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Highlights Some caution warranted here. Hurricane Harvey's impact on the economy and markets. Tensions in North Korea will linger. NIPA and S&P now telling same story on profits, margins. Is the August employment report enough for the Fed? Feature The impact of Hurricane Harvey will ripple through the economic data in the coming months, but will not impact the overall trajectory of the economy or the Fed. However, elevated equity valuations, escalating tensions in North Korea, a widening disconnect between the bond market and the Fed and profit growth that is poised to peak in the second half of the year warrants careful attention from investors. Nonetheless, we remain slightly overweight stocks and favor stocks over bonds. Caution On Risk Assets We recommend that clients be prudent, paring back any overweight positions and holding some safe-haven assets within diversified portfolios. BCA research has demonstrated that U.S. Treasuries, Swiss bonds and JGBs were the best performers during a crisis (Chart 1). The same is true for the Swiss franc and the Japanese yen, such that the currency exposure should not be hedged in these cases. The dollar is more nuanced. It tends to perform well during financial crises, but not in geopolitical crises or recessions. Chart 1Gold Loves Geopolitical Crises Shelter From The Storm Shelter From The Storm Gold tends to perform well in geopolitical events, although not in recessions or financial crunches. Our base case projects stocks outperforming cash and bonds over the next 6-12 months. BCA's dollar and duration positions have disappointed so far this year. Much hinges on U.S. inflation. Investors appear to have adopted the stance that structural headwinds to inflation will forever dominate the cyclical pressures. Therefore, the bond market is totally unprepared for any upside shocks on the inflation landscape. Admittedly, a rise in bond yields may not be imminent, but the risks appear to be predominantly to the upside. Harvey's Lingering Aftermath History shows that natural disasters such as Hurricane Harvey have a temporary effect on the U.S. economy, the financial markets and the Fed. Ultimately, the macro environment in place before the storm will reassert itself. Nonetheless, it may be a few months before investors determine the long-term impact of the record rainfall and flooding in Houston. Chart 2 shows the ranking of Harvey's preliminary damage estimate of $30B versus other storms of similar magnitude. We are still several weeks away from the peak of the Atlantic hurricane season (mid-September) and two of the most destructive storms in the past 25 years made landfall in mid-to-late October (Wilma and Sandy). Chart 2Economic Impact From Major Hurricanes Economic Impact From Major Hurricanes Economic Impact From Major Hurricanes Chart 3 shows the performance of key economic, inflation and financial market indicators in the past two years and also around five major hurricanes since 1992. Most of the activity-related economic statistics are volatile in the aftermath of the storms and then they recover. The Citi economic surprise index initially moves higher after a storm, and then fades (Chart 3A). There are big swings in housing starts and industrial production and employment growth slows. Inflation tends to climb post-landfall (Chart 3B). In prior episodes, core PCE and core CPI have accelerated along with gasoline prices. Consumer confidence dips initially, but then recovers. Wages are volatile, but tend to accelerate after several months. Chart 3C shows that stocks drift lower for several months following hurricanes and subsequently recoup the losses. The stock-to-bond ratio also moved lower, but regains its pre-storm heights about two months later. Treasury yields fall after storms, but we note that yields have been in a secular decline for 25 years. Chart 3AMajor Hurricane Impact##BR##On Activity Data Major Hurricane Impact On Activity Data Major Hurricane Impact On Activity Data Chart 3BMajor Hurricane Impact On##BR##Sentiment And Inflation Data Major Hurricane Impact On Sentiment And Inflation Data Major Hurricane Impact On Sentiment And Inflation Data Chart 3CMajor Hurricane Impact On##BR##Financial Markets & The Fed Major Hurricane Impact On Financial Markets & The Fed Major Hurricane Impact On Financial Markets & The Fed Hurricane Harvey will not shake the Fed. Nonetheless, the central bank will acknowledge the disaster in the FOMC statement, the FOMC minutes, and/or in Fed Chair Janet Yellen's news conference. We are unchanged in our view that policymakers will begin to pare its balance sheet later this month and bump up rates again in December, assuming that core inflation shows some signs of strength between now and then. History shows (Chart 3C) that, on average, the Fed funds rate tends to move higher in the months after storms hit, but the primary message is that the Fed just continues to do whatever it was doing before the storm. The Fed cut rates in the aftermath of Hurricane Andrew in 1992 in what turned out to be the final rate reduction of the cycle that began in 1989. Ivan hit in September 2004, but the monetary authority raised rates in the final three FOMC meetings of 2004, including at the meeting only a week after the hurricane made landfall. Similarly, the Fed clung to its rate hike regime after Wilma in October 2005. In 2008, Ike arrived in Texas two days before Lehman Brothers collapsed in mid-September. The Fed, which had been cutting rates since September 2007, lowered rates in the final months of 2008. The Fed announced QE3 in late summer 2012 and continued with the program after Sandy came ashore at the end of October 2012. Harvey will be a game changer in some respects: the devastation reduces the odds of a government shutdown or of failing to increase the debt ceiling. We have maintained that there were extremely low odds that the debt ceiling would not be raised. We stated that there was a 25% chance of a government shutdown between October 1, when the current funding expires, and sometime in mid-October when the debt ceiling will hit according to the Congressional Budget Office. However, it would be unfathomable to shut down the government and force the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to cease operations. The resulting outrage would damage the Republicans, especially in Texas. Bottom Line: Harvey may have a near-term impact on the economy, but the Fed will stick to its plan. The catastrophe makes it increasingly likely that the debt ceiling will be raised and a resolution will be passed to keep the government operating into the new fiscal year. Thus, equity investors can safely ignore these two risks, and focus on the key risk in the outlook: North Korea. North Korea Could Linger Over Markets BCA believes that the probability of a war on the Korean Peninsula is very low,1 but it may take a while before the uncertainty in Northeast Asia is resolved. Between now (escalating tensions) and then (a negotiated settlement), there will be more provocations and market volatility. There are long-standing constraints to war. The first is a potentially high death toll: Pyongyang can inflict massive civilian casualties in Seoul with a conventional artillery barrage. Furthermore, U.S. troops, and Japanese forces and civilians, would also suffer. Secondly, China is unlikely to remain neutral. Strategically, China will not tolerate a U.S. presence on its border with North Korea. Nevertheless, Washington must establish a credible threat of military action if it is to convince Pyongyang that negotiations offer a superior outcome. It is unclear how long it will take Trump to convince North Korea that the threat of a U.S. preemptive strike is credible. Chart 4 shows the arc of diplomacy2 that the U.S. took with Iran between 2010 and 2014. From an investor perspective, it will be difficult to gauge whether the brinkmanship and military posturing are part of this territorial threat display or evidence of real preparations for an actual attack. More market volatility may occur, but for the time being, we do not think that the tensions in the Korean peninsula will end the bull market in global equities. Positions in traditional safe-haven assets, such as gold, U.S. Treasuries, Swiss francs and (perhaps) Japanese yen, should be considered as hedges against increased market swings. Chart 4Arc Of Diplomacy: Tensions Ramp Up As Nuclear Negotiations Begin Shelter From The Storm Shelter From The Storm Update: Equity Valuations, Sentiment And Technicals U.S. equity valuations are stretched, but elevated valuations alone are not enough to prompt a sell-off in stocks. The BCA valuation indicator is in overvalued territory, where it has been since late 2013. History shows3 that stocks can stay overvalued for extended periods, even when the Fed is raising rates, but policy is still accommodative as it is today. BCA's composite valuation indicator is still shy of the +1 standard deviation level that defines extremely over-valued (Chart 5). However, this is due to the components that compare equity prices with bond yields. The other three elements of the equity indicator, which are unrelated to bond yields, suggest that stock valuation is stretched (Chart 5 panels 2, 3 and 4). That said, equities are attractively priced relative to competing assets, such as corporate bonds and Treasuries (Chart 6). Chart 5U.S. Equities##BR##Are Overvalued... U.S. Equities Are Overvalued... U.S. Equities Are Overvalued... Chart 6...But Look Less Expensive##BR##Relative To Competing Assets ...But Look Less Expensive Relative To Competing Assets ...But Look Less Expensive Relative To Competing Assets Valuation is not a reliable tool to time market turning points and, absent a significant deterioration in the economic, profit and margin environment, we do not forecast a sustained pullback in stocks. Looking beyond BCA's tactical 6-12 month window, above-average market multiples alone imply below-average returns for stocks across a strategic time horizon. Chart 7No Strong Signal From##BR##Sentiment Or Technicals No Strong Signal From Sentiment Or Technicals No Strong Signal From Sentiment Or Technicals BCA's technical and sentiment indicators are not at extremes (Chart 7). The BCA technical indicator, while above zero, is not at a level that in the past has triggered a stock pullback. Similarly, the BCA investor sentiment composite index, while at the top end of its bull market range, is not at an extreme. Moreover, only 50% of the stocks in the NYSE composite are above their 10-week moving average, a level which has not been previously associated with major equity sell-offs. Bottom Line: The solid earnings backdrop remains in place for U.S. stocks as measured by either the S&P or the national accounts. We anticipate that profit growth has peaked according to S&P 500 data on a 4-quarter moving total basis due to tough comparisons although it will slip only modestly in the second half of the year. Next year will see EPS growth drop back into the mid-single digit range. The consensus estimate for 2018 EPS growth is 11%. While valuations are elevated, neither sentiment nor technical indicators are flashing red. We recommend stocks over bonds in the next 6-12 months, but acknowledge that risks to BCA's stance are climbing. A Reconnection In Q2 The Q2 data show that the NIPA and S&P earnings measures have reconnected. In our July 3, 2017 Weekly Report "Summer Stress Out"4 we highlighted the apparent disconnect between the S&P and NIPA, sales earnings and margin data through Q1 2017. The release of the Q2 corporate profits data in the national accounts and the end the Q2 S&P 500 reporting season allow us to provide an update. The year-over-year reading on the NIPA earnings measure ticked up in Q2 while the S&P-based metric ticked down. That said, while there are marked differences in annual growth rates between the two measures, the levels were close to the same point in the second quarter of 2017 (Chart 8, bottom panel). Chart 9 shows that a wide difference persists between corporate sales measured by S&P and the national accounts. Margins calculated on the S&P basis climbed in Q2 while NIPA margins held steady. Even so, a modest gap still remains between NIPA margins at 15.2% and S&P margins at 13.2%. Most of the divergence is related to the denominator of the calculation. The NIPA denominator is corporate sector Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is a value-added concept that is different from sales. It is not clear why, but GDP has grown much faster than sales since the end of 2014. Chart 8S&P And NIPA##BR##Profit Comparison S&P And NIPA Profit Comparison S&P And NIPA Profit Comparison Chart 9Denominator Explains##BR##S&P/NIPA Margin Divergence Denominator Explains S&P/NIPA Margin Divergence Denominator Explains S&P/NIPA Margin Divergence We believe that the S&P statistics are painting a more accurate picture because sales are easier to measure while value-added is more complicated. The slow growth of sales is not a bullish point for stocks. Nonetheless, it does not appear that financial engineering has distorted bottom-up company data to such an extent that the S&P readings are falsely signaling strong profit growth. We expect the secular mean-reversion of margins to re-assert itself in the S&P data, perhaps beginning early in 2018. Nonetheless, the profit backdrop is positive for stocks for now. Is The August Jobs Report Enough For The Fed? Chart 10Labor Market Conditions##BR##Favor Risk Assets Labor Market Conditions Favor Risk Assets Labor Market Conditions Favor Risk Assets U.S. payrolls expanded by 156,000 in August. Relative to the underlying growth rate in the labor force, this is still a healthy pace of jobs growth. Nevertheless, it fell short of expectations for a 180,000 increase and the prior two months saw a cumulative downward revision of 41,000. The August data were not impacted by Hurricane Harvey. Aggregate hours worked, a measure of total labor inputs based on changes in employment and the workweek, fell by 0.2% m/m. That said, aggregate hours worked are up 1.3% at a quarterly annualized rate thus far in Q3. This is consistent with GDP growth of a bit over 2%, which has been the trend in the current economic expansion. Meanwhile, wage gains remain muted. Average hourly earnings rose just 0.1% m/m. Annual wage inflation has been steady at 2.5% for several months now (Chart 10, bottom panel). If productivity is expanding modestly around 1%, the current pace of wage gains would suggest that unit labor costs are growing around 1.5%. This will make it difficult for general price inflation to accelerate to the Fed 2% target. Nonetheless, the reacceleration in the 3-month change in average hourly earnings from 1.9% in January 2017 to 2.6% in August supports the Fed's view on inflation. Finally, the unemployment rate ticked up to 4.4% from 4.3%. This was because the separate household survey showed a 74,000 drop in employment. The participation rate held steady at 62.9% in August. Bottom Line: While falling short of expectations in August, U.S. employment growth remains solid and job gains are continuing at a pace consistent with the 2% GDP growth rate of recent years. However, muted wage gains mean that progress to the Fed's 2% inflation target is looking suspect. We anticipate that the Fed will announce the process of running down its balance sheet at the September FOMC meeting. Rate hikes are on hold at least until the December FOMC meeting, and even then only if core inflation shows some signs of strength in the next few months. U.S. risk assets should continue to benefit from moderate growth, low inflation and a "go slow" approach by the Fed. John Canally, CFA, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy johnc@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA's Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Can Pyongyang Derail The Bull Market?", August 16, 2017. It is available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA's Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Northeast Asia: Moonshine, Militarism, And Markets? ,"May 24, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA's U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Sizing Up The Second Half", July 10, 2017, available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA's U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Summer Stress Out", July 3, 2017, available at usis.bcaresearch.com.
