Geopolitics

Highlights As the global economy moves toward shut-down, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia will be forced to end their market-share war and focus on shoring up their economies and tending to their populations’ welfare. Governments worldwide are rolling out fiscal- and monetary-policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. They also are imposing seldom-seen freedom-of-movement and -gathering restrictions on their populations to contain the spread of the virus. A surge in bankruptcies among US shale-oil companies is expected as demand and supply shocks push Brent and WTI below producers’ breakeven prices. In our base case, benchmark prices are pushed toward $20/bbl this year, which will keep volatility elevated. Prices recover in 4Q20 and 2021, as the pandemic recedes, and economies respond to fiscal and monetary stimulus. We have reduced our oil-price forecasts in the wake of the deterioration in fundamentals, expecting Brent to average $36/bbl in 2020, and $55/bbl in 2021. WTI will trade ~ $3-$4/bbl lower. COVID-19 is transitory. Therefore price risk is to the upside in 2021, given the global stimulus being deployed. Feature Brent and WTI prices are down 61.4% and 66.6% since the start of the year (Chart of the Week), taking front-month futures to their lowest levels since 2002. Oil markets are in a fundamental disequilibrium – the expected global supply curve is moving further to the right with each passing day, as the KSA and Russia market-share rhetoric escalates. Global demand curves are moving further to the left on an hourly basis, as governments worldwide impose freedom-of-movement restrictions and lock-downs to contain the spread of COVID-19 seen only during times of war and natural devastation.  These effects combine to swell inventories globally, as rising supply fails to be absorbed by demand. The collapse in crude oil prices since the beginning of this year is lifting volatility to levels not seen since the Gulf War of 1990-91. Chart of the WeekBenchmark Crude Prices Collapse Toward Cash Costs Benchmark Crude Prices Collapse Toward Cash Costs Benchmark Crude Prices Collapse Toward Cash Costs Chart 2Oil-Price Volatility Surges To Wartime Levels Oil-Price Volatility Surges To Wartime Levels Oil-Price Volatility Surges To Wartime Levels Prices, as can be expected under such circumstances, are plunging toward cash costs – i.e., the level at which only operating costs are covered – which are below $20/bbl. The collapse in crude oil prices since the beginning of this year is lifting volatility to levels not seen since the Gulf War of 1990-91 launched by the US and its allies following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait (Chart 2). As inventories rise, the supply of storage globally falls, and prices are forced below cash costs to drive surplus crude oil production from the market. The rapid evolution from backwardation (prompt prices exceed deferred prices) to steep contango (prompt prices at a discount) in the benchmark crudes is how markets signal the supply of storage is falling (Chart 3). Chart 3Markets' Violent Move From Backwardation To Contango Markets' Violent Move From Backwardation To Contango Markets' Violent Move From Backwardation To Contango Chart 4Storage Constraints Drive Price Volatility KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War This strain on global inventory capacity will keep volatility elevated: As physical constraints on storage intensify, only price can adjust to clear the market, which results in massive price moves as markets respond in real time to supply-demand imbalance (Chart 4). Shales Lead US Output Lower At this point, massive increases in supply are not required to keep benchmark oil prices below $30/bbl. Markets are seeing and anticipating a sharp contraction in demand in the near term, with storage building as consumers “shelter in place” around the world. Production is set to increase in April, in the midst of a global exogenous shock to demand. As these fundamentals are worked into prices volatility will remain high. In our updated forecasts, our base case assumes KSA and its allies, and Russia raise production by 1.3mm b/d in 2Q20 and 3Q20.  KSA's and Russia's output increase to ~ 11mm b/d and 11.7mm b/d, respectively. We expect the reality of low prices and a slowing world economy to force these states back to the negotiating table in 2H20, with production cuts being realized in 4Q20 and 2021 (see below). With less capital made available to shale drillers, production growth in the shales literally is forced to slow. While KSA’s and Russia’s budgets almost surely will bear enormous strain in such an environment, we believe it is the US shales that take the hardest hit over the short run, if KSA and Russia maintain their avowed production intensions. The growth in US shale output – Russia’s presumed target – is expected to slow sharply this year under current circumstances, increasing at a rate of just 650k b/d over 2019’s level. Next year, we expect shale production in the US to fall ~ 1.3mm b/d to 7.7mm b/d. Part of this is driven by the on-going reluctance of capital markets to fund shale drillers and hydrocarbon-based energy companies generally, which can be seen in the blowout in high-yield bond spreads dominated by shale issuers (Chart 5). With less capital made available to shale drillers, production growth in the shales literally is forced to slow. Chart 5Low Price Force US Shale Cutbacks Low Price Force US Shale Cutbacks Low Price Force US Shale Cutbacks With funding limited and domestic oil prices well below breakevens – and cash costs – more shale-oil producers will be pushed into bankruptcy or into sharp slowdowns in drilling activity (Charts 6A and 6B). These constraints will force total US output to contract by 1.3mm b/d next year, based on our modeling. This will take US lower 48 output this year and next to 10.5mm b/d and 9.2mm b/d, respectively (Chart 7). Chart 6ALow Prices Force US Shale Cutbacks KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War Chart 6BLow Price Force US Shale Cutbacks KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War Capital markets will not tolerate unprofitable production. When the dust settles next year, US shale-oil output is expected to take the biggest supply hit globally, based on our current assumptions and modeling results. Worthwhile remembering, however, shale-oil production is highly likely to emerge a leaner more efficient sector, as they did in the OPEC-led market-share war of 2014-16.1 Also worthwhile remembering, for shale operators, is capital markets will not tolerate unprofitable production. So, net, a stronger, more disciplined shale-oil producer cohort emerges from the wreckage of the COVID-19 demand shock coupled with the KSA-Russia market-share war of 2020. Chart 7US Shale Contraction Leads US Output Lower In 2021 US Shale Contraction Leads US Output Lower in 2021 US Shale Contraction Leads US Output Lower in 2021 Demand Uncertainty Is Huge We are modeling a shock that reduces global demand – a highly unusual occurrence – by 150k b/d this year versus 2019 levels (Table 1). Most of this shock occurs in 1H20, where a large EM contraction originating in China set the pace. We expect China’s demand to begin recovering in 2Q20. The demand contraction moves into OECD states in 2Q20, which are expected to follow a similar trajectory in demand shedding seen elsewhere (Chart 8). In 2H20, we expect global demand to begin recovering, and, barring another outbreak of COVID-19 (or another novel coronavirus) next winter, for global demand growth to re-accelerate to ~ 1.7mm b/d in 2021. Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War The uncertainty around our demand modeling is large. Expectations from the large data providers are all over the map: The EIA expects demand to grow 360k b/d this year, while the IEA and OPEC expect -90k and 60k b/d. In addition, some banks and forecasters make a case for demand falling by 1mm b/d or more in 2020, a scenario we do not expect. Sorting through the evolution of demand this year – i.e., tracking the recovery from China and EM through to DM – will be difficult, particularly as Western states go into lock-down mode and the global economy remains moribund. This makes our forecasts for supply-demand balances and prices highly tentative, and subject to revision. Chart 8Demand Shock + Market-Share War = Imbalance Demand Shock + Market-Share War = Imbalance Demand Shock + Market-Share War = Imbalance Market-Share War: What Is It Good For? As we argue above, the US shale-oil producers will, for a variety of reasons, be forced by capital and trading markets to retrench, and to cut production sharply. They lost favor with markets prior to the breakdown of OPEC 2.0, and this will not change. At this point, it is unlikely KSA and Russia can alter this evolution by increasing or decreasing production – investors already have shown they have little interest in funding their further growth and development. The KSA-Russia market-share war reinforces investors’ predispositions, and decidedly accelerates this retrenchment by the shale producers. As the global economy moves toward shut-down, KSA and Russia will be forced to turn their attention to shoring up their economies and tending to their populations’ welfare. The strain of a global shut-down will absorb governments’ resources worldwide, and self-inflicted wounds – which, at this point, a market-share war amounts to – will only make domestic conditions worse in KSA, Russia and their respective allies. The income elasticity of supply for these producers is such that small adjustments – positive or negative – on the supply side have profound effects on oil producers’ revenues (Table 2). Both KSA and Russia are aware of this. Russia burns through its $150 billion national wealth fund in ~ three years in a market-share war, while KSA burns through ~ 10% of its foreign reserves, when export prices fall $30/bbl and Russia's exports rise 200k b/d and KSA's rise 2mm b/d.2 In a world where demand destruction is accelerating revenue losses, and storage limitations threaten to collapse oil prices below cash costs, production management – even if that means extending the 1Q20 cuts of 1.7mm b/d for the balance of 2020 – is necessary to avoid larger, longer-term economic damage (Chart 9). Table 2Market-Share War Vs. Revenue KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War Chart 9Global Inventories Could Surge Global Inventories Could Surge Global Inventories Could Surge We believe the leadership in both of these states have sufficient reason to return to the negotiating table to figure out a way to re-start their production-management accord, if only to preserve funds to cover imports while global demand recovers. It may take a month or two of unchecked production to make this point clear, however, so volatility can be expected to remain elevated. These fundamental and political assessments compel us to reduce our oil-price forecasts in the wake of the deterioration in fundamentals, expecting Brent to average ~ $36/bbl in 2020, and $55/bbl in 2021. WTI will trade ~ $3-$4/bbl lower. Price risk is to the upside in 2021, given the global fiscal and monetary stimulus being deployed. Bottom Line: The confluence of a true global demand shock and a market-share war on the supply side has pushed benchmark crude oil prices close to cash costs for many producers. The damage to states highly dependent on oil revenues is just now becoming apparent. We expect KSA and Russia to return to the negotiating table, to hammer out a production-management accord that allows them to control as much of the economic damage to their economies as is possible. Capital markets already are imposing a harsh discipline on US shales – Russia’s presumptive target in the market-share war. The consequences of the COVID-19 vis-a-vis demand destruction are of far greater moment for KSA and Russia than their market-share war. They need to shore up their economies and get in the best possible position to benefit from a global economic rebound, not destroy themselves seeking a Pyrrhic victory that devastates both of them.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger Associate Editor Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Overweight Chinese refiner Sinochem International Oil (Singapore) turned down an offer of crude-oil cargoes for May-June deliver from Russian oil company Rosneft PJSC, which is under US sanctions, according to Bloomberg. Sinochem refuses cargoes from Iran, Syria, Venezuela, and Kurdistan, which also are under sanction or are commercially aligned with sanctioned entities. Base Metals: Neutral The downward trend in base metal prices remains,  as the spread of the coronavirus intensifies outside of China, and governments worldwide impose freedom-of-movement restrictions on their populations to contain further spread. Persistent US dollar strength – supported by inflows to safe assets amid the elevated global economic uncertainty – pressures EM economies’ base metal demand. As a result, the LME index is down 18% YTD, reaching its 2016 lows. We were stopped out of our long LMEX recommendation on March 17, 2020 for a 12% loss. Precious Metals: Neutral Gold and silver are caught up in a global selloff of assets that have performed well over the past year as safe havens, as market participants raise cash for liquidity reasons or margin calls. We are waiting for an opportunity to go long gold again after being stopped out earlier in the sell-off. Silver will recover with industrial-commodity demand, which we expect to occur in 4Q20, when the COVID-19 threat recedes, and consumers worldwide are responding to the globally fiscal and monetary stimulus being rolled out now. We are staying on the sidelines for now, as volatility is extremely high for metals (Chart 10). Ags/Softs:  Underweight CBOT May Corn futures were down 3% Tuesday, reaching 18-month lows, driving mostly by high USD levels, which make US exports less competitive. Supplies from South America, where a large harvest is ongoing in Argentina and Brazil, are taking market share. Furthermore, according to a report from the University of Illinois, lower gasoline consumption resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic will reduce the amount of corn needed for ethanol production; demand could fall 120mm to 170mm bushels. Soybeans and wheat futures ended the day slightly higher on the back of bargain buying, after falling to multi-month lows on Monday. USD strength remains a headwind on ags, encouraging production ex-US at the margin and contributing to stifling demand for US exports (Chart 11). Chart 10Gold Is Experiencing Extremely High Volatility Gold Is Experiencing Extremely High Volatility Gold Is Experiencing Extremely High Volatility Chart 11USD Strength Remains A Headwind On AGS USD Strength Remains A Headwind On AGS USD Strength Remains A Headwind On AGS   Footnotes 1     Please see How Long Will The Oil-Price Rout Last?, a Special Report we published March 9, 2020, which discussed US bankruptcy law and the re-cycling of assets. 2     Please see Russia's Supply Shock To Oil Markets and Russia Regrets Market-Share War?, which we published March 6 and March 12, 2020, for additional discussion. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades TRADE RECOMMENDATION PERFORMANCE IN 2019 Q4 KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2020 Summary of Closed Trades KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War KSA, Russia Will Be Forced To Quit Market-Share War

Highlights Our short EM equity index recommendation has reached our target and we are booking profits on this trade. The halt to economic activity will produce a global recession that will be worse than the one that took place in late 2008. We continue to recommend short positions in a basket of EM currencies versus the US dollar. In EM fixed-income markets, the duration of the ongoing selloff has been short, and large losses will trigger more outflows ensuring further carnage. Stay defensive for now. Russia is unlikely to make a deal with Saudi Arabia to restrain oil output for now. Feature The global economy is experiencing a sudden, jarring halt. The only comparison for such a sudden stop is the one that occurred in the fall of 2008, following Lehman’s bankruptcy. In our opinion, the global economic impact of the current sudden stop is shaping up to be worse than the one that occurred in 2008. That said, we are taking profits on our short position in EM equities. This position – recommended on January 30, 2020 – has produced a 30% gain.   EM share prices have reached the long-term support that acted as the ultimate floor during the bear markets in 1997-‘98, 2001-‘02, 2007-‘08 and 2015. Our decision to take profits reflects investment discipline. The MSCI EM stock index in US dollar terms has reached our target. In addition, this decision is consistent with two important indicators that we follow and respect: 1. EM stocks have become meaningfully cheap. Chart I-1 illustrates that our cyclically-adjusted P/E (CAPE) ratio for EM equities is about one standard deviation below its fair value – the same level when the EM equity market bottomed in 1998, 2008 and 2015. Chart I-1EM Equities Are Cheap According To The Cyclically-Adjusted P/E Ratio EM Equities Are Cheap According To The Cyclically-Adjusted P/E Ratio EM Equities Are Cheap According To The Cyclically-Adjusted P/E Ratio For this EM CAPE ratio to reach 1.5 standard deviations below its fair value – the level that is consistent with EM’s 2001-02 lows – EM share prices need to drop another 15%. 2. In term of the next technical support, EM share prices have reached the long-term support that acted as the ultimate floor during the bear markets in 1997-‘98, 2001-‘02, 2007-‘08 and 2015 (Chart I-2). Chart I-2EM Share Prices Are At Their Long-Term Support EM Share Prices Are At Their Long-Term Support EM Share Prices Are At Their Long-Term Support While share prices are likely to undershoot, it is risky to bet on a further decline amid current extremely elevated uncertainty and market volatility. The Global Downturn Will Be Worse Than In Late 2008 Odds are that the current global downturn is shaping up to be worse than the one that occurred in late 2008. From a global business cycle perspective, the current sudden halt is beginning from a weaker starting point. Global trade growth was positive back in August-September 2008 – just prior to the Lehman bankruptcy – despite the ongoing US recession (Chart I-3A). In comparison, global trade was shrinking in December 2019, before the COVID-19 outbreak (Chart I-3B). Chart I-3AGlobal Trade Growth Was Positive In September 2008… Global Trade Growth Was Positive In September 2008... Global Trade Growth Was Positive In September 2008... Chart I-3B…But Was Negative In December 2019 ...But Was Negative In December 2019 ...But Was Negative In December 2019   This is because growth in EM and Chinese economies was still very robust in the middle of 2008. Moreover, the economies of EM and China were structurally very healthy and were anchored by solid fundamentals. Still, the blow to confidence emanating from the crash in global financial markets and plunge in US domestic demand in the fall of 2008 produced major shockwaves in EM/Chinese financial markets. Provided the ongoing negative confidence shock and lingering uncertainty persist, odds are that the risk premium will initially overshoot before settling down. Consistently, risk markets will undershoot in the interim. This is in contrast with current cyclical growth conditions and structural economic health, both of which are very poor in EM/China going into this sudden stop.   In China, economic growth in January-February 2020 was much worse than at the trough of the Lehman crisis in the fourth quarter of 2008. Chart I-4 reveals that industrial production, auto sales and retail sales volumes all contracted in January-February 2020 from a year ago. The same variables held up much better in the fourth quarter of 2008 (Chart I-4). Business activity in China is recovering in March, but from very low levels. Reports and evidence from the ground suggest that many companies are operating well below their ordinary capacity – the level of economic activity remains well below March 2019 levels. US real GDP, consumer spending and capital expenditure shrunk by 4%, 2.5% and 17% at the trough of 2008 recession (Chart I-5). Odds are that these variables will plunge by an even greater magnitude in the coming months as the US reinforces lockdowns and public health safety measures. Chart I-4China Business Cycle Was Much Stronger In Q4 2008 Than Now China Business Cycle Was Much Stronger In Q4 2008 Than Now China Business Cycle Was Much Stronger In Q4 2008 Than Now Chart I-5US Growth At Trough Of 2008 Recession US Growth At Trough Of 2008 Recession US Growth At Trough Of 2008 Recession   Chart I-6US Small Caps: Overlay Of 2008 And 2020 US Small Caps: Overlay Of 2008 And 2020 US Small Caps: Overlay Of 2008 And 2020 About 50% of consumer spending in the US is attributed to people over 55 years of age. Provided COVID-19’s fatality rate is high among the elderly, odds are this cohort will not risk going out and spending. How bad will domestic demand in the US be? It is impossible to forecast with any certainty, but our sense is that it will plunge by more than it did in the late 2008-early-2009 period, i.e., by more than 4% (Chart I-5, bottom panel). Interestingly, the crash in US small-cap stocks resembles the one that occurred in the wake of the Lehman bankruptcy (Chart I-6). If US small-cap stocks follow their Q4 2008 - Q1 2009 trajectory, potential declines from current levels will be in the 10%-18% range. Bottom Line: The current halt in economic activity and impending global recession will be worse than the one that took place in late 2008. Reasons Not To Jump Into The Water…Yet Even though EM equities have become cheap and oversold and we are booking profits on our short position in EM stocks, conditions for a sustainable rally do not exist yet: So long as EM corporate US dollar bond yields are rising, EM share prices will remain under selling pressure (Chart I-7). Corporate bond yields are shown inverted in this chart. Chart I-7EM Stocks Fall When EM Corporate Bond Yields Rise EM Stocks Fall When EM Corporate Bond Yields Rise EM Stocks Fall When EM Corporate Bond Yields Rise Chart I-8Chinese And Emerging Asian Corporate Bond Yields Are Spiking Chinese And Emerging Asian Corporate Bond Yields Are Spiking Chinese And Emerging Asian Corporate Bond Yields Are Spiking The selloff in both global and EM credit markets began only a few weeks ago from very overbought levels. Many investors have probably not yet trimmed their positions. Hence, EM sovereign and corporate credit spreads and yields will likely rise further as liquidation in the global and EM credit markets persists. Consistently, bond yields for Chinese offshore corporates as well as emerging Asian high-yield and investment-grade corporates are rising (Chart I-8). EM local currency bond yields have also spiked recently as rapidly depreciating EM currencies have triggered an exodus of foreign investors. Rising local currency bond yields are not conducive for EM share prices (Chart I-9). Chart I-9EM Equities Drop When EM Local Bond Yields Rise EM Equities Drop When EM Local Bond Yields Rise EM Equities Drop When EM Local Bond Yields Rise EM ex-China currencies correlate with commodities prices (Chart I-10). Both industrial commodities and oil prices have broken down and have further downside. The path of least resistance for oil prices is down, given anemic global demand and our expectation that Russia and Saudi Arabia will not reach any oil production cutting agreement for several months (please refer to our discussion on this topic below). Finally, our Risk-On/Safe-Haven currency ratio1 is in free fall and will likely reach its 2015 lows before troughing (Chart I-11). This ratio tightly correlates with EM share prices, and the latter remains vulnerable to further downside as long as this ratio is falling. Chart I-10EM Currencies Move In Tandem With Commodities Prices EM Currencies Move In Tandem With Commodities Prices EM Currencies Move In Tandem With Commodities Prices Chart I-11More Downside In Risk-On/ Safe-Haven Currency Ratio More Downside In Risk-On/ Safe-Haven Currency Ratio More Downside In Risk-On/ Safe-Haven Currency Ratio   Bottom Line: Although we are taking profits on the short EM equity position, we continue to recommend short positions in a basket of EM currencies – BRL, CLP, ZAR, IDR, PHP and KRW – versus the US dollar. Liquidation in EM fixed-income markets has been sharp, but the duration has been short –only a few weeks. Large losses will trigger more outflows from EM fixed-income markets. Stay defensive for now. What We Do Know And What We Cannot Know Amid such extreme uncertainty, it is critical for investors to distinguish between what we know and what we cannot know. What we cannot know: With regards to COVID-19: The speed of its spread, the ultimate number of victims it claims and – finally – its impact on consumer and business confidence and psyche. Related to lockdowns: Their duration in key economies. These questions will largely determine this year’s economic growth trajectory: Will it be V-, U-, W-, or L-shaped? Unfortunately, no one knows the answers to the above questions to have any certainty in projecting this year’s global growth. The key factor that gives Russia an advantage over Saudi Arabia in terms of its ability to deal with a negative terms-of-trade shock is not only its better fiscal position but also its ability to depreciate its currency. What we do know: Authorities in all countries will stimulate aggressively so long as financial markets are rioting. Nonetheless, these stimulus measures will not boost growth immediately. With entire countries locked down and plunging consumer and business confidence, stimulus will not have much impact on growth in the near term. In brief, all policy stimulus will boost growth only when worries about the pandemic subside and the economy begins to function again. Both are not imminent. Hence, we are looking at an air pocket with respect to near-term global economic growth. As we argued in our March 11 report titled, Unraveling Of The Policy Put, the pre-coronavirus financial market paradigm – where stocks and credit markets were priced to perfection because of the notion that policymakers would not allow asset prices to drop – has unravelled.   In recent weeks, policymakers around the world have announced plans to deploy massive amounts of stimulus, yet the reaction of financial markets has been underwhelming. The reason is two-fold: Both demand shrinkage and production shutdowns have just started, and they will run their due course regardless of announced policy stimulus measures. Equity and credit markets were priced for perfection before this selloff, and investors are in the process of recalibrating risk premiums. Provided the ongoing negative confidence shock and lingering uncertainty persist, odds are that the risk premium will initially overshoot before settling down. Consistently, risk markets will undershoot in the interim. Bottom Line: DM’s domestic demand downturn is still in its initial phase, and there is little foresight in terms of the pandemic’s evolution. These are natural forces, and any stimulus policymakers enact are unlikely to preclude them from occurring. Reflecting the economic contraction and heightened uncertainty, the selloff in risk assets will likely continue for now. Do Not Bet On An Early Resuscitation Of OPEC 2.0 As we argued in our March 11 report, Russia is unlikely to make a deal with Saudi Arabia to restrain oil output in the immediate term. Russia may agree to restart negotiations, but it will not agree to reverse its position for some time. Both nations will be increasing crude output (Chart I-12). As a result, a full-fledged oil market share war is underway. Consistently, crude prices have experienced a structural breakdown (Chart I-13).  Chart I-12The Largest Oil Producers Are Ramping Up Output The Largest Oil Producers Are Ramping Up Output The Largest Oil Producers Are Ramping Up Output Chart I-13Structural Breakdown In Oil Prices Structural Breakdown In Oil Prices Structural Breakdown In Oil Prices   The key factor that gives Russia an advantage over Saudi Arabia in terms of its ability to deal with a negative terms-of-trade shock is not only its better fiscal position but also its ability to depreciate its currency. Russia has a flexible exchange rate, which will allow the currency to depreciate in order to soften the blow from lower oil prices on the real economy and fiscal accounts. The Russian economy and financial system have learned to operate with recurring major currency depreciations. Saudi Arabia has been running a fixed exchange rate regime since 1986 and cannot use currency depreciation to mitigate the negative terms-of-trade shock on its end. Even though Russia’s fiscal budget break-even oil price is much lower than that of Saudi Arabia’s, it is not the most important variable to consider in this confrontation. The fiscal situation in both Russia and Saudi Arabia will not be a major problem for now. Both governments can issue local currency and US dollar bonds, and there will be sufficient demand for these bonds from foreign and local investors. This is especially true with DM interest rates sitting at the zero-negative territory. Falling oil prices and downward pressure on exchange rates will trigger capital outflows in both countries. Russia has learned to live with persistent capital flight. In the meantime, capital outflows will stress Saudi Arabia’s financial system and, eventually, its real economy. This is in fact the country’s key vulnerability. We will be publishing a Special Report on Saudi Arabia in the coming weeks.  Bottom Line: Do not expect a quick recovery in oil prices. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Average of CAD, AUD, NZD, BRL, RUB, CLP, MXN & ZAR total return indices relative to average of CHF & JPY total returns.   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Highlights China is moving from virus containment to normalization and economic stimulus. The full weight of the virus panic is only now hitting the US public and has not yet peaked. The US – and western democracies in general – have the raw capabilities to manage the virus outbreak. The profile of global political risk is shifting as a result of the economic shock stemming from the virus. This implies that while equity markets are close to their bottom, they face more volatility. Feature Chart 1No Peak In New Cases Outside China Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? China’s President Xi Jinping visited Wuhan, the epicenter of the coronavirus breakout that has triggered a global bear market, on March 10. While he did not declare outright victory over the virus, his symbolic visit reinforced the fact that China has drastically reduced the number of new daily cases both within and without Hubei province. Meanwhile the virus is spreading rapidly across the rest of the world (Chart 1). It is not clear if the outbreak and emergency response in the United States will follow the Italian or South Korean trajectory. The initial US response is not encouraging, but the US has latent institutional strengths. Either way the US is facing a tsunami of new cases in the very near term. Hence the panic among the American population can still escalate from here (Chart 2). Panic among households translates to a drop in economic activity that will ensure financial markets remain volatile, even if US equities are close to their bottom. Chart 2US Public Panic Has Not Peaked Yet Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Crisis? Chart 3Developed Economies Have Better Health Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? The question has become salient because of the poorly managed cordon sanitaire in Italy and the slow and halting initial reaction of the United States. Moreover, to distract from China’s domestic crisis, the Communist Party has turned up the volume of its propaganda organs, advertising the success of China’s draconian containment measures and warning that the virus cannot be contained if the rest of the world does not follow suit. However, it is not the case that the pandemic can only be managed through absolutist policies. To date, developed economies and democracies – including westernized countries like Japan – have the best record in the world of improving public health and reducing mortality from infectious diseases. This is apparent simply by looking at life expectancy for those aged 60. Europe and Japan have the longest lives beyond 60, including extension of life when dealing with late-life health problems, while other regions lag, including Asia. The United States is on the low end of the developed countries but still considerably better than emerging market economies at prolonging life, even for unhealthy elderly folks (Chart 3). Chart 4US Has Reduced Flu/Pneumonia Deaths Dramatically Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? The United States, like other countries, has done battle with a range of infectious diseases over the course of its history – in which it was the leader in economic, scientific, and technological advancement. These include cholera and viral epidemics like smallpox, Yellow Fever, the Spanish Flu, and SARS. The death rate for influenza and pneumonia has generally declined since the 1950s, although a counter-trend increase is conceivable given what occurred in the 1980s-90s (Chart 4).  The strategy that the US and developed economies have used, embodied in documents like the World Health Organization’s interim protocol for rapid operations to contain pandemics, is one of creating a containment zone with movement restrictions and a closely watched buffer zone in which a combination of anti-viral treatment and non-pharmaceutical treatment (e.g. social distancing) is employed. “Containment and isolation” strategies are generally successful even though they often fail to establish an impenetrable geographic cordon sanitaire, must rely on voluntary behavior, and will never receive total compliance. The survival instinct and social pressure are powerful enough to convince most individuals and households to keep their distance from others once they are informed of the risks. Targeted government measures by credible regimes with a monopoly on the use of force – in cases where strong restrictions are necessary – are effective. And in democracies they are kept in place only as long as necessary (the incubation period of the virus plus a few more weeks). Developed economies and democracies  have the best record of improving public health and reducing mortality from infectious diseases. The overall effect is to “flatten the curve,” e.g. to slow the spread of the virus, and delay and reduce the peak intensity of the number of cases and burden on hospitals and doctors.1 Of course, nations need institutional capacity and leadership to deal with a pandemic and the indirect impacts on their economies, trade, and supply chains. When businesses grind to a halt, will households be able to get what they need? If not, civic order could break down. Supply security is a fundamental national interest and governments that cannot provide it risk a loss of legitimacy and control. Major nations devote extensive resources to building and maintaining internal lines of communication so that neither natural nor man-made disasters can stop them from ensuring security and essential goods and services. Europe and North America will ultimately deal with the crisis successfully. A look at some basic indicators and indexes of national capabilities shows which nations are best and worst positioned to meet the logistical and supply challenges of the virus’s economic shock: The US ranks close to Japan in logistical capabilities, while Italy ranks between these two and Iran, which is woefully lacking (Chart 5). Chart 5Italy Suffers From Logistic Weaknesses Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Italy resembles China in having significant supply chain vulnerabilities (Chart 6), including quality of infrastructure (Chart 7). Obviously China has made leaps and bounds, but interior regions are still underserviced. Clearly China has benefited from greater government authority and capacity relative to Italy. Chart 6US Supply Chains Are Resilient Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Chart 7US Infrastructure Is High-Quality Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Even when it comes to basic food security, Italy and China are more vulnerable than others (Chart 8). Yet China has kept food shortages to a minimum throughout the crisis. The US is large enough that different regions will have greater vulnerabilities when it comes to the health crisis. The National Health Security Preparedness Index shows California, Florida, Georgia, Texas, and Michigan are below the national average in the ability to execute countermeasures to health crises (Chart 9).  Chart 8Food Security Risks Under Control In China Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Chart 9US: Regional Differences In Health Preparedness Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? ​​​​​​​ These institutional factors suggest that Europe and North America will ultimately deal with the crisis successfully, although in the near term the consequences are unpredictable. Italy’s experience has made it apparent to all nations that if the reproduction rate is not suppressed through containment and isolation, then the health system will be overwhelmed and the death rate will go up. But clearly this has nothing to do with Italy’s being a democracy, as neither Japan nor South Korea have had the same experience. Investment Conclusions The United States is moving more aggressively to mitigate the problem, beginning with President Trump’s ban on travel with continental Europe and declaration of a national emergency. With a bear market having occurred, and a recession likely, President Trump is losing the primary pillar of his reelection campaign. He will continue to make reflationary efforts to salvage the economy. He has announced $50 billion in emergency spending and a waiver on student debt loan payments worth as much as $85 billion. But he has also become a “crisis president.” This means that he may take dramatic, surprise actions that are market-negative in the short term in order to delay the spread of the virus. Emergency powers are extensive and he will utilize them not only to combat the pandemic but also to double down on the narrative that got him elected: closing off America’s borders and reducing its exposure to the risks of globalization. This can include the movement of people, from places other than China and continental Europe (already halted), and even capital flows.  This is another reason to expect greater volatility in the near term despite the huge discounts on offer. We are not bottom-feeding yet. The profile of global political risk is shifting as a result of the virus and its economic shock. If Trump is seen as having mishandled the health and wellbeing of the nation, then he loses the election regardless of whether stimulus measures help the economy rebound by November. Whereas if he takes drastic, economically painful measures now to control the virus, and ultimately the virus subsides, there is still a slim chance he can win election. His approval rating, at an average of 45%, has lost its upward momentum but has not yet collapsed. Regardless of the election, the financial bloodbath should not obfuscate for investors the fact that the US is the world’s most advanced economy and longest continuously running constitutional republic. It has survived a total Civil War, two World Wars, a Great Depression, and countless outbreaks of disease. It has the ability to take emergency action and mitigate pandemics. This means that a great buying opportunity is just around the corner. The profile of global political risk is shifting as a result of the virus and its economic shock. The above should make it clear that the US and Italy face the most immediate ramifications – both are much more likely to see changes in ruling party over the next year than they were. Policy, however, will remain counter-cyclical (reflationary) regardless.  Rogue regimes like Iran, Venezuela, and North Korea face renewed risks of regime failure and/or military confrontation with the US and its allies beginning in the immediate term, especially if President Trump becomes a clear “lame duck” in the coming months. Down the line, the Japanese, German, and French elections will be affected by the economic fallout of the virus scare. China and Russia face medium-term risks due to new difficulties in improving their populations’ quality of life. Their leaders and ruling parties have an authoritarian grip, but political risk will increase as a result of slower growth. China retains the ability to stimulate aggressively – which it is doing – but that will slow the reform and rebalancing process.   Russia, meanwhile, faces another wave of internal devaluation if it does not call off its emerging market-share war with Saudi Arabia. Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping are likely to re-consolidate power by 2022, but they face much greater risks of domestic instability than they did before this year’s turmoil. Matt Gertken   Vice President Geopolitical Strategist  mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1    Martin S. Cetron, “Quarantine, Isolation and Community Mitigation: Battling 21st Century Pandemics with a 14th Century Toolbox,” September 20, 2006, available at nationalacademies.org.

Highlights While not exactly conciliatory, Russian officials are signaling they will re-consider the declaration of a market-share war with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). KSA upped its shock-and-awe rhetoric promising to lift maximum sustainable capacity to 13mm b/d, which has kept prices under pressure (Chart of the Week) and will resonate into 3Q20, even if a market-share war is averted. Failure to stop a market-share war will fill global oil storage, and Brent prices again will trade with a $20 handle by year-end. Demand forecasts by the IEA and prominent banks are tilting toward the first contraction in global oil demand since the Global Financial Crisis (GFC). Central banks and governments are rolling out fiscal and monetary stimulus to counter the expected hit to global aggregate demand in the wake of COVID-19. Given the extraordinary uncertainty surrounding global oil supply and demand, our balances and prices forecasts are highly tentative. We are reducing our 2020 Brent forecasts to $40/bbl for 2Q-3Q20, and $50/bbl for 4Q20. For 2021, we are expecting Brent to average $60/bbl. WTI trades $3-$4/bbl below Brent in our estimates. Feature Russian officials appear to be seeking a resumption of talks with OPEC. Since the declaration of a market-share war following the breakdown of OPEC 2.0 negotiations to agree a production cut to balance global oil markets, Russian officials appear to be seeking a resumption of talks with OPEC.1 Putting such a meeting together before the expiration of OPEC 2.0’s 1.7mm b/d production-cutting deal at the end of this month will be a herculean lift for the coalition, but it can be done. All the same, it may require a quarter or so of re-opened floodgates from KSA and its GCC allies to focus everyone’s attention on the consequences of market-share wars. To that end, the Kingdom announced it will lift production above 12mm b/d, and supply markets out of strategically placed storage around the world. It was joined by the UAE with a pledge to raise output to 4mm b/d. Chart of the WeekMessy OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Crashes Benchmark Crude Prices Messy OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Crashes Benchmark Crude Prices Messy OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Crashes Benchmark Crude Prices Assessing Uncertain Fundamentals While the dramatis personae on the supply side maneuver for advantage, markets still are trying to form expectations on the level of demand destruction in EM and DM wrought by COVID-19. Given the elevated uncertainty around this issue, modeling our ensemble forecast has become more complicated. On the demand side, we are modeling three scenarios for 2020: Global demand growth falls 200k b/d y/y, flat growth, and growth of 600k b/d. Our previous expectations had growth increasing 1mm b/d in 2020 and 1.7mm b/d in 2021. We maintain the rate of growth for next year – 1.7mm b/d – but note it is coming off a lower 2020 base for consumption. On the supply side, it’s a bit more complicated. We have three scenarios: In Scenario 1, we model the OPEC 2.0 breakdown, i.e., OPEC 2.0 gradually increases production by 2.5mm b/d between Apr20 and Dec20. Compared to our previous estimates it also removes the 600k b/d we previously expected would be added to the cuts in 2Q20, which produces a supply increase of 2.5mm b/d + expectation of 600k b/d vs. our previous balances. In Scenario 2, we run our previous balances expectation, which cuts production by a total of 2.3mm b/d in 2Q20, 1.7mm b/d in 2H20, and 1.2mm b/d in 2021.2 Scenario 3 models the additional cuts as recommended by OPEC last in week in Vienna of 1.5mm b/d on top of the 1.7mm b/d already agreed on for 1Q20. These cuts are realized gradually, moving to 2.3mmm b/d in 2Q20 and 3.2mm b/d in 2H20. For 2021, our supply assumptions revert to the OPEC 2.0 production cuts of 1.2mm b/d that prevailed last year. The price expectations generated by these scenarios can be seen in Table 1 and in Charts 2A, 2B, and  2C, which show our supply-side scenarios with the three demand-side scenarios above. We show our balances estimates given these different scenarios in Charts 3A, 3B, and 3C, and our inventory estimates in Charts 4A,  4B, and  4C. Table 1Unstable Brent Price Forecasts Russia Regrets Market-Share War? Russia Regrets Market-Share War? It may require a quarter or so of re-opened floodgates from KSA and its GCC allies to focus everyone’s attention on the consequences of market-share wars. Chart 2AOil Price Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War Oil Price Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War Oil Price Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War Chart 2BOil Price Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Oil Price Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Oil Price Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Chart 2COil Price Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts Oil Price Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts Oil Price Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts Chart 3AOil Balances Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War Oil Balances Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War Oil Balances Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War Chart 3BOil Balances Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Oil Balances Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Oil Balances Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Chart 3COil Balances Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts Oil Balances Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts Oil Balances Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts Chart 4AOECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War OECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War OECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: OPEC vs. Russia Price War Chart 4BOECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown OECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown OECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: Pre-OPEC 2.0 Breakdown Chart 4COECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts OECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts OECD Inventory Scenarios Driver: Proposed OPEC Cuts Given all of the moving parts in our forecast this month, we will only be publishing a summary of these estimates (Table 1). We will publish our global balances table next week after we have had time to process the EIA’s and OPEC’s historical demand estimates. Given the dynamics of supply-demand and storage adjustments these different scenarios produce, we use them to roughly estimate forecasts for 2Q and 3Q20, 4Q20 and 2021. We are reducing our 2020 Brent forecasts to $40/bbl for 2Q-3Q20, and $50/bbl for 4Q20. For 2021, we are expecting Brent to average $60/bbl. WTI trades $3-$4/bbl below Brent in our estimates. The implicit assumption here is COVID-19 is contained by 3Q20 and is in the market’s rear-view mirror by 4Q20. Obviously, such an assumption is fraught with uncertainty. Russia May Be Re-Thinking Strategy I cannot forecast to you the action of Russia. It is a riddle, wrapped in a mystery, inside an enigma; but perhaps there is a key. That key is Russian national interest. Winston Churchill, BBC Broadcast, October 1, 1939.3 Russia appears to be sending up trial balloons to indicate to OPEC it would not be averse to renewing the OPEC 2.0 dialogue. It is worthwhile noting Russian officials immediately responded to KSA’s first mention of sharply higher output – going to 12.3mm bd from 9.7mm b/d – with their own assertion they will lift current output of ~ 11.4mm b/d by 200k – 300k b/d, and ultimately take that to +500k b/d. Of course, as Churchill’s observation makes plain, it is difficult to interpret Russia’s overtures in this regard, particularly in light of the growing popular dissatisfaction with President Vladimir Putin’s regime within Russia itself. At the outset, it seems to us that the cause of the breakdown in OPEC 2.0 was the collapse in demand from China following the COVID-19 outbreak in Wuhan Province, and Putin’s attempt to secure a longer stay in power.4 The former focused Russia’s oil oligarchs on shoring up market share, and focused Putin on maintaining the support of these important oligarchs. The basis for Russo-Saudi cooperation under the OPEC 2.0 umbrella was rising oil demand, and the simple fact that both sides had exhausted their ability to sustain low prices brought on by the 2014-16 oil-price collapse ushered in by OPEC’s previous market-share war amid the global manufacturing downturn. The slowdown in global demand due to China’s slow-down and the Sino-US trade war in 2019 weakened Russian commitment to OPEC 2.0 by end of year. Putin faced domestic popular discontent and grumbling among the oligarchs (e.g. Igor Sechin, the head of Rosneft), just as he was preparing to extend his term in power. The possibility of a drastic loss of Russian influence over global oil markets – and hence of its own economic independence – emerged at a time when Putin still has the ability to maneuver ahead of the 2021 Duma election and 2024 presidential election which are essential to his maintenance of power. Going into 2020, Russia also had gained monetary and fiscal ammunition over preceding three years that would allow them to challenge KSA within OPEC 2.0, while KSA’s reserves stagnated (Chart 5). The Wuhan Coronavirus pushed things over the edge by hitting Chinese oil demand directly in the gut. Putin gave into the oil sector’s demands for prioritizing market share. As is apparent, this is the critical issue for him and the oligarchs running Russia’s oil and gas companies. Chart 5Foreign Exchange Reserves Foreign Exchange Reserves Foreign Exchange Reserves Russia’s US Focus The fact that US President Donald Trump and Iran are harmed by the oil price collapse is secondary. The Russians may have known that the US and Iran would suffer collateral damage, but their primary objective was not to unseat Trump and definitely not to increase the chances of regime collapse in Iran. It is not unthinkable that President Putin would attempt to upset the US election yet again. Regardless of the relationship between Putin and Trump, Russia benefits from promoting US polarization in general. And the Democrats will impose stricter regulations on US resource industries (including shale). All the same, Russia will suffer from Democrats taking power and strengthening NATO and the trans-Atlantic alliance. A knock on shale is a short-term benefit to Russia, but the loss of Trump as a president who increases geopolitical “multipolarity,” which is good for Russia, would be a long-term loss. President Putin would not have triggered the conflict with Saudi over such a mixed combination. The breakdown of OPEC 2.0 happened after Super Tuesday, so it was clear Biden was leading the US Democratic Party’s bid for the Oval Office come November. Biden is hawkish on Russia and is more likely than Trump to get the Europeans to reduce their energy dependence on Russia. Also, it is possible Trump will benefit from lower oil prices anyway, since it will reduce prices at the pump by November and also help China recover – thus allowing it to boost global demand and follow through on Phase 1 of the Sino-US trade deal. As noted above, market share is primary. The US election, if it is relevant at all, is subsidiary. The Trump administration is furious because the turmoil threatens to upset the US election. As for Iran, Russia does at least consider its position, but is driven by its own needs and, as usual, threw Iran under the bus when necessary. Russia will continue to support the Iranian regime in other ways. And if the consequence of the market-share war is government change in the US, then Iran has its reward. Clearly President Putin was willing to throw President Trump under the bus, as well. It was not surprising to see US officials singling out Russia when discussing the oil-price collapse last week and earlier this week, when US Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin and Russia’s foreign minister, Anatoly Antonov, met in Washington. This blame game is consistent with what we think we know: Russia wavered on the deal presented by OPEC. Saudi Arabia was not the instigator.5 Saudi Arabia massively reacted to retaliate against Russia’s declared price war, but it was Russia that refused to agree to more cuts.6 The Trump administration is furious because the turmoil threatens to upset the US election. From Trump’s perspective, oil and gasoline prices weren’t too high, but, now that they are lower, the risk of higher unemployment in key electoral states – even Texas – is elevated. Trump wanted more oil production but not oil market chaos.  Trump wanted more oil production but not oil market chaos. This short-term thinking is likely to drive US policy in advance of the election, although from a long-term point of view the US has little reason to regret Russia’s actions as Russia is ultimately shooting itself in the foot. From an international point of view, the breakdown shows that Russia and KSA are fundamentally competitive, not cooperative, and the fanfare over improving relations was dependent on stronger oil demand, not vice versa. Russia’s strategy for decades – in the Middle East and elsewhere – has been to take calculated risks, not to undertake reckless adventures that expose its military and economic weaknesses relative to the United States and Europe. This strategic logic applies to the market-share war as well as to Russia’s various conflicts with the West. The oil price collapse is bad for Russia’s economy and internal stability and hence the door to talks is still open. The immediate risk to both KSA and Russia is a forward oil curve that stays lower for longer, regardless of what the Russian Finance Ministry says. A reconciliation between KSA and Russia to restore the production-management deal would limit the negative fallout. The immediate risk to both KSA and Russia is a forward oil curve that stays lower for longer, regardless of what the Russian Finance Ministry says.7 Bottom Line: The COVID-19 pandemic and the breakdown of OPEC 2.0 last week in Vienna dramatically heightened uncertainty and volatility in oil markets. Although it appears Russian officials are trying to walk back the market-share war declared at the end of last week, events already in train could keep oil prices lower for longer. We lowered our oil-price forecasts for 2020 to reflect the demand destruction and a possible supply surge this year. The underlying assumption of our modeling on the demand side is the COVID-19 pandemic will be contained and the global economy will be back in working order by 4Q20. On the supply side, nothing is certain, but we are leaning to a re-formation of OPEC 2.0, which ultimately restores the production-management regime that prevailed until last week. Both of these assumptions are highly unstable. We lowered our 2020 Brent forecasts to $40/bbl for 2Q-3Q20, and to $50/bbl for 4Q20. For 2021, we are expecting Brent to average $60/bbl. WTI trades $3-$4/bbl below Brent in our estimates. These forecasts will be constantly reviewed as new information becomes available. Commodities Round-Up Energy: Overweight Total stocks of crude oil and products in the US drew another 7.6mm barrels in the week ended March 6, 2020, led by distillates, the EIA reported. Crude and product inventories finished the week at close to 1.3 billion barrels (ex SPR barrels). Total product demand – what the EIA called “Product Supplied” – was up close to 600k b/d, led by distillates (e.g., heating oil, diesel, jet and marine gasoil). Commercial crude oil inventories rose by 7.7mm barrels (Chart 6). Base Metals: Neutral After falling almost to the daily downside limit early on Monday, Singapore ferrous futures staged a recovery on Tuesday when iron ore jumped 33%, as declining inventories of the steelmaking material sparked supply concerns among investors. SteelHome Consultancy reported this week Chinese port-side iron ore stocks dropped to 126.25mm MT, down 3.4% for the year. In addition, China’s General Administration of Customs reported iron ore imports rose 1.5% in the January and February relative to the same period a year ago. The decreasing number of new COVID-19 cases in China should help iron ore and steel going forward as construction and infrastructure projects resume. Precious Metals: Neutral Gold prices are up 9% YTD, supported by accommodative monetary policy globally in the wake of the rapid spread of COVID-19 cases outside of China. Fixed income markets are pricing in 80bps cuts in the Fed funds rate over the next 12 months. Additionally, negative-yielding debt globally – which is highly correlated with gold prices – increased 26% since January 2020. Continued elevated uncertainty stemming from the spread of the coronavirus keeps demand for safe assets buoyant. We estimate the risk premium in gold prices related to this persistent uncertainty is ~$140/oz (Chart 7). Nonetheless, positioning and technical signal it is overbought and vulnerable to a short-term pullback. Ags/Softs:  Underweight In its World Agricultural Supply and Demand Estimates (WASDE), the USDA lowered its season-average price expectations for the current crop year for corn to $3.80/bu, down 5 cents, and for soybeans to $8.70/bu, a decrease of 5 cents. The USDA kept its expectation for wheat at $4.55/bu. The Department estimates global soybean production will increase 2.4mm MT, with most of this stemming from increases in Argentina and Brazil. CONAB, Brazil’s USDA equivalent, confirmed this projected increase, saying the country’s soybean output is poised to rise 8% to a record 124.2 Mn Tons this year. May soybean futures were up slightly, as were corn and wheat on Tuesday. Chart 6 US Crude Inventories Are Rising US Crude Inventories Are Rising Chart 7 Russia Regrets Market-Share War? Russia Regrets Market-Share War?   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger Associate Editor Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Please see Russia keeps door open for OPEC amid threats to raise output, published by worldoil.com; Russian ministry, oil firms to meet after OPEC talks collapse -sources, published by reuters.com March 10, 2020, and Russia says it can deal with pain of a Saudi oil price war published by ft.com March 9, 2020. 2     For non-OPEC 2.0 countries, we also included downward adjustments to Libya and US shale production vs. our previous balances 3    Please see “The Russian Enigma,” published by The Churchill Society. See also Kitchen, Martin (1987), “Winston Churchill and the Soviet Union during the Second World War,” The Historical Journal, Vol. 30, No. 2), pp. 415-436. 4    We also would observe Russian producers never fully abided by the output cuts voluntarily in every instance. Often, compliance was due to (1) seasonal maintenance; (2) extreme temperatures in the winter, and (3) the pipeline contamination incident. Thus, producers were probably close to full capacity most of the time OPEC 2.0's production cuts were in place. This implies that for a minor voluntary production cut, Russia enjoyed prices close to $70/bbl, vs. mid $30s currently. This begs the question why they would provoke a market-share war when they would have been better off continuing to flaut their quotas instead of collapsing prices. 5    Please see Mnuchin wants ‘orderly’ oil markets in talk with Russian ambassador published by worldoil.com March 9, 2020. 6    One could argue that while the Saudis reacted quickly and threatened a massive response, they may have been less fearful of a breakdown given the recognition that it could seriously damage Iran’s economy. 7     The Financial Times noted Russia’s confidence that its National Wealth Fund of ~ $150 billion, equivalent to ~ 9% of GDP, which officials believe allows it “to remain competitive at any predicted price range and keep its market share” – i.e., the state will draw down the fund to cover any difference between low oil prices and domestic oil company’s breakeven prices. Energy Minister Alexander Novak said Russia would “pay special attention to providing the domestic market with a stable supply of oil products and protecting the sector’s investment potential.” Please see Russia says it candDeal with the pain of a Saudi price war, published by ft.com March 9, 2020.  

Dear Clients, This week we are issuing two Special Alerts on the Russo-Saudi market share war, one of which you have already received. Our weekly publication will proceed as usual on Friday, March 13. In this Special Alert, we update our view of the US election and address the urgent question of US fiscal stimulus. Upcoming reports will address the question of stimulus outside the United States. All very best, Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy Feature Turmoil has engulfed financial markets as a Russo-Saudi market share war erupts at the same time as panic over the coronavirus spreads from China to Europe and the United States. The US and global stock markets are nearing bear market territory while the 10-year Treasury and global bond yields plumb new lows and deeper negatives (Chart 1). Our key risk-off indicators have all broken down (Chart 2). Chart 1The Bear Awakens The Bear Awakens The Bear Awakens Chart 2Global Risk-Off Global Risk-Off Global Risk-Off While the daily new cases of the virus are far from peaking in the US, the Democratic Party nomination process has eliminated the downside risk of a left-wing populist presidency. Political risk in the US will shift to Congress, fiscal stimulus, the general election, and the “lame duck” risk now threatening President Trump. Trump Not Yet Doomed, But No Longer Favored The US election is now “too close to call,” with the risks tilted toward a Trump loss. Bear markets tend to coincide with recessions (Chart 3). Woe betide a president seeking reelection amid a recession. Chart 3Bear Markets Tend To Coincide With Recessions Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus We need to look to a previous era to identify precedents for Trump’s survival. William McKinley hung onto the office in 1900, Teddy Roosevelt in 1904, and Calvin Coolidge in 1924, all despite recessions.1 Rising unemployment will undo Trump’s re-election bid. In today’s terms, it is still possible that the virus panic will subside over the summer while a wave of global monetary and fiscal stimulus will kick in around September, creating a rebound that sends voters to the polls in an optimistic mood. But it is increasingly unlikely. Unemployment will rise as consumer confidence collapses in the face of the virus outbreak (Chart 4). This is deadly to a president with such narrow margins of victory in the key swing states. Chart 4Confidence Will Suffer, Layoffs To Ensue Confidence Will Suffer, Layoffs To Ensue Confidence Will Suffer, Layoffs To Ensue Chart 5Trump’s Approval Heading South Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus Chart 6Republican Revival To Fall Back Republican Revival To Fall Back Republican Revival To Fall Back The coronavirus scare is already derailing President Trump’s approval rating. It had only tentatively recovered from a very low level throughout his first term and is highly unlikely ever to breach 50% (Chart 5). The surge in voters identifying as Republicans – which had recently, remarkably, surpassed Democrats – will reverse (Chart 6). Our quant election model is “too close to call” but will soon signal Trump loss. Our quant model was already flashing that the election is “too close to call,” due to the negative impact of Trump’s trade war on key swing states like Michigan and Pennsylvania. The weight of a feather can shift Wisconsin into the Democratic camp and turn the election against Trump (Chart 7). The model will inevitably show Trump losing the election once state-level data starts to reflect the virus shock. Chart 7Our Quant Election Model Says “Too Close To Call” … But Virus Panic Will Cause Wisconsin To Switch Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus Bottom Line: The US election is too close to call at this point. With eight months to go, many things could still change, but a spike in unemployment will ruin Trump’s reelection bid. Biden, Not Sanders, Waiting In The Wings Chart 8Biden Has All But Clinched The Democratic Nomination Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus The bad news for Trump – but the good news for markets – is that former Vice President Joe Biden has solidified his status as presumptive nominee for the Democratic Party presidential candidate. Biden romped to victory in Michigan and Missouri on March 10 – and is virtually tied with Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders in Washington, a liberal state that should favor the self-professed democratic socialist Sanders. Biden now clearly leads the count of pledged delegates to the Democratic National Convention on July 13 – and voting patterns in the remaining primary elections would have to reverse entirely in order to give Sanders a 1,991-vote majority of delegates in the first round of voting in July (Chart 8). It is unlikely that Sanders can deprive Biden of a majority of delegates even though he will trounce Biden in the final debate on March 15. The important state elections on March 17 are all favorable to Biden: Arizona, Florida, Illinois, and Ohio. Our delegate projections show Biden winning an outright majority by May 12 (Chart 9). Chart 9Biden Set To Win Majority Of Democratic Delegates By Spring Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus Over the past year many clients have argued to us that neither Biden nor Sanders is electable. We have rejected this view on the basis that the economic cycle would most likely determine the election, since Trump had the misfortune of being a late-cycle president. The financial markets have dodged a bullet with Biden’s nomination since Sanders was capable of winning the nomination and now, with an impending recession, would be even odds (or favored) to take the White House. Chart 10Head-To-Head Polls Show Trump Vulnerability Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus Average head-to-head polls show both Biden and Sanders beating Trump in the battleground states. This always suggested that Trump was highly vulnerable. But on the margin Biden is more electable than Sanders: he polls better against Trump than any Democrat, while Trump polls worse against him than any Democrat. Biden has an Electoral College pathway to victory via Florida and Arizona, as well as via the Midwestern states where Sanders is also competitive (Chart 10). Democrats ultimately chose Biden because he seemed the most likely to beat Trump. He also has the best position on the issue most important after the economy, which is health care (Chart 11). This reputation comes from his association with both President Barack Obama and the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare). A contested convention, in which the Democratic Party splits and progressive voters sit out the election, was always unlikely and is now virtually foreclosed. As he clinches the nomination Biden will seek to win over the support of progressives by choosing a progressive running mate and adopting more left-leaning policies on issues like inequality and the environment. Chart 11Democrats Chose Biden To Win And Restore Obamacare Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus Chart 12Democratic Primary Turnout Strong In Vital Midwest Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus Voter turnout in the primary elections suggests that voters are fired up in the Midwest (Michigan, Minnesota) but more complacent in the South (Texas, North Carolina) (Chart 12). Primary elections are different from general elections, but a worsening economy will provoke higher turnout. At minimum these data reinforce the point above that Trump is highly vulnerable in the Midwestern “Blue Wall” that narrowly brought him to power. Bottom Line: Biden is not only electable but at this stage equally likely as Trump to sit in the Oval Office in 2021. This is a market-positive policy outcome compared with the alternative – a Sanders presidency – which was almost equally probable in the event of a recession. Financial markets will see Biden as less negative than Sanders on regulation and taxes, and less negative than Trump on trade and foreign policy. Fiscal Stimulus A major source of uncertainty surrounding the election is fiscal policy, as a Democratic victory implies an increase in taxes on households and businesses. Not only is there a spike in tax provisions set to expire (top panel, Chart 13), but President Trump’s signature Tax Cut and Jobs Act could be repealed if he loses or made permanent if he wins. Chart 13Fiscal Uncertainty Looms Over US Fiscal Uncertainty Looms Over US Fiscal Uncertainty Looms Over US The short-term outlook is also in flux because the Trump administration is frantically trying to piece together an economic stimulus package to respond to the coronavirus shock. Democrats control the House of Representatives and have an incentive to delay and water down Trump’s stimulus proposals. However, they cannot be seen as playing politics with the nation’s health and livelihood and will ultimately agree to fiscal stimulus. This contradiction implies that financial markets will experience ongoing volatility as talks take place. Ultimately, Trump and the Democrats will cooperate, particularly as the financial constraint intensifies through market selling. Trump’s bid will be to stimulate the overall economy while House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer will target the virus so as to keep the nation’s attention on health care without granting Trump a re-election fiscal bonus. The most significant short-term stimulus on offer would be a cut to payroll taxes. Trump’s preference may be to eliminate the entire 6% tax levied on worker income permanently, but he is more likely to get something on the magnitude of the 2011-12 temporary payroll tax cut (second panel, Chart 13). This was a two percentage point reduction in the tax (to 4%) for one year that ended up being extended for a second year. The size of the impact is roughly $75 billion for each percentage point for each year ($300 billion for two percentage points over two years). The risk is that the House Democrats may require modifications to Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act that cause an impasse and financial markets to sell off before an agreement is reached.2 The Democrats, for their part, have a wish list of spending programs that they will insist on in exchange for a payroll tax cut. In particular they will seek to expand unemployment insurance for workers who lose their jobs in the impending slowdown, food stamps for unemployed and for children at home amid school closures, and mandatory paid leave (for parents with kids at home as well as sick people). The bill for such items can easily add up to $50-$100 billion in new spending. In addition, Congress and the White House have already approved an $8 billion virus mitigation package and additional packages of this size can happen quickly as the crisis requires. Trump is interested in another round of farm aid, given that China will fall short of its commodity purchases under the “phase one” trade deal, which could amount to $12-$15 billion. And Trump could always unilaterally rollback some of his tariffs on China or other trade partners. The combination of new spending and payroll tax cuts could bring the package to the $300-$400 billion range that Trump’s top economic adviser, Larry Kudlow, disapprovingly said was out of the question. It could easily amount to half of that. If the market continues to tank and the outlook for the US economy grows blacker, it will convince the Democrats that Trump is ruined unless they hurt their own image by appearing blatantly obstructionist amid a crisis. Bear in mind that the market wants a substantial stimulus not only because of the desire for a clear rebound in activity once the virus panic subsides, but also because the increasing odds of a Democratic victory in November mean that US tax rates will go up and corporate earnings will be revised downward. The country now faces a 50% chance of a 1%-2% fiscal tightening for each year in 2021-25 (Chart 14). Chart 14Biden Tax Hike Will Hit Corporate Earnings Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus Chart 15US Fiscal Thrust To Surprise To Upside US Fiscal Thrust To Surprise To Upside US Fiscal Thrust To Surprise To Upside Thus a 1% of GDP fiscal stimulus for 2020 is the minimum necessary to improve sentiment. The US fiscal thrust – the change in the cyclically adjusted budget deficit – has already turned slightly positive this year, from what was expected to be a slight negative, due to a fiscally profligate budget deal between Trump and the Democrats last year (Chart 15). The one thing these blood enemies have in common is the need for more spending. Infrastructure spending is popular and has room to rise. Eventually the US will get stimulus, and it will surprise to the upside, even if the Democrats drag their feet to ensure that maximum political damage is inflicted on Trump this year. Not only is the fiscal setting inherently more dovish than it was in 2008, but Congress is bailing out plague-stricken households, not just Wall Street, this time around. The real game changer would be an infrastructure package. Americans spend about $140 billion or 0.7% of GDP each year on transport infrastructure, but popular opinion in both major political parties supports increases (Chart 16). The proposed sums are very large – Trump is proposing $1 trillion over a decade while Biden is proposing $1.3 trillion. The House Democrats have a bill worth $760 billion in new spending over five years ready to be passed. Also Trump is willing to capitulate on the Democrats’ preferred type of spending (direct deficit spending) due to his election constraint. These plans are all projecting considerable infrastructure spending on top of the Congressional Budget Office’s base line projection (Chart 17). Chart 16US Spends 0.7% Of GDP On Infra Each Year Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus Chart 17Median Voter Wants More Infra Spending Biden And Stimulus Biden And Stimulus The fiscal multiplier of government spending is generally higher than tax cuts. Furthermore, the coronavirus hurts the economy by frightening households into their homes, which means that even the Democrats’ proposed cash transfers for low-income earners (those with a high marginal propensity to consume) may be impeded. Government-mandated infrastructure spending, by contrast, ensures that economic activity will pick up once the measures take effect (that is, with a 6-12 month lag … something the Democrats will become increasingly willing to agree to this spring given the election calendar). The impending US fiscal stimulus provides justification for going long infrastructure, construction, engineering, materials, mining, and environmental services sub-sectors included in the BCA Infrastructure Equity Basket (Chart 18). China’s large-scale stimulus measures reinforce this recommendation, since these firms are levered to China/EM growth. On a tactical basis, this trade is akin to catching a falling knife. Given our expectation that the world still faces challenges in overcoming the current turmoil, and the Democrats will hem and haw so as not to grant Trump his re-election wish list immediately, we await an opportune time to initiate this trade. A final reason to remain defensive on risk assets: the “lame duck” risk. If and when Trump’s re-election appears out of reach, he has an incentive to turn the tables. This could involve a radical or disruptive move in foreign or trade policy (e.g. on Iran, North Korea, Venezuela, China, or even Russia). At that point Trump could attempt to cement his legacy of cold war with China, or he could even lash out against Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has ostensibly stabbed him in the back by initiating a market share war with Saudi Arabia that may not be pieced back together in time to prevent job losses in shale oil swing states (Chart 19). Chart 18Look For Chance To Go Long Infrastructure Stocks Look For Chance To Go Long Infrastructure Stocks Look For Chance To Go Long Infrastructure Stocks Chart 19A Russo-Saudi Oil Market War Hurts Trump In Shale Swing States A Russo-Saudi Oil Market War Hurts Trump In Shale Swing States A Russo-Saudi Oil Market War Hurts Trump In Shale Swing States Presidential powers are least constrained in the international sphere. At the moment Trump is trying to save the economy and his presidency. But if it becomes a foregone conclusion that they cannot be saved, then he becomes a pure liability for risk assets. Housekeeping We are throwing in the towel on our US tech sector shorts for a loss of 36% and 11%, respectively, and also closing our long Thailand relative trade for a loss of 17%. We are also closing our tactical long Italian government bonds relative to Spanish for a loss of 2%. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Coincidentally all were Republicans, like Trump – not that it matters. 2 The Democrats may seek to have Trump increase the tax rate on the highest income earners to the pre-TCJA level, or they may seek to increase the cap on the state and local tax deduction, which allows households (mostly high-income earners) in high-tax states to reduce their federal tax bill.

Highlights Oil prices fell 30% when markets opened Monday morning, following a split between OPEC 2.0’s putative leaders – the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia – over production cuts to balance global oil markets (Chart 1). If KSA and Russia are able to repair the break in what OPEC Secretary General Mohammad Barkindo once called their “Catholic Marriage” the sudden collapse in prices could serve a useful purpose in reminding producers, consumers and investors of the need for full-time management of production and inventories, and restore prices to the $60/bbl neighborhood in 2H20.1 If not, markets could be in for a drawn-out market-share war lasting the better part of this year, with damaging consequences for all involved, with Brent prices remaining closer to $30/bbl (Chart 2). Feature Much as we rely on modeling to guide our expectations, this is purely political at the moment. How Long Will The Oil Price Rout Last? That’s the question that repeatedly is being asked by clients following the breakdown in Vienna last week, and news over the weekend that KSA would engage a market-share war opened by Russian Energy Minister Alexander Novak prior to departing Vienna. Novak gave every impression of renewing a market-share war after Russia rejected the plan put forth by OPEC to remove an additional 1.5mm b/d of production from the market, to combat the demand destruction expected in the wake of COVID-19. The only answer we have to the question: No one knows with certainty. Chart 1Oil Sell-Off Accelerates, As Market-Share War Looms Oil Sell-Off Accelerates, As Market-Share War Looms Oil Sell-Off Accelerates, As Market-Share War Looms Chart 2A Market-Share War Will Keep Oil Prices Depressed A Market-Share War Will Keep Oil Prices Depressed A Market-Share War Will Keep Oil Prices Depressed Neither of the principal actors responsible for the 30% rout in oil prices on Monday morning when markets opened for trading – KSA and Russia – are providing guidance at present. Prices since recovered slightly and were down ~ 20% Monday afternoon. Much as we rely on modeling to guide our expectations, this is purely political at the moment. There are two large personalities involved – Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Russian President Vladimir Putin – who have staked out opposing positions on the level of production cuts needed to balance markets in the short term, as the COVID-19 outbreak spreads beyond China leaving highly uncertain demand losses in its wake.2 If a meeting of OPEC 2.0’s leadership can be arranged before the end of March, a hope expressed by Iran's Oil Minister Bijan Namdar Zanganeh in a Bloomberg interview over the weekend,3 the stage could be set for a rapprochement between KSA and Russia allowing them to repair the rupture in the OPEC 2.0 leadership. Should that occur, the rally in prices could be dramatic – maybe not as dramatic as today's price collapse when markets awoke to the opening rounds of a full-on market-share war between OPEC and Russia. But, over the course of the next few weeks, prices for 2H20 Brent and WTI would begin recovering and moving back toward $60/bbl as markets price in lower inventories on the back of a return to production discipline by OPEC 2.0. If we do not see such a meeting next week, markets will be forced to price in a prolonged price-war that could extend into the end of this year, which will not be easy to arrest. If, as seems to be the case, the Russians' goal is to directly attack shale-oil production in the US with a market-share/price war, the effort most likely will fail. True, there will be an increase in bankruptcies among the shale producers and their services companies. This will set up another round of industry consolidation – i.e., more M&A in the US shales – with the large integrated multinational oil companies that now dominate these provinces adding to their holdings. It is worthwhile remembering that US bankruptcy law recycles assets; it does not retire them permanently. In addition, the acquirers of bankrupt firms’ assets get them at a sharp discount, which greatly helps their cost basis. So, shale assets will change hands, stronger balance sheets will take control of these assets, and a leaner, more efficient group of E+Ps will emerge from the wreckage. What’s Being Priced? It is in neither KSA’s nor Russia’s interest to engage in a prolonged market-share war that keeps Brent prices closer to $30/bbl than to $70/bbl. We estimate oil markets now have to price in the return of ~ 2.8mm b/d of OPEC 2.0 production at the end of this month – i.e., a 10% increase of GCC output, led by KSA’s production getting up to 11mm b/d by year-end; ~ 600k b/d of cuts we were assuming would be approved in last week’s Vienna meetings; and ~ 260k b/d from Russia (Chart 3). This could be understated, as KSA claims 12.5mm b/d of capacity (including its spare capacity). Unchecked supply growth would force inventories to build this year (Chart 4).  In fact, absent a return to production-management by OPEC 2.0, oil markets will extrapolate the higher production and low demand into an expectation for steadily rising inventories, that will – once it becomes apparent the supply of storage globally will be exhausted – force prices toward $20/bbl. Weaker-than-expected demand growth would accelerate this process. Chart 3Higher Production Will Overwhelm Demand In Market-Share War Higher Production Will Overwhelm Demand In Market-Share War Higher Production Will Overwhelm Demand In Market-Share War Chart 4Market-Share War Could Exhaust Storage Forcing Production Out of The Market Market-Share War Could Exhaust Storage Forcing Production Out of The Market Market-Share War Could Exhaust Storage Forcing Production Out of The Market It is in neither KSA’s nor Russia’s interest to engage in a prolonged market-share war that keeps Brent prices closer to $30/bbl than to $70/bbl. The apparent unwillingness of Putin and the Russian oligarchs running the country’s oil companies to make relatively small additional production cuts – vis-à-vis what KSA already has delivered – to support prices has not been well explained by Russian producers. The revenue benefits from small production cuts almost surely exceed the additional revenue that would accrue from a 200-300k b/d increase in  output and keeping prices in the $30-$40/bbl range, a level that is below Russian producers' cost of production onshore and offshore, according to the Moscow Times.  KSA's costs are ~ $17/bbl on the other hand.4 Russia’s economy was wobbly going into the Vienna meetings, which makes sorting this out even more complicated. One thing that can be said for certain is that over the past six months Vladimir Putin has entered into another consolidation phase in attempting to quell public unrest, improve the government’s image, and tighten up control over the country, while preparing for another extension of his time as Russia’s supreme leader. A Battle For Primacy? At one level, it would appear the Russians were pushing back against an apparent demand by OPEC (the old cartel led by KSA) to fall in line. Russia’s rejection of the OPEC proposal could be read as an assertion of their position to show they were, at the very least, KSA’s equal in the coalition. A stronger read of the rejection, given the Russian Energy Minister’s comments following the breakdown in Vienna at the end of last week – "... neither we nor any OPEC or non-OPEC country is required to make (oil) output cuts” – would be Russia was attempting to assert itself as the leader of OPEC 2.0. Giving Russia what amounted to a take-it-or-leave-it ultimatum on production cuts was a high-stakes gamble on KSA’s part. On KSA’s side, it is likely the Saudis grew irritated with the Russian failure to get on board to address a global oil-demand emergency that was spreading beyond China, when they were discussing extending and deepening production cuts in the lead-up to last week’s meetings. Giving Russia what amounted to a take-it-or-leave-it ultimatum on production cuts was a high-stakes gamble on KSA’s part, to say the least. However, as OPEC’s historic kingpin, KSA may have believed its role was to lead the coalition.  Russia’s in a better position now relative to KSA in the short term vis-à-vis foreign reserves ($446 billion), budget surplus (~ $8 billion), and its lower fiscal breakeven price for oil ($50/bbl) vs KSA’s ($84/bbl), as we discussed in our Friday alert (Chart 5). However, with Russian per-capita GDP at ~ half that of KSA’s, it is highly likely – if this market-share war is prolonged – its citizens are going to be hit with the consequences of the oil-price collapse in short order: FX markets are selling ruble heavily today, and, in short order this will feed through into higher consumer prices and inflation. Indeed, we estimate a 1 percentage-point (pp) depreciation in the ruble vs. the USD y/y leads to a 0.14pp increase in Russian inflation (Chart 6). Chart 5Foreign Exchange Reserves Foreign Exchange Reserves Foreign Exchange Reserves Chart 6Russian Ruble Sell-Off Presages Inflation Russian Ruble Sell-Off Presages Inflation Russian Ruble Sell-Off Presages Inflation The Saudi riyal is pegged to the USD, and does not move as much as the ruble. However, KSA’s citizens also will be buffeted once again by a collapse in oil prices, as they were during the 2014-16 market-share war when government revenues came under severe stress. Things To Watch The OPEC 2.0 joint market-monitoring committee could meet again next week in Vienna, but that is not a given. If they do meet, the agenda likely will be dominated by trying to find a face-saving way for both sides to resume production management. Arguably, the presumptive target of the Russian strategy – US shale producers – will be severely damaged by this week’s price collapse, and both could argue the short-term tactic of threatening a price war was a success. The Saudis could also go for a quick solution, if their primary objectives are to sort things out with Russia, stabilize the global economy, and keep President Trump in office, rather than to push down prices in an adventurous attempt to escalate Iran’s internal crisis. We believe Russia badly miscalculated, and was too early in making a play for dominance in OPEC 2.0, if that was its intent. If, on the other hand, these large personalities cannot agree, the price collapse begun today will continue until global oil storage – crude and products – is filled, forcing prices through cash costs of all but the most efficient producers in the world. This level is below $20/bbl. These lower prices could redound to the benefit of China, as fiscal and monetary stimulus provided by policymakers there in the wake of COVID-19 to get the economy back on track for 6% p.a. growth gets super-charged by low oil prices. Bottom Line: We believe Russia badly miscalculated, and was too early in making a play for dominance in OPEC 2.0, if that was its intent. Russian GDP has twice the sensitivity to Brent prices that KSA does, which means such a tactic takes a toll on it as well as the shale producers (Chart 7). Capital markets had the US shale producers on the ropes, so it is difficult to argue there was a need to accelerate the process and shock the world. We again note a full-blown market-share war will set up another round of industry consolidation in the US shales, but, over the medium to longer term, the shale assets of bankrupt companies will only be re-cycled to more efficient operators, as we saw following the last market-share war. This will contribute to a stronger shale sector in the US in the medium term. Chart 7Russian GDP More Sensitive to Brent Prices Russian GDP More Sensitive to Brent Prices Russian GDP More Sensitive to Brent Prices The only other consolation for Russia is a higher likelihood of regime change in the US (more political polarization in the US benefits Russia), and yet the Trump administration has been the most pro-Russian administration in years so this is not at all a clear objective. We will be watching very closely for a meeting of OPEC 2.0’s joint committee next week. If we get it and a face-saving resolution is agreed by KSA and Russia we would expect stronger demand growth in 2H20 to absorb whatever unintended inventory accumulation a still-born price war causes. If not, we will expect a price war into the end of the year, after which the economies of oil producers globally will have been sufficiently battered to naturally force production lower and investment in future production to contract sharply. At that point, oil and oil equities will be an attractive investments for the medium and long term.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Please see Russia and Saudi Arabia Hold 'Catholic Marriage' with Poem and Badges, Form Enormous Oil Cartel published by Newsweek July 3, 2019. 2     We will be updating our demand estimates in Thursday’s publication, after we get fresh historical data from the principal providers (EIA, IEA, OPEC). 3     Please see Iran's Oil Minister Wants OPEC+ Output Cut, Hopes for Russia Meeting Soon published by Bloomberg, March 8 2020. 4     Please see Russian Oil Production Among Most Expensive in World published November 12, 2019 by The Moscow Times.  

Highlights Joe Biden is the Democratic Party’s presumptive nominee following Super Tuesday. The onus is on Bernie Sanders to upset the race yet again. This is unlikely. Biden’s nomination is less market-negative than that of Sanders, but increases the risk of a Democratic Senate and hence tax hikes. The coronavirus threat to Trump’s reelection is two-pronged – and rising. Go long global equities ex-US on the basis that the virus fears will give way to public resilience and global stimulus. Feature A non-populist, non-protectionist candidate is emerging as the Democratic Party nominee for the US presidency – a positive development for global risk assets in 2020. Judging by preliminary results from the Democratic Party’s “Super Tuesday” primary elections, former Vice President Joe Biden has become the presumptive nominee, one of our key 2020 views. Our simple, back-of-the-envelope projection of delegates to the Democratic National Convention in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, July 13-16 shows that as long as Biden maintains his average vote share thus far, he is narrowly on track to win a majority of pledged delegates and thus clinch the nomination by June (Chart 1).  Chart 1Projection Of Democratic Delegates To National Convention, Milwaukee, July 2020 US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? The chief risk to our view – that Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, a left-wing populist, would run away with his momentum in February – has peaked. While Sanders won an average of 38% of the delegates on offer, he only won 28% of the popular vote, compared to Biden’s 44% of the delegates and 33% of the popular vote. The centrists as a bloc are outvoting the progressives and only two candidates are left. Ultimately Biden’s two-pronged path to victory in the Electoral College in November reinforces the Super Tuesday results, giving him greater electability and making him the likeliest victor of the Democratic Party primary. Super Tuesday Makes Biden Presumptive Nominee Biden racked up victories in key states including Texas, Massachusetts, Minnesota, and Virginia. He is now the leader in delegates to the party’s national convention (Chart 2), the popular vote, the number of states won, and the biggest states. The exception is California, one of the country’s most left-leaning states, where Sanders won, albeit with the combined progressive vote less than 50%. The voting pattern shows that Democrats still prefer centrist candidates to left-wing or “progressive” candidates by 50% to 40% on average (Chart 3). With two candidates left, this dynamic should favor Biden. Chart 2The Delegate Count Thus Far US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Chart 3Popular Vote: Biden/Centrists Versus Sanders/Progressives US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Chart 4Super Tuesday And Beyond US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? By winning Texas and sweeping the South, Biden is heavily favored to win Florida on March 17 – always one of his strong suits vis-à-vis Sanders and a sign of electability in November. But his surprise victories over Sanders in Minnesota and Massachusetts show that he is competitive in the Midwest and Northeast, meaning that he is also likely favored to come out on top in Michigan and Ohio on March 10. The same goes for Illinois, the home state of his 2008-12 running mate Obama, on March 17 (Chart 4). True, in Minnesota and Massachusetts Biden benefited from Senator Elizabeth Warren’s clearing the 15% threshold, thus subtracting from Sanders’s vote share and delegate share. Warren may or may not drop out of the race. Sanders needs to arrest Biden’s Super Tuesday bounce and convince Democratic voters that he is more electable against Trump than Biden. This is a tall order for March 10-17, but Sanders has performed as well or better than Biden in the Northeast and Midwest as a whole, and these are the two regions that yield the most delegates in the rest of the primary (Chart 5).  Biden’s centrist rivals dropped out of the competition after his big win in South Carolina on February 29. His remaining centrist rival, Mayor Michael Bloomberg, suffered a humiliating defeat – pulling in Aspen, Colorado and Napa Valley California along with American Samoa despite spending over $400 million in advertisements (Chart 6). As we have argued, it takes votes, not just money, to win elections. Chart 5The Battle For The Northeast And Midwest US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Chart 6Bloomberg’s Folly US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? It is a two-man race. If Biden can beat Sanders surrounded by competitors, then the onus is on Sanders to change the game from here. Otherwise Biden wins. Bottom Line: Biden is the likeliest winner. We will have to see another drastic change in momentum for this outcome to be overturned. Sanders’s underperformance on Super Tuesday suggests that his challenge to our base case (a centrist nomination) has peaked.    A Contested Convention? Still Unlikely Chart 7Biden’s Super Tuesday Bounce US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? The coalescing of the centrist and progressive blocs, combined with a likely Super Tuesday bounce, will put Biden back in the lead in national polling (Chart 7). A contested Democratic convention remains unlikely, though it cannot be ruled out. Biden and Sanders are racing neck-and-neck for delegates and another twist in the race could deprive Biden of the simple majority of pledged delegates needed to clinch the nomination. The problem for Sanders is that in a close delegate matchup, a centrist candidate is favored to come out with the nomination. VIX futures suggest that this outlook is priced in, as they are falling for July (the month of the convention) relative to June (the conclusion of the primary election). Volatility induced by the primary election should gradually subside from now through July. Volatility will spike with the conventions in July mostly because of the uncertainty over the general election, and it should also pick up in September and October ahead of the November 3 vote. The spike in volatility that is always to be expected in the October ahead of a presidential election should continue increasing relative to July (Chart 8).   How can we be confident? The combination of the party establishment and the alternate or “reformist” centrist faction should be sufficient to overwhelm the combined “progressive” or anti-establishment bloc. Biden could fail to win the nomination on the first ballot, but the pro-establishment “super delegates” (party stalwarts who are not pledged to any particular candidate) would have the ability to swing subsequent ballots either in his favor or in favor of an alternate centrist (Chart 9). From a game-theoretical point of view, a sequential voting procedure is deadly to Sanders. His only hope was to rack up such a strong plurality in the primaries that he could take the convention by force. That is now unlikely. Chart 8VIX, Rightly, Not Pricing Contested Convention VIX, Rightly, Not Pricing Contested Convention VIX, Rightly, Not Pricing Contested Convention Chart 9Which Way Will The Super Delegates Swing? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Even without a contested convention – and certainly with one – the Democratic Party could suffer from internal divisions that affect its challenge to the Republicans in November. The closer Sanders comes to Biden in delegate count, and especially if he should lead Biden yet still lose the nomination, the more his supporters will cry foul. In that case the party would send anywhere from 30%-40% of its voters away feeling disenfranchised. The worst-case scenario for the Democrats would be a convention troubled by open partisan rancor and social unrest, as occurred in the infamous 1968 convention in Chicago. Peace protesters against the Vietnam War and supporters of anti-war Senator Eugene McCarthy besieged the convention and were hounded and repressed by police forces under Chicago Mayor Richard Daley. Moderate Vice President Hubert Humphrey won the nomination despite the strong showing of anti-war sentiment in the primary election. The convention exposed the party’s rifts for all the nation to see. Humphrey went on to lose the election to Republican Richard Nixon. Chart 10Democrats Need To Avoid 1968 Replay Democrats Need To Avoid 1968 Replay Democrats Need To Avoid 1968 Replay Something akin to 1968 could occur this summer if Sanders’s supporters believe he has, for the second time, been deprived of the nomination unfairly in preference for a lackluster establishment candidate who will lose to Trump. But circumstances today are not (yet) so dire. The backdrop in 1968 was one of general upheaval, with opposition to the Vietnam War and the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr and Robert F. Kennedy, the latter directly contributing to the dispute over delegates at the convention. The labor market was extremely tight (as today), but inflation was spiking (unlike today), fueling domestic unrest (Chart 10). The Democratic Party establishment is neither as disconnected from its base nor as draconian as in 1968. Biden or any other centrist nominee will seek to placate the left wing, likely through a leftward shift on some policies and a progressive vice-presidential pick. Opposition to Trump will act as a unifying force among Democrats. Bottom Line: A contested convention remains unlikely, but it cannot be ruled out. Biden is more likely to win the nomination due to his Super Tuesday bounce and the tailwind for centrists over progressives within the primary voting patterns thus far. If the convention is contested, it will likely result in a centrist candidate and the alienation of the progressive wing, and thus favor Trump’s reelection odds. Implications For The General Election Since November 2018 we have emphasized that US presidential elections are referendums on the incumbent party. Only rarely can the opposition defeat a sitting president amid an expanding economy, even if the ruling party lost the midterm election (as did the GOP in 2018). Major scandals reduce the historic reelection rate, but Trump has been acquitted so his biggest scandal is largely neutralized (Chart 11). The uptick in his approval rating after signing trade deals with China, Canada, and Mexico and getting acquitted by his fellow Republicans in the Senate confirms that he should be seen as favored for reelection. His approval is historically low but not prohibitive, as it tracks with Obama’s ahead of the 2012 election – low approval being in part a structural indicator of highly partisan times (Chart 12).  Chart 11Unseating An Incumbent Is Difficult US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Chart 12Trump’s Low Approval Not Prohibitive US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Yet Trump is only slightly favored. The coronavirus outbreak – and more importantly, the fear of it – threatens to damage Trump’s economy and highlight his fatal policy flaw: health care. Most of his first year in office consisted of a failed attempt to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), leaving 28 million Americans without health insurance (uninsured individuals increased by 2 million in 2018, the first increase since Obamacare was passed). The Democrats weaponized this gaping policy vulnerability in the vital Rust Belt swing states during the midterm election. Anything that shifts the focus of the election to health, as opposed to the growing economy, is positive for the Democrats on the margin (Chart 13). Granted, the narrative over Trump’s handling of the coronavirus crisis will become a non-diagnostic partisan battle. Neither Xi Jinping nor Donald Trump are responsible for the virus outbreak, but Trump is accountable for the popular perception of his handling of it whereas Xi is not. Ultimately the underlying material conditions of the economy will prove decisive. If the fear factor at home and abroad results in a sharper slowdown and higher unemployment by November, Trump is doomed. The swing states are already vulnerable because they took a heavy blow as a result of Trump’s trade war with China (Chart 14). Chart 13Is Health Care Trump’s Fatal Flaw? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Chart 14Virus Fears Threaten Trump's Economy Virus Fears Threaten Trump's Economy Virus Fears Threaten Trump's Economy On the other hand, if the fear factor subsides due to the virus’s non-apocalyptic death rate, globally coordinated stimulus – starting with China but reinforced by the Federal Reserve’s surprise 50 basis point rate cut on March 3 – could generate a rebound by Q4 that redounds to Trump’s favor. Doesn’t America’s extreme political polarization create a kind of tribalism that overwhelms traditional “pocketbook” variables in forecasting an election (Chart 15)? Aren’t Democrats sufficiently fired up against President Trump to generate massive voter turnout that wipes out his thin margins of victory in the key swing states? After all, turnout in some of the primary elections is on par with the year the Great Recession began (Chart 16). Chart 15Does Reality Matter Amid Polarization? YES Does Reality Matter Amid Polarization? YES Does Reality Matter Amid Polarization? YES Chart 16Democrats Not Turning Out At 2008 Levels US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Most likely the economy will be decisive. Democratic fury against Trump will not translate as easily to the broader public if the economy is decent or rebounding in the second half of the year. Voter turnout tends to correlate with unemployment, including in the swing states (Chart 17). The coronavirus shock to the economy, not the blame game surrounding the virus or health care system, will be the determining factor. Chart 17Voter Turnout Responds To Economy … Including In Key Swing States US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? This offers little consolation for Trump, since the brunt of the coronavirus impact on the economy is yet to be felt. While we still give Trump the benefit of the doubt for reelection, our quantitative election model says that the election is “too close to call,” primarily because of weak state-by-state leading economic indicators for Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin (Chart 18). These indicators will tick down further due to the virus impact before they tick back up. Our base case is that the uptick will occur, but clearly the fear factor is the biggest risk to Trump’s reelection. Chart 18Quant Model Says US Election “Too Close To Call” US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? The fact that Biden is a slightly more competitive candidate against Trump than Sanders will not help. Biden has a broader Electoral College pathway than Sanders. Both are competitive in the key Rust Belt swing states on which the 2016 election hinged – Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin. But Biden is also competitive in Florida, Arizona, and North Carolina, states largely closed to Sanders. Still, the difference between the Democratic challengers is marginal as neither is extremely charismatic and the election is a referendum on the ruling party and national direction as a whole. The Senate race is critical to the general election outcome (Chart 19). A Democratic president will be constrained if the Republicans maintain control – Sanders’s revolutionary agenda would be put on ice from the beginning, whereas Biden would have to focus on compromise (and would be prevented from repealing Trump’s tax cuts). Because Republicans saw a banner year in the Senate election in 2014 they must defend a larger number of competitive seats this year (10) than Democrats do (3) (Chart 20). If Democrats win the White House then they also need to win all three “toss up” races (Arizona, Colorado, Maine) – which is very doable – as well as keeping hold of their weakest seat (Alabama) or winning one additional seat (Kansas? North Carolina? Iowa?) in order to get an even balance in the Senate. This would give them the minimum necessary for majority voting since the vice president casts the decisive vote in a tie. Chart 19Democrats Lead Generic Ballot US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Chart 20Balance Of Power In The US Senate, 2020 US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy?   Winning this many seats seems extremely difficult, based on the voting patterns in 2016 and 2018 (Table 1, Appendix), unless one considers the type of national environment that would see the incumbent Trump removed from office: it is an environment in which either voter turnout or support rates have shifted, in which case voters who view the Republicans as discredited are less likely to retain Republican senators who carried Trump’s water in the impeachment trial. Note that Biden is an asset in every key Senate race mentioned above except Colorado, whereas Sanders is probably a liability. Chart 21Balance Of Power In the US House Of Representatives, 2020 US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? By contrast the Democrats are defending many more seats than Republicans in the House of Representatives (Chart 21). Yet Republicans would have to retain their five toss-up seats, three vacant seats, while poaching 18 of the Democrats 19 toss-up seats, to reclaim a majority (Table 2, Appendix). This is possible if there is a strong economic rebound in the second half of the year and Trump is “winning” on other policies, but it is unlikely. Thus a second-term President Trump is much more likely to be constrained by the House than a first-term President Biden is likely to be constrained by the Senate. It follows that Trump would focus on foreign policy, where he faces the fewest constitutional constraints – and in a second term he would be unshackled from reelection concerns. He would only be constrained by the desire for a magnificent legacy that keeps Ivanka Trump electable someday. This is not a constraint worth betting money on, especially not in the first two years when he is fresh off reelection (2021-22). The implication is more trade war with China, Europe, or both. Meanwhile Biden with the Senate would focus on the Democrats’ domestic legislative agenda – and would be likely to rack up successes. Without the Senate he too would be driven toward foreign policy, and given his age he would face a limited reelection constraint, like Trump. Bottom Line: Biden’s likely nomination solidifies our view that if Democrats win, they are likely to eke out a bare one-vote majority in the Senate, though not guaranteed. Biden is a Democratic asset for key Senate races while Sanders would be more likely to be constrained by a Republican Senate. If Democrats lose, they would have to lose in the context of a big economic rebound (or some other policy windfall for Trump) in order to yield the House of Representatives. In the context of the coronavirus shock, this seems unlikely. But it is likeliest if the economy is rebounding and the Democrats run a “socialist” for the presidency. Economic Policy Implications The most important investment takeaway from Super Tuesday is that the “Bernie Sanders Panic Index” risk will now tend to subside and the key sectors of the US stock market – tech and health – plus financials and energy will no longer have as big of a threat of punitive regulation hanging over their heads (Chart 22). Chart 22Bernie Panic Index Will Subside Bernie Panic Index Will Subside Bernie Panic Index Will Subside Biden’s approach to health would be to restore and expand Obamacare, which is already the law of the land and thus not nearly as disruptive as the attempt by Sanders to create a universal single-payer program that would eliminate private insurance (a large source of uncertainty since it would have been extremely difficult to achieve yet central to his agenda). Incidentally, Big Pharma faces headwinds under Democrats or Republicans, as the populist demand for lower prices will carry the day. President Biden would certainly re-regulate, reversing the deregulatory tailwind for corporate profits and animal spirits under President Trump (Chart 23). But there is much less negative of an impact on business optimism and the job market under Biden than Sanders. Business concern over tax hikes, as outlined, will largely depend on the Senate outcome (Chart 24). The consolation for the financial markets is that, with Biden the presumptive nominee, the tax cut rollback would not be complete: Biden aims for a 28% corporate rate, which is still a net seven percentage point cut from 2016. Chart 23Trump’s De-Regulatory Shock US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Chart 24The Oval Office Has A Pen And A Phone The Oval Office Has A Pen And A Phone The Oval Office Has A Pen And A Phone   The financial industry has faced a long and rocky recovery since the 2008 crash, reminiscent of the tech sector in the wake of the dotcom bubble (Chart 25). A Democratic victory will be negative on the margin, as even Biden will need to sharpen his knives when it comes to the banks. Even the Wall Street candidate Bloomberg had proposed a financial transactions tax. By contrast, Trump would clearly benefit this sector – as long as the business cycle recovers and the yield curve steepens. Chart 25Regulation Returns To Financial Industry? Regulation Returns To Financial Industry? Regulation Returns To Financial Industry? The loser, in either outcome, is the tech sector – which is the most richly valued. Both Republicans and Democrats are investigating Big Tech for anti-competitive practices. Wealth inequality, and the eventual end of the bull market and business cycle, will generate public unrest and encourage the government to identify and punish scapegoats, as in the past with leading companies that had excessive market concentration (Chart 26). Yet neither Trump nor Biden will be as aggressive on this front as Sanders would be. Chart 26Anti-Trust Suits Distract From Inequality, Late-Cycle Woes Anti-Trust Suits Distract From Inequality, Late-Cycle Woes Anti-Trust Suits Distract From Inequality, Late-Cycle Woes Chart 27Infrastructure Stocks Will Reboot Infrastructure Stocks Will Reboot Infrastructure Stocks Will Reboot There is little difference between Trump and Biden (or Sanders for that matter) on the question of infrastructure. Americans want better infrastructure but an economic slowdown is required to provide the impetus. Democrats are unlikely to grant new spending to Trump prior to the election unless he is reelected or a full-blown economic collapse is occurring (in which it is his final act). The performance of BCA’s Infrastructure Basket will improve after the election given that both parties are embracing expansive fiscal spending while China is launching another stimulus mini-cycle (Chart 27). The fiscal trajectory of the United States is unlikely to correct anytime soon. Trumpism has routed the fiscal hawks within the Republican Party and Biden is attempting to lead a Democratic Party that is making increasingly extravagant spending demands. The median American voter is demanding greater government provision of services and social spending. If Democrats win the White House and Senate, they will be able to claw back some revenue by repealing Trump’s tax cuts, but the pressure to spend will outweigh their ability to increase taxes (Chart 28). They will need to expand non-defense discretionary spending even as mandatory outlays rise inexorably due to the aging of the population (Chart 29). Chart 28More Fiscal Profligacy In The US Outlook US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Chart 29Zero Chance Of Entitlement Cuts Zero Chance Of Entitlement Cuts Zero Chance Of Entitlement Cuts Investment Conclusions The US election is eight months away and much can change between now and then. What we know is that Biden now has the clearest path to the Democratic nomination, while Sanders would require another rapid reversal in momentum in order to take the lead. Even if he does, the Democratic convention will favor a centrist as long as Sanders falls short of a commanding lead, which is likely given the 50%-versus-40% split in favor of centrists over progressives thus far. A two-man race will favor Biden as long as this dynamic persists. Biden is slightly more competitive against Trump than Sanders, and slightly more likely to take the Senate for the Democrats. Yet ultimately Trump’s presidency will live or die based on the economy. Otherwise a significant policy humiliation (or surprise right-wing third party candidate) would be required to undo his reelection bid. Chart 30Valuations Favor Non-US Stocks Valuations Favor Non-US Stocks Valuations Favor Non-US Stocks Unfortunately for Trump, the coronavirus outbreak presents precisely this two-pronged risk of worsening economy and policy failure. If this risk fully materializes then he is finished, but markets will most likely have the consolation that it is Biden, not Sanders, waiting in the wings. Our base case remains constructive over the next twelve months, particularly for global stocks ex-US, which are much more heavily discounted and will benefit from Chinese stimulus (Chart 30). The virus shock is clearly a massive risk, but as long as the death rate does not surprise to the upside the ultimate impact will be public resilience and global stimulus.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table 1Democrats Likely To Win The Senate If They Win White House US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Table 2Republicans Unlikely To Reclaim House Even If They Keep White House US Election: A Return To Normalcy? US Election: A Return To Normalcy? Footnotes

Highlights The latest interest rate cuts by central banks confirms the narrative that the authorities view economic risks as asymmetrical to the downside. This all but assures that competitive devaluation will become the dominant currency landscape in the near future. If the virus proves to be just another seasonal flu, the global economy will be awash with much more stimulus, which will be fertile ground for pro-cyclical currencies. In the event that we get a much more malignant outcome, discussions around interest rate cuts will rapidly evolve into quantitative easing and debt monetization. The dollar will be the ultimate loser in both scenarios, but this path could be lined with intermediate strength. Our highest-conviction call before the dust settles is to short USD/JPY. We are also making a few portfolio adjustments in light of recent market volatility. Buy NOK/SEK and NZD/CHF and take profits soon on long SEK/NZD. Feature The DXY rally that began last December faltered below overhead psychological resistance at 100, and has since broken below key technical levels. The V-shaped reversal has been a mirror image of developments in equity markets, with the S&P 500 off 6% from its lows. The catalyst was aggressive market pricing of policy action from the Federal Reserve, to which the authorities yielded. The latest policy action confirms the narrative that most central banks continue to view deflation as a much bigger threat than inflation, since few have been able to achieve their mandate. This all but assures that competitive devaluation will become the dominant currency landscape, as each central bank prevents appreciation in their respective currency. Should the Fed continue on the path of much more aggressive stimulus, this will have powerful implications for the dollar and across both G10 and emerging market currencies.   The US 10-year Treasury yield broke below 1% around 1:40 p.m. EST on March 3rd. This was significant not because of the level but because it emblematically erased the US carry trade for a number of countries (Chart I-1). Should the Fed continue on the path of much more aggressive stimulus, this will have powerful implications for the dollar and across both G10 and emerging market currencies.  Chart I-1The Big Convergence The Big Convergence The Big Convergence To Buy Or Sell The DXY? If the virus proves to be only slightly more lethal than the seasonal flu, the global economy will be awash with much more stimulus, which will be fertile ground for pro-cyclical currencies. As a counter-cyclical currency, the dollar will buckle, lighting a fire under our favorites such as the Norwegian krone and the Swedish krona. The euro will be the most liquid beneficiary of this move. Chart I-2 shows that the global economy was already on a powerful V-shaped recovery path before the outbreak. More importantly, this recovery was on the back of easier financial conditions. Chart I-2V-Shaped Recovery At Risk V-Shaped Recovery At Risk V-Shaped Recovery At Risk Chart I-3A Second Wave Of Infections? A Second Wave Of Infections? A Second Wave Of Infections? Our roadmap is the peak in the momentum of new infections outside of China. During the SARS 2013 episode, the bottom in asset prices (and peak in the DXY) occurred when the momentum in new cases peaked. Currency markets are currently pricing a much worse outcome than SARS. The risk is that we are entering a second wave of infections outside Hubei, China, which will be more difficult to control than when it was relatively more contained within the epicenter (Chart I-3). As we aptly witnessed a fortnight ago, currency markets will make a binary switch to risk aversion on such an outcome. This warns against shorting the DXY index or buying the euro or pound in the near term. As we go to press, the virus has been identified on almost every continent except Antarctica. Even in countries such as the US, with modern and sophisticated health facilities, the costs to get tested are exorbitant for underinsured individuals.1 This all but assures that the number of underreported cases is likely non-trivial, which could trigger another market riot once they surface. Chart I-4DXY and USD/JPY Tend To Move Together DXY and USD/JPY Tend To Move Together DXY and USD/JPY Tend To Move Together Our highest-conviction call before the dust settles is therefore to short USD/JPY. As Chart I-1 highlights, the Bank of Japan is much closer to the end of their rope in terms of monetary policy tools. Long bond yields have already hit the zero bound, which means that real rates in Japan will continue to rise until the authorities are forced to act. One of the triggers to act will be a yen soaring out of control, which is not yet the case. Speculative evidence is that it will take a yen rally in the order of 12% to catalyze the BoJ. More importantly, the speed of the rally will matter. This was the trigger for negative interest rates in January 2016 as well as yield curve control in September of 2016. The first rally from USD/JPY 125 to around 112 and the subsequent rise towards 100 were both in the order of 12%. A similar rally from the recent peak near 112 will pin the USD/JPY at 100.   Bottom Line: The yen is the most attractive currency to play dollar downside at the moment. Remain short USD/JPY. If global growth does pick up and the dollar weakens, the USD/JPY and the DXY tend to be positively correlated most of the time, providing ample room for investors to rotate into more pro-cyclical pairs (Chart I-4). Competitive Devaluation? In the event that we get a much more malignant outcome, discussions around interest rate cuts will rapidly evolve into quantitative easing and debt monetization. The Reserve Bank of Australia has already stated that QE is on the table if rates touch 0.25%.2 Other central banks are likely to follow suit. As the chorus of central banks cutting rates and stepping into QE on COVID-19 rises, the rising specter of currency brinkmanship is likely to unnerve countries pursuing more orthodox monetary policies. The currency of choice will be gold and other precious metals, though the dollar, Swiss franc, and yen are likely to also outperform.  The velocity of money in both the US and the euro area was in a nascent upturn, but has started to roll over.  Whether or not countries adopt QE, what is clear is that balance sheet expansion at both the Fed and the European Central Bank is set to continue. Chart I-5 shows that the velocity of money in both nations was in a nascent upturn, but has started to roll over. This tends to lead inflation by a few quarters. On a relative basis, our bias is that the pace of expansion should be more pronounced in the US. This will eventually set the dollar up for a significant decline, albeit after a knee-jerk rally. Chart I-5ADownside Risks To US Inflation Downside Risks To US Inflation Downside Risks To US Inflation Chart I-5BDownside Risks To Euro Area Inflation Downside Risks To Euro Area Inflation Downside Risks To Euro Area Inflation In terms of quantitative easing, it is most appealing when a country has low growth, low inflation, and large amounts of public debt. If we are right that inflation is about to roll over in the US, then the public debt profile and political capital to expand the budget deficit places the nation as a prime candidate for QE (Chart I-6). Fiscal stimulus is a much more difficult discussion in Europe, Japan, or elsewhere for that matter, and likely to arrive late. Chart I-6US Government Debt Is Very High US Government Debt Is Very High US Government Debt Is Very High The backdrop for the US dollar is a 37% rise from the bottom. The New York Fed estimates that a 10 percentage point appreciation in the dollar shaves 0.5 percentage points off GDP growth over one year, and an additional 0.2 percentage points in the following year.3 With growth now hovering around 2%, a strong currency could easily nudge US growth to undershoot potential.  The Fed is one of the few G10 central banks with room to ease monetary policy. This sets the dollar up for an eventual decline. However, the path to QE will be lined by a strong dollar if the backdrop is flight to safety. This entails rolling currency depreciations among some developed and emerging markets. When looking for the next candidates for competitive devaluation, the natural choices are the countries with overvalued exchange rates that are exerting a powerful deflationary impulse into their economies. Chart I-7 shows the deviation of real effective exchange rates from their long-term mean, according to the BIS. Chart I-7Competitive Devaluation Candidates Are Competitive Devaluations Next? Are Competitive Devaluations Next? Bottom Line: The Fed is one of the few G10 central banks with room to ease monetary policy. This sets the dollar up for an eventual decline. It will first occur among the safe havens (currencies with already low interest rates), before it rotates to more procyclical currencies. Where Does US Politics Fit In? Politics should start to have a meaningful impact on the dollar once the democratic nominee is sealed. Super Tuesday revealed a powerful shift to the center, pinning former Vice President Joe Biden as the preferred candidate (Chart I-8). The dollar tends to thrive as political uncertainty rises. While not a forgone conclusion, a Sanders–Trump rivalry would have been a very polarized outcome, putting a bid under the greenback. Markets are likely to take a more conciliatory tone from a Biden victory, which will be negative for the greenback.   Chart I-8US Politics Will Be Important Are Competitive Devaluations Next? Are Competitive Devaluations Next? Our colleague Matt Gertken, chief geopolitical strategist, just published his analysis of Super Tuesday.4 While a contested convention remains unlikely, it will likely favor Trump’s reelection odds. What is common about a Biden-Sanders-Trump trio is that fiscal policy is set to expand in the US. This will ultimately be dollar bearish (Chart I-9). Chart I-9The Dollar And Budget Deficits The Dollar And Budget Deficits The Dollar And Budget Deficits Bottom Line: The election is still many months away and much can change between now and then. For now, Biden is the preferred democratic nominee. Portfolio Adjustments Chart I-10Sell CHF/NZD Sell CHF/NZD Sell CHF/NZD The sharp rally in the VIX index has opened up a trading opportunity on the short side. The historical pattern of previous spikes in the VIX is that unless the market starts to price in an actual recession, which is quite plausible, the probability of a short-term reversal is close to 100%. Given our base case that we are not headed for a recession over the next six to 12 months, we are opening a short CHF/NZD trade today. The cross tends to benefit from spikes in volatility, correcting sharply as the market unwinds overreactions. More importantly, the cross has already priced in an overshoot in the VIX in an order of magnitude akin to 2008. Place stops at 1.75 with a target of 1.45 (Chart I-10). We are also placing a limit buy on NOK/SEK at parity. The risk to this trade is a further down-leg in oil prices, but at parity, the cross makes for a compelling tactical trade. Momentum on the cross is currently bombed out. We will be closely watching whether Russia complies with OPEC production cuts and act accordingly. Remain long NOK within our petrocurrency basket against the euro. We are also looking to take profits on our long SEK/NZD trade, a nudge below our initial target. The market has fully priced in a rate cut by the Reserve Bank of New Zealand, suggesting the kiwi could have a knee-jerk rally, similar to the Aussie on the actual announcement. Finally, we were stopped out of our short gold/silver trade for a loss of 5.5%. We will be looking to re-establish this trade in the coming weeks. Stay tuned. Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Bertha Coombs and William Feuer, “The coronavirus test will be covered by Medicaid, Medicare and private insurance, Pence says,” CNBC, dated March 4, 2020. 2 Michael Heath, “RBA Says QE Is Option at 0.25%, Doesn’t Expect to Need It,” Bloomberg News, dated November 26, 2019. 3 Mary Amiti and Tyler Bodine-Smith, “The Effect of the Strong Dollar on U.S. Growth,” Federal Reserve Bank of New York, dated July 17, 2015. 4  Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, titled “US Election: A Return To Normalcy?”, dated March 4, 2020, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Recent data in the US have been positive: The ISM manufacturing PMI fell slightly to 50.9, dragged down by the prices paid and new orders component, while the non-manufacturing index ticked up to 57.3. Core PCE inflation increased to 1.6% year-on-year in January. Unit labor costs came in at 0.9% quarter-on-quarter in Q4 of last year. This is a deceleration from the previous print of 2.5%. The DXY index depreciated by 1.4% this week. Following a conference call with G7 central banks, the Fed made an emergency rate cut of 50bps. Chairman Powell cited risks to the outlook from Covid-19 but acknowledged that the Fed can keep financial conditions accommodative, not fix broken supply chains or cure infections. Report Links: The Near-Term Bull Case For The Dollar - February 28, 2020 On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Building A Protector Currency Portfolio - February 7, 2020 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 Recent data in the euro area have been positive: Core CPI inflation increased slightly to 1.2% year-on-year in February.  The producer price index contracted by 0.5% year-on-year in January. The unemployment rate remained flat at 7.4% in January. Retail sales grew by 1.7% year-on-year in January, remaining flat from the previous month. The euro appreciated by 3.6% against the US dollar this week. As the ECB is limited by the zero lower bound, the euro strengthened on expectations that rate differentials with the US will continue to narrow. The ECB could resort to policy alternatives such as a special facility targeting small and medium enterprises. Markets are pricing in an 81% probability of a rate cut as we go into the ECB meeting next week. Report Links: On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 On Money Velocity, EUR/USD And Silver - October 11, 2019 Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Recent data in Japan have been negative: The Tokyo CPI excluding fresh food grew by 0.5% year-on-year in February from 0.7% the previous month. The jobs-to-applicants ratio decreased to 1.49 from 1.57 while the unemployment rate increased to 2.4% from 2.2% in January. The consumer confidence index declined to 38.4 from 39.1 in February. Housing starts contracted by 10.1% year-on-year in January from 7.9% the previous month. The Japanese yen appreciated by 2.5% against the US dollar this week. Lower US yields, combined with continued risk-on flows, have extended the rally in the Japanese yen. Weakness in the Japanese economy is broad based, but the BoJ has limited policy space and fiscal action looks unlikely anytime soon. Global central bank action will drive the yen in the near term. Report Links: The Near-Term Bull Case For The Dollar - February 28, 2020 Building A Protector Currency Portfolio - February 7, 2020 Currency Market Signals From Gold, Equities And Flows - January 31, 2020 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 Recent data in the UK have been mixed: Consumer credit decreased to GBP 1.2 billion from GBP 1.4 billion while net lending to individuals fell to GBP 5.2 billion from GBP 5.8 billion in January. Mortgage approvals increased to 70.9 thousand from 67.9 thousand in January, while the Nationwide housing price index grew by 2.3% year-on-year in February from 1.9% the previous month.  The British pound appreciated by 0.2% against the US dollar this week. At a hearing this week, incoming governor Andrew Bailey stated that the BoE is still assessing evidence on the nature of the shock from Covid-19. The BoE has limited room to cut and is constrained by possible stagflation; we expect targeted supply chain finance and cooperation with fiscal authorities to take precedence.   Report Links: Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 A Few Trade Ideas - Sept. 27, 2019 United Kingdom: Cyclical Slowdown Or Structural Malaise? - Sept. 20, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Recent data in Australia have been mixed: GDP grew by 2.2% year-on-year in Q4 2019, improving from 1.7% the previous quarter.  Imports and exports both contracted by 3% while the trade balance dropped to AUD 5.2 billion in January. Building permits contracted by a dramatic 15.3% month-on-month in January, compared to growth of 3.9% in December. The RBA commodity price index contracted by 6.1% year-on-year in February.  The Australian dollar appreciated by 0.8% against the US dollar this week. The Reserve Bank of Australia cut its official cash rate to 0.5%, an all-time low, citing the impact of Covid-19 on domestic spending, education, and travel. Watch to see if the signal from building permits is confirmed by other housing market indicators. The RBA might not be done easing. Report Links: On AUD And CNY - January 17, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 A Contrarian View On The Australian Dollar - May 24, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 Recent data in New Zealand have been negative: The terms of trade index grew by 2.6% quarter-on-quarter in Q4 2019, improving from 1.9% in Q3. The ANZ commodity price index contracted by 2.1% in February, deepening from 0.9% the previous month. Building permits contracted by 2% month-on-month in January, from growth of 9.8% in December.  The global dairy trade price index contracted by 1.2% in March.  The New Zealand dollar appreciated by 0.3% against the US dollar this week. There is pressure on the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) to ease at its next meeting on March 27, with markets pricing in 42 basis points of easing over the next 12 months. However, the RBNZ has dispelled notions of a pre-meeting cut. Report Links: Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Place A Limit Sell On DXY At 100 - November 15, 2019 USD/CNY And Market Turbulence - August 9, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 Recent data in Canada have been negative: Annualized GDP grew by 0.3% quarter-on-quarter in Q4 2019, slowing from 1.4% the previous quarter.  The raw material price index contracted by 2.2% and industrial product price index contracted by 0.3% month-on-month in January.  Labor productivity contracted by 0.1% quarter-on-quarter in Q4 2019, compared to growth of 0.2% the previous quarter. The Canadian dollar depreciated by 0.1% against the US dollar this week. The Bank of Canada (BoC) followed the Fed and cut rates by 50bps. In addition to the confidence hit from Covid-19, the BoC cited falling terms of trade, depressed business investment, and dampened economic activity due to the CN rail strikes. The BoC stands ready to ease further, and Prime Minister Trudeau has raised the possibility of a fiscal response.   Report Links: The Loonie: Upside Versus The Dollar, But Downside At The Crosses Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Making Money With Petrocurrencies - November 8, 2019 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 Recent data in Switzerland have been positive: GDP grew by 1.5% year-on-year in Q4 2019, from growth of 1.1% the previous quarter. The SVME PMI increased to 49.5 from 47.8 in February. The KOF leading indicator increased to 100.9 from 100.1 in February. CPI contracted by 0.1% year-on-year in February, from growth of 0.2% the previous month. The Swiss franc appreciated by 1.6% against the US dollar this week. A combination of strong domestic data and global risk-off flows contributed to strength in the Swiss franc. However, the Swiss government will be revising down growth forecasts and a recent UN report has estimated that Switzerland lost US$ 1 billion in exports in February due to Chinese supply disruptions. Combined with a strong franc, this puts the domestic outlook at risk.  Report Links: On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Currency Market Signals From Gold, Equities And Flows - January 31, 2020 Portfolio Tweaks Before The Chinese New Year - January 24, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 Recent data in Norway have been positive: The current account decreased to NOK 19.1 billion from NOK 29.5 billion in Q4 2019. The credit indicator grew by 5% year-on-year in January. Registered unemployment decreased slightly to 2.3% from 2.4% in February.  The Norwegian krone appreciated by 1.3% against the US dollar this week. Expect the petrocurrency to trade on news from the OPEC meetings in the coming days. The committee has proposed a production cut of 1.5 million barrels per day through Q2 2020, conditional on approval from Russia, to offset the demand shock from Covid-19.  Report Links: Building A Protector Currency Portfolio - February 7, 2020 On Oil, Growth And The Dollar - January 10, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 Recent data in Sweden have been positive: The Swedbank manufacturing PMI increased to 53.2 from 52 in February. Industrial production grew by 0.9% year-on-year, from a contraction of 2.6% the previous month. GDP grew by 0.8% year-on-year in Q4 2019, slowing from 1.8% the previous month. The Swedish krona appreciated by 1.5% against the US dollar this week. After hitting a 2-decade high near 10, USD/SEK has violently reversed and is now trading at the 9.45 level. What is evident from incoming data is that the cheap currency has been a perfect shock absorber, cushioning the domestic economy. We are protecting profits on long SEK/NZD today and we will be looking for other venues to trade SEK on the long side.   Report Links: Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Where To Next For The US Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades