity. In fact, financial conditions are roughly unchanged since the MPC’s last meeting, which highlights that rising risk asset prices have compensated for an appreciating pound and rising gilt yields. Chart 13SONIA Is Climbing Up, And The BoE Is Fine With It SONIA Is Climbing Up, And The BoE Is Fine With It SONIA Is Climbing Up, And The BoE Is Fine With It Bottom Line: The SONIA curve will continue to shift higher relative to the EONIA curve. Consequently, the spread between Gilt and Bund yields will widen further and EUR/GBP will depreciate more over the coming six to nine months, especially because the pound keeps trading at a discount. Moreover, thanks to their domestic focus and lower sensitivity to the pound, UK mid-cap and small-cap stocks will outperform the FTSE-100. Country Focus: Norges Bank, First Out Of The Gate Chart 14The Norges Bank Will Raise Rates First The Norges Bank Will Raise Rates First The Norges Bank Will Raise Rates First Last Thursday, Governor Øystein Olsen indicated that the Norges Bank would increase interest rates from zero later this year, which validates the message of the Norwegian swap curve. Looking at economic fundamentals, investors should not bet against this outcome. BCA’s Central Bank Monitor confirms that the Norges Bank will be the first central bank in the West to lift interest rates (Chart 14). It is the only one of our Monitors in “Tight Money Required” territory. The message from our Norges Bank Monitor reflects the prompt recovery of the Norwegian economy. Thanks to rebounding Brent prices and rapidly expanding production at the new Johan Sverdrup oil field (the largest in the North Sea), Norwegian nominal exports are growing at a double-digit pace. Meanwhile Norwegian retail sales are increasing at a 16% annual rate. Beyond some near-term COVID worries, consumer spending will remain robust because the strong employment component of the PMI points to solid job gains and a rapidly rising consumer confidence. Finally, Norwegian inflation is already above the central bank’s target of 2%, with core CPI at 2.05% and headline inflation at 3.3%. Chart 15A Weaker EUR/NOK ahead A Weaker EUR/NOK ahead A Weaker EUR/NOK ahead Thanks to Norway’s economic performance, the krone remains one of the favorite currencies of BCA’s Foreign Exchange Strategy service.  The global economic environment creates additional tailwind for the NOK. A continued global economic recovery will allow oil prices to rise further on a 12- to 18-month basis, which should lead to a weaker EUR/NOK (Chart 15). In a similar vein, the NOK is particularly sensitive to the USD dollar’s fluctuations. As a result, BCA’s negative cyclical stance toward the USD will create an important support for the NOK, even if the greenback’s countertrend bounce could last another quarter or so. Finally, along with the SEK, the NOK is the cheapest pro-cyclical currency in the G10, trading at a 5% discount to its fair value. Thus, the Norwegian krone should benefit greatly from continued risk taking this year. Bottom Line: The Norwegian krone remains one of the most attractive currencies in the world. The status of the Norges Bank as the front-runner to lift rates this year only amplifies the NOK’s appeal. A Few Words On Germany’s State Elections Chart 16German Party Polling German Party Polling German Party Polling The defeat of Angela Merkel’s CDU party in the states of Baden-Wurttemberg and Rhineland-Palatinate highlights that the German electorate is moving slowly to the left. According to BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy Service, it is too early to tell whether a left-wing coalition will take power in Germany this fall. However, the marginal shift toward the SPD and the Green Party indicates that even the CDU will have to listen to the median voter’s demands (Chart 16).  Practically, this means that German politics will push for more European integration and that ultimately, more fiscal stimulus will materialize in Europe over the coming years. As a result, investors should fade any hit to the euro or European assets caused by hawkish sounds made by CDU potential leaders during the campaign for the September federal election.   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Investment Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com   Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations Trades Closed Trades Currency Performance Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 Fixed Income Performance Government Bonds Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 Corporate Bonds Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 Equity Performance Major Stock Indices Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 Geographic Performance Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21 Sector Performance Summer Of ‘21 Summer Of ‘21  

Highlights The latest “dot plot” from the Fed reaffirmed the FOMC’s intention to keep rates near zero for at least the next two years, despite evidence that the US economy will recover from the pandemic much faster than expected. The Fed’s reluctance to telegraph any rate hikes stems in part from its conviction that the neutral rate of interest has declined. A lower neutral rate implies that monetary policy may not be as accommodative as widely believed. Whereas Fed officials have argued that the neutral rate has fallen due to structural factors outside their control, critics insist that the Fed’s own actions have painted it into a corner.  By cutting rates at every opportunity, so the argument goes, the Fed has inflated a massive asset bubble. Moreover, low rates have encouraged governments and the private sector to take on more debt. All this has locked the Fed into a low interest-rate trap: Any attempt to tighten monetary policy would cause asset prices to plunge and debt-servicing costs to rise. This would result in financial distress and rising unemployment – the exact two things the Fed wants to avoid. While we disagree with the view that easier monetary policy has made things worse, we do agree that elevated asset prices and high debt levels limit the Fed’s room for maneuver. In this week’s report, we contend that the low interest-rate trap will likely be resolved through an extended period of easy money, ultimately culminating in significantly higher inflation starting by the middle of this decade. Growth Dots Up, Rate Dots Not The FOMC released its latest Summary of Economic Projections (aka the “dot plot”) this week. As widely anticipated, the Fed upgraded its view on growth following the passage of the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act. The Fed now expects real GDP to rise by 6.5% in the fourth quarter of 2021 from a year ago, up from its December 2020 estimate of 4.2%. The Fed also sees the unemployment rate falling to 4.5% by the fourth quarter of this year. Back in December, the Fed thought the unemployment rate would end this year at 5% (Chart 1). Chart 1The Fed Sees Faster Recovery, Same Rate Path Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? Chart 2The Fed Has Been Lowering Its Estimate Of The Neutral Rate The Fed Has Been Lowering Its Estimate Of The Neutral Rate The Fed Has Been Lowering Its Estimate Of The Neutral Rate The Fed’s unemployment rate projection of 3.9% for 2022 is slightly below the “longer run” estimate of 4.0%. This suggests that the Fed believes the US will have reached full employment by the end of next year. Yet, despite the Fed’s sanguine view on the pace of the economic recovery, the median dot for the expected fed funds rate in 2023 remained at 0.1% (although seven members did pencil in a hike for that year, up from five last December). The median “longer run” dot stayed at 2.5%, with not a single Fed member putting in an estimate above 3%. The Fed regards this longer-run dot as its estimate of the neutral rate of interest – the interest rate consistent with full employment and stable inflation. When the Fed introduced the “dots” back in early 2012, its estimate of the neutral rate stood at 4.3%. It has been trending lower ever since (Chart 2). Explanations For The Falling Neutral Rate What accounts for the steady decline in the Fed’s estimate of the neutral rate in recent years? Fed officials have generally argued that structural forces have dragged down the equilibrium interest rate for the economy. These forces include slower trend growth, an aging population, the shift to a capital-lite economy, high levels of overseas savings, and as we recently discussed, increased income inequality. There is another interpretation, however. Rather than casting the Fed as a helpless observer responding to structural forces beyond its control, some commentators have argued that the Fed’s own actions explain why rates are so chronically low today. By cutting interest rates at every opportunity, so the argument goes, the Fed has inflated a massive asset bubble, stretching from equities to commercial real estate to cryptocurrencies. Moreover, low rates have encouraged governments and the private sector to take on more debt. Chart 3The Correlation Between Swings In Mortgage Rates And Housing Activity The Correlation Between Swings In Mortgage Rates And Housing Activity The Correlation Between Swings In Mortgage Rates And Housing Activity All this has locked the Fed into a low interest-rate trap: Any attempt to tighten monetary policy would cause asset prices to plunge and debt-servicing costs to rise. This would result in financial distress and rising unemployment – the exact two things the Fed wants to avoid. The Fed Is Not The Culprit It is a provocative argument, but is the Fed really to blame? For the most part, the answer is “’no.” To see why, consider the counterfactual: Suppose the Fed did not cut rates. If rates had stayed elevated, the recovery in the cyclical sectors of the economy following the Global Financial Crisis would have been even slower. Housing, in particular, would have remained in the doldrums. Chart 3 shows that there is a strong correlation between housing activity and the 30-year mortgage rate. Lower home prices would have reduced spending via the wealth effect channel, while making it more difficult for banks to recapitalize their balance sheets. In addition, relatively high US rates would have put upward pressure on the dollar, leading to a larger trade deficit (Chart 4). All of this would have reduced aggregate demand. Chart 4The Dollar And The Trade Balance The Dollar And The Trade Balance The Dollar And The Trade Balance Chart 5Rising Labor Share Of Income Occurring Alongside Labor Market Tightening Rising Labor Share Of Income Occurring Alongside Labor Market Tightening Rising Labor Share Of Income Occurring Alongside Labor Market Tightening The share of national income flowing to workers tends to rise when the labor market tightens (Chart 5). A chronic shortfall in aggregate demand would have exacerbated income inequality. Since the poor spend more of every dollar of disposable income than the rich, this would have further dampened overall spending. The Fed has been like a doctor administering a life-saving medicine that comes with some notable side effects. These side effects include increased sensitivity of asset prices to changes in interest rates.1 They also include higher debt levels, at least in those sectors of the economy that had the ability to lever up in response to lower interest rates. Side Effect Triage How dangerous are these side effects? To the extent that today’s low policy rates stem from the fact that structural forces have depressed the neutral rate of interest, they are not especially dangerous at the moment. Yes, debt-servicing costs would balloon, and asset prices would tumble, if the Fed raised rates significantly. However, there’s no reason for the Fed to do that in a setting where the neutral rate is very low. The problem is that the neutral rate may rise over time. Baby boomers are leaving the labor force en masse. They accumulated a lot of wealth while working. According to the Federal Reserve, they currently own more than half of all US wealth (Chart 6). In fact, Americans over the age of 55 controlled 70% of household wealth as of the third quarter of 2020, up from 54% in 1989. As baby boomers retire, their consumption will no longer be backed by income. The resulting depletion of savings will push up the equilibrium rate of interest. Chart 6Baby Boomers Have Accumulated A Lot Of Wealth Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? While US fiscal policy will tighten next year, it will remain highly pro-cyclical by historic standards. BCA’s geopolitical strategists expect Congress to pass a $4 trillion spending bill this fall focusing on infrastructure, health care, and clean energy. They anticipate that only half of the bill will be financed through higher taxes. Big budget deficits will drain private-sector savings. There Will Be Political Pressure To Keep Rates Low Debt is not a major problem for governments when the interest rate they pay is below the growth rate of the economy. As we have discussed before, when trend GDP growth exceeds the borrowing rate, the more debt a government carries, the more fiscal support it can provide without putting the debt-to-GDP ratio on a runaway trajectory. If interest rates were to rise meaningfully, however, what had previously been a virtuous fiscal circle would become a vicious one. Needless to say, governments would resist such an outcome. Faced with the prospect of having to reallocate tax revenue from social programs to bondholders, politicians would put political pressure on central banks to refrain from raising rates. Central banks would probably oblige, at least initially. By keeping interest rates below their equilibrium level, central banks could engineer higher inflation – something they have been striving to do for quite some time. Higher inflation, in turn, could pave the way for an exit from the low interest-rate trap. Rising prices would lift nominal GDP, thereby reducing the debt-to-GDP ratio. As inflation rose, real rates would fall. This would provide relief to overextended private-sector borrowers. Once enough debt had been inflated away, central banks could bring interest rates to their equilibrium level. In the end, bondholders would suffer while borrowers would prosper. This leads us to our key macroeconomic conclusion: Today’s low interest-rate trap will likely be resolved through an extended period of easy money, ultimately culminating in significantly higher inflation. Investment Implications Equities face some near-term risks stemming from the recent rise in bond yields. Nevertheless, as we have argued in past reports, stocks will shrug off their losses provided that bond yields do not rise to a level that chokes off economic growth. With the Fed still on hold, we do not expect that to happen anytime soon. As such, our best bet is that the Goldilocks environment for risk assets – where growth is strong, inflation is contained, and monetary policy is accommodative – will last another two years. Investors operating on a 12-month horizon should continue to favor stocks over bonds. Within the fixed-income category, investors should overweight spread product relative to safer government bonds. Value stocks will lead the equity market higher over the next 12 months. The pandemic benefited growth names, especially in the tech realm. The cessation of lockdown measures will favor value names. Not only is value still exceptionally cheap in relation to growth, but traditional value sectors such as banks and energy companies have seen stronger upward earnings revisions than tech stocks since the start of the year (Chart 7). Chart 7 Earnings Revisions And Valuations Favor Value Stocks (I) Earnings Revisions And Valuations Favor Value Stocks (I) Earnings Revisions And Valuations Favor Value Stocks (I) Chart 7Earnings Revisions And Valuations Favor Value Stocks (II) Earnings Revisions And Valuations Favor Value Stocks (II) Earnings Revisions And Valuations Favor Value Stocks (II) Recent upgrades to economic growth forecasts have favored the US, which could help the dollar in the near term. Nevertheless, we expect the greenback to fall modestly over a 12-month horizon. The US trade deficit has ballooned in recent quarters, while the dollar remains overvalued on a purchasing power parity basis (Chart 8). Despite improving US growth prospects, real yield differentials have not moved significantly in favor of the dollar (Chart 9). Chart 8The Dollar Is Expensive Based On Its PPP Fair Value And Growing Trade Deficit (I) The Dollar Is Expensive Based On Its PPP Fair Value And Growing Trade Deficit (I) The Dollar Is Expensive Based On Its PPP Fair Value And Growing Trade Deficit (I) Chart 8The Dollar Is Expensive Based On Its PPP Fair Value And Growing Trade Deficit (II) The Dollar Is Expensive Based On Its PPP Fair Value And Growing Trade Deficit (II) The Dollar Is Expensive Based On Its PPP Fair Value And Growing Trade Deficit (II) Chart 9Real Yield Differentials Have Not Moved Significantly In Favor Of The Dollar (I) Real Yield Differentials Have Not Moved Significantly In Favor Of The Dollar (I) Real Yield Differentials Have Not Moved Significantly In Favor Of The Dollar (I) Chart 9Real Yield Differentials Have Not Moved Significantly In Favor Of The Dollar (II) Real Yield Differentials Have Not Moved Significantly In Favor Of The Dollar (II) Real Yield Differentials Have Not Moved Significantly In Favor Of The Dollar (II) Moreover, the growth outlook outside the US should improve later this year as more countries ramp up their vaccination campaigns. US growth should also come down from its highs due to the expiration of various stimulus measures. Meanwhile, China will continue to stimulate its economy, albeit at a slower pace. Jing Sima, BCA’s chief China strategist, expects the rate of credit expansion to fall by only 2-to-3 percentage points in 2021. The general government deficit should remain broadly stable at 8% of GDP this year, ensuring adequate fiscal support for growth. A strong Chinese economy will bolster the RMB and other EM currencies. Looking further ahead, the cyclical bull market in stocks will end when inflation rises so high that central banks are forced to tighten monetary policy. While this is not a near-term risk, it is a major danger for the middle of the decade and beyond. As we discussed last week, inflation is often slow to rise in response to an overheated economy, but when it does rise, it can do so precipitously. Investors looking to hedge long-term inflation risk should reduce duration exposure in fixed-income portfolios while favoring inflation-protected securities over nominal bonds. In addition to gold, they should own some property. The best inflation hedge is simply to buy a nice house financed with a high loan-to-value fixed-rate mortgage. In a few decades you will still own the nice house, but the value of the mortgage will be greatly reduced in real terms.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist pberezin@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For example, suppose the earnings yield is 4% – as it approximately is now for global equities – and the real bond yield is zero, implying an equity risk premium (ERP) of 4%. A one percentage-point increase in real bond yields would require that stock prices fall by 20% in order to keep the ERP unchanged (e.g., the earnings yield would have to rise from 4/100=4% to 4/80=5%). In contrast, if the earnings yield were initially 7% and the real bond yield were 3%, stock prices would need to fall by only 12.5%, taking the earnings yield from 7/100=7% to 7/87.5=8%.   Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? Special Trade Recommendations Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? Current MacroQuant Model Scores Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap? Is The Fed Locked Into A Low Interest-Rate Trap?

Dear client, Next week, in lieu of our weekly report, I will be hosting a webcast on Thursday, March 25 at 10:00 am EDT and Friday March 26 at 9:00 am HKT. I look forward to your comments and questions during the webcast. Best regards, Chester Highlights During bear markets, counter-trend rallies in the dollar are capped around 4%. This time should be no different. Meanwhile, unless the Fed tightens policy to stem the increase in aggregate demand, inflation will rise and real short rates will drop. The relative equity performance of the US is critical for the dollar. Reserve diversification out of dollars has also started to place a natural ceiling against other developed market currencies. An attractive opportunity is emerging to short the AUD/CAD cross. Feature The 1.7% rise in the US dollar this year is reinvigorating the bull case. When presenting our key views last year, we highlighted that the DXY index was at risk of a 2-4% bounce.1 We reaffirmed this view in our January report: Sizing A Potential Dollar Bounce. At the time, the DXY index was at the 90 level, suggesting the rally should fizzle around 94. Therefore, the key question is whether the nascent rise in the DXY will punch through this level, or fade as we originally expected. The short-term case for the dollar remains bullish. The currency is much oversold. Meanwhile, real interest rates are moving in favor of the US, vis-à-vis a few countries. Third and interrelated, economic momentum in the US is quite strong, compared to other G10 countries. With the rising specter of a market correction, the dollar could also benefit from safe haven flows towards the US. The Federal Reserve’s meeting yesterday certainly reaffirmed that short-term rates will remain anchored near zero, at least until 2023. The Fed does not see inflation much above 2% a couple of years out. Nevertheless, a lot can change in the coming months. Cycles, Positioning And Interest Rates The dollar tends to move in long cycles, with the latest bull and bear markets lasting about a decade or so. In other words, the dollar is a momentum currency. As such, determining which regime you are in is critical to assessing the magnitude of any rally. This is certainly the case when sentiment remains overly dollar bearish, as now. During bear markets, counter-trend rallies in the dollar are capped around 4-6%. This was what happened in the early 2000s. In bull markets, such as after the financial crisis, the dollar achieves escape velocity, with more durable rallies well into the teens (Chart I-1). So far, the current rise still fits within the narrative of a healthy reset in a longer-term bear market. Chart I-1The Dollar Rally Is Still Benign The Dollar Rally Is Still Benign The Dollar Rally Is Still Benign Long interest rates have also been moving in favor of the dollar, especially relative to the euro area, Japan, and even Sweden. Currencies are driven by real interest rate differentials, and higher US yields are bullish. With the Fed giving no indication it will prevent the curve from steepening further, US interest rates could keep gaping higher. However, currencies are about relative rate differentials, and the rise in US interest rates has not been in isolation. Rates in the UK, Australia and New Zealand, countries that have managed the COVID-19 crisis pretty well, are beginning to rise faster than in the US (Chart I-2). Chart I-2A Synchronized Rise In Global Yields A Synchronized Rise In Global Yields A Synchronized Rise In Global Yields US Versus World Growth The rise in US interest rates has been justified by better economic performance. Whether looking at purchasing managers’ indices, economic surprise indices, or even GDP growth expectations, the US has had the upper hand (Chart I-3). The Fed expects US growth to hit 6.5% this year. This is well above what other central banks expect for their domestic economies. The ECB expects 4%, the BoJ expects 3.9%, and the BoC expects 4.6% (Table I-1). Chart I-3AThe US Leads In Growth This Year The US Leads In Growth This Year The US Leads In Growth This Year Chart I-3BThe US Leads In Growth This Year The US Leads In Growth This Year The US Leads In Growth This Year Table I-1The US Leads In Growth And Inflation This Year Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears However, economic dominance can be transient, especially in a world of flexible exchange rates.  For one, a higher dollar will sap US growth via the export channel. This is especially the case since the starting point is an expensive currency. On a real effective exchange rate basis, the dollar is above its long-term mean (Chart I-4). Meanwhile, we expect the rest of the world to perform better as economies reopen. The services PMI in the US is already close to a cyclical high, similar to Sweden (Chart I-5). These are among the countries with the least stringent COVID-19 measures in the western hemisphere. This suggests that other economies, even manufacturing-centric ones, could see a coiled-spring rebound in growth as we put this pandemic behind us. Chart I-4The Dollar Is Expensive The Dollar Is Expensive The Dollar Is Expensive Chart I-5The US Service PMI Is At A Cyclical High The US Service PMI Is At A Cyclical High The US Service PMI Is At A Cyclical High The sweet spot for most economies is when growth is rising but inflation is low, allowing the resident central bank to keep policy dovish. However, it is an open question if the US can continue to boost spending, without a commensurate rise in inflation. The OECD estimates that the US output gap will close by 2022, with the $1.9-trillion fiscal package. This will put the US well ahead of any G10 country (Chart I-6). Unless the Fed tightens policy to stem the increase in aggregate demand, inflation will rise and real rates will drop (Chart I-7). Rising nominal rates and falling real yields will be anathema to the dollar. Chart I-6The US Output Gap Will Soon Close The US Output Gap Will Soon Close The US Output Gap Will Soon Close Chart I-7Wages And Inflation Should Inch Higher Wages And Inflation Should Inch Higher Wages And Inflation Should Inch Higher Equity Rotation And The Dollar A currency manager once noted that the most important variable to pay attention to when making FX allocations is relative equity performance. This might seem bizarre at first blush, but stands at the center of what an exchange rate is – a mechanism that equalizes rates of return across countries. As such while bond flows are important for exchange rates, equity flows matter as well. The relative equity performance of the US is critical for two reasons. First, the US equity market tends to do relatively better during bear markets. This was the case last year and during the 2008 crisis. Second, the outperformance of the US over the last decade has dovetailed with a dollar bull market (Chart I-8). It is rare to find a currency that has performed well both during equity bull and bear markets. If past is prologue, the near-term risks for the dollar are to the upside, especially if the market rally encounters turbulence as yields rise. The put/call ratio in the US is at a 5-year nadir. A move towards parity could violently pull up the DXY index (Chart I-9). However, a garden-variety 5-10% correction in the SPX should correspond to a shallow bounce in the DXY. This will also fit the pattern of bear market USD rallies, as we already highlighted in Chart I-1. Chart I-8US Equity Relative Performance And The Dollar US Equity Relative Performance And The Dollar US Equity Relative Performance And The Dollar Chart I-9The Dollar Could Rise In ##br##A Market Reset The Dollar Could Rise In A Market Reset The Dollar Could Rise In A Market Reset At the same time, any correction could usher in a violent rotation from cyclicals to defensives, especially if underpinned by higher interest rates. The performance of energy and financials are a leap ahead of other sectors in the S&P 500 this year. Importantly, they also massively outperformed during the February drawdown. Meanwhile, valuations are heavily elevated in the US compared to the rest of the world. This is true for growth sectors compared to value, and cyclicals compared to defensives. Throughout history, both exchange rates and valuations have tended to mean revert. Long-Term Dollar Outlook The 2020 pandemic was a one-in-a-hundred-year event. Coordinated fiscal and monetary stimuli have ushered in a new economic cycle. As a counter-cyclical currency, the dollar tends to do poorly (Chart I-10). This is because monetary stimulus provides more torque to economies levered to the global cycle. Once growth achieves escape velocity, the currencies of these more pro-cyclical economies benefit. The IMF projects that non-US growth should outpace US growth after 2021. Meanwhile, it is an open question that any rally in the dollar will be durable. The key driver behind the dollar increase in 2020 was a global shortage. Not only has the Fed extended its liquidity provisions to foreign central banks until September this year, the share of offshore US dollar debt issuance has fallen by a full 9 percentage points (Chart I-11). Simply put, the Fed is flooding the system with dollar liquidity at the same time that foreign entities are weaning themselves off it Chart I-10The IMF Expects Faster Growth Outside The US After 2021 The IMF Expects Faster Growth Outside The US After 2021 The IMF Expects Faster Growth Outside The US After 2021 Chart I-11Share Of US Dollar Debt ##br##Rolling Over Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears The reason behind this is balance-of-payment dynamics. The market has realized that ballooning twin deficits in the US come at a cost. For foreign issuers, it is the prospect of rolling over US-denominated debt at a much higher coupon rate. For bond investors, it is currency depreciation, especially if fiscal largesse becomes too “sticky,” and stokes inflation. As such, bond investors continue to avoid the US, despite rising rates (Chart I-12). Finally, reserve diversification out of dollars has started to place a natural ceiling on the US dollar, especially against other developed market currencies. Ever since the trend began to accelerate in 2015, the DXY has been unable to sustainably punch through the 100 level (Chart I-13). This will place a durable floor under developed market currencies in general and gold in particular. The Chinese RMB has also been gaining traction in global FX reserves. Chart I-12Little Appetite For US ##br##Treasurys Little Appetite For US Treasurys Little Appetite For US Treasurys Chart I-13Reserve Diversification Has Been A Headwind For The Dollar Reserve Diversification Has Been A Headwind For The Dollar Reserve Diversification Has Been A Headwind For The Dollar More specifically, the role of the USD/CNY exchange rate as a key anchor for emerging market currencies will rise, especially if the RMB remains structurally strong.2 The People’s Bank of China has massive foreign exchange reserves, worth about US$3.2 trillion. This means it can provide swap agreements that will almost cover the totality of EM foreign dollar debt. Swap agreements entail no exchange of currency, but are about confidence. The PBoC can instill this confidence in countries that have low and/or falling foreign exchange reserves. The dollar will remain the global reserve currency for years to come. However, a slow pivot towards reserve diversification will act as a structural headwind for the dollar. Housekeeping Chart I-14AUD/CAD Is Correlated To The VIX Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears We were stopped out of our CAD/NOK trade for a profit of 3.1%. The resilience of the US economy is benefiting the CAD more than the NOK for now. However, the Norges Bank confirmed it might be one of the first central banks to lift rates, as early as this year. We are both short USD/NOK and EUR/NOK and recommend sticking with these positions. Second, the growing spat between the EU and the UK could lead to more volatility in our short EUR/GBP position. Our target remains 0.8, but we are tightening stops to 0.865 to protect profits. The BoE left interest rates unchanged, but struck a constructive tone. This will bode well for cable, beyond near-term volatility. Third, our short USD/JPY position was stopped out amid the dollar rally. We are standing aside for now, but will reopen this trade later. Finally, a rise in volatility will boost the dollar, but also benefit short AUD/CAD positions. We are already short the AUD/MXN, but short AUD/CAD could be more profitable should market turmoil persist (Chart I-14).   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see the Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, titled “2021 Key Views: Tradeable Themes,” dated December 4, 2020. 2 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Currency In-Depth Report, titled “Will The RMB Continue To Appreciate?,” dated February 26, 2021. Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Most data out of the US has been robust: Both PPI, import and export prices were in line with expectations for February. The PPI ex food and energy came in at 2.5% year-on-year. Empire manufacturing was robust at 17.4 in March, versus 12.1 last month. Housing starts and building permits came in a nudge below expectations in February, at 1421K and 1682K. The one disappointment was retail sales, which fell 3.3% year-on-year in February. The DXY index rose slightly this week. The FOMC remained dovish, without any revision to its median path of interest rate hikes. The markets disliked its reticence on rising long-bond yields. As such, equities are rolling over as yields continue to creep higher. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Are Rising Bond Yields Bullish For The Dollar? - February 19, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 Recent data from the euro area are mending: The ZEW expectations survey rose to 74 in March, from 69.6. For Germany, the improvement was better at 76.6 from 71.2. The trade balance remained at a healthy €24.2bn euro surplus in January. The euro fell by 0.6% amidst broad dollar strength. With the ECB committed to cap the rise in yields and rise in peripheral spreads, relative interest rates will move against the euro. Sentiment remains elevated, and so a healthy reset is necessary to wash out stale longs. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 The Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Recent data from Japan has been mixed: Core machinery orders grew 1.5% year-on-year in January. Exports fell by 4.5% in January, while imports rose by 11.8%. This has shifted the adjusted trade balance to a deficit of ¥38.7bn yen. The Japanese yen fell by 0.4% against the US dollar this week, and remains the weakest G10 currency this year. Rising yields have seen Japanese investors stampede into overseas markets such as the UK, while pushing down the yen. We remain yen bulls, but will stand aside for now since it could still go lower in the short term. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 Recent data out of the UK have been weak: Industrial production and construction output fell by 4.9% and 3% year-on-year in January. Monthly GDP growth fell by 2.9% in January. Rightmove house prices rose 2.7% year-on-year in March. The pound fell by 0.4% against the dollar this week. It however remains the best performing currency this year. The BoE kept monetary policy on hold, but struck a hawkish tone as vaccination progresses, giving way to higher mobility in the summer. We remain long sterling via the euro. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Recent data in Australia was robust: Home prices rose by 3.6% in the fourth quarter. Modest home appreciation is welcome news by the RBA, given high-flying prices in its antipodean neighbor. The employment report was solid. There were 88.7K new jobs in February, all full-time. This pushed down the unemployment rate to 5.8% from 6.4%. The Aussie fell by 0.4% this week. The Australian recovery is fast approaching escape velocity, forcing the RBA to contain a more pronounced rise in long-bond yields. We remain long AUD/NZD. In the very near term, a market shakeout could pull the Aussie lower, favoring short AUD/CAD positions.  Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? - January 20, 2021 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 Recent data out of New Zealand was weak: Credit card spending fell by 10.6% year-on-year in January. Q4 GDP contracted by 1% both year-on-year and quarter-on-quarter. The current account remains in deficit at NZ$-2.7bn for Q4. The New Zealand dollar fell by 0.9% against the US dollar this week. The new rule to include house prices in setting monetary policy will be a logistical nightmare for the RBNZ. In trying to achieve financial stability, the RBNZ will have to forego some economic stability, especially if the country still requires accommodative settings. Confused messaging could also introduce currency volatility. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 There was a data dump in Canada this week: The economy added 259.2K jobs in February. This pushed down the unemployment rate from 9.4% to 8.2%. Wages also increased by 4.3% in February. The Nanos confidence index rose from 60.5 to 62.7 in the week of March 12. Housing starts rose by 246K in February, as expected. The BoC’s preferred measures of CPI came in close to the 2% target. Headline CPI was weaker at 1.1% in February. The Canadian dollar rose by 0.3% against the US dollar this week. The correction in oil prices could set the tone for the near-term performance of the loonie, despite robust domestic conditions. However, at the crosses, CAD should have upside. We took profits on our short CAD/NOK position this week. Report Links: Will The Canadian Recovery Lead Or Lag The Global Cycle? - February 12, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 More On Competitive Devaluations, The CAD And The SEK - May 1, 2020 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 There was scant data out of Switzerland this week: Producer and import prices fell by 1.1% year-on-year in February. February CPI releases also suggest the economy remains in deflation. The Swiss franc fell by 0.4% against the US dollar this week. Safe-haven currencies continue to be sold as yields rise, making the Swiss franc the worst performing currency this year after the yen. This is welcome news for the SNB.  We have been long EUR/CHF on this expectation, and recommend investors to stick with this trade. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 There was scant data out of Norway this week: The trade balance remained in surplus of NOK 25.1bn in February. The Norges bank kept interest rates on hold at 0%. The NOK fell by 1.2% against the dollar this week. The trigger was the selloff in oil prices. However, with the Norges bank signaling a rate hike later this year, placing it ahead of its G10 peers, there is little scope for the NOK to fall durably. Inflation in Norway is above target, and higher mobility later this year will benefit oil-rich Norway. We are long the Norwegian krone as a high-conviction bet against both the dollar and the euro. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 Swedish data releases were a slight miss: Headline CPI came in at 1.4% in February. Core CPI came in at 1.2%. The unemployment rate remained at 8.9% in February. The Swedish krona fell by 0.8% against US dollar this week. Sweden is struggling to contain another wave of the pandemic and this has weighed on the currency this year. The saving grace for the economy has been a global manufacturing cycle that continues humming. Until Sweden is able to get past the pandemic, the currency will continue trading in a stop-and-go pattern. We remain long the SEK on cheap valuations and as a play on the global industrial cycle. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Where To Next For The US Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades

Highlights The Federal Reserve’s ultra-dovish stance is not the only reason for markets to cheer. The US is booming, China is unlikely to overtighten monetary and fiscal policy, and Europe remains a source of positive political surprises. Still, the cornerstone of this cycle’s wall of worry has been laid: Biden faces a series of foreign policy challenges, the US is raising taxes, China is tightening policy, and Europe’s stimulus is not large enough to qualify as a game changer for potential GDP growth. Stay the course by maintaining strategic pro-cyclical trades yet building up tactical hedges and safe-haven plays. Feature Chart 1US Stimulus, Chinese Tightening, German Vaccine Hiccups US Stimulus, Chinese Tightening, German Vaccine Hiccups US Stimulus, Chinese Tightening, German Vaccine Hiccups The US is turning to tax hikes, China is returning to structural reforms, and Europe is bungling its vaccine rollout. Yet synchronized global debt monetization is nothing to underrate. Especially not in the context of a Great Power struggle that features a green energy race as well as a high-tech race. Governments are generating a cyclical growth boom and it is conceivably that their simultaneous pump-priming combined with a new capex cycle and private innovation could generate a productivity breakthrough. This upside risk is keeping global equity markets bullish even as it becomes apparent that construction has begun on this cycle’s wall of worry. The US dollar bounce should be watched closely in this context (Chart 1). After passing the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act, which consists largely but not entirely of short-term cash handouts (Chart 2), President Joe Biden’s policy agenda will now turn to tax hikes. Thus far the tax hike proposals are in line with Biden’s campaign literature (Table 1). It remains to be seen whether the market will “sell the news” that Biden is pivoting to tax hikes. After all, Biden was the most moderate of the Democratic candidates and his tax proposals only partially reverse President Trump’s tax cuts. Chart 2American Rescue Plan Act Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Table 1Biden’s Tax Hike Proposals On The Campaign Trail Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Nevertheless higher taxes symbolize a regime change in the US – it is very unlikely tax rates will go down anytime soon but they could go easily higher than expected in the coming decade – and the drafting process will bring negative surprises, as Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen highlighted by courting Europe to cooperate on a 12% minimum corporate tax and halt the global race to the bottom in taxes on multinational corporations. At the same time Biden’s foreign policy challenges are rising across the board: China is demanding a rollback of Trump’s policies: If Biden says yes, he will sacrifice hard-won American leverage on matters of national interest. If he says no, the Phase One trade deal will be null and void, as will sanctions on Iran and North Korea, and the new economic sanctions on Taiwan will expand beyond mere pineapples.1 Russia is recalling its US ambassador: Biden vowed to make Russia pay for alleged interference in the 2020 US election and sanctions are forthcoming.2 The real way to make Russia pay is to halt the construction of the Nordstream II natural gas pipeline, which reduces the leverage of eastern European democracies while increasing Germany’s energy dependence on Russia. But Germany is dead-set on that pipeline. If Biden levies sanctions the centerpiece of his diplomatic outreach to Europe will be further encouraged to chart an independent course from Washington (though the rest of Europe might cheer). North Korea is threatening to restart missile tests: North Korea is pouring scorn on the Biden administration for trying to restart negotiations.3 The North wants sanctions relief and it knows that Biden is willing to offer it but it may need to create an atmosphere of crisis first. China would be happy were that to happen as it could offer the US its good services on North Korea instead of concrete trade concessions. Iran is refusing to rejoin negotiations over the 2015 nuclear deal: Biden has about five months to arrange for the US and Iran to rejoin the 2015 nuclear deal. Beyond that he will enter into another long negotiation with the master negotiators, the Persians. But unlike President Obama from 2009-15, he will not have support from Russia and China … unless he sacrifices his doctrine of “extreme competition” from the get-go. It is not clear which of these challenges will be relevant to financial markets, or when. However, with US and global equities skyrocketing, it must be said that the geopolitical backdrop is not nearly as reassuring as the Federal Reserve, which announced on Saint Patrick’s Day that it will not hike interest rates until 2024 even in the face of a 6.5% growth rate and