Dear Client, In addition to this Special Report written by my colleague Mark McClellan, we are sending you an abbreviated weekly report, which includes the Tactical Global Asset Allocation Monthly Update. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy Highlights A "culture of profound cost reduction" has gripped the business sector since the GFC according to one school of thought, permanently changing the relationship between labor market slack and wages or inflation. If true, it could mean that central banks are almost powerless to reach their inflation targets. Amazon, Airbnb, Uber, robotics, contract workers, artificial intelligence, horizontal drilling and driverless cars are just a few examples of companies and technologies that are cutting costs and depressing prices and wages. In the first of our series on inflation, we will focus on the rise of e-commerce and the related "Amazonification" of the economy. In theory, positive supply shocks should not have more than a temporary impact on inflation if the price level is indeed a monetary phenomenon in the long term. But a series of positive supply shocks could make it appear for quite a while that low inflation is structural in nature. We are keeping an open mind and reserving judgement on the disinflationary impact of robotics, artificial intelligence and the gig economy until we do more research. But in terms of the impact of e-commerce, it is difficult to find supportive evidence at the macro level. The admittedly inadequate measures of online prices available today do not suggest that e-commerce sales are depressing the overall inflation rate by more than 0.1 or 0.2 percentage points. Moreover, it does not appear that the disinflationary impact of competition in the retail sector has intensified over the years. Today's creative destruction in retail may be no more deflationary than the shift to 'big box' stores in the 1990s. Perhaps lower online prices are forcing traditional retailers match the e-commerce vendors, allowing for a larger disinflationary effect than we estimate. However, the fact that retail margins are near secular highs outside of department stores argues against this thesis. The sectors potentially affected by e-commerce make up a small part of the CPI index. The deceleration of inflation since the GFC has been in areas unaffected by online sales. High profit margins for the overall corporate sector and depressed productivity growth also argue against the idea that e-commerce represents a large positive macro supply shock. Perhaps the main way that e-commerce is affecting the macro economy and financial markets is not through inflation, but via the reduction in the economy's capital spending requirement. This would reduce the equilibrium level of interest rates, since the Fed has to stimulate other parts of the economy to offset the loss of demand in capital spending in the retail sector. Feature Anecdotal evidence is all around us. The global economy is evolving and it seems that all of the major changes are deflationary. Amazon, Airbnb, Uber, robotics, contract workers, artificial intelligence, horizontal drilling and driverless cars are just a few examples of companies and technologies that are cutting costs and depressing prices and wages. Central banks in the major advanced economies are having difficulty meeting their inflation targets, even in the U.S. where the labor market is tight by historical standards. Based on the depressed level of bond yields, it appears that the majority of investors believe that inflation headwinds will remain formidable for a long time. One school of thought is that low inflation reflects a lack of demand growth in the post-Great Financial Crisis (GFC) period. Another school points to the supply side of the economy. A recent report by Prudential Financial highlights "...obvious examples of ... new business models and new organizational structures, whereby higher-cost traditional methods of production, transportation, and distribution are displaced by more nontraditional cost-effective ways of conducting business." 1 A "culture of profound cost reduction" has gripped the business sector since the GFC according to this school, permanently changing the relationship between labor market slack and wages or inflation (i.e., the Phillips Curve). Employees are less aggressive in their wage demands in a world where robots are threatening humans in a broadening array of industrial categories. Many feel lucky just to have a job. In a highly sensationalized article called "How The Internet Economy Killed Inflation," Forbes argued that "the internet has reduced many of the traditional barriers to entry that protect companies from competition and created a race to the bottom for prices in a number of categories." Forbes believes that new technologies are placing downward pressure on inflation by depressing wages, increasing productivity and encouraging competition. There are many factors that have the potential to weigh on prices, but analysts are mainly focusing on e-commerce, robotics, artificial intelligence, and the gig economy. In the first of our series on inflation, we will focus on the rise of e-commerce and the related "Amazonification" of the economy. The latter refers to the advent of new business models that cut out layers of middlemen between producers and consumers. Amazonification E-commerce has grown at a compound annual rate of more than 9% over the past 15 years, and now accounts for about 8½% of total U.S. retail sales (Chart 1). Amazon has been leading the charge, accounting for 43% of all online sales in 2016 (Chart 2). Amazon's business model not only cuts costs by eliminating middlemen and (until recently) avoiding expensive showrooms, but it also provides a platform for improved price discovery on an extremely broad array of goods. In 2013, Amazon carried 230 million items for sale in the United States, nearly 30 times the number sold by Walmart, one of the largest retailers in the world. Chart 1E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share Chart 2Amazon Dominates Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? With the use of a smartphone, consumers can check the price of an item on Amazon while shopping in a physical store. Studies show that it does not require a large price gap for shoppers to buy online rather than in-store. Amazon appears to be impacting other retailers' ability to pass though cost increases, leading to a rash of retail outlet closings. Sears alone announced the closure of 300 retail outlets this year. The devastation that Amazon inflicted on the book industry is well known. It is no wonder then, that Amazon's purchase of Whole Foods Market, a grocery chain, sent shivers down the spines of CEOs not only in the food industry, but in the broader retail industry as well. What would prevent Amazon from applying its model to furniture and appliances, electronics or drugstores? It seems that no retail space is safe. A Little Theory Before we turn to the evidence, let's review the macro theory related to positive supply shocks. The internet could be lowering prices by moving product markets toward the "perfect competition" model. The internet trims search costs, improves price transparency and reduces barriers to entry. The internet also allows for shorter supply chains, as layers of wholesalers and other intermediaries are removed and e-commerce companies allow more direct contact between consumers and producers. Fewer inventories and a smaller "brick and mortar" infrastructure take additional costs out of the system. Economic theory suggests that the result of this positive supply shock will be greater product market competition, increased productivity and reduced profitability. In the long run, workers should benefit from the productivity boost via real wage gains (even if nominal wage growth is lackluster). Workers may lower their reservation wage if they feel that increased competitive pressures or technology threaten their jobs. The internet is also likely to improve job matching between the unemployed and available vacancies, which should lead to a fall in the full-employment level of unemployment (NAIRU). Nonetheless, the internet should not have a permanent impact on inflation. The lower level of NAIRU and the direct effects of the internet on consumer prices discussed above allow inflation to fall below the central bank's target. The bank responds by lowering interest rates, stimulating demand and thereby driving unemployment down to the new lower level of NAIRU. Over time, inflation will drift back up toward target. In other words, a greater degree of the competition should boost the supply side of the economy and lower NAIRU, but it should not result in a permanently lower rate of inflation if inflation is indeed a monetary phenomenon and central banks strive to meet their targets. Still, one could imagine a series of supply shocks that are spread out over time, with each having a temporary negative impact on prices such that it appears for a while that inflation has been permanently depressed. This could be an accurate description of the current situation in the U.S. and some of the other major countries. We have sympathy for the view that the internet and new business models are increasing competition, cutting costs and thereby limiting price increases in some areas. But is there any hard evidence? Is the competitive effect that large, and is it any more intense than in the past? There are a number of reasons to be skeptical because most of the evidence does not support Forbes' claim that the internet has killed inflation. 1. E-commerce affects only a small part of the Consumer Price Index As mentioned above, online shopping for goods represents 8.5% of total retail sales in the U.S. E-commerce is concentrated in four kinds of businesses (Table 1): Furniture & Home Furnishings (7% of total retail sales), Electronics & Appliances (20%), Health & Personal Care (15%), and Clothing (10%). Since goods make up 40% of the CPI, then 3.2% (8% times 40%) is a ballpark estimate for the size of goods e-commerce in the CPI. Table 1E-Commerce Market Share Of Goods Sector Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? Table 2 shows the relative size of e-commerce in the service sector. The analysis is complicated by the fact that the data on services includes B-to-B sales in addition to B-to-C.2 However, e-commerce represents almost 4% of total sales for the service categories tracked by the BLS. Services make up 60% of the CPI, but the size drops to 26% if we exclude shelter (which is probably not affected by online shopping). Thus, e-commerce in the service sector likely affects 1% (3.9% times 26%) of the CPI. Table 2E-Commerce Market Share Of Service Sector Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? Adding goods and services, online shopping affects about 4.2% of the CPI index at most. The bottom line is that the relatively small size of e-commerce at the consumer level limits any estimate of the impact of online sales on the broad inflation rate. 2. Most of the deceleration in inflation since 2007 has been in areas unaffected by e-commerce Table 3 compares the average contribution to annual average CPI inflation during 2000-2007 with that of 2007-2016. Average annual inflation fell from 2.9% in the seven years before the Great Recession to 1.8% after, for a total decline of just over 1 percentage point. The deceleration is almost fully explained by Energy, Food and Owners' Equivalent Rent. The bottom part of Table 3 highlights that the sectors with the greatest exposure to e-commerce had a negligible impact on the inflation slowdown. Table 3Comparison Of Pre- And Post-Lehman Inflation Rates Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? 3. The cost advantages for online sellers are overstated Bain & Company, a U.S. consultancy, argues that e-commerce will not grow in importance indefinitely and come to dominate consumer spending.3 E-commerce sales are already slowing. Market share is following a classic S-shaped curve that, Bain estimates, will top out at under 30% by 2030. First, not everyone wants to buy everything online. Products that are well known to consumers and purchased on a regular basis are well suited to online shopping. But for many other products, consumers need to see and feel the product in person before making a purchase. Second, the cost savings of online selling versus traditional brick and mortar stores is not as great as many believe. Bain claims that many e-commerce businesses struggle to make a profit. The information technology, distribution centers, shipping, and returns processing required by e-commerce companies can cost as much as running physical stores in some cases. E-tailers often cannot ship directly from manufacturers to consumers; they need large and expensive fulfillment centers and a very generous returns policy. Moreover, online and offline sales models are becoming blurred. Retailers with physical stores are growing their e-commerce operations, while previously pure e-commerce plays are adding stores or negotiating space in other retailers' stores. Even Amazon now has storefronts. The shift toward an "multichannel" selling model underscores that there are benefits to traditional brick-and-mortar stores that will ensure that they will not completely disappear. 4. E-commerce is not the first revolution in the retail sector The retail sector has changed significantly over the decades and it is not clear that the disinflationary effect of the latest revolution, e-commerce, is any more intense than in the past. Economists at Goldman Sachs point out that the growth of Amazon's market share in recent years still lags that of Walmart and other "big box" stores in the 1990s (Chart 3).4 This fact suggests that "Amazonification" may not be as disinflationary as the previous big-box revolution. 5. Weak productivity growth and high profit margins are inconsistent with a large supply-side benefit from e-commerce As discussed above, economic theory suggests that a positive supply shock that cuts costs and boosts competition should trim profit margins and lift productivity. The problem is that the margins and productivity have moved in the opposite direction that economic theory would suggest (Chart 4). Chart 3Comparison Of Pre- And Post-Lehman Inflation Rates Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve? Chart 4Incompatible With A Supply Shock Incompatible With A Supply Shock Incompatible With A Supply Shock By definition, productivity rises when firms can produce the same output with fewer or cheaper inputs. However, it is well documented that productivity growth has been in a downtrend since the 1990s, and has been dismally low since the Great Recession. A Special Report from BCA's Global Investment Strategy 5 service makes a convincing case that mismeasurement is not behind the low productivity figures. In fact, in many industries it appears that productivity is over-estimated. If e-commerce is big enough to "move the dial" on overall inflation, it should be big enough to see in the aggregate productivity figures. Chart 5Retail Margin Squeeze Only In Department Stores Retail Margin Squeeze Only In Department Stores Retail Margin Squeeze Only In Department Stores One would also expect to see a margin squeeze across industries if e-commerce is indeed generating a lot of deflationary competitive pressure. Despite dismally depressed productivity, however, corporate profit margins are at the high end of the historical range across most of the sectors of the S&P 500. This is the case even in the retailing sector outside of department stores (Chart 5). These facts argue against the idea that the internet has moved the economy further toward a disinflationary "perfect competition" model. 6. Online price setting is characterized by frictions comparable to traditional retail We would expect to observe a low price dispersion across online vendors since the internet has apparently lowered the cost of monitoring competitors' prices and the cost of searching for the lowest price. We would also expect to see fairly synchronized price adjustments; if one vendor adjusts its price due to changing market conditions, then the rest should quickly follow to avoid suffering a massive loss of market share. However, a recent study of price-setting practices in the U.S. and U.K. found that this is not the case.6 The dataset covered a broad spectrum of consumer goods and sellers over a two-year period, comparing online with offline prices. The researchers found that market pricing "frictions" are surprisingly elevated in the online world. Price dispersion is high in absolute terms and on par with offline pricing. Academics for years have puzzled over high price rigidities and dispersion in retail stores in the context of an apparently stiff competitive environment, and it appears that online pricing is not much better. The study did not cover a long enough period to see if frictions were even worse in the past. Nonetheless, the evidence available suggests that the lower cost of monitoring prices afforded by the internet has not led to significant price convergence across sellers online or offline. Another study compared online and offline prices for multichannel retailers, using the massive database provided by the Billion Prices Project at MIT.7 The database covers prices across 10 countries. The study found that retailers charged the same price online as in-store in 72% of cases. The average discount was 4% for those cases in which there was a markdown online. If the observations with identical prices are included, the average online/offline price difference was just 1%. 7. Some measures of online prices have grown at about the same pace as the CPI index The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics does include online sales when constructing the Consumer Price Index. It even includes peer-to-peer sales by companies such as Airbnb and Uber. However, the BLS admits that its sample lags the popularity of such services by a few years. Moreover, while the BLS is trying to capture the rising proportion of sales done via e-commerce, "outlet bias" means that the CPI does not capture the price effect in cases where consumers are finding cheaper prices online. This is because the BLS weights the growth rate of online and offline prices, not the price levels. While there may be level differences, there is no reason to believe that the inflation rates for similar goods sold online and offline differ significantly. If the inflation rates are close, then the growing share of online sales will not affect overall inflation based on the BLS methodology. The BLS argues that any bias in the CPI due to outlet bias is mitigated to the extent that physical stores offer a higher level of service. Thus, price differences may not be that great after quality-adjustment. All this suggests that the actual consumer price inflation rate could be somewhat lower than the official rate. Nonetheless, it does not necessarily mean that inflation, properly measured, is being depressed by e-commerce to a meaningful extent. Indeed, Chart 6 highlights that the U.S. component of the Billion Prices Index rose at a faster pace than the overall CPI between 2009 and 2014. The Online Price Index fell in absolute and relative terms from 2014 to mid-2016, but rose sharply toward the end of 2016. Applying our guesstimate of the weight of e-commerce in the CPI (3.2% for goods), online price inflation added to overall annual CPI inflation by about 0.3 percentage points in 2016 (bottom panel of Chart 6). There is more deflation evident in the BLS' index of prices for Electronic Shopping and Mail Order Houses (Chart 7). Online prices fell relative to the overall CPI for most of the time since the early 1990s, with the relative price decline accelerating since the GFC. However, our estimate of the contribution to overall annual CPI inflation is only about -0.15 percentage points in June 2017, and has never been more than -0.3 percentage points. This could be an underestimate because it does not include the impact of services, although the service e-commerce share of the CPI is very small. Chart 6Online Price Index Online Price Index Online Price Index Chart 7Electronic Shopping Price Index Electronic Shopping Price Index Electronic Shopping Price Index Another way to approach this question is to focus on the parts of the CPI that are most exposed to e-commerce. It is impossible to separate the effect of e-commerce on inflation from other drivers of productivity. Nonetheless, if online shopping is having a significant deflationary impact on overall inflation, we should see large and persistent negative contributions from these parts of the CPI. We combined the components of the CPI that most closely matched the sectors that have high e-commerce exposure according to the BLS' annual Retail Survey (Chart 8). The sectors in our aggregate e-commerce price proxy include hotels/motels, taxicabs, books & magazines, clothing, computer hardware, drugs, health & beauty aids, electronics & appliances, alcoholic beverages, furniture & home furnishings, sporting goods, air transportation, travel arrangement and reservation services, educational services and other merchandise. The sectors are weighted based on their respective weights in the CPI. Our e-commerce price proxy has generally fallen relative to the overall CPI index since 2000. However, while the average contribution of these sectors to the overall annual CPI inflation rate has fallen in the post GFC period relative to the 2000-2007 period, the average difference is only 0.2 percentage points. The contribution has hovered around the zero mark for the past 2½ years. Surprisingly, price indexes have increased by more than the overall CPI since 2000 in some sectors where one would have expected to see significant relative price deflation, such as taxis, hotels, travel arrangement and even books. One could argue that significant measurement error must be a factor. How could the price of books have gone up faster than the CPI? Sectors displaying the most relative price declines are clothing, computers, electronics, furniture, sporting goods, air travel and other goods. We recalculated our e-commerce proxy using only these deflating sectors, but we boosted their weights such that the overall weight of the proxy in the CPI is kept the same as our full e-commerce proxy discussed above. In other words, this approach implicitly assumes that the excluded sectors (taxis, books, hotels and travel arrangement) actually deflated at the average pace of the sectors that remain in the index. Our adjusted e-commerce proxy suggests that online pricing reduced overall CPI inflation by about 0.1-to-0.2 percentage points in recent years (Chart 9). This contribution is below the long-term average of the series, but the drag was even greater several times in the past. Chart 8BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index Chart 9BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index Admittedly, data limitations mean that all of the above estimates of the impact of e-commerce are ballpark figures. Conclusions We are keeping an open mind and reserving judgement on the disinflationary impact of robotics, artificial intelligence and the gig economy until we do more research. But in terms of the impact of e-commerce, it is difficult to find supportive evidence. The available data are admittedly far from ideal for confirming or disproving the "Amazonification" thesis. Perhaps better measures of e-commerce pricing will emerge in the future. Nonetheless, the measures available today do not suggest that online sales are depressing the overall inflation rate by more than 0.1 or 0.2 percentage points, and it does not appear that the disinflationary impact has intensified by much. One could argue that lower online prices are forcing traditional retailers to match the e-commerce vendors, allowing for a larger disinflationary effect than we estimate. Nonetheless, if this were the case, then we would expect to see significant margin compression in the retail sector. The sectors potentially affected by e-commerce make up a small part of the CPI index. The deceleration of inflation since the GFC has been in areas unaffected by online sales. High corporate profit margins and depressed productivity growth also argue against the idea that e-commerce represents a large positive macro supply shock. Finally, today's creative destruction in retail may be no more deflationary than the shift to 'big box' stores in the 1990s. Perhaps the main way that e-commerce is affecting the macro economy and financial markets is not through inflation, but via the reduction in the economy's capital spending requirement. Rising online activity means that we need fewer shopping malls and big box outlets to support a given level of consumer spending. This would reduce the equilibrium level of interest rates, since the Fed has to stimulate other parts of the economy to offset the loss of demand in capital spending in the retail sector. To the extent that central banks were slow to recognize that equilibrium rates had fallen to extremely low levels, then policy was behind the curve and this might have contributed to the current low inflation environment. Mark McClellan, Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst markm@bcaresearch.com 1 Robert F. DeLucia, "Economic Perspective: A Nontraditional Analysis of Inflation," Prudential Capital Group (August 21, 2017). 2 Business to business, and business to consumer. 3 Aaron Cheris, Darrell Rigby and Suzanne Tager, "The Power Of Omnichannel Stores," Bain & Company Insights: Retail Holiday Newsletter 2016-2017 (December 19, 2016) 4 "US Daily: The Internet and Inflation: How Big is the Amazon Effect?" Goldman Sachs Economic Research (August 2, 2017). 5 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame the Statisticians," dated March 25, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com 6 Yuriy Gorodnichenko, Viacheslav Sheremirov, and Oleksandr Talavera, "Price Setting In Online Markets: Does IT Click?" Journal of the European Economic Association (July 2016). 7 Alberto Cavallo, "Are Online and Offline Prices Similar? Evidence from Large Multi-Channel Retailers," NBER Working Paper No. 22142 (March 2016).
A "culture of profound cost reduction" has gripped the business sector since the GFC according to one school of thought, permanently changing the relationship between labor market slack and wages or inflation. If true, it could mean that central banks are almost powerless to reach their inflation targets. Amazon, Airbnb, Uber, robotics, contract workers, artificial intelligence, horizontal drilling and driverless cars are just a few examples of companies and technologies that are cutting costs and depressing prices and wages. In the first of our series on inflation, we will focus on the rise of e-commerce and the related "Amazonification" of the economy. In theory, positive supply shocks should not have more than a temporary impact on inflation if the price level is indeed a monetary phenomenon in the long term. But a series of positive supply shocks could make it appear for quite a while that low inflation is structural in nature. We are keeping an open mind and reserving judgement on the disinflationary impact of robotics, artificial intelligence and the gig economy until we do more research. But in terms of the impact of e-commerce, it is difficult to find supportive evidence at the macro level. The admittedly inadequate measures of online prices available today do not suggest that e-commerce sales are depressing the overall inflation rate by more than 0.1 or 0.2 percentage points. Moreover, it does not appear that the disinflationary impact of competition in the retail sector has intensified over the years. Today's creative destruction in retail may be no more deflationary than the shift to 'big box' stores in the 1990s. Perhaps lower online prices are forcing traditional retailers to match the e-commerce vendors, allowing for a larger disinflationary effect than we estimate. However, the fact that retail margins are near secular highs outside of department stores argues against this thesis. The sectors potentially affected by e-commerce make up a small part of the CPI index. The deceleration of inflation since the GFC has been in areas unaffected by online sales. High profit margins for the overall corporate sector and depressed productivity growth also argue against the idea that e-commerce represents a large positive macro supply shock. Perhaps the main way that e-commerce is affecting the macro economy and financial markets is not through inflation, but via the reduction in the economy's capital spending requirement. This would reduce the equilibrium level of interest rates, since the Fed has to stimulate other parts of the economy to offset the loss of demand in capital spending in the retail sector. Anecdotal evidence is all around us. The global economy is evolving and it seems that all of the major changes are deflationary. Amazon, Airbnb, Uber, robotics, contract workers, artificial intelligence, horizontal drilling and driverless cars are just a few examples of companies and technologies that are cutting costs and depressing prices and wages. Central banks in the major advanced economies are having difficulty meeting their inflation targets, even in the U.S. where the labor market is tight by historical standards. Based on the depressed level of bond yields, it appears that the majority of investors believe that inflation headwinds will remain formidable for a long time. One school of thought is that low inflation reflects a lack of demand growth in the post-Great Financial Crisis (GFC) period. Another school points to the supply side of the economy. A recent report by Prudential Financial highlights "...obvious examples of ... new business models and new organizational structures, whereby higher-cost traditional methods of production, transportation, and distribution are displaced by more nontraditional cost-effective ways of conducting business."1 A "culture of profound cost reduction" has gripped the business sector since the GFC according to this school, permanently changing the relationship between labor market slack and wages or inflation (i.e., the Phillips Curve). Employees are less aggressive in their wage demands in a world where robots are threatening humans in a broadening array of industrial categories. Many feel lucky just to have a job. In a highly sensationalized article called "How The Internet Economy Killed Inflation," Forbes argued that "the internet has reduced many of the traditional barriers to entry that protect companies from competition and created a race to the bottom for prices in a number of categories." Forbes believes that new technologies are placing downward pressure on inflation by depressing wages, increasing productivity and encouraging competition. There are many factors that have the potential to weigh on prices, but analysts are mainly focusing on e-commerce, robotics, artificial intelligence, and the gig economy. In the first of our series on inflation, we will focus on the rise of e-commerce and the related "Amazonification" of the economy. The latter refers to the advent of new business models that cut out layers of middlemen between producers and consumers. Amazonification E-commerce has grown at a compound annual rate of more than 9% over the past 15 years, and now accounts for about 8½% of total U.S. retail sales (Chart II-1). Amazon has been leading the charge, accounting for 43% of all online sales in 2016 (Chart II-2). Amazon's business model not only cuts costs by eliminating middlemen and (until recently) avoiding expensive showrooms, but it also provides a platform for improved price discovery on an extremely broad array of goods. In 2013, Amazon carried 230 million items for sale in the United States, nearly 30 times the number sold by Walmart, one of the largest retailers in the world. Chart II-1E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share Chart II-2Amazon Dominates September 2017 September 2017 With the use of a smartphone, consumers can check the price of an item on Amazon while shopping in a physical store. Studies show that it does not require a large price gap for shoppers to buy online rather than in-store. Amazon appears to be impacting other retailers' ability to pass though cost increases, leading to a rash of retail outlet closings. Sears alone announced the closure of 300 retail outlets this year. The devastation that Amazon inflicted on the book industry is well known. It is no wonder then, that Amazon's purchase of Whole Foods Market, a grocery chain, sent shivers down the spines of CEOs not only in the food industry, but in the broader retail industry as well. What would prevent Amazon from applying its model to furniture and appliances, electronics or drugstores? It seems that no retail space is safe. A Little Theory Before we turn to the evidence, let's review the macro theory related to positive supply shocks. The internet could be lowering prices by moving product markets toward the "perfect competition" model. The internet trims search costs, improves price transparency and reduces barriers to entry. The internet also allows for shorter supply chains, as layers of wholesalers and other intermediaries are removed and e-commerce companies allow more direct contact between consumers and producers. Fewer inventories and a smaller "brick and mortar" infrastructure take additional costs out of the system. Economic theory suggests that the result of this positive supply shock will be greater product market competition, increased productivity and reduced profitability. In the long run, workers should benefit from the productivity boost via real wage gains (even if nominal wage growth is lackluster). Workers may lower their reservation wage if they feel that increased competitive pressures or technology threaten their jobs. The internet is also likely to improve job matching between the unemployed and available vacancies, which should lead to a fall in the full-employment level of unemployment (NAIRU). Nonetheless, the internet should not have a permanent impact on inflation. The lower level of NAIRU and the direct effects of the internet on consumer prices discussed above allow inflation to fall below the central bank's target. The bank responds by lowering interest rates, stimulating demand and thereby driving unemployment down to the new lower level of NAIRU. Over time, inflation will drift back up toward target. In other words, a greater degree of the competition should boost the supply side of the economy and lower NAIRU, but it should not result in a permanently lower rate of inflation if inflation is indeed a monetary phenomenon and central banks strive to meet their targets. Still, one could imagine a series of supply shocks that are spread out over time, with each having a temporary negative impact on prices such that it appears for a while that inflation has been permanently depressed. This could be an accurate description of the current situation in the U.S. and some of the other major countries. We have sympathy for the view that the internet and new business models are increasing competition, cutting costs and thereby limiting price increases in some areas. But is there any hard evidence? Is the competitive effect that large, and is it any more intense than in the past? There are a number of reasons to be skeptical because most of the evidence does not support Forbes' claim that the internet has killed inflation. (1) E-commerce affects only a small part of the Consumer Price Index As mentioned above, online shopping for goods represents 8.5% of total retail sales in the U.S. E-commerce is concentrated in four kinds of businesses (Table II-1): Furniture & Home Furnishings (7% of total retail sales), Electronics & Appliances (20%), Health & Personal Care (15%), and Clothing (10%). Since goods make up 40% of the CPI, then 3.2% (8% times 40%) is a ballpark estimate for the size of goods e-commerce in the CPI. Table II-1E-Commerce Market Share Of Goods Sector (2015) September 2017 September 2017 Table II-2 shows the relative size of e-commerce in the service sector. The analysis is complicated by the fact that the data on services includes B-to-B sales in addition to B-to-C.2 However, e-commerce represents almost 4% of total sales for the service categories tracked by the BLS. Services make up 60% of the CPI, but the size drops to 26% if we exclude shelter (which is probably not affected by online shopping). Thus, e-commerce in the service sector likely affects 1% (3.9% times 26%) of the CPI. Table II-2E-Commerce Market Share Of Service Sector (2015) September 2017 September 2017 Adding goods and services, online shopping affects about 4.2% of the CPI index at most. The bottom line is that the relatively small size of e-commerce at the consumer level limits any estimate of the impact of online sales on the broad inflation rate. (2) Most of the deceleration in inflation since 2007 has been in areas unaffected by e-commerce Table II-3 compares the average contribution to annual average CPI inflation during 2000-2007 with that of 2007-2016. Average annual inflation fell from 2.9% in the seven years before the Great Recession to 1.8% after, for a total decline of just over 1 percentage point. The deceleration is almost fully explained by Energy, Food and Owners' Equivalent Rent. The bottom part of Table II-3 highlights that the sectors with the greatest exposure to e-commerce had a negligible impact on the inflation slowdown. Table II-3Comparison Of Pre- and Post-Lehman Inflation Rates September 2017 September 2017 (3) The cost advantages for online sellers are overstated Bain & Company, a U.S. consultancy, argues that e-commerce will not grow in importance indefinitely and come to dominate consumer spending.3 E-commerce sales are already slowing. Market share is following a classic S-shaped curve that, Bain estimates, will top out at under 30% by 2030. First, not everyone wants to buy everything online. Products that are well known to consumers and purchased on a regular basis are well suited to online shopping. But for many other products, consumers need to see and feel the product in person before making a purchase. Second, the cost savings of online selling versus traditional brick and mortar stores is not as great as many believe. Bain claims that many e-commerce businesses struggle to make a profit. The information technology, distribution centers, shipping, and returns processing required by e-commerce companies can cost as much as running physical stores in some cases. E-tailers often cannot ship directly from manufacturers to consumers; they need large and expensive fulfillment centers and a very generous returns policy. Moreover, online and offline sales models are becoming blurred. Retailers with physical stores are growing their e-commerce operations, while previously pure e-commerce plays are adding stores or negotiating space in other retailers' stores. Even Amazon now has storefronts. The shift toward an "multichannel" selling model underscores that there are benefits to traditional brick-and-mortar stores that will ensure that they will not completely disappear. (4) E-commerce is not the first revolution in the retail sector The retail sector has changed significantly over the decades and it is not clear that the disinflationary effect of the latest revolution, e-commerce, is any more intense than in the past. Economists at Goldman Sachs point out that the growth of Amazon's market share in recent years still lags that of Walmart and other "big box" stores in the 1990s (Chart II-3).4 This fact suggests that "Amazonification" may not be as disinflationary as the previous big-box revolution. (5) Weak productivity growth and high profit margins are inconsistent with a large supply-side benefit from e-commerce As discussed above, economic theory suggests that a positive supply shock that cuts costs and boosts competition should trim profit margins and lift productivity. The problem is that the margins and productivity have moved in the opposite direction that economic theory would suggest (Chart II-4). Chart II-3Amazon Vs. Walmart: ##br##Who's More Deflationary? September 2017 September 2017 Chart II-4Incompatible With A Supply Shock Incompatible With A Supply Shock Incompatible With A Supply Shock By definition, productivity rises when firms can produce the same output with fewer or cheaper inputs. However, it is well documented that productivity growth has been in a downtrend since the 1990s, and has been dismally low since the Great Recession. A Special Report from BCA's Global Investment Strategy5 service makes a convincing case that mismeasurement is not behind the low productivity figures. In fact, in many industries it appears that productivity is over-estimated. If e-commerce is big enough to "move the dial" on overall inflation, it should be big enough to see in the aggregate productivity figures. Chart II-5Retail Margin Squeeze ##br##Only In Department Stores Retail Margin Squeeze Only In Department Stores Retail Margin Squeeze Only In Department Stores One would also expect to see a margin squeeze across industries if e-commerce is indeed generating a lot of deflationary competitive pressure. Despite dismally depressed productivity, however, corporate profit margins are at the high end of the historical range across most of the sectors of the S&P 500. This is the case even in the retailing sector outside of department stores (Chart II-5). These facts argue against the idea that the internet has moved the economy further toward a disinflationary "perfect competition" model. (6) Online price setting is characterized by frictions comparable to traditional retail We would expect to observe a low price dispersion across online vendors since the internet has apparently lowered the cost of monitoring competitors' prices and the cost of searching for the lowest price. We would also expect to see fairly synchronized price adjustments; if one vendor adjusts its price due to changing market conditions, then the rest should quickly follow to avoid suffering a massive loss of market share. However, a recent study of price-setting practices in the U.S. and U.K. found that this is not the case.6 The dataset covered a broad spectrum of consumer goods and sellers over a two-year period, comparing online with offline prices. The researchers found that market pricing "frictions" are surprisingly elevated in the online world. Price dispersion is high in absolute terms and on par with offline pricing. Academics for years have puzzled over high price rigidities and dispersion in retail stores in the context of an apparently stiff competitive environment, and it appears that online pricing is not much better. The study did not cover a long enough period to see if frictions were even worse in the past. Nonetheless, the evidence available suggests that the lower cost of monitoring prices afforded by the internet has not led to significant price convergence across sellers online or offline. Another study compared online and offline prices for multichannel retailers, using the massive database provided by the Billion Prices Project at MIT.7 The database covers prices across 10 countries. The study found that retailers charged the same price online as in-store in 72% of cases. The average discount was 4% for those cases in which there was a markdown online. If the observations with identical prices are included, the average online/offline price difference was just 1%. (7) Some measures of online prices have grown at about the same pace as the CPI index The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics does include online sales when constructing the Consumer Price Index. It even includes peer-to-peer sales by companies such as Airbnb and Uber. However, the BLS admits that its sample lags the popularity of such services by a few years. Moreover, while the BLS is trying to capture the rising proportion of sales done via e-commerce, "outlet bias" means that the CPI does not capture the price effect in cases where consumers are finding cheaper prices online. This is because the BLS weights the growth rate of online and offline prices, not the price levels. While there may be level differences, there is no reason to believe that the inflation rates for similar goods sold online and offline differ significantly. If the inflation rates are close, then the growing share of online sales will not affect overall inflation based on the BLS methodology. The BLS argues that any bias in the CPI due to outlet bias is mitigated to the extent that physical stores offer a higher level of service. Thus, price differences may not be that great after quality-adjustment. All this suggests that the actual consumer price inflation rate could be somewhat lower than the official rate. Nonetheless, it does not necessarily mean that inflation, properly measured, is being depressed by e-commerce to a meaningful extent. Indeed, Chart II-6 highlights that the U.S. component of the Billion Prices Index rose at a faster pace than the overall CPI between 2009 and 2014. The Online Price Index fell in absolute and relative terms from 2014 to mid-2016, but rose sharply toward the end of 2016. Applying our guesstimate of the weight of e-commerce in the CPI (3.2% for goods), online price inflation added to overall annual CPI inflation by about 0.3 percentage points in 2016 (bottom panel of Chart II-6). There is more deflation evident in the BLS' index of prices for Electronic Shopping and Mail Order Houses (Chart II-7). Online prices fell relative to the overall CPI for most of the time since the early 1990s, with the relative price decline accelerating since the GFC. However, our estimate of the contribution to overall annual CPI inflation is only about -0.15 percentage points in June 2017, and has never been more than -0.3 percentage points. This could be an underestimate because it does not include the impact of services, although the service e-commerce share of the CPI is very small. Chart II-6Online Price Index Online Price Index Online Price Index Chart II-7Electronic Shopping Price Index Electronic Shopping Price Index Electronic Shopping Price Index Another way to approach this question is to focus on the parts of the CPI that are most exposed to e-commerce. It is impossible to separate the effect of e-commerce on inflation from other drivers of productivity. Nonetheless, if online shopping is having a significant deflationary impact on overall inflation, we should see large and persistent negative contributions from these parts of the CPI. We combined the components of the CPI that most closely matched the sectors that have high e-commerce exposure according to the BLS' annual Retail Survey (Chart II-8). The sectors in our aggregate e-commerce price proxy include hotels/motels, taxicabs, books & magazines, clothing, computer hardware, drugs, health & beauty aids, electronics & appliances, alcoholic beverages, furniture & home furnishings, sporting goods, air transportation, travel arrangement and reservation services, educational services and other merchandise. The sectors are weighted based on their respective weights in the CPI. Our e-commerce price proxy has generally fallen relative to the overall CPI index since 2000. However, while the average contribution of these sectors to the overall annual CPI inflation rate has fallen in the post GFC period relative to the 2000-2007 period, the average difference is only 0.2 percentage points. The contribution has hovered around the zero mark for the past 2½ years. Surprisingly, price indexes have increased by more than the overall CPI since 2000 in some sectors where one would have expected to see significant relative price deflation, such as taxis, hotels, travel arrangement and even books. One could argue that significant measurement error must be a factor. How could the price of books have gone up faster than the CPI? Sectors displaying the most relative price declines are clothing, computers, electronics, furniture, sporting goods, air travel and other goods. We recalculated our e-commerce proxy using only these deflating sectors, but we boosted their weights such that the overall weight of the proxy in the CPI is kept the same as our full e-commerce proxy discussed above. In other words, this approach implicitly assumes that the excluded sectors (taxis, books, hotels and travel arrangement) actually deflated at the average pace of the sectors that remain in the index. Our adjusted e-commerce proxy suggests that online pricing reduced overall CPI inflation by about 0.1-to-0.2 percentage points in recent years (Chart II-9). This contribution is below the long-term average of the series, but the drag was even greater several times in the past. Chart II-8BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index Chart II-9BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index Admittedly, data limitations mean that all of the above estimates of the impact of e-commerce are ballpark figures. Conclusions We are keeping an open mind and reserving judgement on the disinflationary impact of robotics, artificial intelligence and the gig economy until we do more research. But in terms of the impact of e-commerce, it is difficult to find supportive evidence. The available data are admittedly far from ideal for confirming or disproving the "Amazonification" thesis. Perhaps better measures of e-commerce pricing will emerge in the future. Nonetheless, the measures available today do not suggest that online sales are depressing the overall inflation rate by more than 0.1 or 0.2 percentage points, and it does not appear that the disinflationary impact has intensified by much. One could argue that lower online prices are forcing traditional retailers to match the e-commerce vendors, allowing for a larger disinflationary effect than we estimate. Nonetheless, if this were the case, then we would expect to see significant margin compression in the retail sector. The sectors potentially affected by e-commerce make up a small part of the CPI index. The deceleration of inflation since the GFC has been in areas unaffected by online sales. High corporate profit margins and depressed productivity growth also argue against the idea that e-commerce represents a large positive macro supply shock. Finally, today's creative destruction in retail may be no more deflationary than the shift to 'big box' stores in the 1990s. Perhaps the main way that e-commerce is affecting the macro economy and financial markets is not through inflation, but via the reduction in the economy's capital spending requirement. Rising online activity means that we need fewer shopping malls and big box outlets to support a given level of consumer spending. This would reduce the equilibrium level of interest rates, since the Fed has to stimulate other parts of the economy to offset the loss of demand in capital spending in the retail sector. To the extent that central banks were slow to recognize that equilibrium rates had fallen to extremely low levels, then policy was behind the curve and this might have contributed to the current low inflation environment. Mark McClellan Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst 1 Robert F. DeLucia, "Economic Perspective: A Nontraditional Analysis Of Inflation," Prudential Capital Group (August 21, 2017). 2 Business to business, and business to consumer. 3 Aaron Cheris, Darrell Rigby and Suzanne Tager, "The Power Of Omnichannel Stores," Bain & Company Insights: Retail Holiday Newsletter 2016-2017 (December 19, 2016). 4 "US Daily: The Internet And Inflation: How Big Is The Amazon Effect?" Goldman Sachs Economic Research (August 2, 2017). 5 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame The Statisticians," dated March 25, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com 6 Yuriy Gorodnichenko, Viacheslav Sheremirov, and Oleksandr Talavera, "Price Setting In Online Markets: Does IT Click?" Journal of the European Economic Association (July 2016). 7 Alberto Cavallo, "Are Online And Offline Prices Similar? Evidence From Large Multi-Channel Retailers," NBER Working Paper No. 22142 (March 2016).
Highlights Yellen sidesteps monetary policy at Jackson Hole. The Fed raised rates in late 1990s before seeing any inflation. Tax cut deal is still likely... ..but a prolonged debt ceiling battle or government shutdown is not. Inflation surprise has not yet followed economic surprise higher. Earnings and earnings guidance matters more than politics. Feature Fed Chair Yellen's speech on financial stability at the Jackson Hole symposium on Friday, August 25 shed little light on the timing of the central bank's next policy move. Some investors were fearing that Yellen would give a nod to the hawks in her speech. Yellen did no such thing. She simply noted "that the core reforms we have put in place have substantially boosted resilience without unduly limiting credit availability or economic growth". Yellen made no comments to suggest that monetary policy needs to tighten in order to reduce financial froth and foster greater stability. Financial stability1 matters to the Fed almost as much as maintaining low and stable inflation, and full employment. In this week's report, we discuss the FOMC's deliberations when the economy was at full employment in the late 1990s, and note that the Fed was willing to raise rates even before inflation accelerated. Gary Cohn, a potential replacement for Yellen, suggested in an interview last week that tax cut legislation is on the way. We agree and discuss below. The economic surprise index is rebounding, but that has not yet led to positive surprises on inflation as it has in the past. We also examine what history says about earnings guidance, U.S. equities and the stock-to-bond ratios during and after earnings reporting season. Fed Deliberations At Full Employment Chart 1The Fed And Inflation At Full Employment The Fed And Inflation At Full Employment The Fed And Inflation At Full Employment Minutes from FOMC meetings in the late 1990s are instructive in understanding the central bank's reaction function due to a lack of inflation as the economy moves beyond full employment (Chart 1). The Fed cut rates following the LTCM financial crisis in late 1998 and subsequently held the fed funds rate at 4¾% until June 1999. Core inflation was roughly flat during the on-hold period, even as the unemployment rate steadily declined and various measures pointed to significant labor market tightness. The FOMC discussion in the late 1990s of why inflation was still quiescent sounds very familiar. Policymakers pointed to the widespread inability of firms to raise prices because of strong competitive pressures in domestic and global markets. In the Fed's view, significant cost-saving efforts and new technologies also contributed to the low inflation environment for both consumer prices and wages. Moreover, rapid increases in imports and a drawdown in the pool of available workers was also seen as satisfying growing demand and avoiding upward pressure on inflation. One difference from today is that productivity growth was solid at that time. The FOMC decided to hike rates in June 1999 by a quarter point, despite any indication that inflation had turned up. Policymakers described the tightening as "a small preemptive move... (that) would provide a degree of insurance against worsening inflation later". The Fed went on to lift the fed funds rate to 6½% by May 2000. Interestingly, the unemployment rate in June 1999 was 4.3%, the same as the current rate. There are undoubtedly important differences in today's macro backdrop. The Fed is also more fearful of making a policy mistake in the aftermath of the Great Recession and financial crisis. Nonetheless, the point is that the Fed has faced a similar low inflation / tight labor market environment before. Question marks regarding the structural headwinds to inflation will remain in place, but it will not take much of a rise in core inflation in the coming months for the Fed to deliver the next rate hike (most likely in December). Any fiscal stimulus, were it to occur, would reinforce the FOMC's bias to normalize interest rates. Is All Lost For U.S. Tax Cuts? Although tax reform was a major component of President Trump's legislative agenda, investors are skeptical that any fiscal stimulus or tax cuts will succeed (Chart 2). In our view, there is a high probability that at least a modest package will be passed. The reason is that, if it fails, Republicans will return empty-handed to their home districts to campaign for the November 2018 mid-term elections. Historically, Republican Presidents who have low approval ratings ahead of mid-term elections tend to lose a larger number of seats to Democrats (Chart 3). Chart 2Market Has Priced Out Trump's Economic Agenda Market Has Priced Out Trump's Economic Agenda Market Has Priced Out Trump's Economic Agenda Chart 3GOP Is Running Out Of Time Surprise, Surprise Surprise, Surprise Now that the border adjustment tax is officially dead, the GOP must either significantly moderate its tax cuts or add to the deficit. BCA's geopolitical strategists argue that regardless of which bill is passed by the GOP, the legislation will expire after a "budget window" of around 10 years.2 Tax cut plans ultimately will be watered down, but even a modest cut would be positive for the equity market. The dollar should also receive a boost, especially given that the Fed would have to respond to any fiscally driven growth impulse with higher interest rates. We expect Trump to ensure that the Fed retains its dovish bias when Chair Janet Yellen's term expires on February 3, 2018. He may favor a non-economist and a loyal adviser, such as Gary Cohn, over any of the more traditional and hawkish Republican candidates. Cohn could not single-handedly affect the course of monetary policy. The FOMC votes on rate changes, but decisions are formed by consensus (with one or two dissents). Cohn could implement an abrupt change in policy in the unlikely event that the Administration stacks the Fed Governors with appointees that are prepared to "toe the line." (The Administration does not appoint Regional Fed Presidents). Stacking the Governorships would take time. The FOMC has been very cautious in tightening policy and we do not see Trump taking an active role in monetary policy. The bottom line is that Cohn's possible appointment to the Fed Chair would not signal a major shift in monetary policy. Raising The Debt Ceiling Recent fights over Obamacare and tax reform have pitted fiscally conservative Republicans against moderates, with the debt ceiling used as a bargaining chip in the battles. While government shutdowns have occurred in the past, the debt ceiling has never been breached. At the end of the day, the debt ceiling will always be raised because government could not withstand the public pressure. Democrats can't be blamed because the Republicans control both chambers of Congress and the White House. Even the Freedom Caucus, the most fiscally conservative grouping in the House, is divided on the issue. This augurs well for a clean bill to raise the debt ceiling because the Republican majority in the House is 22 and the Freedom Caucus has 31 members. Democrats will not stand in the way of passage in the Senate. The worst-case scenario for the market would be a two-week shutdown, between October 1 when the current funding for the government will expire, and mid-October when the CBO predicts that the debt ceiling will be reached. Odds of such a scenario are probably around 25%. We would not expect a shutdown to have any lasting impact on the economy, although it could provide an excuse for the equity market to correct. The good news is that at least the economy is cooperating. Economic Surprise Versus Inflation Surprise Economic expectations are now low enough for the still-tepid activity data to beat, but this trend has not yet spilled over into the inflation data. Elevated economic expectations post-election led to a four-month period (early March-mid June) when the Citi Economic surprise index rolled over3 (Chart 4). In mid-July, the data began to top washed-out expectations and the surprise index accelerated. In the past two months, readings across a wide spectrum of economic indicators (consumer and business sentiment, consumer spending, home prices, manufacturing sentiment, and employment) have outpaced lowered expectations. Even so, inflation readings continue to disappoint relative to forecasts. Chart 4Inflation Surprise Usually Follows Economic Surprise Higher... But Not This Time Inflation Surprise Usually Follows Economic Surprise Higher... But Not This Time Inflation Surprise Usually Follows Economic Surprise Higher... But Not This Time After briefly moving above zero in early 2017 - indicating that inflation data was stronger than analysts projected- the Citi inflation surprise index rolled over again (Chart 4, bottom panel). Reports on the CPI, PPI, and average hourly earnings continued to fall short of consensus forecasts. This despite the rebound in the economic surprise index and the tightening of labor and product markets. The disappointment on price data relative to consensus forecasts is not new. Although there were brief periods where prices exceeded forecasts in 2010 and 2011, the last time that inflation exceeded market consensus in this business cycle was in late 2009 and early 2010. In the last few years of the 2001-2007 economic expansion through early 2009, the price data eclipsed forecasts more than half of the time. During this interval, economists underestimated the impact of surging energy prices on inflation readings. Moreover, the disconnect between economic surprise and inflation surprise has never been wider, but the inflation surprise index should follow the economic surprise index upward. In the past 13 years, there have been 15 periods when economic surprise has climbed after a trough. The inflation surprise index has temporarily increased in 13 of those episodes. For example, in the aftermath of the oil price peak in the U.S. in mid-2014, both economic surprise and inflation surprise diminished through early 2015 and then began moving up. However, today's inflation surprise index has rolled over while economic surprise has gained, but remember that inflation is a lagging indicator.4 Asset class performance since the economic surprise index formed a bottom in mid-June has run counter to history as risk assets have underperformed (Table 1). Returns on the S&P 500 have lagged Treasuries since the June 14 trough, driving down the stocks-to-bond ratio. U.S. large cap equities have outperformed Treasuries by an average of 290 basis points in the 11 prior episodes in this expansion as economic surprise climbed. Similarly, both high yield and investment-grade corporate bond returns have lagged Treasuries since mid-June. During previous episodes when the surprise index was climbing, credit outperformed Treasuries. Small caps have also lagged large caps, which is counter to the historical pattern, although oil and gold have both gained since the trough in economic surprise. The evidence is mixed for these two commodities after a bottom in economic surprise. Table 1Performance Of Risk Assets As Economic Surprise Rises Surprise, Surprise Surprise, Surprise BCA's view5 is that a Fed-led recession will begin in 2019. Nonetheless, markets were concerned about a recession occurring this year as the economic data underwhelmed in the first part of the year. Despite market fears, reliable leading indicators of a recession such as the LEI, the yield curve and the 26-week change in claims, are not signaling a recession (Chart 5). BCA does not expect the buildup of the types of imbalances that led to economic downturns in the past. Instead, a recession may be triggered by a Fed policy mistake, or a terrorist attack that disrupts economic activity over large area for an extended time, or a widespread natural disaster. Chart 5Data Suggest Low Odds Of A##BR##Recession In Next 12 Months Data Suggest Low Odds Of A Recession In Next 12 Months Data Suggest Low Odds Of A Recession In Next 12 Months Bottom Line: There are few imbalances in the economy and a recession in the U.S. is more than a year away. Although risk assets have not outperformed as is typical after a trough in economic surprise, we anticipate that stocks will beat bonds in the next 12-18 months. Inflation will surprise to the upside in the coming months, pressuring the Fed and the bond market. Stay short duration. Is Trump To Blame For The Stalled Stock Market Rally? Corporate earnings, not politics, drive equity prices. The S&P 500 has retreated from its all-time highs in early August despite another terrific earnings reporting season.6 Investors are concerned that Trump's erratic presidency may be to blame, but we take a different view Since the start of the economic expansion, the S&P 500 rose in 83% of the periods when large U.S. corporations provide results for the prior quarter and guidance on subsequent periods. (Table 2, bottom panel) U.S. equities increased only 66% of the time when managements were silent on profitability and future prospects (Table 3, bottom panel). However, there are periods when exogenous events like the 2011 U.S. debt downgrade and the 2015 Chinese devaluation that can disrupt the normal pattern, and we have excluded those from our calculations. Nevertheless, with the Q2 earnings reporting season over, the odds are less favorable for a rising U.S. equity market in the next few months. Table 2S&P 500, Stock-Bond-Ratio And Guidance During Earnings Season Surprise, Surprise Surprise, Surprise Table 3S&P 500, Stock-Bond-Ratio And Guidance Outside Of Earnings Season Surprise, Surprise Surprise, Surprise The stock-to-bond ratio also fares better during earnings season than during corporate quiet periods, and moves higher more often. When companies report profits, the stock-to-bond ratio increases 73% (Table 2, bottom panel) of the time versus just 65% outside of earnings season (Table 3, bottom panel). Since the start of 2010, the median return for the stock-to-bonds ratio is 0.046% per day during reporting season (Table 2, top panel) and 0.037% when it is not earnings season (Table 3, top panel). The implication is that the stock-to-bond ratio over the next two months may move higher, and at a faster rate than it did during the just completed Q2 earnings reporting season. Counter-intuitively, earnings guidance increases more often outside of earnings season (90% of the time and 0.04% per day, Table 3) than during it (77% of the time and 0.019% per day, Table 2). The top panels of Tables 3 and 2 respectively also show that the median daily return on stocks is higher outside of earnings reporting season (0.074% per day) than it is as earnings are being reported (0.054% per day). This is also somewhat counter-intuitive, as over the long term, earnings trends drive stock prices. We intend to examine the shorter term relationship between stock prices, the stocks to bond ratio and earnings guidance in a future Weekly Report. Bottom Line: The path of corporate earnings and not politics, ultimately drive stock prices. In the past eight years, the stocks to bond ratio during earnings season rises more and more often than when there was no new information on earnings. We remain upbeat on the earnings outlook for at least the remainder of this year, which will help the equity market weather the ongoing turbulence emanating from Washington. Next year, the earnings backdrop will not be as supportive. Stay overweight stocks versus bonds. John Canally, CFA, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy johnc@bcaresearch.com Mark McClellan, Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst markm@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Fed's Third Mandate", dated July 24, 2017. It is available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Is The Trump Put Over" dated August 23, 2017. It is available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA's U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Global Monetary Policy Recalibration", published July 17, 2017. It is available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession?," August 18, 2017. It is available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA's Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Timing Of The Next Recession" published June 16, 2017. It is available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA's U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Stage Is Set For Jackson Hole", August 21, 2017. It is available at usis.bcaresearch.com.
Highlights Mario Draghi will signal the ECB's intention to further taper asset purchases during his Jackson Hole address later today, while cautioning that rate hikes remain a way away. The spread between long-term U.S. and euro area bond yields is not especially wide considering that trend growth is higher in the U.S. and fiscal policy will add 4% of GDP more to U.S. aggregate demand over the next few years than it will in the euro area. The upswing in Japanese growth is unlikely to prompt the BoJ to abandon its yield- curve targeting regime. Japanese stocks are cheap and corporate profits are rebounding smartly. Stay overweight Japanese equities in currency-hedged terms for the next 12 months. As one looks further ahead to the next decade, Japanese inflation will likely break out as labor shortages intensify. This will be part of a broad-based increase in global inflation. Stay long Japanese inflation protection and go short 20-year JGBs relative to their 5-year counterparts. Feature Mario Draghi: Action Jackson, The Sequel? Mario Draghi made shockwaves the last time he spoke at Jackson Hole on August 22, 2014. Draghi used that occasion to lay out the case for additional monetary easing. This paved the way for the ECB's own QE program. From that fateful speech to March 2015, EUR/USD fell from 1.33 to 1.05. Three years later, investors are anxious to hear what Draghi has to say, but this time around the expectation is that he will discuss plans for winding down QE. We agree that Draghi will signal the ECB's intent to further taper asset purchases. Growth is currently strong and the risk of a euro area breakup has all but disappeared. Nevertheless, although he may not publicly admit it, Draghi is cognizant of the fact that euro area financial conditions have tightened on the back of a strong euro, while U.S. financial conditions have continued to ease (Chart 1). Mario Draghi also knows that both inflation and wage growth remain depressed across the euro area, and that labor market slack outside Germany is still 6.7 percentage points higher than in 2008 (Chart 2). In addition, Draghi is undoubtedly aware of the likelihood that the neutral rate of interest is extremely low in the euro area, implying that the ECB would be constrained in raising rates even if the region were close to full employment.1 The spread between the 30-year U.S. Treasury yield and the 30-year GDP-weighted euro area bond yield - a reasonable proxy for the market's estimate of the difference in neutral rates between the two regions - currently stands at 86 basis points in nominal terms and 56 basis points in real terms. This is not especially wide considering that trend growth is higher in the U.S. and fiscal policy will add 4% of GDP more to U.S. aggregate demand over the next few years than it will in the euro area (Chart 3).2 Chart 1Diverging Financial Conditions Favor U.S. Over The Euro Area Diverging Financial Conditions Favor U.S. Over The Euro Area Diverging Financial Conditions Favor U.S. Over The Euro Area Chart 2Draghi Is Paying Attention Draghi Is Paying Attention Draghi Is Paying Attention Chart 3The State Of Fiscal Policy In The G4 Is The BoJ Next? Is The BoJ Next? We expect EUR/USD to pare back its gains, dropping to $1.05 by the end of 2018. However, most of the dollar's rebound is likely to occur next year, when it becomes apparent that the U.S. unemployment rate will fall well below the Fed's 2018 projection of 4.2%. This will force the Fed to step up the pace of rate hikes. For the time being, we see EUR/USD fluctuating within a broad range of $1.10-to-$1.20. BoJ: Time To Remove The Sake Bowl? Could the Bank of Japan follow in the Fed's and ECB's footsteps by signaling the desire to slowly withdraw monetary accommodation? On the surface, there are certainly some reasons to think so. Japanese growth has picked up recently, with real GDP rising at a blistering annualized pace of 4% in the second quarter (Chart 4). The acceleration in growth was driven entirely by stronger domestic demand. Consumer spending increased by 3.7%, while private nonresidential investment jumped by 9.9%. Inflation appears to be bottoming. The national core CPI index, which excludes fresh food prices but includes energy costs, rose for the seventh straight month in June to 0.4% on a year-over-year basis. Corporate goods inflation has reached 2.6%, up from a low of -4.6% in May 2016. Corporate service inflation moved to 0.8% this spring, the highest rate since 1993 (Chart 5). Nominal wage growth has also accelerated. Our Wage Trend Indicator, which uses statistical techniques applied to three separate data series to extract the underlying trend in Japanese wages, is now close to its 2007 highs (Chart 6). Chart 4GDP Growth Has Perked Up In Japan GDP Growth Has Perked Up In Japan GDP Growth Has Perked Up In Japan Chart 5Corporate Pricing Power Has Improved Corporate Pricing Power Has Improved Corporate Pricing Power Has Improved Chart 6Japanese Wages Are In An Uptrend Japanese Wages Are In An Uptrend Japanese Wages Are In An Uptrend The recovery in Japanese wage growth has occurred alongside a tightening of the labor market. The latest Economy Watchers Survey featured a litany of companies complaining of worsening labor shortages (Table 1). This is confirmed by the job openings-to-applicants ratio, which has surged to the highest level since 1974 (Chart 7). Table 1Japan: Evidence Of Shortages Of Workers, Part I Is The BoJ Next? Is The BoJ Next? Chart 7Japan: Evidence Of Shortages Of Workers, Part II Japan: Evidence Of Shortages Of Workers, Part II Japan: Evidence Of Shortages Of Workers, Part II Easy Does It, Kuroda-san Despite the good news on the economy, it is highly unlikely that the Bank of Japan will abandon its ultra-accommodative stance any time soon. There are a number of reasons for this: While inflation is rising, it is coming off a very low base, and is nowhere near the BoJ's 2% target. A deflationary mindset also remains firmly entrenched, as highlighted by both survey data and market expectations (Chart 8). Much of the recent pickup in inflation is attributable to higher energy prices and the lagged effects of a weaker yen. Excluding energy prices, core inflation has barely risen. The increase in corporate goods prices has also closely tracked the price of imports. Considering that the trade-weighted yen has appreciated of late, it is reasonable to assume that import price inflation will dissipate. This spring's annual shunto wage negotiations yielded smaller wage hikes among large companies than in 2016. This suggests that further near-term gains in wages will be hard to come by. Fiscal policy may turn less accommodative. The government passed a supplementary budget last summer (worth 1.5% of GDP according to the IMF). The effects of this package are being felt now. Public fixed investment surged by 21.9% in Q2. Under current law, however, fiscal policy is set to turn contractionary again over the next few years. Leading economic indicators are pointing to a modest slowdown in growth over the coming months (Chart 9). Chart 8Deflationary Mindset Has Been Hard To Shake Off Deflationary Mindset Has Been Hard To Shake Off Deflationary Mindset Has Been Hard To Shake Off Chart 9LEIs Pointing To Modest Slowdown LEIs Pointing To Modest Slowdown LEIs Pointing To Modest Slowdown The BoJ is not the same central bank that it was five years ago. The last two hawkish dissenters, Takehiro Sato and Takehide Kiuchi, both stepped down in July when their terms expired. They were replaced by Goshi Kataoka and Hitoshi Suzuki, neither of whom are expected to oppose Governor Haruhiko Kuroda's dovish approach. As such, it is highly likely that the BoJ will continue to anchor the 10-year yield at close to zero for at least the next 12 months. If bond yields elsewhere rise over this period - as we expect will be the case - the yen will weaken. Good News For Japanese Stocks... For Now A weaker yen is, of course, good news for Japanese stocks. Japanese equities are currently trading at a 16% discount to the MSCI World index based on forward earnings (Chart 10). Moreover, unlike in the past, both earnings and dividend growth have been strong, averaging 19% and 9%, respectively, over the last five years (Chart 11). Corporate governance reform - a key element of Abenomics - can take some credit for this. The share of companies with at least two independent directors rose from 18% in 2013 to 78% in 2016. The number of companies with performance-linked pay increased from 640 to 941, while the number that publish disclosure policies jumped from 679 to 1055. Analysts have been slow to factor in these positive developments. Chart 12 shows that Japan leads all other major stock markets in positive earnings surprises in the second quarter. We remain overweight Japanese equities in currency-hedged terms. Chart 10Good Value In Japanese Stocks Good Value In Japanese Stocks Good Value In Japanese Stocks Chart 11Solid Earnings And Dividend Growth Solid Earnings And Dividend Growth Solid Earnings And Dividend Growth Chart 12Japan And Positive Earnings Revisions: Follow The Leader Is The BoJ Next? Is The BoJ Next? . The Longer-Term Outlook: Japan (Eventually) Escapes Deflation As we discussed last week, it is likely that the U.S. will fall into recession in 2019 or 2020, dragging the rest of the world down with it.3 As a risk-off currency, the yen will strengthen, potentially reigniting deflationary forces. This will make it impossible for the BoJ to abandon its yield-curve targeting regime. Does that mean that Japan is condemned to a never-ending cycle of reflation/deflation? Not necessarily. As one looks at a longer-term horizon of 5-to-10 years, it is likely that Japan will finally escape deflation. This is because many of the structural forces that have sustained deflation will have either receded or reversed course by then. The simultaneous bursting of Japan's real estate and stock market bubbles in the early 1990s ushered in a prolonged period of falling property prices and corporate deleveraging. This suppressed both household consumption and business investment, leading to a persistent shortfall in aggregate demand. The latest data suggests that property prices are bottoming and corporate balance sheets have finally improved to the point where further aggressive cost-cutting is no longer necessary (Chart 13). Demographic trends are also likely to fuel higher inflation over the long haul. The deceleration in population growth in the early 1990s reduced the need for everything from new homes to new cars, shopping malls, and factories. This weighed on business capex and consumer durable spending, thereby exacerbating the deflationary forces that were already in place. In addition, a surge in the share of the population in their peak saving years - ages 30 to 50 - led to an increase in desired savings throughout the economy. More savings means less spending, so this also contributed to deflation. Looking out, population growth will remain anemic. However, two important developments will occur. First, the biggest cohort of Japanese baby boomers - those born in 1947-52 - will hit 70, the age at which most Japanese workers retire. Second, the secular rise in female labor force participation will plateau. Chart 14 shows that a larger percentage of Japanese women between the ages of 25 and 54 are employed than in the U.S., a massive shift from 20 years ago. Both these changes will exacerbate labor shortages, while further reducing national savings. Chart 13Deflationary Headwinds Are Abating Deflationary Headwinds Are Abating Deflationary Headwinds Are Abating Chart 14Female Employment In Japan Has Surpassed The U.S. Female Employment In Japan Has Surpassed The U.S. Female Employment In Japan Has Surpassed The U.S. Concluding Thoughts Contrary to popular belief, the Phillips curve remains intact, even in Japan (Chart 15). The market is not at all prepared for the prospect of higher Japanese inflation, as evidenced by the fact that CPI swaps are pricing in inflation of only 0.5% over the next two decades. As inflation picks up in the 2020s, nominal GDP will rise (even if real GDP growth remains anemic due to a shrinking labor force). The Bank of Japan will keep nominal rates low during the first half of the 2020s, ensuring that real rates sink further into negative territory. This will be the way by which Japan reduces its debt burden. Older savers may not like it, but the alternative of pension and health care cuts will be seen as even worse. We are currently long Japanese inflation protection through the CPI swaps market. As of today, we are adding a new long-term trade recommendation: Go short 20-year JGBs relative to their 5-year counterparts. The potential upside from this trade easily compensates for the negative carry of 66 bps. An upswing in Japanese inflation in the 2020s is very much in line with our secular view that global inflation will trend higher over the long haul, as articulated in a recent report.4 This will have a profound impact on fixed-income markets. While Japan's demographic transition has been and will continue to be more extreme than elsewhere, population aging is something that will affect all major economies. Chart 15Japan's Phillips Curve Is Alive And Well Is The BoJ Next? Is The BoJ Next? Chart 16Demographic Shifts: From Highly Deflationary To Highly Inflationary Is The BoJ Next? Is The BoJ Next? Chart 16 shows the IMF's estimate of how projected changes in the age structure of the population will affect inflation over the next few decades. The Fund's calculations suggest that demographic shifts will go from being very deflationary to very inflationary in every major economy. This will translate into significantly higher long-term nominal bond yields. Peter Berezin, Global Chief Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Future Of The Neutral Rate," dated August 4, 2017. 2 We calculate this number by taking the difference between the structural primary budget balance in the euro area (roughly 1.5% of GDP) and the U.S. (roughly -2.5% of GDP). The claim that this will translate into 4% more in aggregate demand in the U.S. implicitly assumes a fiscal multiplier of one. A larger multiplier would generate an even bigger gap in demand. 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession?" dated August 18, 2017. 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Secular Bottom In Inflation," dated July 28, 2017. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades
Highlights The strong labor market may be holding down wage inflation. The strength in sales and EPS is broad-based and sustainable. July FOMC minutes highlight internal debate at the Fed over inflation. Financial stability is the Fed's Third Mandate. Feature Risk assets struggled again last week but Treasury yields held steady as investors reacted to President Trump's latest controversy, the FOMC minutes, another round of solid economic data for Q3 and the final few earnings reports of the Q2 reporting season. The July FOMC minutes highlighted the internal debate at the Fed about the Phillips curve and financial stability. Nonetheless, we expect the Fed to continue to tighten policy later this year. In this week's report, we examine a study by the San Francisco Fed that highlights the negative impact of a strong labor market on wages. Profit margins continued to expand in Q2 and the BCA EPS model projects a solid 2H performance, driven by both domestic and globally oriented firms. Strong Labor Market, Weak Wages The labor market continues to tighten measures of overall labor market slack suggest that wage inflation should accelerate soon. Still, slack remains in some segments of the labor market and that may be depressing overall wage growth. The overall quit rate (2.1%) is slightly below its all-time peak and 65% of the 11 industry groups have quit rates that are at or close to pre-global financial crisis level (Chart 1). Moreover, fill rates, the ratio of hires to job openings, for most industries are at record lows, and job openings in all but the wholesale trade, information, mining & logging and construction areas have surpassed prior peaks (Chart 2). The implication is that economy-wide, there are more jobs seekers than jobs, which will ultimately force businesses to offer higher salaries. Chart 1Labor Market Strength Is Widespread... Labor Market Strength Is Widespread... Labor Market Strength Is Widespread... Chart 2...With Only A Few Industries Lagging Behind ...With Only A Few Industries Lagging Behind ...With Only A Few Industries Lagging Behind Moreover, wage pressures are mounting, especially for full-time employees. A recent study1 published by the San Francisco Fed found that at 3.4%, the year-over-year change in median weekly earnings was still below the 2007 peak. However, wage gains for continuously employed full-time workers (4.8%) are in line with rates seen a decade ago (Chart 3). Overall wage gains continue to be suppressed by new entrants to the labor force. Growth rates of median weekly earnings for this group are down 1.4%, and have been negative since the overall labor market began to recover in early 2010. The counter-intuitive implication of the SF Fed study is that substantial gains in the labor market may be depressing average wage rates. As individuals learn about better prospects for employment, they choose to join the workforce, either as new entrants (from school) or as reentrants (those who left either voluntarily or involuntarily). These groups, according to the study, have suppressed median weekly earnings growth by between 1.5% and 2.0% (Chart 4). Chart 3Wage Inflation Dragged##BR##Down By New Entrants Wage Inflation Dragged Down By New Entrants Wage Inflation Dragged Down By New Entrants Chart 41.5% To 2% Drag On Wage Inflation##BR##Due To Compositional Shifts In Workforce The Stage Is Set For Jackson Hole The Stage Is Set For Jackson Hole In addition, as 10,000 higher paid baby boomers reach 65 years of age each day and leave the labor force, they are replaced by lower wage earners. Bottom Line: The labor market is even tighter than the data suggests and the market's vigor may be understating wage inflation. Investors are mis-pricing the extent of rate hikes in 2017 and 2018. Bond yields are likely headed higher, but the stock market should take this in stride because of the favorable earnings backdrop. Corporate Profits Are Not Only A Weak Dollar Story EPS and sales growth in Q2 ran well ahead of consensus expectations as forecast in our July 3 preview. Moreover, the counter-trend rally in profit margins is still in place. So far, more than 90% of companies have reported results with 74% of companies beating consensus EPS projections, just above the long-term average of 70% (Chart 5). Furthermore, 69% have posted Q2 revenues that exceeded expectations. The surprise factor for Q2 stands at 6% for EPS and 1% for sales. We anticipate the secular mean-reversion of margins to ultimately re-assert itself, perhaps beginning early in 2018. Nonetheless, we saw another quarter of margin expansion in Q2. Average earnings growth (Q2 2017 versus Q2 2016) was strong at 12% with revenue growth at only 5%. The BCA Earnings model predicts EPS growth to hit roughly 20% later this year on a 4-quarter moving total basis, before moderating in 2018 (Chart 6). Measured this way, S&P 500 EPS growth in Q2 will be 18%, compared with 13% in Q1. Chart 5Positive Earnings Surprises Continued In Q2 Positive Earnings Surprises Continued In Q2 Positive Earnings Surprises Continued In Q2 Chart 6Strong EPS Growth Expected In 2H '17 Strong EPS Growth Expected In 2H '17 Strong EPS Growth Expected In 2H '17 Importantly, the strength in earnings and revenues is broadly based (Table 1). Earnings per share were higher in Q2 2017 versus Q2 2016 in all 11 sectors. Results were particularly strong in energy, technology and financials. Energy revenues surged by 16% in Q2 versus a year ago. Sales gains in technology (8%), materials (7%) and utilities (6%), are notable. Moreover, year-over-year sales gains in Q2 2017 in all but three sectors (telecom, consumer staples and consumer discretionary) ran ahead of nominal GDP (+3.7%) in the same period. Investors will turn their attention to earnings prospects in 2H 2017 and 2018 as the Q2 reporting season ends. Since the start of 2017, the trajectory of EPS estimates for 2017 and 2018 (not shown) has been encouraging. The forecast for 2017 is 11.6%, up from 11% at the outset of the Q2 reporting season and unchanged from the start of the year. Similarly, the 2018 estimate (10.9%) is little changed from estimates made in January 2017. In a typical year, earnings estimates tend to move lower as the year progresses. Like the financial markets, corporate managements have largely ignored President Trump during this earnings season. Trump's name was used only once in Q2 earnings calls held through August 11, down from 9 in Q1 calls and 32 in the Q4 2016 reporting season just after Trump took office (Chart 7). The single mention thus far matches the number of times that CEOs and CFOs cited Trump's name before last November's election. We are inclined to see fading concerns about government policy from the next Beige Book (due in early September) because Trump has managed to slow regulation2 during his first seven months in office, although uncertainty around the president's legislative agenda remains elevated. Table 1S&P 500: Q2 2017 Results* The Stage Is Set For Jackson Hole The Stage Is Set For Jackson Hole Chart 7Trump Fading As Topic On Earnings Calls Trump Fading As Topic On Earnings Calls Trump Fading As Topic On Earnings Calls BCA's case for improving profits in the second half of 2017 is supported by the August readings on the Empire State and Philadelphia Fed manufacturing indices, along with the June and July readings on industrial production (IP). IP has been a good proxy for sales of S&P 500 companies (Chart 8); a rollover in the 12-month change in IP would challenge BCA's constructive view towards earnings. However, strong readings on the ISM (July), the August Empire State and Philadelphia Fed indices suggest that IP should accelerate in the next six months. Moreover, the weaker dollar has boosted foreign demand for U.S. goods and services. The implication is that foreign demand (rather than domestic consumer or business spending) leads the U.S. manufacturing sector. Consistent with this perspective, the 3- and 12-month changes in the IP indices in advanced economies outside the U.S. have outpaced domestic growth (Chart 9). Chart 8Favorable Backdrop For Earnings And Sales Continues Into Q3 Favorable Backdrop For Earnings And Sales Continues Into Q3 Favorable Backdrop For Earnings And Sales Continues Into Q3 Chart 9U.S. IP Growth Still Lagging##BR##Other Developed Markets... U.S. IP Growth Still Lagging Other Developed Markets... U.S. IP Growth Still Lagging Other Developed Markets... Movements in the U.S. dollar also explain the divergent paths of profits, sales and margins of domestically focused corporations versus globally oriented ones. In recent quarters, the weaker dollar has allowed profit and sales gains of globally oriented firms to rebound and outpace those of domestically focused businesses. (Table 2 and Chart 10) Margins for U.S. focused companies have been steady at record heights since 2014, while margins for global businesses dipped along with oil prices in 2014-2016, but are higher than margins of domestic companies. Chart 10Global EPS, Sales Playing Catch Up To Domestic Global EPS, Sales Playing Catch Up To Domestic Global EPS, Sales Playing Catch Up To Domestic Table 2Q2 Earnings Breakdown The Stage Is Set For Jackson Hole The Stage Is Set For Jackson Hole Bottom Line: EPS growth will continue to accelerate through 2017 and into early 2018, aided by a period of margin expansion and decent top-line growth (Chart 6). The solid performance of manufacturing at home and overseas sets the stage for EPS growth in firms with both U.S. and global outlooks. BCA's bullish profit story for 2017 is still intact, supporting an overweight stance towards stocks versus bonds. The Fed will not get in the way of the equity rally unless inflation suddenly surges in the coming months (which we do not expect). FOMC Debate Still Centers On Inflation The minutes from July's FOMC meeting indicates little progress on the debate over low inflation and the appropriate monetary policy response. It will require at least a modest rise in inflation to break the deadlock. Policymakers appear to be pleased with the state of economic growth, which has rebounded from a lackluster first quarter. They agree that the expansion will be strong enough that the labor market will continue to tighten. As highlighted in previous minutes, the key debate still centers on the relationship between labor market tightness and inflation, the timing of the next Fed rate hike, and how policy should adjust to changing financial conditions. A majority of policymakers seem willing to believe that this year's soft inflation readings are driven by temporary 'one-off' factors. The hawks worry that a further undershoot of unemployment below estimates of full employment could suddenly generate a surge of inflation. They also point to the risk that low bond yields are promoting excessive risk-taking in financial markets. Moreover, the recent easing in financial conditions is stimulative and should be counterbalanced by additional Fed tightening. Therefore, the hawks are anxious to resume tightening, despite the current inflation readings. Others are worried that inflation softness could reflect structural factors, such as restraints on pricing power from global developments and from innovations to business models spurred by advances in technology. If true, this would mean that the Phillips curve is very flat, or that the full employment level of unemployment is lower than the Fed estimates (or both). Either way, the doves would like to see the whites-of-the-eyes of inflation before resuming rate hikes. Some argued that the recent easing in financial conditions would add little to growth and thus, does not require tighter Fed policy. There was little movement toward capitulation by either camp evident in the minutes. Discussion of the Fed's balance sheet in the recent minutes reinforced that an announcement would likely occur in September, with tapering beginning shortly thereafter. "A number of participants" commented that financial conditions will be key to determining the pace of rate hikes. If the bond market and risk assets react negatively to balance sheet shrinkage, then it would be appropriate to slow rate increases to offset any economic repercussions. Given that only one rate gain is discounted in the money market curve over the next 12 months, it appears that investors are betting that balance sheet shrinkage will largely eliminate the need for higher short-term interest rates. Fed economists recently updated their quantitative assessments of FOMC minutes.3 The note provides a guide (Table 1 in the Fed paper) to the "quantitative words" used in the minutes (one, a couple, a few, etc.). We intend to comment on the findings of this paper in a future Weekly Report. An Update On The Fed's Third Mandate Financial stability remained a concern for Fed policymakers in July and that is why the hawks want to keep tightening even though inflation has not yet met the FOMC's target. BCA views "financial stability" as a third mandate4 for the central bank, along with low and stable inflation, and full employment. Financial stability was discussed at the July meeting by both Fed staff and voting FOMC members. Fed Chair Janet Yellen has elevated financial stability during her tenure, leading discussions or staff briefings in 20 of the 28 meetings she has presided over. Yellen will deliver a speech on financial stability on August 25 at the Fed's Jackson Hole conference. However, the Fed does not provide a financial stability grade at every meeting. Fed staff described financial conditions as moderate in December 2013, but its next judgment (also moderate) was only in January 2016. Since then, Fed staff has provided an assessment of financial stability in 7 of the 13 subsequent meetings. FOMC participants have debated about financial stability at 4 of the 5 meetings this year, and 8 of the 11 since April 2016. As was the case at the June meeting, Fed staff characterized the "financial vulnerabilities of the U.S. financial system" as moderate on balance in July.5 This assessment has not changed since the Fed began to offer opinions on the health of the financial system at its September 2013 meeting. We conclude that the doves want inflation to rise closer to the 2% target before tightening again. The hawks worry that the relationship could be non-linear, which means that a further undershoot of unemployment below estimates of full employment could suddenly generate a surge in inflation. At a minimum, an undershoot could boost risks to financial stability by promoting excessive risk-taking in markets according to some on the FOMC. Bottom Line: The FOMC minutes did not change our base case outlook: the FOMC will announce in September that it will begin to shrink the Fed's balance sheet. The next rate bump will take place in December. Nonetheless, this forecast hangs on the assumption that core inflation will edge higher in the coming months. John Canally, CFA, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy johnc@bcaresearch.com 1 http://www.frbsf.org/our-district/about/sf-fed-blog/wage-growth-good-news/?utm_source=frbsf-home-sffedblog-title&utm_medium=frbsf&utm_campaign=sffedblog 2 Please see U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Still Waiting For Inflation,"August 14, 2017, available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 3 https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/the-fomc-meeting-minutes-an-update-of-counting-words-20170803.htm 4 Please see U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Fed's Third Mandate," July 24, 2017, available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 5 https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomcminutes20170726.htm
Highlights The cyclical recovery in global earnings will trump, so to speak, ongoing political developments. Unlike the last three recessions, which resulted from burst asset bubbles, the next U.S. recession will be more akin to those of the 1970s and early 1980s. Those "retro" recessions were caused by the Fed's decision to raise rates aggressively in response to rising inflation. The good news is that it will take a while for inflation to accelerate, suggesting that the next recession will not occur until 2019 at the earliest. The bad news is that once inflation does start rising in earnest, the Fed is likely to find itself flat-footed. Remain overweight global equities for now, favoring European and Japanese stocks over U.S. equities in currency-hedged terms. Look to reduce exposure in the second half of next year. Feature After Charlottesville Political developments continued to cast a pall over markets this week. Last week's worries about escalating tensions in the Korean peninsula subsided on comments from the North Korean regime that it would not launch a preemptive strike against Guam. As that issue moved off the radar screen, a new one emerged. President Trump's comments about the violent protests in Charlottesville generated outrage in many quarters, leading to the disbandment of two of the President's business advisory councils. We agree with those who argue that this latest incident will have far-reaching consequences. However, we disagree about the timeframe over which they will manifest themselves. As with most Trump scandals, this one is likely to fizzle into the background. Republicans in Congress would love nothing more than to change the subject. Plowing ahead with tax cuts is one way to do that. A limited infrastructure bill also remains a possibility - and unlike most issues up for debate, this one could actually attract bipartisan support. The market has essentially priced out any meaningful progress on either taxes or infrastructure, so the bar for success here is fairly low (Chart 1). While the implications of recent events in the U.S. are unlikely to put much strain on markets over the next year or so, the longer-term ramifications could be profound. The Democrats' "Better Deal" agenda moves the party to the left on most economic issues. Historically, the Republicans have been champions of small government. Increasingly, however, many Trump voters are asking themselves why exactly they should support lower business taxes when most companies seem openly hostile to the populist agenda that got Trump elected. In this respect, it is noteworthy that support for free trade among Republican voters has collapsed over the past 10 years (Chart 2). Wall Street, Silicon Valley, and the rest of the business establishment tends to be liberal on social issues and conservative on economic ones. The problem is that very few voters share this configuration of views (Chart 3). This contradiction cannot be ignored indefinitely. Chart 1The Markets Have Given Up On Infrastructure And Taxes The Markets Have Given Up On Infrastructure And Taxes The Markets Have Given Up On Infrastructure And Taxes Chart 2Republican Support For Free Trade Has Collapsed From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? Chart 3An Absence Of Libertarians From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? We predicted that "The Trumpists Will Win" back in September 2015 when most pundits were still scoffing at the idea that Trump could win the Republican nomination, let alone the election. This prediction was based on the view that "Trumpism" would resonate with American voters more forcefully than most experts thought possible. If the Republican Party does move to the left on economic issues, this could lead to more economic instability and larger budget deficits - and ultimately, much higher inflation. We discussed the reasons why inflation is heading higher over the long haul several weeks ago and encourage readers to review that report.1 Still Chugging Along Over a shorter-term horizon of one or two years, however, things still look reasonably bright. Earnings are in a solid uptrend. The profit recovery has been broad-based across countries and sectors. Our global leading economic indicator is trending higher, as are estimates of global growth (Chart 4). Chart 4Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth The current economic recovery in the U.S. has now lasted over eight years, making it the third-longest on record. If it continues until July 2019, it will take the top spot from the 1990s expansion. The fact that this expansion has endured for so long is not too surprising. The Great Recession was one of the deepest in history, while the recovery that followed has been fairly drawn out. Such "slow burn" recoveries are typical following financial crises, and this one has not been any different. However, now that the U.S. unemployment rate has returned to pre-recession levels, the question arises whether the curtain may finally be closing on this expansion. Our answer is "not yet." While this expansion is starting to get long in the tooth, the next recession probably won't roll around until 2019 - and perhaps even later. This means that a cyclically bullish stance towards risk assets is still appropriate. Searching For The Smoking Gun As the old saying goes, "Expansions don't die of old age. They are murdered by the Fed." Such a verdict is too harsh, but it does get to an underlying truth: Fed rate hikes have almost always preceded past U.S. recessions (Chart 5). Broadly speaking, post-war recessions can be broken down into two categories. The first consists of recessions that resulted from the bursting of asset bubbles. In those cases, Fed rate hikes were more the instigator of the recession than the cause of it. The second category consists of recessions where the Fed found itself behind the curve in normalizing monetary policy and was forced to raise rates aggressively in response to rising inflation. The last three recessions were all of the first variety. The 1990-91 recession stemmed from the commercial real estate bust and the ensuing Savings and Loan crisis. The 2001 recession was caused by the bursting of the dotcom bubble. And, of course, the Great Recession was largely the product of the housing bust and weak mortgage underwriting standards. Today's financial landscape is far from pristine. Corporate debt is close to record high levels as a share of GDP and asset valuations are stretched across the board (Chart 6). However, while these imbalances are bad enough to exacerbate a recession, they do not appear severe enough to cause one. This suggests that the next downturn may look less like the last three recessions and more like the "classic" or "retro" recessions of the 1960s, 70s, and early 80s. Chart 5Who Kills Economic Expansions? Who Kills Economic Expansions? Who Kills Economic Expansions? Chart 6Debt Is Rising, As Are Asset Values Debt Is Rising, As Are Asset Values Debt Is Rising, As Are Asset Values Inflation Remains Benign ... For Now If we are heading for a retro recession, investors should keep a close eye on inflation. This is simply because the Fed is unlikely to turn very hawkish until inflation starts accelerating. The good news is that inflation should remain dormant for at least the next 12 months. In fact, most measures of consumer price inflation have decelerated since the start of the year (Chart 7). Producer prices also fell unexpectedly in July, the first outright decline in 11 months. The St. Louis Fed's Price Pressures index remains near rock-bottom levels (Chart 8). Chart 7Consumer Inflation Has Decelerated Of Late Consumer Inflation Has Decelerated Of Late Consumer Inflation Has Decelerated Of Late Chart 8Price Pressures Are Muted... For Now Price Pressures Are Muted... For Now Price Pressures Are Muted... For Now Inflation expectations are still reasonably well anchored and trade unions have less clout than they once did. Shale producers also have the ability to ramp up production in response to higher oil prices. Past episodes of rapidly rising inflation were often accompanied by supply disruptions that led to spiraling energy costs. Moreover, at least for the time being, higher imports can absorb some of the excess in U.S. aggregate demand. The bad news is that once inflation does start rising in earnest, the Fed is likely to find itself flat-footed. Inflation is a highly lagging indicator. As we have noted before, inflation typically does not peak until well after a recession has begun and does not bottom until well after it has ended (Chart 9). Trying to infer the true level of economic slack from today's inflation rate is like trying to read the speedometer of an automobile when there is a 30-second delay between what the dial says and when you step on the accelerator. Chart 9Inflation Is A Lagging Indicator From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? Timing Matters Too Doesn't a very low neutral real rate reduce the risk that the Fed will find itself behind the curve? The answer is "yes," but only to a limited extent. Suppose, for the sake of argument, that the Fed knew the exact level of the neutral real rate. It would still be the case that a major delay in bringing interest rates up to that magic number would cause the unemployment rate to fall below NAIRU, leading to an overheated economy. Such an economy may not generate inflation immediately, but both history and simple logic suggest that a situation where aggregate demand continues to outstrip supply will eventually produce upward pressure on prices. The lesson here is that successful monetary policy does not just require that central banks bring rates to the correct level. They also have to bring rates to the correct level at the right time. That is difficult to do, which is why soft landings following monetary tightening cycles are few and far between. Fed Dots Too Optimistic About Labor Force Growth And Productivity The Fed "dots" foresee the unemployment rate ending the year at the current level of 4.3% and falling marginally to 4.2% in 2018. The Fed also expects real GDP to grow by 2.2% in Q4 of 2017 and 2.1% in Q4 of 2018 over the previous year. This is similar to the average rate of GDP growth since the start of the recovery, a period where the unemployment rate fell by over five percentage points. Thus, the only way the Fed's math can add up is if labor force growth accelerates or productivity growth increases. Neither outcome is likely. The labor force participation rate has been flat for the past four years, despite the fact that an aging population has pushed more people into retirement. Chart 10 shows that the participation rate has fallen by three percentage points since 2008, only 0.3 points less than one would expect based solely on changes in the age distribution of the population. Much of the remaining gap can be explained by the secular decline in participation rates within young-to-middle age cohorts, offset in part by higher participation among the elderly (Chart 11). In particular, the downward trend in participation among less-educated workers appears to be more structural than cyclical in nature (Chart 12). As we noted last week, the growing shortage of workers is already visible in employer surveys and rising wage pressures at the lower end of the skill distribution.2 Thus, far from accelerating, chances are that labor force growth will decelerate as the economy runs out of people who can be persuaded to seek out gainful employment. This could cause the unemployment rate to fall further than the Fed expects. Chart 10Demographic Shifts Explain Most Of The Decline In Participation Rates Demographic Shifts Explain Most Of The Decline In Participation Rates Demographic Shifts Explain Most Of The Decline In Participation Rates Chart 11Participation Rates Across Age Cohorts Participation Rates Across Age Cohorts Participation Rates Across Age Cohorts Chart 12Labor Force Participation Has Fallen ##br##The Most Among The Less-Educated From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? Productivity is also unlikely to make a significant rebound. The drop in productivity growth has been broad-based across industries and countries. Moreover, it began several years before the financial crisis, suggesting that the Great Recession was not the main culprit. All this points to underlying structural factors - such as a weaker pace of innovation and flagging educational achievement - as being the key drivers of the productivity slowdown.3 What Goes Down Must Come Up If labor force growth fails to accelerate and productivity growth remains weak, then the current pace of GDP growth of around 2% will push the unemployment rate down from current levels. Needless to say, if GDP growth accelerates above 2%, unemployment will drop even more. Such an outcome is, in fact, quite likely given the significant easing in financial conditions that the U.S. has experienced over the past few months. All this means that the unemployment rate may be on its way to falling below its 2000 low of 3.8% by next summer. This would leave it close to a full percentage point below the Fed's estimate of NAIRU. At that point, the unemployment rate would have nowhere to go but up. And, unfortunately, history suggests that once unemployment starts rising, it keeps rising. In fact, the U.S. has never averted a recession in the post-war era when the three-month average of the unemployment rate has risen by more than one-third of a percentage point (Chart 13). Chart 13Even A Small Uptick In The Unemployment Rate Is Bad News For The Business Cycle Even A Small Uptick In The Unemployment Rate Is Bad News For The Business Cycle Even A Small Uptick In The Unemployment Rate Is Bad News For The Business Cycle The Not-So-Prescient Stock Market If the U.S. does succumb to a recession in 2019 or 2020 because the Fed is forced to hike rates aggressively in response to rising inflation, how quickly will the market sniff out an impending downturn? Chart 14 plots the value of the S&P 500 around the time of past recessions. On average, the stock market has peaked six months before the beginning of a recession. However, there is quite a bit of variation from one episode to the next (Table 1). The S&P 500 peaked only two months before both the Great Recession and the 1990-91 recession. It peaked seven months before the 2001 recession, but that downturn was arguably more the product of the stock market bust than the cause of it. Chart 14Profile Of U.S. Stocks Around Recessions From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? Table 1Stocks And Recession: Case By Case From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession? On the whole, the stock market is not particularly good at anticipating recessions triggered by financial sector imbalances. The stock market is more adept at predicting downturns caused by excessively tight monetary policy - although even here, it is difficult to know how much of the weakness in equities leading up to such recessions was due to rising expectations of a downturn and how much was simply the result of higher interest rates. From this, we conclude that the stock market will likely peak a few months before the next recession. If we are correct about the timing of our recession call, this implies the cyclical bull market has another 12-to-18 months left. Cyclical Leading Indicators Still Benign The bond market has generally done a better job of anticipating economic downturns than the stock market. This is especially the case for the yield curve, which has inverted in the lead-up to every single recession over the past 50 years, with only one false positive (Chart 15). While the 10-year/3-month spread has compressed over the past few years, it is still above the level that has warned of recessions in the past. Most other forward-looking cyclical indicators continue to point to an economic expansion that has further room to run. The Conference Board's Leading Economic Indicator (LEI) has consistently fallen into negative territory on a year-over-year basis leading up to past recessions (Chart 16). The LEI has accelerated since last summer, suggesting little risk of a near-term downturn. Chart 15The Yield Curve Has Called 8 Of The Last 7 Recessions The Yield Curve Has Called 8 Of The Last 7 Recessions The Yield Curve Has Called 8 Of The Last 7 Recessions Chart 16LEI Also Good At Signaling Recessions LEI Also Good At Signaling Recessions LEI Also Good At Signaling Recessions A decline in the ISM new orders component in relation to the inventory component has warned that final demand is softening while the stock of unsold goods is piling up (Chart 17). The current gap stands at 10.4, consistent with a robust expansion. Likewise, initial unemployment claims have usually risen going into past recessions (Chart 18). Neither the current level of claims nor hiring intention surveys are signaling trouble ahead. Chart 17Economic Momentum Is Still Positive Based On The ISM Economic Momentum Is Still Positive Based On The ISM Economic Momentum Is Still Positive Based On The ISM Chart 18Initial Claims Claim Everything Is Okay Initial Claims Claim Everything Is Okay Initial Claims Claim Everything Is Okay Changes in financial conditions tend to lead GDP growth by around 6-to-12 months. Thus, it is not surprising that recessions have often occurred in the wake of a tightening in financial conditions (Chart 19). As noted above, U.S. financial conditions have eased sharply since the start of the year. Chart 19Recessions Tend To Occur When Financial Conditions Are Tightening Recessions Tend To Occur When Financial Conditions Are Tightening Recessions Tend To Occur When Financial Conditions Are Tightening Investment Conclusions Historically, recessions and equity bear markets have gone hand in hand. As my colleague Doug Peta likes to emphasize, it simply does not pay to be underweight stocks unless one has legitimate reasons for thinking that another economic downturn is just around the corner (Chart 20).4 Our analysis suggests that another recession is still at least 18 months away. This is confirmed by a variety of recession-timing models, all of which are signaling low risks of an impending downturn in growth (Chart 21). As we noted last week, wage growth is likely to accelerate over the next few quarters. This will prop up consumer spending. July's blockbuster retail sales report was no fluke - there are plenty more where it came from. Stronger U.S. growth will force the market to revise up the miserly 41 basis points in rate hikes that it has priced in over the next two years. This will push up Treasury yields and give the dollar a boost. The greenback has usually strengthened whenever an overheated labor market has caused labor's share of income to rise (Chart 22). We expect the broad trade-weighted dollar to appreciate by about 10% over the next 18 months. Chart 2050 Years Of Recessions And Bear Markets 50 Years Of Recessions And Bear Markets 50 Years Of Recessions And Bear Markets Chart 21No Imminent Risk Of A Recession No Imminent Risk Of A Recession No Imminent Risk Of A Recession Chart 22Historically, A Rising Labor Share Has Pushed Up The Dollar Historically, A Rising Labor Share Has Pushed Up The Dollar Historically, A Rising Labor Share Has Pushed Up The Dollar A stronger dollar is necessary for tilting U.S. consumption towards foreign-made goods, thereby allowing domestic spending to rise in the face of tighter supply constraints. This is good news for foreign producers in developed economies, but could cause trouble for firms in emerging markets which have taken out large amounts of dollar-denominated debt. We continue to prefer European and Japanese stocks over their U.S. counterparts in currency-hedged terms. In the EM space, Chinese H-shares are our preferred market. Peter Berezin, Global Chief Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Secular Bottom In Inflation," dated July 28, 2017. 2 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "What's The Matter With Wages?," dated August 11, 2017. 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame The Statisticians," dated March 25, 2016; and The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Taking Off The Rose-Colored Glasses: Education and Growth In The 21st Century," February 24, 2011. 4 Please see Global ETF Strategy Special Report, "A Guide To Spotting And Weathering Bear Markets," dated August 16, 2017. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades
Highlights Duration: An environment characterized by strong global growth and a weak dollar is very bearish for U.S. bonds. According to our model, fair value for the 10-year Treasury yield is 2.6%. Stay at below-benchmark duration. The Fed & The Dollar: A weak dollar eases financial conditions and supports higher core goods inflation. All else equal, this will strengthen the Fed's hawkish resolve in the near term. However, a rebound in core services (excluding shelter and medical care) inflation will be necessary for core inflation to reach the Fed's target on a sustained basis. USD Sovereigns: USD-denominated sovereigns are not attractive compared to domestic Baa-rated U.S. credit. At the country level, Finland, Mexico and Colombia offer the most attractive spreads and Finnish debt offers the best risk/reward trade-off. Feature Please note there will be no U.S. Bond Strategy report next week. Our regular publishing schedule will resume on August 29, 2017. Chart 1Firm Growth, Despite Weaker $ Firm Growth, Despite Weaker $ Firm Growth, Despite Weaker $ Escalating tension between the U.S. and North Korea captured the market's attention during the past week, causing investors to ignore what in our view is a more important economic development: Global growth has managed to stay firm even in the face of significant dollar depreciation. Not only does this break the pattern of the past few years when periods of substantial dollar weakness were associated with slowing global growth (Chart 1), but in our view it sends a very bearish signal for U.S. bonds. Above all else, a weak dollar amidst strong global growth suggests that the breadth of the economic recovery is improving. This intuition is confirmed by the fact that our Global Manufacturing PMI Diffusion Index, which measures the net percentage of countries with PMIs above the 50 boom/bust line, is fast approaching 90% (Chart 2). Not only that, but PMIs from the four most important economic blocs are all showing signs of strength. Both the Eurozone and Japanese PMIs are holding firm at high levels, while the U.S. and Chinese PMIs have recently reversed their year-to-date downtrends (Chart 2, bottom two panels). Why is the breadth of the global recovery important? Precisely because a more synchronized recovery prevents the dollar from appreciating too quickly. All else equal, a stronger dollar causes investors to reduce their forecasts for future U.S. growth and inflation. This implies a slower expected pace of rate hikes and lower Treasury yields. Conversely, a weaker dollar causes investors to revise up their growth and inflation forecasts, leading to a quicker expected pace of rate hikes and higher yields. To capture the importance of both global growth and the exchange rate we turn to our 2-factor Treasury model (Chart 3). This is a simple model of the 10-year Treasury yield based on the Global PMI and bullish sentiment toward the dollar. A stronger Global PMI pressures the model's fair value higher, as does increasingly bearish dollar sentiment. Chart 2Synchronized Global Growth Synchronized Global Growth Synchronized Global Growth Chart 310-Year Treasury Yield Fair Value 10-Year Treasury Yield Fair Value 10-Year Treasury Yield Fair Value At present, the model pegs fair value for the 10-year Treasury yield at 2.6%, meaning the current 10-year Treasury yield of 2.22% is 38 bps below fair value. This is the most expensive Treasuries have appeared on our model since the immediate aftermath of last year's Brexit vote. Political Uncertainty & Flights To Quality While our 2-factor model does a good job, there is one important driver of Treasury yields it does not capture. That is the tendency for political events to drive a flight to safety into Treasuries (Chart 4). Typically, if it is possible to identify a purely politically-driven flight to safety - one that is unlikely to exert a meaningful economic impact during the next 6-12 months - then the correct strategy is to heed our model's message and position for higher yields. This strategy worked out perfectly following the Brexit vote, and we anticipate it will work again this time around. Chart 4Policy Uncertainty Is A Driver Of Bond Yields Policy Uncertainty Is A Driver Of Bond Yields Policy Uncertainty Is A Driver Of Bond Yields With regards to the catalyst for last week's flight to safety, our Geopolitical Strategy service wrote in a recent Special Report1 that a pre-emptive strike by the U.S. on North Korea is extremely unlikely. The theatrics of the past week demonstrate only that the U.S. needs to establish a "credible threat" if it wants to eventually open a new round of negotiations over North Korea - not unlike the Iranian nuclear negotiations of the past decade. Looking further down the road, if those talks eventually fail then the potential for military conflict is high. We therefore conclude that there is not much potential for U.S. / North Korean tensions to exert a meaningful economic impact during the next 6-12 months, and view the recent bond rally as an opportunity to position for sharply higher yields in the near-term. Bottom Line: An environment characterized by strong global growth and a weak dollar is very bearish for U.S. bonds. According to our model, fair value for the 10-year Treasury yield is 2.6%. Stay at below-benchmark duration. How The Fed Views A Weaker Dollar Financial Conditions Chart 5Weak $ Eases Financial Conditions Weak $ Eases Financial Conditions Weak $ Eases Financial Conditions The Fed views the 7% year-to-date depreciation of the dollar as a significant easing of financial conditions. In fact, most broad indicators of financial conditions have eased this year, even though the Fed has lifted rates by 75 bps since December (Chart 5). In the Fed's framework, this means that the pace of rate hikes might need to increase in order to tighten financial conditions as much as desired. New York Fed President William Dudley summed up this approach in a 2015 speech:2 All else equal, if financial conditions tighten sharply, then we are likely to proceed more slowly. In contrast, if financial conditions were not to tighten at all or only very little, then - assuming the economic outlook hadn't changed significantly - we would likely have to move more quickly. In the end, we will adjust the policy stance to support financial market conditions that we deem are most consistent with our employment and inflation objectives. Of course, all else is not equal. Core inflation has disappointed so far this year and our current assessment of monetary policy is that while the Fed will take action to start shrinking its balance sheet next month, rate hikes are on hold until inflation turns higher. We remain optimistic that inflation will show sufficient strength in time for the Fed to lift rates in December.3 Inflation Chart 6Weak $ = Higher Inflation Weak $ = Higher Inflation Weak $ = Higher Inflation A weaker dollar also increases the Fed's confidence that inflation will head higher. Although so far we have not seen much evidence that this is