Executive Summary Biden And Democrats Arrest Fall In Public Opinion
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
US policy is essential to the global macro, policy, and geopolitical outlook in the fourth quarter. Our three key views for 2022 are still in place: the Biden administration is facing congressional gridlock and shifting to executive action and foreign policy. Gridlock will be marginally positive for the stock market but foreign policy crises and additional energy shocks will be very negative. Stay defensive. Our three long-term strategic themes – Generational Change, Peak Polarization, and Limited Big Government – are still on track but the first two will take a back seat during the 2022-24 election cycle. Investors should stay overweight defensive sectors versus cyclicals, large caps versus small caps, cyber security, aerospace/defense, oil and gas transportation/storage, and renewable energy. Go tactically long US treasuries but keep the US dollar on watch for a downgrade. Recommendation (Tactical) INITIATION DATE Return Long DXY (Dollar Index) Feb 23, 2022 18.6% Bottom Line: US policy uncertainty will rise then fall over the course of the midterm election, which will produce gridlock. Gridlock is neutral toward inflation, or disinflationary, and a boon for stocks. But geopolitical risk can still wreak havoc and investors should stay defensive. Feature Market-relevant geopolitical analysis begins with the United States, which remains the critical actor in the international system – as reflected today by the US dollar’s extraordinary bull run both in times of global deflation and inflation (Chart 1). Investors need a base case for US national policy over the course of the 2022-24 election cycle to form a base case for global policy and the macroeconomic and financial outlook. Our annual outlook last December argued that the US had entered a period of greater government involvement in the economy and yet that the Biden administration would face rising checks and balances over the course of 2022 due to thin majorities in Congress, midterm elections, an inflationary macroeconomic environment, and an unstable geopolitical backdrop. Chart 1Dollar Strong During Deflation And Inflation
Dollar Strong During Deflation And Inflation
Dollar Strong During Deflation And Inflation
This forecast is largely intact today so the question is whether these checks and balances will inhibit inflation going forward. Biden has achieved significant liberal policy spending but now looks to be seriously constrained, having little ability to pass domestic legislation going forward. However, he faces three foreign policy crises (Ukraine, Taiwan, Iran), all of which are inflationary on the margin. In the coming months Biden’s foreign policy crises could morph into larger global supply shocks, most notably energy shocks from Russia and/or Iran. New shocks could kill demand and tip the economy into recession. If these risks fail to materialize, tighter monetary policy will reduce inflation but likely also at the cost of higher unemployment and recession. While we will maintain our defensive positioning, we may book some gains on bearish trades over the course of the fourth quarter, namely if we see compelling signs of US political and geopolitical risk subsiding and inflation rolling over. But we do not see that yet. Checking Up On Our Three Key Views For 2022 Here we update our three key views for 2022. We show how they have developed so far this year and what we expect in the final quarter: 1. From Single-Party Rule To Gridlock: In the third quarter the Biden administration made a “last ditch effort” to turn around its fortunes ahead of the midterm election, mainly by focusing on fighting inflation. This effort succeeded in stabilizing support for Biden and the Democratic Party in opinion polls, albeit at low levels (Chart 2). The midterm is usually a check against the party in power and its major policy victories. In 2006 anti-war Democrats imposed a check on the Bush Republicans and the war in Iraq. In 2010 and 2014 Tea Party Republicans imposed a check on Obama Democrats and government intervention into health care. In 2018 anti-Trump Democrats imposed a check on Trump Republicans and tax cuts. In early 2022 the election was shaping up to be a referendum on the Biden Democrats and inflationary spending. But the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe v. Wade has muddied the usually clear pattern of the “midterm curse.” In critical swing states a majority of voters opposes extensive new restrictions on abortion access (Chart 3). Chart 2Biden And Democrats Arrest Fall In Public Opinion
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Chart 3Swing States Support Abortion Access
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Young voters and women are especially motivated to vote for Democrats in reaction to the high court’s ruling (Chart 4). However, so far support for the Democrats among these groups is still lower than it was in 2020-21. And young people are not thrilled with old man Biden. Chart 4Youth And Women’s Support For Democrats
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Chart 5Voters Care Most About Economy … Where Biden Scores Lowest
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
As we enter the final stretch of the campaign, the president and his party receive the lowest grades on the economy, which is still voters’ top priority (Chart 5). Democrats face a negative cyclical backdrop and macroeconomic headwinds – namely falling real wages, incomes, and consumer confidence (Chart 6). In the House of Representatives, our quantitative election model considers how many seats the ruling party is defending, Congress’s net approval rating, and popular support for the two parties (the generic congressional ballot). The resulting estimate is that Democrats should lose 21 seats, whereas they only need to lose six to yield to Republican control (Table 1). Democrats can achieve a positive surprise and yet fail to retain control of the lower chamber. Chart 6Pocketbook Voter Is Frowning