the prospect of an additional, yet-to-be passed $2 trillion in US deficit spending. Herein lies Biden’s first victory. He has stressed that boosting the American economy and middle class is critical to his foreign policy. He envisions the US regaining its global standing by defeating the virus, super-charging the economy, and then orchestrating a grand alliance of European and Asian democracies to write new global rules that will put pressure on China to reform its economy. “I say it to foreign leaders and domestic alike. It's never, ever a good bet to bet against the American people. America is coming back. The development, manufacturing, and distribution of vaccines in record time is a true miracle of science.”4 The pandemic and economic part of this agenda are effectively done and now comes the hard part: creating a grand alliance while China and Russia demonstrate to their neighbors the hard consequences of joining any new US crusade. The contradiction of Biden’s foreign policy is his desire to act multilaterally and yet also get a great deal done. The Europeans are averse to conflict with China and Russia. The Russians and Chinese are not inclined to do any great favors on Iran or North Korea. Nobody is opening up their economy – Biden himself is coopting Trump’s protectionism, if less brashly. Cooperation with Presidents Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin on nuclear proliferation is possible – as long as Biden aborts his democracy agenda and his trade agenda. We continue with our pro-cyclical investment stance but have started building up hedges as we are convinced that geopolitical risk will deliver a rude awakening. This awakening will be a buying opportunity given the ultra-stimulating backdrop … unless it portends war in continental Europe or the Taiwan Strait. In the remainder of this report we highlight the takeaways from China’s National People’s Congress as well as recent developments in Germany. Our key views remain the same: China will not overtighten monetary/fiscal policy; Biden will be hawkish on China; Germany’s election may see an upset but that would be market-positive. China: No Overtightening So Far China concluded its National People’s Congress – the “Two Sessions” of legislation every year – and issued its 2021 Government Work Report. It also officially released the fourteenth five-year plan covering economic development for 2021-25. Table 2 shows the new plan’s targets as compared to the just expired thirteenth five-year plan that covered 2016-20. Table 2China’s Fourteenth Five Year Plan (2021-25) Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry For a full run-down of the National People’s Congress we recommend clients peruse BCA’s latest China Investment Strategy report. From a geopolitical point of view we would highlight the following takeaways: The Tech Race: China added a new target for strategic emerging industry value added as percent of GDP – it wants this number to reach 17% by 2025 but there is nothing solid to benchmark this against. The point is that by including such a target China is putting more emphasis on emerging industries, including: information technology, robotics, green energy, electric vehicles, 5G networks, new materials, power equipment, aerospace and aviation equipment, and others. China’s technological “Great Leap Forward” continues, with a focus on domestic production and upgrading the manufacturing sector that is bound to stiffen the competition with the United States. China’s removal of a target for service industry growth suggests that Beijing does not want de-industrialization to occur any faster – another reason for global trade tensions to stay high. Research and Development: For R&D spending, previous five-year plans set targets for the desired level. For example, over the last five years China vowed to increase annual R&D spending to 2.5% of GDP. A reasonable expectation for the coming five years would have been a 3% target of GDP. However, this time the government set a target of an annual growth rate of no less than 7% during 2021-2025. The point is that China is continuing to ascend the ranks in R&D spending relative to the US and West in coordination with the overarching goal of forging an innovative and high-tech economy. Unemployment: China has restored an unemployment rate target. In its twelfth five-year plan Beijing aimed to keep the urban surveyed unemployment rate below 5% but over the past five years this target vanished. Now China restored the target and bumped it up slightly to 5.5%. This target should not be hard to meet given the reported sharp decline in urban unemployment to 5.2% already. However, China’s unemployment statistics are notoriously unreliable. The real takeaway is that unemployment will be higher as trend growth slows, while social stability remains the Communist Party’s ultimate prize – and any reform or deleveraging process will occur within that context. The Green Energy Race: China re-emphasized its pledge to tackle climate change, aiming for peak carbon emissions by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2060. However, no detailed action plans were mentioned. Presumably China will not loosen its enforcement of existing environmental targets. Most of these were kept the same as over the past five years, except for pollution (PM2.5 concentration). Previously the government sought to reduce PM2.5 concentration by 18%. Now the target is set at 10% aggregate reduction, which is lower, though further reduction will be difficult after a 43% drop since 2014. Overall, China has not loosened up its environmental targets – if anything, enforcement will strengthen, resulting in an ongoing regulatory headwind to “Old China” industries. Military Power: Last week we noted that the government’s goals for the military have changed in a way that reinforces themes of persistently high geopolitical tensions. The info-tech upgrades to the People’s Liberation Army were supposed to be met by 2020, with full “modernization” achieved by 2035. However, last October the government created a new deadline, the one-hundredth anniversary of the PLA in 2027 (“military centenary goal”). No specific measures or targets are given but the point is that there is a new deadline of serious importance – an importance that matches the party’s much-ballyhooed centennial on July 1 of 2021 and the People’s Republic’s centennial in 2049. The fact that this deadline is only six years away suggests that a rapid program of military reform and upgrade is beginning. The official defense spending growth target of 6.8% is only slightly bigger than last year’s 6.6% but these targets mask the significance of the announcement. The takeaway is that the Chinese military is preparing for an earlier-than-expected contingency with the United States and its allies. What about China’s all-important monetary, fiscal, and quasi-fiscal credit targets? There is no doubt that China is tightening policy, as we highlight in our updated China Policy Tightening Checklist (Table 3). But will China overtighten? Probably not, at least not judging by the Two Sessions, but the risk is not negligible. Table 3A Checklist For Chinese Policy Tightening Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry The government reiterated that money and credit growth should remain in a reasonable range in 2021, with “reasonable range” referring to nominal economic growth. Chinese economists estimate that the nominal growth rate will be around 8%-9% in 2021. The IMF projection is 8.1%, while latest OECD forecast is at 7.8%.5 Because China’s total private credit (total social financing) growth is inherently higher than M2 growth, we would use pre-pandemic levels as our benchmark for whether the government will tighten policy excessively: If total social financing growth plunges below 12%, then our view is disproved and Beijing is over-tightening (Chart 3). If M2 growth plunges below 8%, we can call it over-tightening. Anything above these benchmarks should be seen as reasonable and expected tightening, anything below as excessive. However, the Chinese and global financial markets could grow jittery at any time over the perennial risk of a policy mistake whenever governments try to prevent excessive leverage and bubbles. As for fiscal policy, the new quotas for local government net new bond issuance point to expected rather than excessive tightening. New bonds can be used to finance capital investment projects. The quota for total new bond issuance is 4.47 trillion CNY, down by 5.5% from last year. Though local governments may not use up all of the quota, the reduction is small. In fact, total local government bond issuance will be a whisker higher in 2021 than in 2020. The quota for net new bonds is only slightly below the 2020 level and much higher than the 2019 level. Therefore the chance of fiscal overtightening is small – and smaller than monetary overtightening. Chart 3China Policy Overtightening Benchmark China Policy Overtightening Benchmark China Policy Overtightening Benchmark Chart 4China’s Real Budget Deficit Is Huge Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry China’s official budget balance is a fiction so we look at the IMF’s augmented net lending and borrowing, which reached a whopping -18.2 % of GDP in 2020. It is expected to decrease gradually to -13.8% by 2025. That level will be slightly higher than the pre-pandemic level from 2017-2019 (Chart 4).6 By contrast, China’s total augmented debt is expected to keep rising in the coming years and reach double the 2015 level by 2025. Efforts to constrain debt could lead to a larger debt-to-GDP ratio if growth suffers as a consequence, as our Global Investment Strategy points out. So China will tighten cautiously – especially given falling productivity, higher unemployment, and the threat of sustained pressure from the US and its allies. US-China: Biden As Trump-Lite Chinese and US officials will convene in Alaska on March 18-19. This is the first major US-China meeting under the Biden administration and global investors will watch closely to see whether tensions will drop. So far tensions have not fallen, highlighting a persistent and once again underrated risk to the global equity rally. Biden’s foreign policy team has not completed its review of China policy and Presidents Biden and Xi Jinping are trying to schedule a bilateral summit in April – so nothing concrete will be decided before then. Chart 5US-China: Beijing's Standing Offer US-China: Beijing's Standing Offer US-China: Beijing's Standing Offer The Biden administration is setting up a pragmatic policy, offering areas to engage with China while warning that it will not compromise on democratic values or national interests. China would welcome the opportunity to work with the Americans on nuclear non-proliferation, namely North Korea and Iran, as this would expend US leverage on an area of shared interest while leaving China a free hand over its economic and technological policies. China at least partially enforced sanctions on these countries in response to President Trump’s demands during the trade war and official statistics suggest it continues to do so. Oil imports from Iran remain extremely low while Chinese business with North Korea is, on paper, nil (Chart 5). If this data is accurate then North Korea’s economy has not benefited from China’s stimulus and snapback. If true, then Pyongyang will offer partial concessions on its nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief. At the moment, instead of staging any major provocations to object to US-Korean military drills, the North is using fiery language and threatening to restart missile tests. This suggests a diplomatic opening. But investors should be prepared for Pyongyang to stage much bigger provocations than missile tests. In March 2010, while the world focused on the financial crisis, the North Koreans torpedoed a South Korean corvette, the Chonan, and shelled some islands, at the risk of a war. The problem under the Trump administration was that Trump wanted a verifiable and durable deal of economic opening for denuclearization whereas the North Koreans wanted to play for time, reduce sanctions, study the data from their flurry of missile tests during the Obama and early Trump years, and see if Trump would get reelected before offering any concrete concessions. Trump’s stance was not really different from Bill Clinton’s but he tried to accelerate the timeline and go for a big win. By Trump’s losing the election North Korea bought four more years on the clock. Chart 6US-China: Biden Lukewarm On China Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry The Biden administration is willing to play for time if it gets concrete results in phases. This would keep North Korea at bay and retain a line of pragmatic engagement with Beijing. But if North Korea stages a giant provocation Biden will not hesitate to use threats of destruction like Clinton and Trump did. The American public is not much concerned about North Korea (or Iran) but is increasingly concerned about China, with a recent Gallup opinion poll showing that nearly 50% view China as America’s greatest enemy and Americans consistently overrate China’s economic power (Chart 6). Biden will not let grassroots nationalism run his policy. But it is true that he has little to gain politically from appearing to appease China. With progress at hand on the pandemic and economic recovery, Biden will devote more attention to courting the allies and attempting to construct his alliance of democracies to meet global challenges and to “stand up” to China and Russia. The allies, however, are risk-averse when it comes to confronting China. This is as true for the Europeans as it is for China’s Asian neighbors, who stand directly in its firing line. In fact, Europe’s total trade with China is equivalent to that of the US (Chart 7). The Europeans have said that they will pursue tougher trade enforcement through the World Trade Organization, which would tie the Biden administration’s hands. Biden and his cabinet officials insist that they will use the “full array” of tools at their disposal (e.g. tariffs and sanctions) to punish China for mercantilist trade policies. Chinese negotiators are said to be asking explicitly for Biden to roll back Trump’s policies. Some of these policies relate to trade and tech acquisition, others to strategic disputes. We doubt that Biden will compromise on the trade issues to get cooperation on North Korea and Iran. But he will have to offer major concessions if he wants durable denuclearization agreements on these rogue states. Otherwise it will be clear that his administration is mostly focused on competition with China itself and willing to sideline the minor nuclear aspirants. Our expectation is that Americans care about the China threat and the smaller threats will be used as pretexts with which to increase pressure and sanctions on China. Asian equities