occurring. Last Friday's July CPI report showed that core CPI rose only 0.1% month-over-month, while the year-over-year growth rate held flat at 1.7%. However, evidence is mounting that core inflation will soon put in a bottom. Our CPI diffusion index bounced back into positive territory in July (Chart 6) and our PCE diffusion index is at its highest level since last October.4 Both of these measures have excellent track records capturing the near-term swings in core inflation. The year-to-date weakness in the dollar has led to a surge in import prices. Stronger import prices will soon translate into higher core goods inflation (Chart 6, panels 2 and 3). Unfortunately, any increase in core goods inflation is unlikely to be sustained beyond the next 12 months. If the year-to-date dollar weakness starts to reverse, as our currency strategists anticipate,5 then import prices will decline anew. Eventually, this will translate into a deceleration in core goods inflation. For core inflation to sustainably reach the Fed's target, improvement in the lagging core services (excluding shelter and medical care) component will be required. Historically, this component is the most tightly linked to wage growth (Chart 6, bottom panel). A Rising Wage Growth Environment Two related methods do an excellent job predicting the direction of wage growth on a cyclical horizon. First, wages accelerate when the unemployment rate is falling, and second, wages accelerate when the prime-age (25-54) employment-to-population ratio is increasing. The top two panels of Chart 7 show the relationship between wage growth and the unemployment rate. The shaded regions in both panels correspond to periods when the unemployment rate is falling. As can be seen, wage growth always rises during these periods. That being the case, we calculate that non-farm employment needs to grow by more than 125k per month (on average) for the unemployment rate to continue its downtrend, assuming the labor force participation rate remains flat. Chart 7A Rising Wage Environment A Rising Wage Environment A Rising Wage Environment Of course it is not guaranteed that the labor force participation rate will stay flat. In a recent report we discussed the risk that a large cyclical increase in the participation rate might cause the unemployment rate to rise even as the economy continues to recover.6 This is why we also look at the shaded regions in the bottom two panels of Chart 7 and see that wages always rise during periods when the prime-age employment-to-population ratio is rising. By looking at the employment-to-population ratio instead of the unemployment rate we do not need to make an assumption about the trend in labor force participation. Using this method, we calculate that monthly employment growth must exceed 140k (on average) for the prime-age employment-to-population ratio to keep increasing. Non-farm payroll growth has averaged 184k per month so far in 2017 and averaged 187k per month in 2016. In other words, the U.S. jobs machine is running at a fairly steady pace, well above the thresholds we see as necessary for the recovery in wage growth to continue. Bottom Line: A weak dollar eases financial conditions and supports higher core goods inflation. All else equal, this will strengthen the Fed's hawkish resolve in the near term. However, a rebound in core services (excluding shelter and medical care) inflation will be necessary for core inflation to reach the Fed's target on a sustained basis. Sovereigns Not Buying The Weak Dollar USD-denominated sovereign bonds should benefit from a falling dollar. A weaker U.S. dollar makes the debt obligation cheaper in the issuing nation's local currency. However, the USD Sovereign index has actually underperformed the duration-matched Baa U.S. Credit index during the past six months, despite a depreciating U.S. currency (Chart 8). The duration-matched Baa-rated U.S. Credit index is the closest comparable we can find for the Sovereign index. It matches the Sovereign index in terms of duration and average credit rating, although historically it also delivers less excess return volatility (Chart 8, bottom panel). The two main factors we consider when deciding whether to add USD-denominated sovereigns to our portfolio at the expense of domestic U.S. credit are relative valuation and the outlook for the dollar. Historically, spread differential has been an important driver of relative returns. Attractive starting valuations even allowed sovereigns to outperform credit in 2014 and 2015 despite the dollar's surge. But at the moment, relative value is skewed heavily in favor of domestic U.S. credit (Chart 8, panel 1). Chart 8Sovereigns Too Expensive Sovereigns Too Expensive Sovereigns Too Expensive Added to that, with U.S. growth likely to remain strong and U.S. inflation poised to rebound, we think there is a high likelihood that the Fed will deliver more rate hikes than are currently priced in. This will make it difficult for the dollar to decline further from current levels. Taken together, poor relative valuation and a bullish outlook for the dollar lead us to continue underweighting USD-denominated sovereigns in our portfolio. The Sovereign Index: Country Breakdown Even though the overall index is unappealing, opportunities might still exist at the country level. Chart 9 shows a risk/reward picture for each country in the Bloomberg Barclays Sovereign index. The upper panels show the option-adjusted spread for each country relative to its duration and credit rating. The lower panels show a risk-adjusted spread on the y-axis. This risk-adjusted spread is the excess spread that remains after we adjust for differences in credit rating and duration using a cross-sectional model. What sticks out immediately is that Finland, Colombia and Mexico all offer compelling spreads after adjusting for differences in credit rating and duration. The outlook for each country's currency versus the U.S. dollar is obviously also important. And in fact, the lower-right panel of Chart 9 shows that exchange rate volatility is positively correlated with the risk-adjusted spreads from our cross-sectional model. This implies that the extra compensation available in Mexican and Colombian sovereigns is probably compensation for assuming highly volatile currency risk. By this measure, Finland looks even more attractive given the euro's slightly lower volatility. Chart 9USD Sovereign Index: Country Breakdown The Upside Of A Weaker Dollar The Upside Of A Weaker Dollar Bottom Line: USD-denominated sovereigns are not attractive compared to domestic Baa-rated U.S. credit. Remain underweight. At the country level, Finland, Mexico and Colombia offer the most attractive spreads and Finnish debt offers the best risk/reward trade-off. Ryan Swift, Vice President U.S. Bond Strategy rswift@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "North Korea: Beyond Satire", dated April 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 2 https://www.newyorkfed.org/newsevents/speeches/2015/dud150605 3 For further details on our outlook for the near-term path of monetary policy please see U.S. Bond Strategy Portfolio Allocation Summary, "On Hold, But Not For Long", dated August 8, 2017, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 4 For a chart of the PCE diffusion index please see page 11 of U.S. Bond Strategy Portfolio Allocation Summary, "On Hold, But Not For Long", dated August 8, 2017, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 5 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "Fade North Korea, And Sell The Yen", dated August 11, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 6 Please see U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report, "Three Scenarios For Treasury Yields In 2017", dated June 20, 2017, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com Fixed Income Sector Performance Recommended Portfolio Specification
Highlights The GOP can bolster its case for re-election in 2018 by passing tax cuts and rolling back regulation. With U.S. equity valuations stretched, prolonged uncertainty in Northeast Asia may be a catalyst for a pullback. The global economic outlook is brightening and will be a tailwind for U.S. economic growth and equities. Rising wage pressure will be another headwind for EPS growth in 2018, although wages appear quite benign at the moment. Wages are not always a good leading indicator for the inflation cycle. Indeed, sometimes upturns in wage growth lags that of consumer prices. Feature Safe haven assets caught a bid last week while risk assets sold off as investors weighed geopolitical tensions in Northeast Asia and more uncertainty over fiscal policy in Washington. Last week's U.S. economic data highlighted the disconnect between a tighter labor market and a lack of wage pressures. Meanwhile, the data suggest that growth outside the U.S. is accelerating. Nonetheless, history shows that investors should be patient while waiting for an upturn in inflation. Next Up: Tax Cuts The GOP will deliver on tax cuts this year despite disarray at the White House and an incompetent Congress, but fiscal stimulus may fail to live up to its hype. Furthermore, a fiscal lift from infrastructure spending is unlikely anytime soon. Republicans need a win ahead of the 2018 mid-term elections and they have already laid the groundwork for tax reform via the budget reconciliation process. Moreover, cutting taxes is easier to justify politically than removing an entitlement program (i.e. Obamacare). Tax rates probably will not be lowered by as much as originally promised because conservative Republicans in the House will demand "revenue offsets" to pay for tax cuts. Internal GOP battles over how to fund tax cuts could spill over into some tension regarding raising the debt ceiling. However, it is in neither political party's interests to create another "fiscal cliff" out of thin air. The GOP needs Democratic votes to pass this legislation in the Senate and the Democratic leadership has indicated it is willing to support it. At what price? House Minority leader Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority leader Chuck Schumer may link the debt ceiling and spending bill to tax reform, and push for the tax cuts to extend to the middle class and to be revenue neutral. There is a chance that both parties will agree to temporarily eliminate the debt ceiling, perhaps beyond the 2018 mid-term elections. In any event, we expect a last minute resolution to both the U.S. debt ceiling and the potential government shutdown in September. Thus, there should be no lasting impact on financial markets from the debt ceiling debate. Turning to government regulation, the NFIB survey shows that small businesses are pleased with the Trump administration's attack on red tape. President Trump has made progress on slowing regulation and is on track to enact one-tenth the amount of economically significant regulation1 passed by the Obama administration (Chart 1). By this metric, Trump is even more frugal than Reagan. Trump and the GOP-held Congress have rolled back Obama-era rules and delayed others. Still, regulatory change is slow to impact the economy and it may take years for the regulatory rollback to provide any meaningful lift to growth. Accordingly, the "Trump Put"2 is still in place. U.S. politics will remain a mess for much of the year, delaying any progress on populist economic policies that would have buoyed U.S. nominal GDP growth and given the Fed a reason to hike interest rates more aggressively (Chart 2). Chart 1Trump Has Had Success In Slowing Regulation Still Waiting For Inflation Still Waiting For Inflation Chart 2The Trump Put The Trump Put The Trump Put Bottom Line: Trump will not be impeached until after the 2018 mid-term election, and only then if the Democrats manage to take control of the House. The GOP can bolster its case for re-election in 2018 by passing tax cuts and rolling back regulation. The intensifying Mueller investigation and White House incompetence will only fuel the "Trump Put", which has been positive for U.S. equities, neutral for Treasuries, and bad for the dollar, all else equal. A significant uptick in inflation could overwhelm the "Trump Put" and spark a dollar rally. As such, investors should focus on inflation prospects rather than on White House politics. Fire And Fury Investors are on high alert and with the Q2 earnings season over, may look beyond the positive news on corporate profits for direction. Our colleagues in the BCA Geopolitical Strategy service have long maintained that Northeast Asia is ripe for economic/political risk.3 The underlying driver of uncertainty on the Korean Peninsula is the Sino-American rivalry. China is an emerging "great power" that threatens the global dominance of the U.S. and its allies. The immediate consequence is mounting friction in China's periphery. That is why Taiwan, the South China Sea, and North Korea, are all heating up. North Korea's regime is highly unpredictable as evidenced by events in the past few weeks. In that sense, it is more significant than the other "proxy battles" between the U.S. and China. In essence, North Korea is no longer merely an object of satire. A new round of negotiations over North Korea's nuclear and missile programs is about to begin. The potential for a military conflict is high unless diplomacy succeeds in convincing North Korea to freeze its weapons programs. The events on the Korean peninsula are unfolding as we expected they would. North Korea has a history of rational action. It wants a nuclear deterrent and a peace treaty, but not a regime change. The U.S. has forsworn regime change as an intention and China has recommitted to new sanctions. South Korea is pro-engagement. Moreover, we are seeing the U.S. establish a credible military as part of the "arc of diplomacy," comparable to U.S.-Iran relations 2010-15. Bottom Line: We do not expect a pre-emptive strike by the U.S. on North Korea, as the constraints to conflict are extremely high and not all diplomatic options have been exhausted. Nonetheless, with U.S. equity valuations stretched, prolonged uncertainty in the region may be a catalyst for a pullback. A Rosy Global Picture The global economic outlook is brightening and will be a tailwind for U.S. economic growth and equities. Global real GDP estimates continue to move higher, a welcome departure from years past when estimates slid relentlessly lower (Chart 3). Since the start of 2017, global GDP estimates for this year have increased from 2.8% to 3%, while 2018 forecasts have accelerated from 2.7% to 2.9%. This upward trajectory has occurred despite a recalibration by many major central banks away from accommodative policies. Aggressive central bank actions or escalating tensions in Northeast Asia, or both, may halt the improving growth forecasts. Falling oil prices would also challenge a quickening of global growth, but our view is that oil prices will move higher in the coming months.4 Chart 3Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth Global leading indicators are on the upswing (Chart 4). The BCA Global Leading Indicator Index (excluding the U.S.) in July 2017 was the strongest since 2010 when it slowed after a sharp rebound from the global financial crisis. The increase in growth still has room to run. Admittedly, the LEI's diffusion index has dipped below 50%. It would be a warning sign for global growth if the diffusion index does not soon turn up. Nominal global GDP growth is speeding up, boosted by improving consumer and business confidence, rising capital spending and declining policy uncertainty (Chart 5). The global economic surprise index is also climbing, which provides additional support. Investors may be concerned that the global PMIs have peaked (Chart 6), but they remain at levels consistent with above-trend GDP growth and we see no reason why they should drop below 50. Chart 4LEIs Pointing Higher LEIs Pointing Higher LEIs Pointing Higher Chart 5Supports For Global Growth In Place Supports For Global Growth In Place Supports For Global Growth In Place Chart 6Global Economic Activity Brightening bca.usis_wr_2017_08_14_c6 bca.usis_wr_2017_08_14_c6 Industrial production (IP) overseas is expanding nearly twice as fast as in the U.S. (Chart 5). This suggests that U.S. economic activity will be pulled up by foreign demand. A stronger dollar (as much as a 10% appreciation in the next year) may dampen U.S. exports and earnings, but this will be more a problem for 2018 than 2017. Bottom Line: Improving economic activity outside the U.S. is a tailwind for both U.S. economic growth and profits of U.S. firms with significant business abroad. Solid foreign demand will help the economy hit the Fed's GDP target and also support additional, but gradual, tightening by the central bank. Stay overweight U.S. equities and remain short duration. Waiting For Wages Rising wage pressure will be another headwind for EPS growth in 2018, although wages appear quite benign at the moment. Both primary and secondary indicators point to a tighter U.S. labor market. The July jobs report (released in early August) was yet another sign that the slack in the jobs market is vanishing.5 Data released last week on job openings (JOLTS) and the National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB) further supported this trend, and indicated that the labor market may tighten even more. Job openings rose to a new all-time high along with BCA's quit rate less layoffs indicator (Chart 7). The hire rate remained at a cycle peak. The NFIB data was equally impressive, with hiring plans and job openings surging in July. Small businesses are also finding it increasingly difficult to find quality labor. (Chart 7, panel 4) The strength in the labor market has not yet translated into accelerating wages, but patience is required. The July NFIB survey noted that "while a tight job market may point to higher wages and rising consumer spending down the road, which is also good for small businesses, the current expansion efforts by small business owners are being choked by their difficulties in hiring and keeping workers." The NFIB's compensation plans (Chart 7) provided quantitative support for the group's qualitative assessment. However, the latest readings on labor compensation from the Q2 productivity report, the tepid July average hourly earnings data and the Atlanta Fed wage tracker suggest that the labor market is still not tight enough to generate much wage pressure (Chart 8). Chart 7Widespread Evidence That##BR##Labor Market Is Tightening Widespread Evidence That Labor Market Is Tightening Widespread Evidence That Labor Market Is Tightening Chart 8Not Much Wage##BR##Pressure Yet Not Much Wage Pressure Yet Not Much Wage Pressure Yet Inflation And Long-Expansion Dynamics That said, wages are not always a good leading indicator for the inflation cycle. Indeed, sometimes upturns in wage growth lag that of consumer prices. In previous research we split U.S. post-1950 economic cycles into three sets based on the length of the expansion phase: short (about 2 years), medium (4-6 years) and long (8-10 years). What distinguishes short from medium and long expansions is the speed at which the most cyclical parts of the economy accelerated, and the time it took unemployment to reach a full employment level. Long expansions were characterized by a drawn-out rise in the cyclical parts of the economy and a very slow return to full employment, similar to what has occurred since the Great Recession. Chart 9 compares the current cycle to the average of two of the long cycles (the 1980s and the 1990s). We excluded the long-running 1960s expansion because the Fed delayed far too long and fell well behind the inflation curve. We define the 'late cycle' phase to be the time period from when the economy first reached full employment to the subsequent recession (shaded portions in Chart 9). The average late-cycle phase for these two expansions lasted almost four years, highlighting that reaching full employment does not necessarily mean that a recession is imminent. Inflation pressures are slower to emerge in 'slow burn' recoveries, allowing the Fed to proceed slowly. The Fed waited an average of 25 months to tighten policy after reaching full employment in these two long expansions, in part because core CPI inflation was roughly flat. The result was an extended late-cycle phase that was very rewarding for equity investors because the economy and earnings continued to grow. Of course, inflation eventually did turn higher, signaling the beginning of the end for the expansion and equity bull phase. In Chart 10, we compare the core PCE inflation rate in the current cycle with the average of the previous two long expansion episodes (the inflection point for inflation in the previous cycles are aligned with June 2017 for comparison purposes). The other panels in the chart highlight that, in the 1980s and 1990s, wage growth gave no warning that an inflation upturn was imminent. Indeed, wages were a lagging indicator of consumer price inflation. Chart 9Labor Market, Inflation And Stocks##BR##In The Long 80's & 90's Expansions Labor Market, Inflation And Stocks In The Long 80's & 90's Expansions Labor Market, Inflation And Stocks In The Long 80's & 90's Expansions Chart 10In The 80's & 90's Wage Growth##BR##Gave No Early Warning On On Inflation In The 80s & 90s Wage Growth Gave No Early Warning On On Inflation In The 80s & 90s Wage Growth Gave No Early Warning On On Inflation Market commentators often assume that inflation is driven exclusively by "cost push" effects, such that the direction of causation runs from wage pressure to price pressure. However, causation runs in the other direction as well. Households see rising prices and then demand better wages to compensate for the added cost of living. Chart 11Leading Indicators Of Inflation##BR##In "Slow Burn" Recoveries Leading Indicators Of Inflation In "Slow Burn" Recoveries Leading Indicators Of Inflation In "Slow Burn" Recoveries This is not to say that we should totally disregard wage information. But it does suggest that we must keep an eye on a wider set of data. Indicators that provided some leading information for inflation in the previous two long cycles are shown in Chart 11. To this list we would also add the St. Louis Fed's Price Pressure index, which is not shown in Chart 11 because it does not have enough history. All of these indicators have moved higher over the past 18 months, after bottoming at extremely low levels in 2015 and early 2016. However, they have all pulled back to some extent in recent months. This year's pipeline inflation "soft patch" continued into July, according to last week's release of the Producer Price Index. The easing in cost pressures at the producer level has been broadly based (i.e. one cannot blame special factors). These indicators suggest that consumer price inflation, according to either the CPI or the PCE, will struggle to rise in the next few months. The July CPI report revealed another tepid 0.1% monthly rise in the core price index, while the year-over-year rate remained at 1.7%. Rising prices for health care goods and services were offset by price declines for new and used cars. The diffusion index for the CPI moved up to the zero line in July, indicating that disinflation was a little less broadly based in the month. Bottom Line: Our base case is that core PCE inflation edges higher in the coming months, which will be enough for the FOMC to justify a rate hike in December. We also expect that inflation will be high enough in 2018 for the Fed to hike rates by more than is discounted in the bond market. Nonetheless, the warning signs of an inflation upturn are mixed at best. It would flatter our stocks-over-bonds recommendation if we are wrong on the inflation outlook, but our short duration stance would not be profitable in this case. John Canally, CFA, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy johnc@bcaresearch.com Mark McClellan, Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst markm@bcaresearch.com 1 Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) of Office of Management and Budget (OMB): https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaMain and https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eoCountsSearchInit?action=init 2 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "How Long Can The Trump Put Last" dated June 14, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "North Korea: Beyond Satire, dated April 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "KSA's Tactics Advance OPEC' 2.0's Agenda," dated August 10, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Stay The Course" dated August 7, 2017, available at usis.bcaresearch.com.