Pocketbook Voter Is Frowning
Pocketbook Voter Is Frowning
Table 1Our House Election Quant Model Predicts GOP Victory
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Democrats are more likely to retain the Senate but they cannot afford to lose a single seat on a net basis. State-level economic data, previous Senate margins of victory, presidential approval, the generic congressional ballot, and the tenure of Senate incumbents all suggest that Democrats will lose seats in Arizona and Georgia without gaining any seats, thus yielding control to Republicans. Yet this prediction from our quantitative election model necessarily excludes some of the idiosyncrasies of the 2022 election (Chart 7). Chart 7Our Senate Election Quant Model Favors GOP … But Too Close To Call
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
By contrast, state-level opinion polls suggest that Democrats will hold the Senate: several critical Republican-leaning races are tied while Democrats have a large lead in Arizona (Charts 8A & 8B). In short, the Senate is too close to call. Chart 8ADemocrats Tied In Red-Leaning States, Leading In Blue-Leaning States
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Chart 8BDemocrats Tied In Red-Leaning States, Leading In Blue-Leaning States
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
As long as Republicans gain one chamber the effect is the same: gridlock. The prevailing wind is voter discontent over inflation. The Misery Index (headline inflation plus unemployment) is reminiscent of the stagflationary 1970s and points to a negative outcome for Democrats in the House overall (Table 2). Table 2Misery Index Signals Democratic Losses To Come
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Hence the House will fall to the Republicans and single-party control will be broken. The federal spending spree will grind to a halt in 2023-24, which is positive for investors in an inflationary environment. For example, it is the opposite fiscal outcome from what is happening in the UK and Italy, where bonds are selling off sharply. 2. From Legislative To Executive Power: We expected Biden and the Democrats to pass a second budget reconciliation bill, which ended up being the inaptly named Inflation Reduction Act, signed into law on August 16. After that we expected the president to shift to executive action as his legislative options dwindled. There have already been some signs of this shift to executive power, such as President Biden’s tapping of the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve to release 180 million barrels of oil, which helped lower gasoline prices before the election (Chart 9). Biden also relaxed some regulations on fossil fuel production in a reversal of his 2020 call for “phasing out” oil and natural gas. More generally Biden has imposed a large number of economically significant regulations relative to previous administrations (Chart 10). He also unilaterally forgave $420 billion worth of student debt over 30 years. Chart 9Biden Tapped Strategic Petroleum Reserve
Biden Tapped Strategic Petroleum Reserve
Biden Tapped Strategic Petroleum Reserve
Chart 10Biden Flexes Regulatory Muscles
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
This trend toward executive action will intensify if Congress is indeed gridlocked in 2023-24. It is marginally inflationary but likely to be outweighed by disinflationary fiscal drag in 2023. The same trend also feeds into the next point: Biden’s shift from domestic-oriented to foreign-oriented policy. 3. From Domestic To Foreign Policy: Biden did not seek out foreign policy crises. His primary focus lay on domestic legislation and the midterms. His foreign policy intention was merely to solidify US alliances after quarrels under the Trump administration. However, looming gridlock is forcing him to focus more heavily on foreign policy, where presidential powers are greatest. In particular Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has pushed foreign policy to the center of the agenda. Once Biden’s approval ratings collapsed he began to take on greater foreign policy risks, as we noted in May. His foreign policy is reactive and defensive in the sense that he is responding to foreign aggression and trying to avoid any blowback that hurts his party in the midterms. But he can no longer be said to be risk-averse. Instead Biden is doubling down on the enlargement of NATO and military support for Ukraine. He is arming Taiwan and pledging an unequivocal US willingness to defend it in the event of an “unprecedented attack.” He has expanded high-tech export controls on China while maintaining President Trump’s tariffs. And he is threatening to respond “decisively” to Russia in the non-negligible chance that it deploys a tactical nuclear weapon against Ukraine. The US-Iran attempt to rejoin the 2015 nuclear deal is faltering, as we expected, due to mutual distrust. Almost immediately after negotiations failed in August, widespread social unrest broke out in Iran. While Iran’s structural conditions are conducive to social unrest, the Iranian government suspects the US of fomenting unrest, which is possible. Iran is threatening to retaliate. Iran will also continuing making nuclear advances prompting Israel to publicly entertain military options. The Biden administration will be forced to counteract Iranian threats against regional political stability and oil infrastructure. Hence Biden can no longer avoid energy supply risks emanating from the Middle East. The shift from domestic to foreign policy will become even more pronounced in 2023-24, as foreign policy will become more proactive due to gridlock at home. Taken together, gridlock will bring neutral fiscal policy and hawkish foreign policy. Any post-election decline in policy uncertainty will be short-lived. The loss of the House will increase the odds of economic policy mistakes in 2023 and a ruling party change in 2024 (Chart 11). A Republican House can impeach (but not remove) President Biden, put pressure on the Federal Reserve, and engage in brinksmanship over the national debt limit, which will need to be renewed in the third quarter of 2023. Obstructionism will put a floor under policy uncertainty, which will skyrocket as the 2024 election cycle approaches. Chart 11Biden’s 2024 Odds Fall If GOP Wins House
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Meanwhile proactive US foreign policy is not positive for investors as it risks escalating global instability. None of America’s rivals will be willing to offer major concessions to forge agreements with the Biden administration in 2023-24 because they will fear that President Trump or another populist Republican will retake the White House in 2025 and impose tariffs or sanctions regardless. The US cannot offer credible guarantees. This is how the Iran deal failed and it is likely to prevent a substantial US-China thaw in relations. Bottom Line: The investment takeaways from our key views for 2022 are mostly on track: inflation and policy uncertainty are rising, stocks are performing poorly, bond yields have spiked, and defensive sectors have outperformed cyclicals. These trends could start to shift in the fourth quarter given that domestic policy uncertainty will at least temporarily abate in the US and China after the fall’s political events. However, geopolitical energy shocks could still escalate if Russia or Iran disrupts global oil supply. And investors must plan for the worst. Even without additional energy shocks, Fed rate hikes are likely to precipitate a recession. Gridlock will have a neutral fiscal impact over the course of the subsequent 24 months, which is marginally disinflationary, but proactive US foreign policy will keep high the risk of energy shocks and global policy uncertainty. Checking Up On Our Strategic Themes For The 2020s It is useless to predict specific policy outcomes too far in the future but investors need a framework for understanding the general drift of national policy amid the dramatic macro shifts occurring today. Here is a short update to our strategic themes for the decade: 1. Millennials/GenZ Rising: The death of the Silent Generation, the retirement of the Baby Boomers, and the rise of Generations X, Y, and Z are causing major shifts in the US economy and markets. First, US population growth is not great but better than its developed market peers. Immigration is robust, though it is likely to be restricted somewhat by future administrations (Chart 12). Relatively strong labor force growth implies higher potential growth than developed market peers, assuming US productivity meets or exceeds that of Europe, as it should (Chart 13). As long as this growth is accompanied by decent policy, i.e. not too inflationary, it will produce relatively attractive real returns for investors. Chart 12US Population Growth And Immigration
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Chart 13US Relative Labor Force And Potential Growth
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Second, however, inflation will be a recurring problem because population aging is driving a vast redistribution of wealth from older to younger and from generations with a high propensity to save to those with a high propensity to consume. The impact is inflationary since there will be fewer savings to fund investments, according to our Global Investment Strategist Peter Berezin. This trend will drive up equilibrium real interest rates and bond yields (Chart 14). Thus America will witness a tug of war in which a new inflation tendency engenders periodic policy backlashes to keep inflation in check, as is likely in the 2022 midterms. Chart 14Major Redistribution Of Wealth
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
2. Peak Polarization: There is a large gap when it comes to identity and core values both within the Baby Boomer generation and between the Silent Generation and the younger generations. America has seen rapid change in the population’s ethnicity, religion, education, location, and industry. It is also a free country where self-expression is fully indulged, leading to wide extremes in individual and group behavior. Rapid pluralistic change combined with stark income and wealth inequality have fueled political polarization, which has made it increasingly difficult to generate nationwide policy consensus in recent decades (Chart 15). However, the rising electoral weight of the younger generations will resolve some of the most extreme policy differences in favor of the younger generations. Millennials and Generation Z will become more conservative over time but they will still lean to the left of their parents and grandparents on the economic policy spectrum (positive rights, progressive taxes, social spending, proactive regulation). Meaning that social spending and higher taxes will become more, not less, feasible over the long run (Chart 16). Meanwhile the revival of competition among the world’s great powers (multipolarity) is forcing the US population and policymakers to recognize common foreign challenges. This is leading to a new consensus around certain strategic and national interests having to do with trade protectionism, industrial guidance, and foreign policy realism. Chart 15Inequality As A Driver Of Polarization
Inequality As A Driver Of Polarization
Inequality As A Driver Of Polarization
Chart 16Younger Generations Less ‘Capitalist,’ More ‘Socialist’
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
This new consensus can be seen in the passage of bipartisan bills to build infrastructure, promote US manufacturing, shift supply chains to US-allied countries, and impose punitive measures against Russia, China, and Iran (Chart 17). Chart 17New Consensus: Nation Building At Home
New Consensus: Nation Building At Home
New Consensus: Nation Building At Home
3. Limited Big Government: The emerging policy consensus will be federalism but not authoritarianism – a larger but not overwhelming role for government in the economy. Popular opinion is demanding a larger role for the government to reduce domestic social grievances and political instability. It is also demanding greater protections from global trade. Elite opinion requires sustained high investment in national defense. All of this ostensibly points to a new era of Big Government but there are important caveats. The US constitution, private institutions, and popular opinion will continue to prevent the full adoption of a statist model, with its inefficient bureaucracy and excessive regulation. The cost of too much government has already appeared in this year’s surge of inflation, which is motivating a political backlash that will moderate the liberal spending trajectory. In short US governance is shifting from decentralization to centralization but it is a marginal not absolute change (Chart 18). The insurrection of 2021 failed but so did the cultural revolution of 2020. Chart 18New Consensus: Limited Big Government
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Demographics, politics, and economics all point to a new US policy paradigm in which new generations take over and form a new policy consensus – and yet that consensus is not truly socialist. It is rather a continuation of the American combination of federalism, liberalism, and nationalism. Civil war is likely to be avoided because the economy is stable enough and the political system is flexible enough to prevent the inevitable violent movements and domestic terrorism from causing state fragmentation. Bottom Line: US currency and equity markets have greatly outperformed the rest of the world as financial markets priced the US’s structural advantages in the unstable world after the 2008 financial crisis. This trend is intact for now but could suffer setbacks whenever global growth rebounds and the new US policy consensus leads to higher wages, higher taxes, and lower corporate profitability. Investment Takeaways In our annual forecast we noted that US midterm election years tend to produce a flat stock market, rising bond yields, and the outperformance of defensive sectors. This year has been even worse than normal with the S&P500 down 23% to date and the 10-year Treasury up 243 basis points to date (down 17% in terms of total return). Note, however, that stocks typically rise and bond yields typically fall in the year after the midterm, which may bring some relief in 2023 (Chart 19). We expect this bounce in 2023 but it cannot happen until inflation rolls over decisively. Chart 19Worse Than Average Market Performance In Midterm Election Year
Worse Than Average Market Performance In Midterm Election Year
Worse Than Average Market Performance In Midterm Election Year
The dollar rally is in line with, but exceeding, the interest rate differential between US and European government bonds. This makes sense given the geopolitical risk premium. Dollar strength is not only about euro weakness but is broad-based, as becomes clear when looking at the trade-weighted dollar. We have long argued the dollar would rise in line with global policy uncertainty (Chart 20). While our long DXY trade is long in the tooth, momentum is strong. Defensive sectors will outperform in a strong dollar context. Cyclical sectors have more downside relative to defensives and small caps have more downside relative to large caps. But oil and gas equities have become defensive and have more upside relative to the broad market (Chart 21). Energy volatility will continue to be a driving macro force in the fourth quarter due to the crosswinds of geopolitical supply disruptions and global economic slowdown. We are re-initiating our recommendation to overweight oil and gas transportation and storage stocks relative to the S&P 500. Chart 20US Dollar Reaching Extremes, On Watch For Downgrade
US Dollar Reaching Extremes, On Watch For Downgrade
US Dollar Reaching Extremes, On Watch For Downgrade
Chart 21Energy Volatility To Continue In Q4
Energy Volatility To Continue In Q4
Energy Volatility To Continue In Q4
Renewable energy stocks should also remain an overweight given the new political impetus behind energy security. Tech stocks have more downside in the near term but should bounce back once inflation rolls over and bond yields start to fall. Cyber-security companies will generally trade in line with tech but will also benefit from geopolitical tailwinds. Renewables, cyber-security, and aerospace/defense remain our key overweights (Chart 22), in addition to infrastructure stocks as mentioned earlier in the report. Given the sharp selloff in bonds, the disinflationary aspects of gridlock and eventual recession, and today’s extraordinary geopolitical risks, we recommending buying 10-year treasuries on a tactical basis. Chart 22Stick With Cyber Security, Defense, Renewables Over Long Run
Stick With Cyber Security, Defense, Renewables Over Long Run
Stick With Cyber Security, Defense, Renewables Over Long Run
Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst guyr@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Alice Brocheux Research Associate alice.brocheux@bcaresearch.com Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Table A2Political Risk Matrix
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Table A3US Political Capital Index
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Chart A1Presidential Election Model
A Politicized Fed? Another Blue Sweep? And Other Risks
A Politicized Fed? Another Blue Sweep? And Other Risks
Chart A2Senate Election Model
A Politicized Fed? Another Blue Sweep? And Other Risks
A Politicized Fed? Another Blue Sweep? And Other Risks
Table A4House Election Model
A Politicized Fed? Another Blue Sweep? And Other Risks
A Politicized Fed? Another Blue Sweep? And Other Risks
Table A5APolitical Capital: White House And Congress
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Table A5BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Table A5CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Fourth Quarter US Political Outlook: Gridlock And Stagflation
Footnotes