have corrected after going vertical, as expected. But contrary to our expectations geopolitics was not the cause (Chart 8). This selloff could eventually create a buying opportunity if the Biden administration is revealed to take a more dovish line on China, trade, and tech in exchange for progress on strategic disputes like North Korea. Any discount due to North Korean provocations in particular would be a buy. On Taiwan, however, China’s new 2027 military target underscores our oft-recited red flag. Chart 7EU Risk Averse On China EU Risk Averse On China EU Risk Averse On China Chart 8Asian Equity Correction And GeoRisk Indicators Asian Equity Correction And GeoRisk Indicators Asian Equity Correction And GeoRisk Indicators Bottom Line: Investors should stay focused on the US-China relationship. What matters is Biden’s first actions on tariffs and high-tech exports. So far Biden is hawkish as we anticipated. Investors should fade rumors of big new US-China cooperation prior to the first Biden-Xi summit. Any major North Korean aggression will create a buy-on-the-dips opportunity. Unless it triggers a war, that is – and the threshold for war is high given the Chonan incident in 2010. Germany: Markets Wake Up To Election Risk – And Smile This week’s election in the Netherlands delivered a fully expected victory to Prime Minister Mark Rutte’s liberal coalition. The German leadership ranks next to the Dutch in terms of governments that received an increase in popular support as a result of the COVID-19 crisis (Chart 9). However, in Germany’s case the election outcome is not a foregone conclusion. Chart 9German Leadership Saw Popularity Bounce Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry As we highlighted in our annual forecast, an upset in which a left-wing bloc forms the government for the first time since 2005 is likelier than the market expects. This scenario presents an upside risk for equities and bund yields since Germany would become even more pro-Europe, pro-integration, and proactive in its fiscal spending. In the current context that would be greeted warmly by financial markets as it would reinforce the cyclical rotation into the euro, industrials, and European peripheral debt. Incidentally, it would also reduce tensions with Russia and China – even as the Biden administration is courting Germany. Recent state elections confirm that the electorate is moving to the left rather than the right. In Baden-Wurttemberg, the third largest state by population and economic output, and a southern state, the Christian Democrats slipped from the last election (-2.9%), the Social Democrats slipped by less (-1.7%), the Free Democrats gained (2.2%), the Greens gained (2.3%), and the far-right Alternative for Germany saw a big drop (-5.4%). In the smaller state of Rhineland-Palatinate the results were largely the same although the Greens did even better (Tables 4A & 4B).7 In both cases the Christian Democrats saw the worst result since prior to the financial crisis while the Greens tripled their support in Baden and doubled their support in the Palatinate over the same time frame. Table 4AGerman State Elections Show Voters’ Leftward Drift Continues Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Table 4BGerman State Elections Show Voters’ Leftward Drift Continues Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry To put this into perspective: Outgoing Chancellor Angela Merkel and her coalition have seen a net 6% increase in popular support since COVID-19. The coalition, led by the Christian Democratic Union and its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union, still leads national opinion polling. What we are highlighting are chinks in the armor. The gap with the combined left-leaning bloc is less than 10% points (Chart 10). Chart 10German Party Polling German Party Polling German Party Polling Merkel is a lame duck whose party has been in power for 17 years. She is struggling to find an adequate successor. Her current frontrunner for chancellor-candidate, Armin Laschet, is suffering in public opinion, especially after the state election defeats, while her previous successor was ousted last year. Other chancellor-candidates, like Friedrich Merz, Markus Söder, and Norbert Röttgen may find themselves to the right of the median voter, which has been shifting to the left. Merkel’s party’s handling of COVID-19 first received praise and now, in the year of the vote, is falling under pressure due to difficulties rolling out the vaccine. Even as conditions improve over the course of the year her party may struggle to recover from the damage, since the underlying reality is that Germany has suffered a recession and is beset by global challenges. While the Christian Democrats performed relatively well in the 2009 election, in the teeth of the global financial crisis, times have changed. Today the Social Democrats are no longer in free fall – ever since their Finance Minister Olaf Scholz led the charge for fiscal stimulus in 2019 – while third parties like the Free Democrats, Greens, and Die Linke all gained in 2009 and look to gain this year (Table 5). In today’s context it is even more likely that other parties will rise at the ruling party’s expense. Still, the Christian Democrats have stout support in polls and do not have to split votes with the far-right, which is in collapse. Table 5German Federal Election Results Show 2021 Could Throw Curveball For Ruling Party Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Therein lies the real market takeaway: right-wing populism has flopped in Germany. The risk to the consensus view that Merkel will hand off the baton seamlessly to a successor and secure her party another term in leadership is that the establishment left will take power (the Greens in Germany are essentially an establishment party). Chart 11German Bunds Respond To Macro Shifts, State Elections German Bunds Respond To Macro Shifts, State Elections German Bunds Respond To Macro Shifts, State Elections Near-term pandemic and economic problems have caused bund yields to fall and the yield curve to flatten so far this year (Chart 11). But that trend is unlikely to continue given the global and national outlook. Election uncertainty should work against this trend since the only possible uncertainty gives more upside to the fiscal outlook and bond yields. If the consensus view indeed comes to pass and the Christian Democrats remain in power, the election holds out policy continuity – at least on economic policy. Fiscal tightening would happen sooner under the Christian Democrats but it would not be aggressive or premature, at least not in the 2021-22 period. It is the current coalition that first loosened Germany’s belt – and it did so in 2019, prior to COVID-19. Germany’s and the EU’s proactive fiscal turn will have a major positive impact on growth prospects, at least cyclically, though it is probably too small thus far to create a structural improvement in potential growth. Fiscal thrust is negative over next two years even with the EU’s Next Generation Recovery Fund being distributed. A structural increase in growth is possible given that all of the major countries are simultaneously pursuing monetary and fiscal stimulus as well as big investments in technology and renewable energy that will help engender a new private capex cycle. But productivity has been on a long, multi-decade decline so it remains to be seen if this can be reversed. Geopolitically speaking, Germany’s and the EU’s policy shift arrived in the nick of time to deepen European integration before divisions revive. Integration is broadly driven by European states’ need to compete on a grand scale with the US, Russia, and China. But Putin, Brexit, and Mario Draghi demonstrate the more tactical pressures: Brexit discourages states from exiting, especially with ongoing trade disputes and the risk of a new Scottish independence referendum; Putin’s aggressive foreign policy drives eastern Europeans into the arms of the West; and the formation of a unity government in Italy encourages European solidarity and improves Italian growth prospects. The outlook for structural reforms is not hopeless. Prime Minister Draghi’s government has a good chance of succeeding at some structural reforms where his predecessors have failed. Meanwhile French President Emmanuel Macron is still favored to win the French election in 2022, which is good for French structural reform. The fact that the EU tied its recovery fund to reform is positive. Most importantly the green energy agenda is replacing budget cutting for the time being, which, again, is positive for capex and could create positive long-term productivity surprises. Of course, structural reform intensity slowed just prior to COVID, in Spain, France, and Italy. Once the recovery funds are spent the desire to persist with reform will wane. This is clear in Spain, which has rolled back some reforms and has a weak government that could dissolve any time, and Italy, where the Draghi coalition may not last long after funds are spent. If the global upswing persists and Chinese/EM growth improves, then Europe will benefit from a macro backdrop that enables it to persist with some structural reforms and crawl out of its liquidity trap. But if China/EM growth relapses then Europe will fall back into a slump. Thus it is a very good thing for Europe, the euro, and European equities that the US is engaged in an epic fiscal blowout and that China’s Two Sessions dampened the risk of overtightening. Incidentally, if the German government does shift, relations with Russia would improve on the margin. While US-Russia tensions will remain hot, German mediation could reduce Russia’s insecurity and lower geopolitical risks for both Russia and emerging Europe, which are very cheaply valued at present in part because they face a persistent geopolitical risk premium. Bottom Line: German politics will drive further EU integration whether the Christian Democrats stay in power or whether the left-wing parties manage a surprise victory. Europe will have to provide more fiscal stimulus but otherwise the global context is favorable for Europe. Investors should not be too pessimistic about short-term hiccups with the vaccine rollout. Investment Takeaways The US is stimulating, China is not overtightening, and German’s election risk is actually an upside risk for European and global risk assets. These points reaffirm a bullish cyclical outlook on global stocks and commodities and a bearish outlook on government bonds. It is especially positive for global beneficiaries of US stimulus excluding China, such as Canada and Mexico. It is also beneficial for industrial metals and emerging markets exposed to China over the medium term, after frenzied buying suffers a healthy correction. Any premium in European equities should be snapped up. However, the cornerstone has been laid for the wall of worry in this global economic cycle: the US is raising taxes, China is tightening policy, and Europe’s fiscal stimulus will probably fall short. Moreover a consensus outcome from the German election would be a harbinger of earlier-than-expected fiscal normalization. There is not yet a clear green light in US-China relations – on the contrary, our view that Biden would be hawkish is coming to pass. Biden faces foreign policy tests across the board and now is a good time to hedge against the inevitable return of downside risks given the remorseless increase in tensions between the Great Powers. Housekeeping A number of clients have written to ask follow-up questions about our contrarian report last week taking a positive view on cybersecurity stocks despite the tech selloff and a positive view on global defense stocks, especially in relation to cybersecurity. The main request is, Which companies offer the best value? So we teamed up with BCA’s new Equity Analyzer to highlight the companies that receive the best BCA scores utilizing a range of factors including value, safety, payout, quality, technicals, sentiment, and macro context – all relative to a universe of global stocks with a minimum market cap of $1 billion. The results are shown in the Appendix, which we hope will come in handy. Separately our tactical hedge, long US health care equipment versus the broad market, has stopped out at -5%. This makes sense in light of the pro-cyclical rotation. Health care equipment is still likely to outperform the rest of the US health care sector amid a policy onslaught of higher taxes, government-provided insurance, and pharmaceutical price caps.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Yushu Ma Research Associate yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Appendix Table ABCA Research Equity Analyzer Casts Light On Best Defense And Cybersecurity Stocks Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Appendix Table BBCA Research Equity Analyzer Casts Light On Best Defense And Cybersecurity Stocks Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Appendix Table CBCA Research Equity Analyzer Casts Light On Best Defense And Cybersecurity Stocks Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Building Back … The Wall Of Worry Footnotes 1 China is asking for export controls that have hamstrung Huawei and SMIC to be removed as well as for sanctions and travel bans on Communist Party members and students to be lifted. See Lingling Wei and Bob Davis, "China Plans To Ask U.S. To Roll Back Trump Policies In Alaska Meeting," Wall Street Journal, March 17, 2021, wsj.com; Helen Davidson, "Taiwanese urged to eat ‘freedom pineapples’ after China import ban," The Guardian, March 2, 2021, theguardian.com. 2 "Putin on Biden: Russian President Reacts To US Leader’s Criticism," BBC, March 18, 2021, bbc.com. 3 Pyongyang is likely to test a new, longer range intercontinental ballistic missile for the first time since its self-imposed missile test moratorium began in 2018 after President Trump’s summit with leader Kim Jong Un. See Lara Seligman and Natasha Bertrand, "U.S. ‘On Watch’ For New North Korean Missile Tests," Politico, March 16, 2021, politico.com. 4 See ABC News, "Transcript: Joe Biden delivers remarks on 1-year anniversary of pandemic", ABC News, Mar. 11, 2021, abcnews.com. 5 Please see IMF Staff, "World Economic Outlook Reports", IMF, Jan. 2021, imf.org and OECD Staff, "OECD Economic Outlook, Interim Report March 2021", OECD, March 9, 2021, oecd.org. 6 Please see IMF Asia and Pacific Dept, "People’s Republic of China : 2020 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for the People's Republic of China", IMF, Jan. 8, 2021, imf.org. 7 The other state elections coming up this year will coincide with the federal election on September 26, with one minor exception (Saxony-Anhalt). Opinion polls show the Christian Democrats slipping below the Greens in Berlin and the Social Democrats in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. The Alternative for Germany is falling in all regions.

Highlights We are lowering our expectation for oil-demand growth this year, bringing it more in line with levels expected by OPEC, the IEA and EIA.  Our GDP-driven demand estimates have proven too bullish for 1Q21, considering the wide margin by which we missed actual demand in January and February.  Our expectation for oil demand growth this year is lowered to 5.5mm b/d, down from 6.6mm b/d last month.  For 2022, we are increasing our growth assumption to 4.1mm b/d, up from 2.8mm b/d. We continue to expect Brent prices to reflect an accommodation between Russia's and KSA's preferred Brent ranges of $50-$55/bbl and $70-$75/bbl, respectively.  We are keeping our forecast for average prices at $65/bbl and $70/bbl for this year and next, with WTI averaging $2-$3/bbl below that (Chart of the Week). Brent benchmark pricing confusion subsided, following the decision of S&P Global Platts to revert to free-on-board (FOB) reporting of prices.  However, as the center of gravity for crude oil demand settles on Asia, confusion around the North Sea benchmark could provide an opening for regional benchmarks and consolidation of futures platforms trading crudes delivered to the region. Feature The decision by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) to voluntarily remove 1mm b/d of its production from the market over February – April will be remembered as one of the more prescient reads on the state of global oil demand during the COVID-19 pandemic. KSA's insistence on seeing improvement in actual demand – as opposed to forecasted demand – before it commits to returning production to the market could not have been more clear-sighted. The upcoming April 1 meeting of OPEC 2.0 will convey useful information to the market re changes, if any, to the production-management strategy of the coalition, which is led by KSA and Russia. Perhaps the most important information coming out of the meeting will be how KSA reads the current state of global oil demand, as it has not committed to a date-certain when it will return this production to market. We expect the Kingdom to extend its production cuts and to lobby for continued restraint by the other member states of OPEC 2.0 at the meeting. Going into the meeting, OPEC 2.0 will be assessing global demand against a deteriorating public-health backdrop in important consuming markets. The EU's policy failures in securing sufficient vaccinations to protect its population, and public-health missteps regarding the AstraZeneca vaccine continue to retard Europe's efforts to contain the pandemic.1 Chart of the WeekOPEC 2.0 Expected To Maintain Production Discipline OPEC 2.0 Expected To Maintain Production Discipline OPEC 2.0 Expected To Maintain Production Discipline Increasing lockdowns in several EU countries and a higher likelihood of a resurgence in COVID-19 infection rates in the US – particularly in the states that are reopening before they have achieved herd immunity or have vaccinated a large share their populations – will slow demand recovery. The annual Spring Break holidays in the US potentially could become a world-class super-spreader event. Elsewhere, LatAm is distressed, particularly Brazil, which, like the EU, has misjudged and mishandled its vaccination policy and rollout, leaving its populations at higher risk for infection. This also has the attendant risk of producing an environment ripe for further COVID-19 mutations and the spread of new variants. Lower Oil Demand Forecast For 2021 We were wrong on our call expecting stronger demand growth in 1Q21 – our consumption forecasts exceeded realized demand an average of 2.3mm b/d in 1Q21. We are now more aligned with demand expectations of IEA, EIA, and OPEC (Chart 2). Our expectation for oil demand growth this year is lowered to 5.5mm b/d, down from 6.6mm b/d last month. For 2022, we are increasing our growth assumption to 4.1mm b/d, up from 2.8mm b/d. We expect non-OECD oil consumption, our proxy for EM demand, to average 53.2mm b/d this year and 55.5mm b/d next year, vs. 54mm b/d and 55.4mm b/d last month. DM demand, proxied by OECD oil consumption, is expected to average 44.5mm b/d and 46.3mm b/d next year, versus our previous forecast of 44.9mm and 46.3mm b/d last month. Chart 2Lower Oil Demand In 2021, Higher Next Year Lower Oil Demand In 2021, Higher Next Year Lower Oil Demand In 2021, Higher Next Year We continue to expect the massive fiscal and monetary stimulus to support markets and lead to stronger growth going forward. The recently approved package by the US Congress calling for an additional $1.9 trillion of fiscal stimulus will have global knock-on effects, which will be bullish for commodity demand, once the COVID-19 pandemic is contained (Chart 3). Chart 3Pandemic Recovery Will Spur Pent-Up Demand OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Still Required To Balance Markets OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Still Required To Balance Markets OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Persists The salient feature of the oil market during the pandemic has been the cohesion of OPEC 2.0 and its production discipline. We expect that to continue going into and coming out of the coalition's April 1 meeting. Our view that OPEC 2.0 's overall strategy as the dominant producer in the market is to calibrate the level of supply to the level of demand remains intact. We expect production for the coalition to average 46.0mm b/d in 2021 and 46.2mm b/d in 2022 (Chart 4). We do not expect OPEC 2.0 to raise production, given the increasing uncertainty around demand vis-à-vis getting the COVID-19 pandemic under control in large consuming markets like the EU and LatAm, and higher infection rates out of the US. However, as we noted above, we are closely watching what KSA does and says at the upcoming meeting for any clue that global demand is improving faster than we now expect. Chart 4OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Persists OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Persists OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Persists Outside OPEC 2.0, our expectation for the bellwether US shale-oil producers' output remains relatively unchanged. We continue to expect production to move higher, and to remain constrained by capital availability. US shale output is expected to average 10.7mm b/d this year, and 12.1mm b/d next year. In our modeling, the shale producers lead the price-taking cohort, which produces whatever the market allows it to produce. We continue to expect capital-market discipline to keep US oil producers from getting too far out ahead of their balance sheets' ability to profitably grow production. The same holds for producers outside the OPEC 2.0 coalition ex-US (Table 1). Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Still Required To Balance Markets OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Still Required To Balance Markets Markets Balance On OPEC 2.0 Discipline OPEC 2.0's production strategy will keep markets balanced, as relatively high compliance among those producers capable of increasing production is observed and markets are not over-supplied (Chart 5). This will allow inventories to continue to draw then stabilize around mid-year. It is important to point out that this balancing is an iterative process, driven by OPEC 2.0's read on the state of demand, which, perforce, is occurring with lags in the data it is responding to. We continue to keep a weather eye on the USD, given the impact it has on commodity fundamentals. We continue to expect dollar weakening and model for that, but the path of the USD has been difficult to call, given it is highly correlated with global economic policy uncertainty, which is heavily influenced by the evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic (Chart 6). Chart 5Markets Remain Balanced... Markets Remain Balanced... Markets Remain Balanced... Chart 6The USD's Evolution Remains Important The USD's Evolution Remains Important The USD's Evolution Remains Important A Hue and Cry In Brent Additional uncertainty is entering oil markets from an unlikely corner: The Brent benchmark pricing index used to set prices on some two-thirds of all the oil traded in the world. Brent benchmark pricing was thrown into wide-eyed confusion when S&P Global Platts – the leading price reporting agency for the index used as a reference in Brent physical contracts (Dated Brent) – decided to convert the index from a free-on-board (FOB) index to a cost-insurance-freight (CIF) index. Platts' proposed Brent reporting changes two weeks ago essentially would have transformed the pricing index from a pure spot index that assumes the buyer will arrange insurance and freight after purchasing a cargo at a North Sea terminal into a delivered index reflecting CIF-Rotterdam terms provided by the seller. After a great hue and cry went up, Platts reverted to quoting Brent on an FOB basis. But that hardly ends the drama. Brent production is collapsing – by next year, only one 600k-barrel cargo a day of Brent will be loaded out of North Sea terminals. This is a very thin reed supporting the global oil market's primary price index. In an effort to expand the Brent pricing pool, Platts also is looking to include US WTI in one form or another, but nothing's been settled upon to date. The confusion around Brent pricing comes as the center of gravity for crude oil demand and trading continues its inexorable shift to Asia. This could provide an opening for regional benchmarks – e.g., the UAE's Murban crude oil, which supports a just-launched futures contract calling for delivery in Asia, where most of the demand for oil is met by Middle East suppliers. It could even allow for consolidation of other futures platforms in the region (e.g., the Dubai Mercantile Exchange), which also are used to price and hedge Asia-bound crude cargoes out of the Gulf. As interesting and complex as the global oil market is, it is nothing without a viable pricing benchmark. Much of the world's oil business hinges on that index being determined by the price of a single cargo loaded every day. We will be following this with great interest.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish An exceptionally cold winter resulted in a sharp drawdown US natgas inventories down, which are expected to end the 2020-21 winter season at 2021 at 1.6 Tcf by the US EIA's reckoning (Chart 7). This would be 13% lower than the 5-year average level of inventories, according to the EIA. Over the April-October injection season, EIA is expecting natgas inventories to finish at ~ 3.7 Tcf, or ~ 2% below their 5-year average. Spot natgas prices at Henry Hub, LA – the delivery point for NYMEX/CME futures – averaged $5.35/MMBtu in February, the highest level since February 2014, the EIA noted. Natural gas for April 2021 delivery at Henry Hub closed at $2.562/MMBtu on Tuesday. Base Metals: Bullish COMEX copper came close to its 2011 highs late last month, at $4.30/lb but has since retreated.  However, we believe fundamental supply-demand factors will keep copper prices moving higher over the longer term. As highlighted in an earlier report (BCA Research - Renewables, China's FYP Underpin Metals Demand), the move to EVs and renewable energy will keep demand for copper and the overall base metals complex well-bid during this decade. The International Renewable Energy Agency (World Energy Transitions Outlook: 1.5°C Pathway (Preview) (irena.org)) reported on Tuesday that copper-intensive renewable power capacity will have to increase by more than 10-fold by 2050 to avert severe climate change. On the supply side, in our recent report entitled BCA Research - Copper's Supply Challenges, we noted falling copper investment and declining copper ore quality inexorably will increase production costs. Only higher copper prices will incentivize producers to increase mining activity. Rising demand and stagnant supply will put copper supply-demand balances in a deficit over the short-to-medium term, causing inventories to decline over this period as well.  Precious Metals: Bullish The sharp run-up in 10-year US real rates since the end of 2020 pulled gold prices from down from their 2021 high of ~ $1,950/oz in January to ~ $1,680/oz earlier this month (Chart 8). Price have since rebounded above $1,740/oz as real rates weakened. We expect markets to re-price gold when it becomes apparent the rally in rates was more a function of higher growth expectations for the US economy than a higher likelihood of Fed tightening. Our view that the Fed's ultra-accommodative monetary policy and massively expansive US fiscal policy will spur growth and inflation has not changed. We expect the Fed to remain behind the inflation curve in its rate hikes, which will keep US real rates on their downward trajectory. Chart 7 OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Still Required To Balance Markets OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline Still Required To Balance Markets Chart 8 Gold Prices Down From Their 2021 High Gold Prices Down From Their 2021 High     Footnotes 1     Please see Extent of damage to AstraZeneca vaccine’s perceived safety in Europe revealed published by yougov.co.uk 7 March 2021.  See also States lift Covid restrictions, drop mask mandates and reopen businesses despite warnings from Biden officials published by cnbc.com 11 March 2021, and European travel restrictions: Non-essential travel curbed published by dw.com 15 March 2021. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Summary of Closed Trades Higher Inflation On The Way Higher Inflation On The Way

Highlights The American Rescue Plan Act confirms the shift to “Big Government” and proactive fiscal policy in US politics. This sea change in policy is durable for now, given that Democrats can pass one or two more budget reconciliation bills without a Republican vote. Details of forthcoming tax hikes are starting to leak from Washington. Investors should not assume that progressive proposals like a wealth tax, a financial transactions tax, or a minimum corporate tax are dead on arrival. Taxing corporations and the rich is popular. The Republican Party is likely to choose a Trumpian agenda going forward and Trump has a good chance of being the presidential candidate in 2024. But cyclical and structural factors disfavor Republicans at this early stage. Industrials have rallied sharply in advance of Biden’s first law and are now overbought. But we would favor them over health care over a 12-month period, given the macro backdrop and relative policy risks. Feature Were there any surprises in the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) signed by President Biden on March 11? Only that some of Biden’s health care and infrastructure agenda slipped into the bill, alongside a provision holding that if states cut taxes and lose revenue, they will lose an equivalent amount in state and local aid. The plan illustrates that the budget reconciliation process is an effective tool for the ruling party to get most of what it wants. The Biden administration will be able to pass one or two more reconciliation bills for FY2022 and FY2023. While the next bills will be harder to pass than the first, and moderate Democratic senators will limit Congress’s options somewhat, the point is that Democrats have just enough political capital to achieve their policy agenda without a single Republican vote. As always, our Political Capital Index is updated in the Appendix and highlights falling political polarization and improving business sentiment, which is positive for Biden’s political capital.  Investors will continue to bet on a cyclical recovery but will also become more concerned about tax hikes on one hand and excessive deficit spending on the other. The latter threatens eventually to overheat the economy and speed up the Fed’s rate hike cycle. In this report we conduct a quick recap of the ARPA now that it is official law, we review the tax hike proposals swirling out of the Washington rumor mill, and we update the status of the civil war in the Republican Party. We conclude with a look at industrial stocks, which have rallied tremendously on the back of the cyclical economic upturn (Chart 1) but may still offer some value relative to sectors like health care that face policy risks. Chart 1Cyclical Indicators High On Stimulus Cyclical Indicators High On Stimulus Cyclical Indicators High On Stimulus ARPA Symbolizes The ‘Big Government’ Shift The well-known provisions of the ARPA include: Treasury checks of $1,400 sent directly to individuals who earn less than $80,000 per year; extended unemployment benefits and a renewed federal top-up of $300 per week through September 6, 2021; $65 billion in business aid; and generous funding for various welfare programs such as the expanded Child Tax Credit and larger subsidies for enrollees in the Affordable Care Act health insurance marketplaces (Chart 2).1 Chart 2American Rescue Plan Act Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors In total the US fiscal stimulus amounts to $5 trillion or 23% of GDP since COVID-19 emerged, with $2.8 trillion or 13% of GDP passed since December. It is a gargantuan fiscal stimulus that will supercharge the economy today but lead to a rocky descent once it is exhausted in the coming years (Chart 3). Expiring provisions will occasion political showdowns over whether to make them permanent and how to address waste, corruption, and the long-term budget deficit. Chart 3The COVID-19 Fiscal Blowout Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors The provisions are so far flung that educated American citizens living abroad are reportedly receiving stimulus checks. Nevertheless the bulk of the impact will be felt by low-income people with high marginal propensities to consume. They are the prime beneficiaries of the $850 billion share of the law that funnels cash to individuals as opposed to businesses (Chart 4). This means that at least one-third of the money will be spent, while around two-thirds will be used to pay down debt, enabling consumers to spend more later, according to our Global Investment Strategy. The general effects are very supportive of the recovery. For example, the number of children living in poverty is estimated to fall by 40%, while about one in five renters are expected to catch up on their rent.2 Evictions, bankruptcies, and loan delinquencies will not revive in this context. The total amount of spending is almost twice the size of the output gap, which is now widely expected to be filled by the end of 2022.  Chart 4Cash Handouts To Families With High Propensity To Consume Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors While ARPA mainly consists of short-term cash relief – with pro-productivity investments to come in the reconciliation bill for FY2022 focused on infrastructure and renewables – nevertheless it is not wholly devoid of long-term investment. Each of the 50 states will receive $500 million in aid (more depending on their unemployment rate). Since state and local government revenues are not as dire as expected, some of this money will go into infrastructure, including soft infrastructure like the rural broadband buildout. States will be discouraged from cutting taxes, as mentioned.3 The most important takeaway is that the ARPA will reinforce the shift in public attitudes in favor of a larger government role in the economy. Democrats passed their “liberal wish list” and the result is that a range of constituencies – from those on food and housing programs to those working in the health and education systems – will receive a windfall of federal support. In this way a one-off and probably excessive relief bill will contribute to a sea change in American attitudes toward government. Conservatives and Republicans will still argue in favor of limited government but that is a relative concept and the goalposts just moved. Bottom Line: The ARPA secures the recovery, plugs the output gap, and likely reinforces the shift in public attitudes in favor of a larger role of government in society and the economy. The amount of stimulus is likely excessive, assuming the economy avoids any other bad shocks in the coming years. Hence the law marks a historic shift from reactive to proactive fiscal policy and sets the stage for an inflation overshoot in the long run if not the short run.  Yellen Becomes Warren? Not Quite, But Expect Negative Tax Surprises The next budget reconciliation bill is expected to be a 10-year green infrastructure package that will be partially offset by tax hikes. Whether in the same bill, or prioritized above it, we expect Biden to push for his expansion of the Affordable Care Act (only a small part of his health agenda was included in the ARPA). The House will draft its version in April and Biden may sign the final bill into law as early as September or as late as December. We discussed the bill in our March 3 missive. Rumors about the tax proposals are starting to leak out of Washington. At present none of the rumors change the policy consensus, based on Biden’s campaign proposal shown in Table 1. However, they do tentatively support our view that tax hikes will deliver negative surprises to the equity market this year, given that investors have so far been unperturbed by the prospect of higher taxes. Table 1Taxman Cometh Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Secretary of Treasury Janet Yellen raised some eyebrows when she indicated that a wealth tax is being considered by the Biden administration.4 Previously a tax on a person’s (or trust’s) net assets, as opposed to a tax on their income, was the domain of Biden’s progressive-left rivals such as Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren. Warren’s proposal would levy a 2% annual tax on those who possess more than $50 million in net wealth, rising to 3% on billionaires. During the Democratic primary election their proposals were estimated to raise anywhere from $1.4 trillion – if Warren’s proposal met with extreme tax avoidance – to $4.5 trillion, as estimated by Sanders.5  Yellen has also spoken to the finance ministers of France and Germany as part of a diplomatic initiative through the OECD to encourage global participation in a minimum corporate tax rate of around 12%. In exchange for enacting this tax floor, Yellen signaled to the Europeans that she would not insist on providing American Big Tech with a “safe harbor” from Europe’s planned digital tax.6 Whatever ends up happening internationally, the implication is that the Biden administration will push forward with its proposed 15% minimum tax on corporation’s book income. Yellen says that she expects tax hikes to be phased in the latter part of the 10-year budget window for FY2022 so as to make sure that the government’s interest burden is manageable over the long run. She is not concerned about excess deficits or debt in the short run, as they are related to the pandemic relief and economic recovery and interest rates are below the nominal growth rate of the economy. But she has endorsed passing tax hikes for later in the decade, as did both President Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris on the campaign trail.  Several of the more ambitious tax proposals face limitations in Congress. Moderate senators like Joe Manchin of West Virginia have raised objections to a large tax hike during trying times. He might be joined by other moderates like John Tester of Montana and the four narrowly elected senators from Arizona and Georgia. However, while these moderates will keep the tax agenda in check, it is important to understand their position. None of these senators are against tax hikes in principle – that would be a Republican stance. They are against tax hikes that increase the burden on the middle class or jeopardize the economic recovery. From that point of view Biden’s proposals are fairly palatable: the highest individual income tax bracket would go back to where it stood in 2016, the corporate rate would go halfway (at most) to its pre-Trump level, and the estate tax would be restored. These proposals focus on big corporations and the wealthy and are likely to be watered down in negotiation, so we would not rule out moderate Democratic support.  Investors should not rest easy about the tax agenda until more information is known. Negative surprises are likely. The consensus is that the Democrats will not pass a wealth tax, or a “Wall Street tax” on financial transactions, or other progressive proposals. But these taxes would be popular and politically defensible – some polls even show a majority of Republicans supporting a wealth tax.  Therefore these taxes cannot be ruled out in advance.7 Bottom Line: The tax debate is underway and our expectation of negative surprises is looking more, not less, likely. How Will Republicans Respond To The Big Government Onslaught?   Republicans have duly retreated to the political wilderness after their election loss and the January 6 Capitol Hill riot. The critical question is whether and how they will regroup to contest future elections – the deeper their divisions, the more certain Democratic policy becomes. At the center of this question is whether the Republican Party will adopt Trumpist policy and whether Trump himself will continue to be the flagbearer and presumptive nominee for the presidential election in 2024. Our answer is that the Republicans will adopt a Trumpist agenda of tough trade and immigration policies combined with fiscal largesse but they will struggle over Trump himself and how to broaden their base. Every election is unique. COVID-19 reinforces the point. There is a clear case to be made that Trump would have won the election if not for the pandemic and recession. We favor this view given how narrowly he lost in the midst of the crisis. But there is also a clear case to be made that he would have lost anyway.8 The problem for the Republicans going forward is that cyclical and structural trends work against them. Cyclically, the economy should be in full stride in 2022-24 and the Federal Reserve is highly likely to play a supportive role. This may or may not prevent the usual midterm opposition gains but it will make it very hard for an opposition presidential candidate to win. True, Democrats will not have a full incumbent advantage if President Biden passes the baton to Vice President Harris. Inflation and other problems will emerge. But given the timing of the pandemic, election, and vaccine, voters will probably be much better off in four years than they were last November, which is the most reliable prediction of whether the incumbent party will stay in power.      Structurally, demographic change in America diminishes Trump’s base. A generational shift is transforming the American electorate, as the Silent Generation, which is the most reliably Republican, passes on (Chart 5). Millennials favored the Democratic Party by 6% in the 2020 election (10% in Georgia and 21% in Pennsylvania). Chart 5Generational Shift A Risk To Unreconstructed Republicans Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Ethnic minorities also skew Democratic, generally speaking, and are taking a much larger share of the electorate, especially in critical swing states – as highlighted by Biden’s victories in Arizona and Georgia (Chart 6). Hispanics favored Biden by 33% (24% in Arizona). Chart 6US Demographics Drive Political Change Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Demographic extrapolations by the Center for American Progress show that even if post-Millennial generations grow more conservative over time, the Electoral College will shift inexorably against the Republicans as long as current trends continue (Chart 7). Chart 7Electoral Math Frowns On Republicans Even Without Generational Shift Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Demographics are not destiny: Trump would never have won in 2016 if projections based on age and race were so predictive. Yet Republicans cannot merely wait on cyclical or exogenous events to discredit the Democrats. The electoral math is devastating if they do not broaden their appeal. Their quandary is that generating enthusiasm among their base of white voters with less formal education may exclude the very groups to whom they need to appeal: suburban women, educated whites, and ethnic minorities. The immediate question is what to do about Trump, who has divided the party over the Capitol riot, culminating in seven Republican votes against him in his second impeachment. On the surface the Republican Party is a much older entity than any single member or leader and can therefore play a longer strategy. It could choose the correct electoral strategy of courting independents, women, and Hispanics even if it meant losing an election or two due to divisions with the Trumpists. The problem is that Trump’s personal following is uniquely threatening to the viability of the party. Trump alone could split the Republican Party and nullify its chances in 2022-24 and beyond. Trump has suggested starting his own party, the Patriot Party. Opinion polls show that 46% of Republicans would join it while only 27%would insist on sticking with the Republican Party (Chart 8). Even if a Trumpist party stole only 2-3% of Republican voters it would be enough to ensure a Democratic victory in any election given the very small margins of victory in swing states in recent decades. Trump would easily spoil the Republican bid, just as Ross Perot did in the 1990s, Robert La Follette did for the Democrats in the 1930s, and Theodore Roosevelt did in 1912 (Table 2). As Senator Lindsey Graham said of Trump and the Republican Party, after holding post-election negotiations with the former president: “He can make it bigger. He can make it stronger. He can make it more diverse. And he also could destroy it.”9 Chart 8Trump Could Start Third Party, Give Democrats A Decade-Plus Ascendancy Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Table 2Major Third Party Breakaway Candidates Undercut Their Former Party Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors So What Will Republicans Do? We conducted an exercise using game theory to determine the likeliest strategy that Trump and the party will take. We used the famous “Prisoner’s Dilemma” as our template because both sides have a lot to gain if they cooperate and a lot to lose if not.10 But they do not trust each other. And each side will lose the most if it stays true while the other betrays it, worsening the distrust. Diagram 1 shows the outcome. Republicans could win eight years in the Oval Office if they adopted Trump’s agenda yet put forward a young new candidate with Trump’s personal endorsement; or they could win four years if they chose Trump himself (the constitutional limitation). By contrast, if they chose an establishment Republican agenda, they could win eight years (reduced to four in Diagram 1 because less likely) or zero years if Trump opposed. Trump, for his part, would win zero years if he bowed out to support the Republicans regardless of whether they adopted his agenda, but he would have a chance of winning four more years if he ran at the head of a Trumpist Republican Party. The outcome is that the Republicans will adopt Trumpism while Trump himself could easily run for president again, given his sway over the party. Diagram 1Game Theory Says Republicans Will Court Trump Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors The game works out the same way if we assign minimal positive payoffs (e.g. one point for a win, zero points for a loss), various other probability weighted payoffs (50% chance of winning), or negative payoffs for time spent out of power. In each variation a stable equilibrium emerges in which Republicans adopt Trump’s agenda and Trump runs again in 2024. Of course, if one changes the structure of the game or assigns subjective scores a different outcome can be produced. But the clearest and most logical games all produce the same outcome: Trump 2024.   This view fits with the consensus in online betting markets. According to the bookies, Trump has between a 20% and 35% chance of running as the Republican nominee in 2024. The same markets give Republicans a 44%-50% chance of winning the White House that year. At this early stage we would take the “over” on Trump and the “under” on a GOP victory given the above points about the cyclical and structural factors weighing against Republicans (Chart 9). Our quantitative US election model, which produced the correct result for all states except Arizona, Georgia and Michigan in 2020, gives the Republicans a 44% chance of winning in 2024 but that number will fall sharply as the economy improves. Chart 9Trump's Odds Of Winning The Republic Nomination In 2024 Trump's Odds Of Winning The Republic Nomination In 2024 Trump's Odds Of Winning The Republic Nomination In 2024 What might change this outcome, according to game theory? Republicans could offer a powerful sweetener to convince Trump to bow out of the race and support the party’s candidate, such as letting one of his children or his son-in-law Jared Kushner run in his place. Alternately Democrats could increase the danger to Trump of their winning again, perhaps by threatening to throw him in jail. Otherwise Trump may not be sufficiently convinced of his party’s loyalty, or frightened of Democratic rule, to bow out of the race.  We are never beholden to game theory and there are countless real-world ways in which the 2022-24 election outlook could change. But as things stand today, Republicans are highly likely to adopt Trump’s agenda. Trump may or may not do what is best for the party. He is unpredictable and at critical junctures over the past year he has not done so. He could start his own party just for the fun of it and in doing so break the party of Lincoln. This irrational factor creates an imbalance in the game that the Republican Party will be anxious to prevent, reinforcing its likely decision to adopt his agenda and let him seek the nomination freely. If the Republican Party does split, officially or unofficially, the Democrats will be guaranteed to expand their hold on Congress in 2022 and keep the White House in 2024. Note that Republicans would normally be heavily favored to retake the House of Representatives in 2022, though not the Senate, so such an outcome would be a political earthquake. A Democratic ascendancy could last for more than one election cycle: Republicans held the White House from 1980-92 and Democrats held it from 1932-52. Since we cannot reliably forecast Trump’s individual behavior, we cannot rule out a deep Republican rift. On the other hand, while the demographic trends point to Democratic rule out to 2036 and beyond, no Democratic ascendancy would last that long, given economic cycles, international threats, and the inevitable corruptions of single-party rule. But policy uncertainty would collapse over the 2022-24 cycle, pushing the timing of major policy change to 2026 or later. Investors would face a high probability that a sweeping Democratic agenda would be enacted, even assuming the persistence of checks and balances provided by moderate Democratic senators and the judicial branch. One clear implication is that financial markets may not evade the risk of negative regulatory and tax surprises over the long run even if they manage to do so in the FY2022 and FY2023 reconciliation bills – which we doubt. Bottom Line: Republicans cannot win the White House in 2024 without Trump’s popular base, even though they would prefer to have a fresh face capable of expanding that base. Trump cannot win without the Republican Party but he can unpredictably decide to do something other than win, i.e. endorse a Republican successor or start a third party. As a result a true Republican split cannot be ruled out. Meanwhile Republicans will have to court Trump rather than vice versa. Democratic policy is well ensconced for now, an underrated risk to the equity market. Investment Takeaways We know that Democrats are pushing forward on their legislative agenda and capable of passing one or two more budget reconciliation bills. We know that cyclical and especially structural factors will put Republicans at a disadvantage in the 2024 presidential race and possibly even the 2022 midterm. We also know that the Republican Party has a non-negligible risk of fracturing due to Trump’s personal following and unpredictability. These points suggest investors should not bet against the current policy setup. The macro backdrop favors cyclical sectors such as industrials, energy, materials, and financials. In our US Political Risk Matrix we have highlighted that the policy backdrop is especially beneficial to industrials (Appendix, Table A1). This is reinforced by ARPA and Biden’s forthcoming reconciliation bills on infrastructure and green projects, subsidies for domestic production, and simultaneous attempts to reduce trade tensions with US allies and partners – if not with China. Of course, industrials have rallied enthusiastically alongside a sharp rebound in core durable goods orders, a more gradual improvement in non-residential capital expenditures, and an environment in which capex intentions will respond to a general domestic and global upswing (Chart 10). A weak dollar, premised on a global recovery, excess liquidity, lower interest rates for longer, and large budget and trade deficits, also favors the industrial sector and reinforces the recovery in global trade and growth. Rising commodity prices are driven by supply constraints as much as global demand, as our Commodity & Energy Strategy has showed in depth, and help to restore pricing power to industrial firms  (Chart 11). Chart 10Industrials Outperform On Recovery And Stimulus Industrials Outperform On Recovery And Stimulus Industrials Outperform On Recovery And Stimulus Chart 11Commodity Boom Supports Industrials' Pricing Power Commodity Boom Supports Industrials' Pricing Power Commodity Boom Supports Industrials' Pricing Power Hence the good news is largely priced into industrials, which are tactically overvalued according to our BCA valuation indicator. The sector looks more or less expensive on all valuation metrics other than price-to-sales (Chart 12). Therefore the best value must be sought on a relative basis, where industrials are outperforming communications services and just beginning to outperform the superstars, tech and health care. From a policy point of view, health care is one of the biggest losers of the Biden administration, which aims to expand health insurance coverage and reduce drug prices. This may be for the benefit of society but it comes at the expense of old cash cows. Investors should stay guarded against a near-term correction in industrials due to looming tax hikes but strategically favor them over health care and tech (Chart 13), which are even more vulnerable to higher taxes. We will execute this trade by going long against health care over a strategic time frame. Chart 12Industrials Overvalued On Most Measures Industrials Overvalued On Most Measures Industrials Overvalued On Most Measures Chart 13Favor Industrials Over Health Care Favor Industrials Over Health Care Favor Industrials Over Health Care Industrials also have a favorable profile against consumer discretionary stocks but we maintain a positive outlook on the US consumer in an era of government largesse. Our Geopolitical Strategy has also highlighted that Great Power struggle will prevent the Biden administration from cutting defense spending – another boon for industrials. Instead it will have to increase spending for defense as well as supply chain resilience and research and development in the midst of a cold war with China.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Table A2Political Capital Index Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Table A3APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Table A3BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Table A3CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Table A4Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors Republicans, Industrials, And Tax Rumors         Footnotes 1     Garrett Watson and Erica York, “The American Rescue Plan Act Greatly Expands Benefits Through The Tax Code In 2021,” Tax Foundation, March 12, 2021, taxfoundation.org.              2     Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, “American Rescue Plan Act Will Help Millions And Bolster The Economy,” March 15, 2021, cbpp.org. 3    See footnote 2 above. 4    Paul Kiernan and Catherine Lucey, “Yellen Says Biden Administration Undecided On Wealth Tax,” Wall Street Journal, wsj.com. 5    Kyle Pomerleau, “How Much Revenue Would A Wealth Tax Raise?” On The Margin, American Enterprise Institute, April 20, 2020, aei.org. 6    Jeff Stein, “Yellen pushes global minimum tax as White House eyes new spending plan,” Washington Post, March 15, 2021, washingtonpost.com. 7     Howard Schneider and Chris Kahn, “Majority of Americans favor wealth tax on very rich: Reuters/Ipsos poll,” Reuters, January 10, 2020, reuters.com; Matthew Sheffield, “New poll finds overwhelming support for an annual wealth tax,” The Hill, February 6, 2019, thehill.com. 8    A recession could have happened as a result of the cyclical slowdown from the trade war, which hurt the Midwestern swing states. The yield curve had inverted and the economy’s margin of safety was low. There would not have been any fiscal stimulus without the pandemic. 9    James Walker, “Lindsey Graham Warns Donald Trump Could ‘Destroy’ GOP After Combative CPAC Speech,” Newsweek, March 8, 2021, newsweek.com. 10   The Prisoner’s Dilemma involves two prisoners detained separately and pressured into confessing their crimes. If they both stay quiet, nothing can be proved and they only spend one year in jail. If they both confess, they are proven guilty and both spend five years in jail. If only one of them confesses while the other stays silent, the confessor goes scot free while the other spends 20 years in jail! The incentive is to confess. The equilibrium is for both to confess. The traditional game reveals the benefits of trust as well as the difficulty of maintaining it in isolation and doubt.