Highlights Strong corporate earnings growth will drown out worries about North Korea. Stay cyclically overweight global equities. Underlying wage growth in the U.S. is stronger than the official data suggest. Surveys point to a further acceleration in U.S. wages, as do pay gains at the lower end of the income distribution. Labor's share of income will resume its cyclical recovery. This will lead to more consumer spending, and ultimately, higher price inflation. Wage growth elsewhere in the world will also pick up as labor slack declines. Global fixed-income investors should underweight duration and increase exposure to inflation-linked securities. Feature Focus On Corporate Earnings, Not Korea Chart 1EPS Estimates Have Remained ##br##Resilient This Year EPS Estimates Have Remained Resilient This Year EPS Estimates Have Remained Resilient This Year Global equities dropped over the past few days on the back of rising risks of conflict in the Korean peninsula. Our geopolitical strategists believe that neither the U.S. nor North Korea will launch a preemptive strike.1 Despite its bluster, North Korea has a history of rational action. It wants a nuclear deterrent and a peace treaty. The U.S. has forsworn regime change as a policy goal. China has recommitted to new sanctions and the South is pro-engagement. This raises the likelihood that a diplomatic solution will be found. Unfortunately, getting from here (open hostilities) to there (negotiated solution) will take time, which leaves the door open to increased market volatility. Nevertheless, we expect any selloff to be short-lived, owing to the positive earnings picture. More than anything else, strong profit growth has underpinned the cyclical bull market in stocks, and we expect this to remain the case over the coming months. More than 80% of S&P 500 companies have reported Q2 results. Based on these preliminary numbers, EPS appears to have increased by 11% over the previous year, marking the fourth consecutive quarter of margin expansion. The strength has been broad based, with all eleven sectors reporting positive growth. U.S. earnings estimates for both 2017 and 2018 have remained steady since January, bucking the historic pattern of downward revisions throughout the course of the year (Chart 1). The picture is even more impressive outside the U.S., where earnings estimates continue to move higher. The Euro STOXX 600 is now expected to deliver EPS growth of 12.6% this year. EPS of stocks listed on the Japanese Topix is expected to rise 14.8% this year and 7.3% next year, giving them an attractive 2018E P/E of 13.6. We recommend overweighting euro area and Japanese stocks over their U.S. counterparts in currency-hedged terms. EM stocks have seen the strongest positive earnings revisions this year. We continue to worry about some of the structural headwinds facing emerging markets (high debt levels, poor governance, etc.). However, the cyclical picture remains more upbeat. Chinese H-shares remain our favorite EM market, trading at just 7.5 times 2017 earnings estimates. The U.S. Labor Market Gets A JOLT, But Where's The Wage Growth? The Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey (JOLTS) released on Tuesday provided more good news about the state of the U.S. labor market (Chart 2). The number of job openings rose to 6.2 million in June. There are now 28% more unfilled jobs in the U.S. than at the prior peak in April 2007. The number of unemployed workers per job opening fell to 1.1, the lowest level in the history of the series. One might think that with numbers like these, wage growth would be skyrocketing. Yet, it is not. While monthly average hourly wages did surprise to the upside in the June payrolls report, the year-over-year change remained stuck at 2.5%. This week's productivity report showed that compensation per hour increased by only 1% in Q2 relative to the same period in 2016. Other measures of wage growth generally point to some softening this year (Chart 3). Chart 2More Good News For The U.S. Labor Market More Good News For The U.S. Labor Market More Good News For The U.S. Labor Market Chart 3U.S. Wage Growth Remains Soft U.S. Wage Growth Remains Soft U.S. Wage Growth Remains Soft Many commentators regard the lackluster pace of wage inflation - coming at a time when the unemployment rate has fallen below its 2007 lows - as a "mystery" that needs to be solved. As we argue in this report, there is less to this mystery than meets the eye. Properly measured, underlying wage growth in the U.S. has been rising for some time, and may actually be stronger than the "fundamentals" warrant. Wage inflation elsewhere in the world is more subdued. However, this is largely because progress towards restoring full employment has been slower outside the U.S. Is Wage Growth Being Mismeasured? How can U.S. wage growth be characterized as "strong" when it is still so weak by historic standards? Part of the answer has to do with that old bugbear: measurement error. Low-skilled workers have been re-entering the labor force en masse over the past few years, after having deserted it during the Great Recession. This has put downward pressure on average wages, arithmetically leading to slower wage growth. Most of the official wage series, including the Employment Cost Index, do not adjust for this statistical bias.2 In a recent research report, economists at the San Francisco Fed concluded that "correcting for worker composition changes, wages are consistent with a strong labor market that is drawing low-wage workers into full-time employment."3 In addition to cyclical factors, demographic shifts have depressed official measures of wage inflation. Historically, population aging has pushed up average wages because older workers tend to earn more than younger ones. The retirement of millions of well-paid baby boomers over the past few years has reversed this trend, at least temporarily. Chart 4 shows that the median age of employed workers has fallen for the past three years, the first time this has happened since the 1970s. Weak Productivity Growth Dragging Down Wages Unfortunately, there is more to the story than measurement error. Today's young workers are not better skilled or educated than those of previous generations. This, along with other factors that we have discussed extensively in past reports, has dragged down productivity growth.4 Nonfarm productivity has increased at an average annualized pace of less than 1% over the past few years, down from 3% in the early 2000s (Chart 5). Slower productivity growth gives firms less scope to raise wages. In fact, for all the talk about how wages are stagnant, real wages have risen by more than productivity since 2014. This has pushed labor's share of income off its post-recession lows. Chart 4Median Age Of Workers No Longer Rising Median Age Of Workers No Longer Rising Median Age Of Workers No Longer Rising Chart 5Real Wages Have Increased Faster ##br##Than Productivity Over The Past Few Years Real Wages Have Increased Faster Than Productivity Over The Past Few Years Real Wages Have Increased Faster Than Productivity Over The Past Few Years It remains to be seen whether the structural downtrend in the share of income going to labor will be reversed. One can make compelling arguments for both sides of the issue.5 But over a cyclical horizon of one-to-two years, it is highly likely that labor's share will rise. Labor's share of income is fairly procyclical. It increased significantly in the late 1990s and rose again in the years leading up to the Great Recession. Considering how low unemployment is today, it is not unreasonable to assume that it will maintain its cyclical uptrend. If so, this will lead to more consumer spending, and ultimately, higher inflation. Surveys Point To Faster Wage Growth... Surveys such as those conducted by the National Federation of Independent Business, Duke University/CFO Institute, National Association for Business Economics, and various regional Federal Reserve banks suggest that employers are becoming increasingly willing to raise compensation in order to fill vacancies (Chart 6). Workers, in turn, are becoming more choosy. This can be seen in an improving assessment of job availability and a rising quits rate. Both of these measures lead wage growth (Chart 7). Chart 6ASurveys Show Employers More Willing To Raise Compensation Surveys Show Employers More Willing To Raise Compensation Surveys Show Employers More Willing To Raise Compensation Chart 6BSurveys Show Employers More Willing To Raise Compensation Surveys Show Employers More Willing To Raise Compensation Surveys Show Employers More Willing To Raise Compensation Chart 7Workers Are Feeling More Confident Workers Are Feeling More Confident Workers Are Feeling More Confident ...As Do Wage Gains Among Low-Income Workers Median weekly earnings of low-income workers have accelerated this year, even as wage gains among higher-income workers have hit an air pocket (Chart 8). For example, restaurant workers have seen pay hikes of nearly 5% this year, up from 1% in 2014. Wage growth among lower-income workers tends to be less noisy than for higher-income workers. The incomes of better-paid workers are often influenced by bonuses and other variables that may be driven more by industry-specific or economy-wide profit trends rather than labor slack per se. Less-skilled workers are usually the first to get fired and the last to get hired. Thus, wage pressures at the lower end of the skill distribution often coincide with an overheated labor market. This makes the trend in lower-income wages a more reliable gauge of underlying labor market slack. Wage Inflation Will Slowly Pick Up As Global Slack Diminishes We expect U.S. wage growth to rise over the next few quarters by enough to allow the Fed to raise rates in line with the dots. However, a more rapid acceleration - one that forces the Fed to raise rates aggressively - is improbable, at least over the next 12 months. This is mainly because the relationship between domestic labor market slack and wage growth is not as tight as it once was. Trade unions have less clout these days, which means it takes longer for a tight labor market to produce larger negotiated pay hikes. The labor market has also become less fluid, as evidenced by the structural decline in both the rate of job creation and job destruction (Chart 9). Wages tend to adjust more slowly when there is less hiring and firing going on. Chart 8Better Pay For Low-Wage Earners: ##br##A Sign Of A Tighter Labor Market Better Pay For Low-Wage Earners: A Sign Of A Tighter Labor Market Better Pay For Low-Wage Earners: A Sign Of A Tighter Labor Market Chart 9Structural Declines In Job Creation##br## And Destruction Structural Declines In Job Creation And Destruction Structural Declines In Job Creation And Destruction Perhaps most importantly, an increasingly globalized workforce has given firms the ability to move production abroad in response to rising wages at home. This suggests that wage growth in the U.S. is unlikely to increase significantly until falling unemployment begins to push up wages abroad. Wage Growth Around The World For now, wage growth in America's trading partners remains subdued. Euro area wage inflation is stuck between 1% and 1.5%, although with important regional variations (Chart 10). Wage inflation has accelerated to over 2% in Germany, but is still close to zero in Italy and Spain. Considering that unemployment in both countries remains well above pre-recession levels, it will be difficult for the ECB to tighten monetary policy to any great degree over the next few years. Japanese wage growth has picked up since 2010, but is still below the level consistent with the BoJ's 2% inflation target (Chart 11). Wage inflation is likely to ratchet higher over the next few years, now that the ratio of job openings-to-applicants has risen to the highest level since 1974 (Chart 12). In a sign of the times, Yamato Transport, Japan's largest parcel delivery company, recently told Amazon that it would not be able to make same-day deliveries due to a shortage of available drivers. Chart 10Euro Area Wage Growth Remains ##br##Weak Outside Of Germany Euro Area Wage Growth Remains Weak Outside Of Germany Euro Area Wage Growth Remains Weak Outside Of Germany Chart 11Modest Pickup In Japanese Wages Modest Pickup In Japanese Wages Modest Pickup In Japanese Wages Wage growth in Canada has actually declined since 2014. However, that is likely to change given that the unemployment rate has fallen close to nine-year lows. Falling unemployment rates should also boost wage inflation in the U.K., Australia, and New Zealand. Chinese wage growth also remains brisk. Chart 13 shows that urban household future income confidence has picked up notably of late, as growth has improved and the labor market has tightened. Chart 12Job Openings Ratio Will Push Wages Higher Job Openings Ratio Will Push Wages Higher Job Openings Ratio Will Push Wages Higher Chart 13Optimism Over The Labor Market In China Optimism Over The Labor Market In China Optimism Over The Labor Market In China Faster Wage Growth Will Ultimately Lead To Higher Inflation Chart 14The Decline In Inflation Expectations ##br##Have Weighed On Wage Growth The Decline In Inflation Expectations Have Weighed On Wage Growth The Decline In Inflation Expectations Have Weighed On Wage Growth Going forward, the combination of falling labor slack abroad and an overheated labor market at home will cause U.S. wage inflation to increase more rapidly starting in the second half of 2018. This will be a break from the past. Lower longer-term inflation expectations have tempered nominal wage growth over the past eight years (Chart 14). Both market-based inflation expectations and inflation expectations 5-to-10 years out in the University of Michigan's survey have fallen by about half a point since the financial crisis. The recent decline in headline CPI inflation from 2.7% in February to 1.6% in June may also explain why wage growth has dipped this year even as payroll gains have rebounded. Rising wage growth could begin to feed on itself. As we have discussed before, the Phillips curve tends to steepen once an economy reaches full employment (Chart 15). If the unemployment rate falls from 7% to 6%, this is unlikely to have a huge effect on wages. But if it falls from 4.5% to 3.5%, the effect could be substantial. A recent Fed paper concluded that "evidence strongly suggests a non-linear effect of slack on wage growth and core PCE price inflation that becomes much larger after labor markets tighten beyond a certain point."6 The implication is that once inflation does start rising, it could rise more quickly than investors (or the Fed) expect. Concluding Thoughts The past three U.S. recessions were all caused by the unravelling of financial sector and asset market excesses: The housing bust lay the groundwork for the Great Recession; the collapse of dotcom stocks ushered in the 2001 recession; and the failure of hundreds of banks during the Savings and Loan crisis paved the way for the 1990-91 recession. Unlike the last few recessions, the next one may end up being more akin to those of 1960s, 70s, and 80s. Those earlier recessions were generally triggered by aggressive Fed rate hikes in the face of an overheated economy and rising inflation (Chart 16). Chart 15The Phillips Curve Appears To Be Non-Linear What's The Matter With Wages? What's The Matter With Wages? Chart 16Are We Heading Towards A "Retro-Recession"? Are We Heading Towards A "Retro-Recession"? Are We Heading Towards A "Retro-Recession"? The good news is that neither wage nor price inflation is likely to soar over the next 12 months. This means that the bull market in global equities can continue for a while longer. The bad news is that complacency about inflation risk is liable to cause central bankers to fall increasingly behind the curve. Rising inflation will force the Fed to pick up the pace of rate hikes in the second half of 2018. This is likely to lead to a stronger dollar and higher Treasury yields. The resulting tightening in U.S. financial conditions could trigger a recession in 2019 or 2020. Investors should remain overweight risk assets for now, but prepare to scale back exposure next summer. Peter Berezin, Global Chief Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report titled "North Korea: Beyond Satire," dated April 19, 2017. 2 Unlike the widely followed average hourly wage series published every month in the payrolls report, the quarterly Employment Cost Index (ECI) does control for shifts in the weights of different industries in total employment. Thus, an increase in the relative number of low-paid hospitality workers would depress average hourly wages, but would not affect the ECI. Nevertheless, the ECI does not control for the possibility that the composition of the workforce within industries may change over time. The Atlanta Fed's Wage Tracker does overcome this bias because it uses the same sample of workers from one period to the next. However it, too, is subject to a number of methodological problems. 3 Mary C. Daly, Bart Hobijn, and Benjamin Pyle, "What's Up with Wage Growth?" FRBSF Economic Letter 2016-07 (March 7, 2016). 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame The Statisticians," dated March 25, 2016; and The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Taking Off The Rose-Colored Glasses: Education and Growth In The 21st Century," February 24, 2011. 5 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Is Slow Productivity Growth Good Or Bad For Bonds?" dated May 31, 2017; and The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Rage Against The Machines: Is Technology Exacerbating Inequality?" dated June, 2014. 6 Jeremy Nalewaik, "Non-Linear Phillips Curves With Inflation Regime-Switching," Federal Reserve Board, Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2016-078 (August 2016). Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades