Geopolitics

Highlights There are no atheists in foxholes, and no Austrians ahead of this election: Republican senators and White House staffers may grumble about giveaways, but they cannot risk being painted as the Grinch who Stole Essential Services in the homestretch of the campaign. A Biden victory will mean a leftward swing: Our geopolitical strategists believe markets are underestimating the extent to which a Biden victory would lead to a less friendly backdrop for investment capital. Tensions with China are likely to escalate: China-bashing is popular with the electorate, and a desperate White House may turn up the heat to recover its standing in the polls. The battle for great-power supremacy remains unresolved. The pandemic is causing the retreat from globalization to accelerate before our eyes: Curtailing offshoring and building new redundancies into supply chains will weigh on corporate profit margins and undermine earnings growth. Feature We had the pleasure of sitting down with Matt Gertken, the leader of BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy service, for a webcast last week. The timing could not have been better, as the pandemic has thrust Washington into the spotlight and the campaign will keep it there until Election Day. This report blends the US Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy teams’ takes on the broad themes we discussed and is a starting point for thinking about the 2020 election and its financial market implications. We will return to the topic throughout the summer and early fall as developments unfold. Republicans in the Senate can talk tough now, but they will have to knuckle under if they want to keep their majority (and the White House). Future Fiscal Largesse Though the scale of the CARES Act was huge, powering the United States to the head of the global class in terms of fiscal stimulus (Chart 1), both parties were discussing the next phase of COVID-19 relief before the ink on the bill was dry. Two months later, that momentum has stalled as Republicans have begun to push back against a fifth wave of spending (the CARES Act was the third). Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) has taken direct aim at the $600 weekly federal unemployment benefit supplement, scheduled to expire at the end of July, calling unemployment benefits in excess of pay an “aberration,” and pledging that the program will be extended “over [his] dead body.” Chart 1A Massive Amount Of Fiscal Stimulus Elections Have Consequences Elections Have Consequences That benefit may be generous on a Scandinavian scale,1 but along with the direct $1,200 payments sent to nearly two-thirds of households, it is helping the economy withstand deleterious social distancing measures. Shoring up the finances of vulnerable households will help them stay current on their auto loans and rent or mortgage payments, staving off a wave of repossessions, evictions and foreclosures, and preventing a cascading chain of defaults that would intensify the economic pressure. Table 1The Battleground States Need Help Elections Have Consequences Elections Have Consequences Graham’s rhetorical flourishes aside, Republicans cannot hand the Democrats an opening to cast them as Scrooge when the campaign intensifies in late summer. Trump’s 2016 victory turned on flipping Florida and Rust Belt stalwarts Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin from the Democrats, and all those states are in play again except Ohio (Chart 2). Unemployment is elevated in the battleground Rust Belt states, and we think it must be higher than the official measure in a state as dependent on tourism as Florida (Table 1).2 Channeling the Grinch by taking unemployment benefits and essential workers away from put-upon voters in pivotal states3 is not a winning electoral strategy. Caught between an aid proposal that both Democrats and the White House want, Republican senators will ultimately have to concede. Chart 2The Midwest And Florida Are Crucial Elections Have Consequences Elections Have Consequences Rounding Out The Democratic Ticket Chart 3A New Obama-Biden Ticket? Elections Have Consequences Elections Have Consequences Presumptive Democratic nominee Biden is considering the pool of candidates to fill the number two spot on the ticket. Vice-presidential picks generate a lot of discussion when they’re made, but they typically have little influence on election outcomes. Among this year’s crop of contenders for the presidential nomination, only Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) could fulfill the typical VP function of helping to land a swing state. Klobuchar would likely appeal to soccer moms and suburban independents capable of being swayed back to the Democrats, but her moderate sensibilities wouldn’t expand Biden’s appeal to the party’s progressive wing or inspire younger voters. Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) could help attract progressives and younger voters who see Biden as the status quo, but her antipathy toward big business could turn off swing voters and she would come at the cost of a senate seat.4 Voters have an unfavorable view of Kamala Harris (D-CA) and her contentious exchanges with Biden in the early debates could make for an awkward pairing. Stacey Abrams has recently entered the picture and would be an asset if she were able to increase African-American voter turnout, but she has a thin government resume. Michelle Obama is the only choice who would make a splash and significantly boost Biden’s prospects. She is viewed way more favorably than the rest of the field (Chart 3), would solidify Biden’s connection with Barack Obama, and increase turnout among the progressive, female, and minority voters the ticket needs to tip the scales in its favor. Unfortunately for the Democrats, she has unequivocally indicated that she does not wish to run. Biden has said he’d welcome her onto the ticket in a second, and he will likely put off his choice until efforts to draft her definitively fail. Michelle Obama could shake up the race if the Democrats can convince her to join the ticket. Investors should keep an eye on the Democratic ticket. Joe Biden will turn 78 in November. He will be a one-term president if he wins, and his public appearances suggest that he’s slower on the draw than he used to be. He may rely on his second-in-command much more than the average president and she will immediately become the odds-on favorite for the 2024 nomination. If the Democrats gain control of the Senate alongside a Biden victory, as our Geopolitical Strategy service projects, financial markets may have to begin discounting a future with materially less friendly regulatory and tax policy. China Tensions Will Not Go Away Chart 4The Middle Kingdom Is Out Of Favor Elections Have Consequences Elections Have Consequences Our geopolitical strategists have long flagged US-China tensions as the paramount geopolitical flashpoint. The only standalone nations with superpower potential are engaged in a long-term struggle for hegemony. The trade tensions that waxed and waned across all of 2019 were only one act of a longer-running play. Investors should not have been lulled into thinking the Phase 1 trade agreement would end the friction between the two countries. Politicians can be counted upon to give their constituents what they want, especially during election campaigns. China’s unpopularity with US voters has reached a new high in the wake of the pandemic (Chart 4), and candidates are likely to compete with one another to appear tougher on China. Between now and the election, there is a possibility that tensions could ramp up considerably. If the president finds his re-election prospects suffering from the COVID-19 outbreak and soaring unemployment, he may look to transform himself into a wartime president, boldly asserting American interests globally, and serially baiting an unpopular foe like China. Profit Margin Pressures Are Coming Except when interrupted by recessions, S&P 500 profit margins have climbed steadily higher since the early ‘90s (Chart 5). Several factors contributed to the increase in corporate profitability: the PC revolution, outsourcing, China’s entry into the WTO, the declining power of labor unions and, punctuating the rise in 2018, the 40% cut in the top marginal corporate tax rate (from 35% to 21%). If the Democrats take the White House and the Senate, we expect that corporate tax rates will swiftly rise. The top marginal rate may not go all the way back to 35%, but it has room to rise from its lowest level since before the US entered World War II (Chart 6), and any increase will represent a profit headwind. Re-configuring supply chains will reduce margins. Higher taxes will, too, if Democrats can take the White House and the Senate. Chart 5Corporate Profit Margins Are Vulnerable Corporate Profit Margins Are Vulnerable Corporate Profit Margins Are Vulnerable Chart 6A Democratic Sweep Will Lead To Higher Taxes A Democratic Sweep Will Lead To Higher Taxes A Democratic Sweep Will Lead To Higher Taxes Our Geopolitical Strategy service identified peak globalization as an important theme not long after it began publishing in 2012. The outbreak of the pandemic seems as if it will accelerate the retreat from globalization (Chart 7), and any reduction in outsourcing is likely to weigh on profit margins until automated inputs can supplant more expensive domestic labor. Onshoring is not the only factor likely to increase corporate costs after the pandemic, however. Companies are likely to seek to diversify their supply chains so that they are not so reliant on a single country or supplier. Building up redundancies within supply chains will make those chains more stable, but it will also increase costs. Chart 7The Pandemic Is Accelerating The Trend Away From Globalization The Pandemic Is Accelerating The Trend Away From Globalization The Pandemic Is Accelerating The Trend Away From Globalization A Biden victory is not the only source of election downside. If the president wins re-election, the odds of tariff conflicts with Europe will rise significantly. Unconstrained by having to contest another election, the administration could ratchet up the pressure on Europe, prompting certain retaliation from Brussels. Our strategists see a greater chance for trade peace, ex-China, if Biden captures the White House. Investment Implications The overriding questions on investors’ minds are why the stock market and the economy have parted company so decisively and how long they can continue to diverge. Our explanation turns on policy: the Fed has intervened mightily to hold down Treasury yields and keep financial markets functioning, while Congress has thrown open the federal coffers to keep laid-off workers and suddenly teetering businesses afloat. The social distancing measures imposed to slow the spread of COVID-19 caused economic activity to crater. Monetary and fiscal policy have been deployed to build a bridge over that crater, lest capital, people and businesses disappear into it like the Union troops at Petersburg. Ever since they began to rally in late March, financial markets have focused exclusively on the bridge. The Fed has the capacity and the will to install more monetary planks should the crater prove to be wider than initially estimated. Congress’ commitment is shakier, but the election will compel Republicans to provide more funding should it become necessary to prevent a dire outcome. The virus alone will dictate how long the bridge will have to be in place and investors can only guess at the virus' future course. Given the stock market’s pattern of surging on positive preliminary data for potential treatments or vaccines and barely easing when those data are shown to hold far less promise, it appears that its expectations are skewed to the right-hand side of the distribution. There appears to be considerable room for disappointment on the public health front. The possibility that markets are giving short shrift to a robust second wave of infections, or overestimating the speed with which a vaccine can be developed and distributed, is not a reason to short equities or be underweight them in balanced portfolios, though. The rally has been too strong, and there is a subset of right-tail outcomes that could well come to pass. We continue to expect a correction, and are carrying excess cash to prepare for it, but we are maintaining a neutral tactical outlook in the event of a positive surprise. We are optimistic about equities’ prospects over a twelve-month timeframe. Our rationale is that easy monetary policy and generous fiscal spending will outlive the social distancing measures they were prescribed to treat. Low interest rates, ample liquidity and pumped-up aggregate demand form a highly supportive backdrop for equities and should help them handily outperform bonds. The difference between our outlook and the equity market’s may simply be a matter of timing; the resurgent S&P 500 seems to be skipping ahead to the twelve-month conclusion and looking through the uncertainties that will arise along the way. The bears face daunting odds if Congress approves a meaningful fifth phase of fiscal stimulus: every trillion dollars extends the dark US bar in Chart 1 by another five percentage points. TIPS will eventually be the asset of choice when the debt has to be repaid but, in the meantime, equities have undeniable appeal.   Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 According to a new working paper, the median unemployed worker is eligible for benefit payments equivalent to 134% of his/her pre-layoff compensation. https://www.nber.org/papers/w27216 Accessed May 26, 2020. 2 Nevada, home to the Magic Kingdom for adults, has the nation’s highest unemployment rate (28.2%). 3 Most state constitutions mandate balanced budgets. In the absence of federal aid, local school, fire, police and public hospital payrolls will have to be pared in response to declining sales and income tax revenues. 4 Massachusetts’ Republican governor would get to appoint her replacement until a special election could be held.

Highlights China is taking advantage of global chaos to solidify its sphere of influence – beginning with Hong Kong. The crisis is also motivating the European Union to link arms more tightly through a symbolic step toward fiscal solidarity and transfers. US, Chinese, and European stimulus measures are cyclically positive but near-term risks abound. Hiccups in stimulus rollout are to be expected – and China’s disappointing stimulus thus far may cause market turmoil before policymakers do what we expect and add greater oomph. US-China relations are breaking down as we outlined, as renminbi depreciation coincides with Trump approval depreciation. The risks of the UK failing to agree to a trade deal with the EU are higher than prior to COVID-19. Stay defensive tactically – the risk-on rally is not yet confirmed by major reflation indicators yet geopolitical risks are spiking. Feature Chart 1Will Geopolitics Stunt The Early Bull's Growth? Will Geopolitics Stunt The Early Bull's Growth? Will Geopolitics Stunt The Early Bull's Growth? After wavering at the 2,900 level, the S&P 500 broke above 3,000. As we go to press, it is holding the line, despite a surge in geopolitical risk emanating from the efforts of the Great Powers to consolidate their spheres of influence at the expense of globalization. Key cyclical indicators are on the verge of breaking out. Our “China Play Index,” which consists of the Australian dollar, Swedish equities, Brazilian equities, and iron ore prices, is reviving smartly. The copper-to-gold ratio, however, is not really confirming the rally (Chart 1). Nor are Asian currencies. We recommend a tactically defensive stance. We are not dogmatic, but are not convinced that the rally will overcome near-term risks. We expect explosive political and geopolitical events throughout the summer. Near-Term Geopolitical Risks To The Rally Our reasons for near-term caution are as follows: Global stimulus hiccups: China’s National People’s Congress over the weekend disappointed expectations on the size of economic stimulus. This is a short-term risk, we argue below, but nevertheless a risk. The US Congress may not pass stimulus until July 2 and the final law will fall short of the House bill of $3 trillion. The European “Next Generation EU” recovery fund is only 750 billion euros in size and may not be agreed until July, or even September if the financial market does not impose urgency. We elaborate below. Ultimately policymakers will keep doing “whatever it takes” but there will be hiccups first and they will trouble the market in the near term (Chart 2). Chart 2Stimulus Tsunami Will Peak This Summer Spheres Of Influence (GeoRisk Update) Spheres Of Influence (GeoRisk Update) Sino-American conflict: The “phase one” trade deal was never going to bring durable comfort to markets about US-China cooperation, and the outbreak of COVID-19 prompted our March 13 argument that US-China tensions would erupt sooner than we thought. So far the market is grinding higher despite the materialization of this risk. Mega-stimulus and the equity rally enable the US and China to clash. At some point escalation will upset the market. Domestic stimulus is substituting for a collapse in globalization and risk markets are cheering. But increased domestic support will enable political leaders to clash with each other and keep upping the ante. The higher the market goes the more willing President Trump will be to expend some ammunition on China and other political targets. But if you play with sticks, somebody always gets hurt. The market is betting that Trump is a typical US president, typically bashing China in an election year. We are arguing that he is atypical, that this is an atypical election year, and that China’s own ambition cannot be left out of the equation. Wild cards: Jokers, one-eyed jacks, suicidal kings, and aces are all wild in this deck. Emerging markets like Russia (Chart 3) – and rogue regimes like Iran – pose non-negligible risks of upsetting the global rebound this year. Chart 3ARussian Risk To Rise Further On Libya, US Tensions Russian Risk To Rise Further On Libya, US Tensions Russian Risk To Rise Further On Libya, US Tensions Chart 3BRussian Risk To Rise Further On Libya, US Tensions Russian Risk To Rise Further On Libya, US Tensions Russian Risk To Rise Further On Libya, US Tensions   Chart 4Equity Investors Wise To Erdogan's Mischief Equity Investors Wise To Erdogan's Mischief Equity Investors Wise To Erdogan's Mischief Investors cannot focus on tail risks all the time, but not all geopolitical risks are tail risks. This is particularly the case because of the US election, which heightens Washington’s willingness to retaliate to any provocations. Geopolitics in the Mediterranean are verifiably unstable, particularly in Libya where Russia looks to make a major intervention yet Turkey is also involved (Chart 4). This affects North African and European security. Iran is under historic stress and will attempt to undermine the Trump administration as it has no downside to Democratic victory in November. In a recent event we hosted with the CFA Institute in India and Asia Pacific, only 4% of participants highlighted Russia and 2% Iran as a significant source of political risk this year, while 93% highlighted the US and China. Clearly the US-China competition is the great game. But other risks are underrated, especially Russia. Stimulus hiccups this summer are likely to be overcome in the US, EU, and China, so perhaps the market will look through this risk while economies reopen and leading indicators inevitably improve. US-China tensions could remain bound within Trump’s desire to keep the stock market up during his election campaign and China’s desire not to incur Trump’s unmitigated wrath if he happens to be reelected. Russian, Iranian, and emerging market risks, if they materialize, may have merely localized and ephemeral market effects. However, Trump’s falling approval rating and executive decree to open the social media companies to litigation supports our thesis that he is not enslaved by the stock market. The market is expecting “the Art of the Deal” to lead to positive outcomes but that assumption is not as reliable in a recessionary context as it is in an economic boom. The Atlanta Fed’s second quarter real GDP growth estimate stands at -40.4%. Any state that provokes the US over the next five months risks a massive or unpredictable retaliation. China will ultimately bring stimulus to 15.5% of GDP. Deflation and unemployment are a massive constraint. We do not mention the well-known risks of weak consumer activity and business investment amid the pandemic, which itself is expected to revive in the fall with no guarantee of a vaccine by then. Bottom Line: In the near term, maintain safe haven trades such as long Japanese yen, US Treasuries, and defensive equity sectors. China Stimulus Hiccups Won’t Last, But Will Sow Doubt The most important question in China is the implication of the National People’s Congress with regard to the size of stimulus. After the stimulus blowout of 2015-16, Xi Jinping consolidated power and launched a deleveraging campaign. His administration is determined to keep a lid on systemic risks, especially the money and credit bubble. Chart 5China's Stimulus Faces Doubts But Will Prove Huge In The End China's Stimulus Faces Doubts But Will Prove Huge In The End China's Stimulus Faces Doubts But Will Prove Huge In The End Beijing’s targets for central and local government spending disappointed market observers. In Chart 2 above, we revised Beijing’s fiscal stimulus from 11% of GDP to 4.3% of GDP as a result of lower-than-expected targets for local government special bonds and central government special treasury bonds, as well as a corrected calculation of the fiscal relief for small and-medium-sized enterprises. This 4.3% understates the real size of China’s stimulus because it includes only fiscal elements. Since the Communist Party and state bureaucracy control the banks and many large enterprises, one must also include credit growth – it is a quasi-fiscal factor. Total social financing (total private credit) is usually the biggest element of China’s periodic bouts of stimulus. While Chinese authorities showed restraint in their fiscal measures, they announced that credit growth would “significantly” exceed nominal GDP growth, which has collapsed due to the virus lockdowns. Our Emerging Markets Strategy estimates that credit growth will accelerate to 14% this year, making for an 11.2% of GDP increase in total credit, and a combined fiscal and credit impulse that will reach 15.5% of GDP (Chart 5). The dramatic global economic shock and the hit to China’s labor market ensure that additional stimulus will be applied as needed to plug the output gap. Soaring unemployment is a fundamental risk to social stability and hence to single-party rule. This means that the fiscal impulse will in the end likely exceed 4.3% as new measures are rolled out later this year. It also means that credit growth will surprise to the upside, as the regime loosens the reins on shadow banks as well as state-controlled lenders. Nevertheless, accepting our Emerging Market Strategy’s base case of 15.5% of GDP fiscal and credit impulse, we would note that China’s economy is much larger as a share of the global economy today than it was in previous rounds of stimulus. Thus while the stimulus may be smaller than that in 2008 as a proportion of China’s economy, it is larger as a proportion of the world’s (Table 1). China-linked asset prices, such as industrial metals, will see rising demand over time. Table 1China Fiscal+Credit Impulse Will Be Big Relative To World Spheres Of Influence (GeoRisk Update) Spheres Of Influence (GeoRisk Update) The Xi administration’s preference is not to overstimulate and exacerbate its problems of imbalanced growth, falling productivity, and excessive indebtedness. But its constraint is deflation, unemployment, and social instability. Insufficiently loose policy in the midst of a very deep global recession could prove to be the biggest policy mistake of all time. To refuse to loosen as needed, or to re-tighten policy too soon, would be to make a cruel joke out of the new policy slogan, “the Six Stabilities and Six Guarantees” and jeopardize Xi Jinping’s ability to reconsolidate power ahead of the twentieth National Party Congress in 2022. Rather the constraint will force policymakers to alter any hawkish preferences if growth looks to relapse. Bottom Line: Doubts about the sufficiency of China’s fiscal and monetary stimulus pose a near-term risk to global risk assets since investors face disappointing stimulus promises on the surface, combined with lack of certainty about Beijing’s willingness to increase stimulus going forward. We are confident that Beijing will ultimately do whatever it takes to stabilize employment and try to ensure social stability. But this implies near-term challenges and possibly a market riot prior to resolution. Before then, many market participants, including in China, will believe that the Xi Jinping administration will be hawkish and resistant to re-leveraging. China’s Sphere Of Influence Global geopolitical risk stems from the Xi Jinping regime at least as much as from the Donald Trump regime, as we have long pointed out. The scenario unfolding as we go to press is precisely the one we outlined back in March in which Beijing depreciates its currency to ease its economic woes while President Trump’s approval rating falls due to his own woes, prompting him to retaliate. The CNY-USD exchange rate is largely pricing out the phase one trade deal, which is marked by the peak in renminbi strength in Chart 6. Chart 6Phase One Trade Deal Priced Out Of Renminbi Already Phase One Trade Deal Priced Out Of Renminbi Already Phase One Trade Deal Priced Out Of Renminbi Already Chart 7China's Warning To Trump Could Scrap Trade Deal China's Warning To Trump Could Scrap Trade Deal China's Warning To Trump Could Scrap Trade Deal This depreciation is not merely the effect of market moves – though weakness in global and Asian trade and manufacturing certainly reinforce it. The People’s Bank of China’s fixing rate has been guiding the currency to its lowest point since 2008 amid the spike in US-China tensions over the past month (Chart 7). China says it will adhere to the phase one deal as long as it is mutual. It is buying more soybeans, cotton, pork, and beef from the United States relative to last year. Demand has collapsed. Unless China decides to dictate purchases as a subsidy to keep the agreement alive, its purchases will fall short of the huge expansion envisioned in the deal. US actions could nullify the deal anyway. President Trump and his Economic Director Larry Kudlow have both suggested that the administration no longer cares about maintaining the deal. China was fast becoming unpopular in the US and this trend has skyrocketed as a result of COVID-19. China’s other notable decision at the National People’s Congress was to state that it would impose a new national security law on Hong Kong SAR, after the autonomous financial center’s long reluctance to do so. Beijing has sought greater direct control of the city since early in Xi’s term, in contravention of the promise of 50 years of substantial autonomy enshrined in the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984. Beijing’s action comes after Hong Kong’s widespread civil unrest last year and ahead of the city’s Legislative Council elections in September, which will likely become a major geopolitical flashpoint. The United States is retaliating by removing Hong Kong’s designation as an autonomous region. This entails higher tariffs, tougher export controls, stricter visa requirements, and likely sanctions directed at mainland entities that will enforce the national security law in various ways, including eventually some Chinese banks. The US also accelerated sanctions against China for its civil rights abuses in Xinjiang – sanctions that target tech and security companies – and is moving forward with a bill to threaten Chinese companies that hold American Depository Receipts (ADRs) with delisting from American stock exchanges if they do not meet the same auditing requirements as other foreign companies. This potentially affects $1.8 trillion in market capitalization over a 3-4 year period. China’s power grab in Hong Kong initiates a market-negative Sino-American dynamic that will last all year. It cannot be assumed that Trump will accept Beijing’s implicit offer of swapping phase one trade deal implementation for China’s historic encroachment on Hong Kong’s autonomy. The imposition of legislative dependency on Hong Kong should not have been a surprise to investors given recent trends, but it was, as Hong Kong equities fell by 6% at first blush. There is more downside, judging by our China GeoRisk Indicator, which is in a clear uptrend for all of these reasons and correlates reasonably well with the Hang Seng index (Chart 8). Chart 8Hong Kong Equities Face More Downside From Geopolitics Hong Kong Equities Face More Downside From Geopolitics Hong Kong Equities Face More Downside From Geopolitics While the US will retaliate over Hong Kong, the question for global investors is whether the conflict spills over into the rest of China’s periphery. This would highlight the systemic nature of the geopolitical risk and make it harder for the market to swallow the new cold war. Our Taiwan Strait GeoRisk Indicator (Chart 9) is pricing zero political risk despite the clear risk that Beijing will eventually resort to economic sanctions to penalize the mainland-skeptic government there; that the US will seek to shore up the diplomatic and defense relationship in significant ways in what may be the final five months of the Trump administration; and that Taiwan may seek to draw the US into granting greater economic and security assurances. Chart 9Taiwan Equities Pricing ZERO Geopolitical Risk ... Huge Mispricing Taiwan Equities Pricing ZERO Geopolitical Risk ... Huge Mispricing Taiwan Equities Pricing ZERO Geopolitical Risk ... Huge Mispricing Our Korea GeoRisk Indicator (Chart 10) has also fallen drastically. This risk indicator deviates from Korean equities frequently due to North Korean risks, which equity investors tend (usually correctly) to ignore. This year is different, however, because Kim Jong Un’s decision whether to give Trump a diplomatic win, or frustrate him with the test of a nuclear device or intercontinental ballistic missile, actually has a bearing on Trump’s election odds and the pace of US-China escalation. If Kim humiliates Trump then we expect Trump to make a major show of force in the region that would draw China into a strategic standoff. Chart 10North Korea Is Relevant In 2020 Due To Trump North Korea Is Relevant In 2020 Due To Trump North Korea Is Relevant In 2020 Due To Trump China is attempting to solidify its sphere of influence, first in Hong Kong but later in Taiwan and the Korean peninsula. The United States is pushing back and the US election cycle combined with massive stimulus means that push will come to shove. Bottom Line: Investors should steer clear of Chinese, Taiwanese, and Korean currencies and risk assets in the near term. We recommend playing the cyclical China recovery via Korean equities over the long run. The European Sphere Of Influence The European Union is also attempting to strengthen and expand its sphere of influence – namely with steps in the direction of a fiscal union. Our GeoRisk Indicators are generally flagging a huge drop in political risk for Germany, France, Italy, and Spain (Charts 11A & 11B). The reason is that the economies have collapsed yet the equity market has bounded back on ECB quantitative easing and huge promises of fiscal support. In the coming months these risk indicators will rise even as economies reopen because the debate over fiscal and monetary policies is heating up. Our base case is that both the debate over EU recovery funds and the German constitutional court’s objections to QE will resolve in dovish compromises. Chart 11AEurope’s Not-Quite Hamiltonian Moment Europe's Not-Quite Hamiltonian Moment Europe's Not-Quite Hamiltonian Moment Chart 11BEurope’s Not-Quite Hamiltonian Moment Europe's Not-Quite Hamiltonian Moment Europe's Not-Quite Hamiltonian Moment At issue on the fiscal front is the EU Commission’s “Next Generation EU” recovery fund. Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is offering to create a 750 billion euro relief fund (500 billion in grants, 250 billion in loans). The decision is contentious because it would entail the EU Commission issuing bonds – essentially joint bonds among the EU states – to raise funds that would then be distributed through the EU Commission seven-year budget (2021-7). Joint issuance would be a symbolic step toward greater solidarity. This proposal began with an agreement between French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel to launch the 500 billion in grants. Merkel signaled earlier this year that she was prepared to accept joint bond issuance focused on the immediate crisis. When more fiscally hawkish or euroskeptic states objected that loans should be used instead of grants, von der Leyen simply added their proposal to the total, despite the fact that the ECB and European Stability Mechanism (ESM) already offer emergency loans to help states through the global crisis. The proposal marks a victory of the fiscally dovish Mediterranean states (once called “Club Med”) over the frugal Germans, with Macron prevailing on Merkel to foist yet another major compromise onto her conservative German power base in the name of European integration and solidarity before she exits the chancellorship in 2021. But it is not as if German elites like Merkel and von der Leyen are running amok: German public opinion is Europhile and supportive of bolder actions to share burdens, save the union, and shore up the continental economy. The market is not pricing any political risk in Taiwan despite clear dangers. Stay short Taiwanese equities. The recovery fund itself is limited in size, relative to overall stimulus actions thus far. But it would plug an important gap for states like Italy and Spain, which are constrained by large public debt loads and have not provided enough stimulus as yet. The “Frugal Four,” the Netherlands, Austria, Sweden, and Denmark, are leading the opposition to the use of grants rather than loans and any effort to establish a track leading to European fiscal union. But they are also willing to negotiate. Estonia and other nations are also objecting, with the eastern Europeans seeking to ensure that southern Europe does not take the lion’s share of the funds, while the core European states will use the funds to pressure populist and euroskeptic eastern states that have defied the European Court of Justice and other institutions (Chart 12). Chart 12Europe: Distribution Of ‘NextGen EU’ Fund Spheres Of Influence (GeoRisk Update) Spheres Of Influence (GeoRisk Update) A final decision may not be settled by the time of a special summit in July but some compromise should be expected by the fall or (latest) end of year. The proposal would do the very thing that its opponents resist: pave the way toward jointly issued bonds in future that do not have a time limit or a single purpose (today’s sole purpose being pandemic relief). Hence the negotiations will be intense and it will likely require a return of financial instability to bring them to a conclusion. The global financial crisis and its aftermath provoked a higher degree of integration among the EU member states despite the tendency of the mainstream media to assume that the dissonance between monetary and fiscal policy would create an unbridgeable rupture. COVID-19 is now supporting this pattern of Brussels not letting a good crisis go to waste. Chart 13Europe Fends Off Latest Doubts About Solidarity Europe Fends Off Latest Doubts About Solidarity Europe Fends Off Latest Doubts About Solidarity The reason is that the EU is a geopolitical project. As Russia revived, the US began to act unilaterally and unpredictably, and China emerged as a global heavyweight, European powers were forced to huddle together ever more tightly to create economies of scale and improve their security against various external and unconventional threats. Influential German Finance Minister Olaf Scholz has compared the new recovery fund to the work of American founding father Alexander Hamilton in mutualizing the early American states’ war debt so as to create a tighter fiscal union among the states. For that very reason the more Euroskeptic member states oppose the proposal – long rejecting the idea of a “United States of Europe.” Today’s proposals are more symbolic, less substantial, than Hamilton’s famous Compromise of 1790. Nevertheless we would not underrate them as they highlight the way the European states continually turn crisis moments that worry the markets about European break-up into new opportunities to combine more closely. As such it is fitting that the European break-up risk premium has fallen, signifying a drop in peripheral bond spreads (Chart 13). The battle over debt mutualization is not over yet so spreads could widen again, but the trend will be down as the bloc develops new tools to combat the latest crisis. The United Kingdom obviously marks a major exception to this reinforcement of the European sphere of influence. The Brits are historically and geopolitically opposed to a unified continental political power. Having decided to leave, they lack the ability to obstruct from within. But they are also not necessarily more likely to yield in their trade negotiations. British political risks are understandably low because Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his Conservative Party won a strong mandate in December and technically do not have to face voters again until 2024. The major limitation on a “no trade deal” outcome in talks with Brussels was a recession – yet that has already occurred. London could ultimately bite the bullet and accept that outcome if the trade talks turn acrimonious. The GBP/EUR is not pricing a full “no deal” exit. Stimulus and economic recovery suggest that it is a good time to go long sterling but we will pass on this trade in the short run due to resilient dollar strength and the reduced barrier to exiting without a trade deal (Charts 14A & 14B). Chart 14ABrexit Trade Talks Not Globally Relevant Brexit Trade Talks Not Globally Relevant Brexit Trade Talks Not Globally Relevant Chart 14BBrexit Trade Talks Not Globally Relevant Brexit Trade Talks Not Globally Relevant Brexit Trade Talks Not Globally Relevant Bottom Line: We do not yet recommend reinstituting our long EUR/USD trade, which we initiated late last year as part of our annual forecast. The COVID-19 crisis has created such a spike in geopolitical and political risk that we expect the US dollar to remain surprisingly strong throughout the coming months and for US equities to outperform global equities beyond expectation. Nevertheless we will look to reinitiate this long-term trade at an appropriate time, as it fits squarely with our “European Integration” theme since 2012. Investment Takeaways Our contention that “geopolitics is the next shoe to drop” has materialized. This has negative near-term implications for global risk assets. However, thus far, market positives have outweighed negatives for global investors faced with the reopening of economies and wartime-magnitude fiscal and monetary stimulus. Buying risky assets makes sense for investors with a long-term investment horizon – and we recommend cyclical plays like commodities, corporate bonds, infrastructure stocks, and defense stocks in our strategic portfolio. We also recognize that if key cyclical and reflation indicators break out from here, then a cyclical bull market could take shape. Yet our analytical framework reveals that recession and mega-stimulus have diminished the financial and economic constraints that would normally deter geopolitical actors from ambitious actions on the international stage. Most notably, the US election dynamic has turned upside-down. President Trump is the underdog and will need to develop a reelection bid that does not hinge on the economy. Doubling down on “America First” foreign policy and trade policy makes the most sense and the ramifications are negative for the markets over the next five months. This is the key dynamic that makes US-China, US-North Korea, US-Russia, and US-Iran tensions more market-relevant than they would otherwise be. It also will dampen an otherwise positive story for the euro, in the short run.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Section II: Appendix : GeoRisk Indicator China: China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator UK: UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator France: France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

An analysis on Turkey is available below.   Highlights Due to the sizable stimulus announced by the NPC, we are upgrading our outlook for Chinese growth for this year. Nevertheless, in terms of investment strategy, we are reluctant to chase China-related plays higher at the moment. Rising geopolitical tensions between the US and China will likely produce a pullback in China-related risk assets, providing a better entry point in the months ahead. The RMB is set to depreciate dragging down emerging Asian currencies. There is evidence that the equity rally from late-March lows has been driven or supercharged by retail investors worldwide. Such retail-driven manias never end well, though they can last for a while. Feature Emerging market equities are facing a critical technical resistance. Chart I-1 shows that over the past decade, EM share prices often found support at the horizontal line during selloffs. The latter could now become a resistance point. In turn, the Australian dollar and the S&P 500 have climbed to their 200-day moving averages (Chart I-2). Chart I-1EM Stocks Are Facing A Technical Resistance EM Stocks Are Facing A Technical Resistance EM Stocks Are Facing A Technical Resistance Chart I-2S&P 500 And AUD Are At Critical Technical Juncture S&P 500 And AUD Are At Critical Technical Juncture S&P 500 And AUD Are At Critical Technical Juncture   Having rallied strongly in the past two months, it is reasonable to expect that global risk assets will take a breather as investors assess the economic and geopolitical outlooks. China: Aggressive Stimulus… China has embarked on another round of aggressive stimulus. The government program approved by the National People’s Congress (NPC) last week laid out the following macro policy objectives: Stabilize employment. The NPC has pledged to create more than 9 million new jobs in urban areas. Although this is lower than last year’s target of more than 11 million new jobs, it is very ambitious given the number of layoffs that have occurred year-to-date. Chart I-3China: Money/Credit Is Set To Re-Accelerate China: Money/Credit Is Set To Re-Accelerate China: Money/Credit Is Set To Re-Accelerate Significantly accelerate the growth rate of broad money supply and total social financing relative to last year. Indeed, broad money growth accelerated in April and will continue to move higher (Chart I-3). Lending to enterprises and households as well as overall bank asset growth have all accelerated (Chart I-3, bottom two panels). Boost aggregate government spending (budgetary and quasi-fiscal) growth to 13.2% in 2020 versus 9.5% last year.   Local government’s special bond quotas have been set at RMB 3.75 trillion yuan, compared with RMB 2.15 trillion last year. The central government will issue special bonds in the order of 1 trillion yuan. The proceeds will be transferred to local governments to support tax and fee reductions, as well as to boost consumption and investment.  Support SMEs. The government will extend its beneficial loan-repayment policy for SMEs until March 2021. It will extend exemptions for SMEs on social security contributions, VAT and other fees and taxes through to the end of this year. The government estimates a total of RMB 2.5 trillion in tax and fee reductions for companies in 2020. Table I-1 details potential scenarios for the credit and fiscal spending impulse (CFI). In our baseline scenario, the CFI will rise to 15.5% of GDP by year-end (Chart I-4). In short, in 2020 the CFI will likely be larger than it was in 2015-’16 and closer to its 2012 level. However, it will still fall short of the 2009-2010 surge. Table I-1Simulation On Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse For 2020 EM Stocks Are At A Critical Resistance Level EM Stocks Are At A Critical Resistance Level Chart I-4Our Projections For The Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse Our Projections For The Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse Our Projections For The Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse In summary, it is fair to say that for now, the authorities have abandoned their deleveraging objective and are encouraging a substantial acceleration of both debt and credit. However, it will take time before the stimulus filters through the economy and boosts growth. This will be the case because of the following persistent headwinds: First, the reduced willingness of households and enterprises to spend. The top panel of Chart I-5 reveals that consumers’ marginal propensity to spend is falling. Enterprises’ willingness to invest continues to trend lower. Historically, companies’ willingness to invest has been a good indicator for industrial metals prices. So far it has not validated the advance in base metals (Chart I-5, bottom panel). The rationale for this correlation is that Chinese companies account for 50-55% of global industrial metals demand. Second, the COVID-19 economic downturn in China was much worse than previous downturns, and the financial health of companies and households is considerably poorer than before. This is why it will take very large amounts of stimulus to produce even a moderate recovery. In particular, a portion of the credit expansion will go toward plugging operating cash flow deficits at companies rather than to augment investment. For example, in the US, commercial and industrial loan growth surged in 2007/08 and this year (Chart I-6). In all of those cases, the underlying cause for credit acceleration was companies drawing on their credit lines to close their negative operating cashflow gaps. Chart I-5China: Households And Enterprises Are Less Willing To Spend China: Households And Enterprises Are Less Willing To Spend China: Households And Enterprises Are Less Willing To Spend Chart I-6US Loan Growth Spikes In Recessions US Loan Growth Spikes In Recessions US Loan Growth Spikes In Recessions The same phenomenon is presently occurring in China. This entails more credit origination will be required in China in this cycle before we witness a revival in capital spending. Third, geopolitical tensions between the US and China will escalate further in the months ahead. We elaborate on this in more detail below. As far as China’s growth outlook is concerned, rising geopolitical tensions with the US will weigh on both consumer and business confidence. On the whole, due to the sizable stimulus announced by the NPC, we are upgrading our outlook for Chinese growth for this year. Nevertheless, in terms of investment strategy, we are reluctant to chase China-related plays higher at the moment. Rising geopolitical tensions will likely produce a pullback in China-related risk assets, providing a better entry point in the months ahead. Chart I-7Chinese Economy: Still Very Weak Chinese Economy: Still Very Weak Chinese Economy: Still Very Weak In addition, the mainland economy is still undergoing post-lockdown normalization – not recovery. Both capital spending and household consumption are still in recession (Chart I-7).    Bottom Line: China is yet again resorting to aggressive fiscal and credit stimulus. Mainland growth is bound to improve over the remainder of the year. However, financial markets have run a bit ahead of themselves, and we will wait for a pullback before recommending China-related plays.  …But Geopolitics Is A Major Risk Despite an improving growth outlook, Asian and China-related risk assets could struggle in the months ahead due to escalating geopolitical tensions between the US and China. On the surface, the COVID-19 crisis seems to be the culprit behind rising tensions between the two nations. However, the pandemic has only accelerated an otherwise unavoidable confrontation between the existing superpower and the rising one. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy team has been writing about cumulating tensions and the potential for them to boil over in the months before the US election. The contours of the rise in geopolitical tensions will be as follows: President Trump’s chances of re-election have declined, with the recession gripping the US economy and unemployment surging. There is little doubt that he will use external foes to rally the nation behind the flag. Blaming China for the pandemic and acting tough is probably the only way for Trump to switch his campaign’s nucleus from the economy to foreign policy, which will raise the odds of his election victory. The US administration will not resort to import tariffs this time around. Going forward, the administration’s goal will be cutting China’s access to foreign technology. Technology in general and semiconductors in particular will be the key battleground in this new cold war. The US will also step up its pressure on multinationals to move production out of China. The broader idea is to impede China’s technological advance. Even though the US rhetoric on China’s policies toward Hong Kong will be tough, there is little the US can do or will do regarding Hong Kong. Rather, the more important battleground will be Taiwan and its semiconductor industry. Finally, China’s political leadership cannot tolerate being perceived as weak domestically in the face of US pressures. They will retaliate against the US. One form of retaliation against Trump could be pushing North Korea to test its strategic military weapons that could undermine Trump’s foreign policy credibility in the US. Another form of retaliation could be tolerating moderate currency depreciation. The latter will challenge Trump’s claims that he has been victorious in dealing with China. The latest decision to ban US and foreign companies from accepting orders from Huawei and the slide in the value of the RMB are consistent with these narratives. To our surprise, however, financial markets in general and Asian markets in particular have not sold off meaningfully in response to the US ban on Huawei and renewed RMB depreciation. Critically, China is the world’s largest consumer of semiconductors, accounting for 35% of global semiconductor demand. Restricting Chinese purchases would be negative for global semiconductor producers. China has been aware of the risk of US restrictions on its imports of semiconductors and has been ramping up its semi imports since 2018. Semi imports have been booming even though smartphone sales had been shrinking (Chart I-8). This is a sign of large semiconductor restocking in China which has helped global semi sales in general and TSMC sales in particular in the past 18 months. In brief, major semi restocking by China in the past 18 months along with the ban on sales to Huawei all but ensure that global semiconductor sales will be weak this year. It does not seem that global semi stocks in general and Asian ones in particular are pricing in this outcome. Global semiconductor stocks are a hair below their all-time highs, and their trailing P/E ratio is at 21. Specifically, given Huawei is the second-largest customer of TSMC, the latter’s sales will be negatively affected (Chart I-9). Chart I-8Has China Been Stockpiling Semiconductors? Has China Been Stockpiling Semiconductors? Has China Been Stockpiling Semiconductors? Chart I-9TSMC Has Benefited From China Stockpiling Semiconductors TSMC Has Benefited From China Stockpiling Semiconductors TSMC Has Benefited From China Stockpiling Semiconductors Finally, both DRAM and NAND prices are falling anew (Chart I-10). Further, DRAM revenue proxy correlates with Korean tech stocks and points to lower share prices (Chart I-11). Chart I-10Semiconductor Prices Have Begun Falling Semiconductor Prices Have Begun Falling Semiconductor Prices Have Begun Falling Chart I-11Semiconductor Prices Are Still Deflating DRAM Revenue Proxy And Korean Tech Stocks Semiconductor Prices Are Still Deflating DRAM Revenue Proxy And Korean Tech Stocks Semiconductor Prices Are Still Deflating DRAM Revenue Proxy And Korean Tech Stocks Crucially, Chinese, Korean and Taiwanese stocks account for 60% of the MSCI EM equity market cap. Hence, a selloff in these bourses will weigh on the EM equity index. Chart I-12 shows that the latest drawdown in these North Asian equity markets was relatively small compared to the drop in the rest of the EM equity universe. Hence, Chinese, Korean and Taiwanese share prices are not discounting a lot of bad news making them vulnerable to the geopolitical risks that lie ahead. Financial markets in Asia are very complacent to mounting geopolitical risks stemming from the US-China confrontation. The RMB is set to depreciate dragging down emerging Asian currencies. Chart I-12North Asian Stocks Versus The Rest Of EM North Asian Stocks Versus The Rest Of EM North Asian Stocks Versus The Rest Of EM Bottom Line: Financial markets in Asia are very complacent to mounting geopolitical risks stemming from the US-China confrontation. The RMB is set to depreciate dragging down emerging Asian currencies. The large share of Chinese, Korean and Taiwanese stocks in the MSCI EM equity index implies significant downside risks to the EM equity benchmark. The Global Economic Outlook As economies around the world open, the level of economic activity will certainly begin to rise. The opening of shops, offices and various other facilities will result in a partial normalization and an increase in economic activities.  However, we cannot call this a recovery. Rather it is just a snapback from the lockdowns which both equity and credit markets have already fully priced in. The outlook for global share prices and credit markets depends on what happens to the global economy following this post-lockdown snapback. Will the snapback be followed by an actual recovery or will the level of activity stagnate at low levels? For now, our sense is that following the initial snapback a U-shaped recovery is the most likely global scenario. This does not exclude the possibility that activity in some sectors/countries will follow a square root trajectory.  From a global macro perspective, we have the following observations to share: Certain industries will likely experience stagflation. Due to social distancing measures, they will be forced to limit their output/capacity and compensate for their increased costs by charging higher prices. In this group, we would include airlines, restaurants, and other service sector businesses. The short-term outlook for consumer spending is contingent on fiscal stimulus. A material reduction in fiscal support for households will weigh on their spending capacity. Capital spending will remain subdued outside China’s stimulus-driven local government and SOE investment outlays, and outside the technology sector, generally. Critically, economic activity in many countries and industries will remain below pre-pandemic levels until late this year. This implies that despite the snapback, some businesses will still be operating below or close to their breakeven points. This will have ramifications on their ability to service debt and on their willingness to invest and hire. Any rise in government bond yields worldwide will be limited as central banks in both DM and EM will cap yields by augmenting their purchase of government and in some cases corporate bonds. We discussed EM QE programs in detail in last week’s report. Bottom Line: It is tempting to interpret the post-lockdown snapback in economic activity as a recovery. However, the nature and depth of this recession is unique. Investors should consider both the direction of economic indicators and the level of economic activity in relation to a company’s breakeven point. This is an extremely difficult task. And that is in addition to gauging the odds of a second wave of COVID-19 infections later this year. In the context of such complexities facing investors, there is astonishing evidence that the recent equity rally has been driven by unsophisticated retail investors. A Retail-Driven Equity Rally There is growing evidence that the equity rally from late-March lows has been driven or supercharged by retail investors, worldwide. There is growing evidence that the equity rally from late-March lows has been driven or supercharged by retail investors, worldwide. Such retail-driven manias never end well, though they can last for a while. The following articles corroborate the worldwide phenomenon that retail investors have been opening broker accounts en masse and investing in stocks: Bored Day Traders Locked at Home Are Now Obsessed With Options Frustrated sports punters turn to US stock market Coronavirus spawns new generation of Japanese stock pickers Stuck at Home, More Filipinos Try Luck at Stock Investing It is fair to assume that retail investors do very little fundamental analysis. Not surprisingly, since March global share prices have decoupled from profit expectations. Although some professional investors have no doubt also played the rally, surveys of asset managers and traders suggest that generally they have stayed lukewarm on stocks. Specifically, the net long position of asset managers and leveraged funds in various US equity index futures remains very low (Chart I-13). Chart I-14 shows that US traders’ and professional individual investors’ sentiment on US stocks are at multi-year lows. Only US investment advisors have become fairly bullish again (Chart I-14, bottom panel). Chart I-13Fund Managers Have Stayed Lukewarm On Stocks Fund Managers Have Stayed Lukewarm On Stocks Fund Managers Have Stayed Lukewarm On Stocks Chart I-14Professional Investors’ Sentiment On Stocks Have Been Subdued Professional Investors Sentiment On Stocks Have Been Subdued Professional Investors Sentiment On Stocks Have Been Subdued Who will capitulate first: retail or professional investors? It is hard to predict the behavior of investors but, if we had to guess, our take could be summed up as follows:  If geopolitical tensions escalate much more or the number of COVID-19 inflections in some large countries rises anew, retail investors will likely sell before professional investors step in. In this scenario, share prices will drop considerably. In the case of an absence of geopolitical tensions or a new wave of infections, it is hard to see how economic data that is improving could lead to a substantial drawdown in equities even if the level of activity remains very depressed. In this case, corrections will be small and short-lived. Investment Strategy Chart I-15Beware Of Breakdowns Beware Of Breakdowns Beware Of Breakdowns For global equity portfolios, we continue recommending underweighting EM stocks. Regardless of the direction of global share prices, EM will continue underperforming DM (Chart I-15, top panel). The basis for this is rising geopolitical tensions in China and weakness in the RMB will spill over into other emerging Asian currencies (Chart I-15, bottom panel). We continue recommending short positions in the RMB and KRW versus the US dollar. In terms of the absolute performance of EM equities and credit markets, as well as EM currencies versus the greenback, we recommend being patient. Global and EM financial markets are presently at a critical juncture, as illustrated in Charts 1 and 2 on pages 1 and 2. If these and some other markets meaningfully break above current levels of resistance, we will upgrade our stance on EM stocks and credit markets and close our short positions in EM currencies versus the US dollar. If they fail to do so, a considerable selloff is likely to follow. As to EM local currency bonds, we are long duration but cautious on EM currencies. For the full list of our recommendations for EM equity, credit, local fixed-income and currency markets, please refer to pages 18 and 19.   Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Lin Xiang, CFA Research Analyst linx@bcaresearch.com     Turkish Lira: Facing A Litmus Test The Turkish lira has rolled over at its resistance level on a total return (including carry) basis (Chart II-1). The spot rate versus the US dollar is at its 2018 low. In short, the exchange rate is facing a litmus test. The culprit of a potential downleg in the lira is an enormous monetary deluge. Chart II-2 reveals that broad money supply growth has accelerated to 35% from a year ago. Local currency money supply is skyrocketing because the central bank and commercial banks are engaged in rampant money creation and public debt monetization. Chart II-1Turkish Lira (Including Carry): A Good Point To Short Turkish Lira (Including Carry): A Good Point To Short Turkish Lira (Including Carry): A Good Point To Short Chart II-2Turkey’s Broad Money: The Sky Is The Limit Turkey's Broad Money: The Sky Is The Limit Turkey's Broad Money: The Sky Is The Limit While such macro policies could benefit economic growth in the short term, they also herald growing inflationary pressures and currency devaluation. First, Turkish commercial banks have been on a government bonds buying binge since 2018 (Chart II-3, top panel). They presently own 62% of total local currency government bonds, up from 45% in early 2018. In addition, the central bank is de-facto engaging in government debt monetization. The Central Bank of Turkey (CBT) has bought TRY 40 billion of government bonds in the secondary market since March (Chart II-3, bottom panel). When a central bank or commercial bank buys a local currency asset from a non-bank, a new local currency deposit is created in the banking system and the money supply expands.  Chart II-3Turkey: Public Debt Monetization In Full Force Turkey: Public Debt Monetization In Full Force Turkey: Public Debt Monetization In Full Force Chart II-4Turkey: Loan Growth Exceeds 30% Turkey: Loan Growth Exceeds 30% Turkey: Loan Growth Exceeds 30% Second, the commercial banks’ local currency loan growth has surged to 32% (Chart II-4). Government lending schemes and newly introduced regulations are incentivizing commercial banks to continue lending in order to boost domestic demand. In particular, state owned banks are providing loans at interest rates well below both the policy and inflation rates. The most likely outcome from such policies is rampant capital misallocation and an increase in non-performing loans. The former will weigh on productivity in the long turn. Third, the central bank has been providing enormous amounts of liquidity to commercial banks (Chart II-5, top panel). The latter’s local currency excess reserves – which are exclusively created out of thin air by the central bank - have surged (Chart II-5, bottom panel). In fact, the effective policy rate has been hovering below the actual policy rate, suggesting that there is an excess liquidity overflow in the banking system. In a nutshell, the central bank has been providing fuel to commercial banks to expand money supply via the purchases of local currency government bonds and loan origination. Fourth, an overly loose monetary stance will lead to higher inflation and currency devaluation. Moreover, wages continue to expand at an annual rate of 15-20%, confirming the fact that inflationary pressures are genuine and broad within this economy (Chart II-6). Higher inflation, and the consequent loss of purchasing power, is leading residents to switch their holdings of liras to foreign currencies. Chart II-5Central Banks' Liquidity Provision To Banks Central Banks' Liquidity Provision To Banks Central Banks' Liquidity Provision To Banks Chart II-6Turkey: A Sign Of Genuine Inflation Turkey: A Sign Of Genuine Inflation Turkey: A Sign Of Genuine Inflation Higher inflation, and the consequent loss of purchasing power, is leading residents to switch their holdings of liras to foreign currencies. Finally, Turkey’s current account deficit is set to widen, and the central bank’s net foreign currency reserves are non-existent at best. Booming credit growth will keep domestic demand and imports stronger than they otherwise would be. In the meantime, the complete collapse in tourism revenues and Turkey’s large foreign debt obligations, estimated at $160 billion over the next six months, entail negative balance of payment dynamics. Barring capital controls, Turkey will not be able to preclude further currency depreciation. Investment Implications Short the Turkish lira versus the US dollar. We recommend dedicated equity investors underweight Turkish equities and credit relative to their respective EM benchmarks. Also, we are reiterating our short Turkish banks / long Russian banks position. Local currency yields will offer little protection against currency depreciation. As such, investors should underweight domestic bonds.   Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

    Highlights Risk assets continue to ignore the dire state of the economy. “Don’t fight the Fed” will dictate investment policy for the coming months. Populism and supply-chain diversification will shape the world after COVID-19. Global stimulus will result in higher long-term inflation when the labor market returns to full employment. Asset prices are not ready for higher inflation rates. Precious metals, especially silver, will offer inflation protection. Stocks should structurally outperform bonds, even if they generate lower returns than in the past. Tech will continue to rise for now, but this sector will suffer when inflation turns higher. Feature Despite the continued collapse in economic activity, the S&P 500 remains resilient, bolstered by the largesse of the Federal Reserve and US government, and generous stimulus packages in other major economies. Stocks will likely climb even higher with this backdrop, but a violent second wave of COVID-19 infections may derail the scenario in the near term. The biggest risk, which is long-term in nature, is rising inflation. Public debt ratios will skyrocket in the G-10 and many emerging markets. Private debt loads, which are elevated in most countries, will also increase. Add rising populism and ageing populations into this mix and the incentive to push prices higher and reduce real debt loads becomes too enticing. Long-term investors must be wary. For the time being, overweight equities relative to bonds, but the specter of rising inflation suggests that growth stocks (e.g. tech) will not offer attractive long-term returns. Investors with an eye on multi-year returns should use the ongoing surge in growth stocks to strategically switch their portfolios toward small-cap equities, traditional cyclicals and precious metals. Economic Freefall Continues Most economic indicators paint a dismal picture for the US. Industrial activity is suffering tremendously. In April, industrial production collapsed by 15%, a pace matching the depth of the Great Financial Crisis (GFC). The ISM New Orders-to-Inventories ratio remains extremely weak with no glimmer of a rebound in IP in May. The numbers for trucking activity and railway freight are equally poor. Chart I-1A Worried Consumer Saves A Worried Consumer Saves A Worried Consumer Saves The US labor market has not been this ill since the 1930s. 20.5 million jobs vanished in April and the unemployment rate soared to 14.7%, despite a 2.5 percentage point decline in the participation rate. The number of employees involuntarily working in part-time positions has surged by 5.9 million, which has hiked up the broader U-6 unemployment rate to 22.8%. Wage growth has rebounded smartly to 7.7%, but this is an illusion. Average hourly earnings rose only because low-wage workers in the leisure and hospitality fields bore the brunt of the pain, accounting for 37% of layoffs. The worst news is that the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) classifies any worker explicitly fired due to COVID-19 as temporarily laid off, but without a vaccine it is highly unlikely that employment in the leisure, hospitality or airline sectors will normalize anytime soon. Unsurprisingly, lockdowns have limited the ability of households to spend. Americans have boosted their savings rate to 13.1%, the highest level in 39 years, as they worry about catching a potentially deadly illness, losing their jobs, watching their incomes fall, or all of the above (Chart I-1). This double hit to both employment and consumer confidence sparked a 22% collapse in retail sales on an annual basis in April, the worst reading on record. Putting it all together, real GDP contracted at a 4.8% quarterly annualized rate in Q1 2020 and the Congressional Budget Office expects second-quarter annual growth to plummet to -37.7%. The New York Fed’s Weekly Economic Index suggests a more muted contraction of 11.1% (Chart I-2), which would still represent a post-war record. Investors must look beyond the gloom. The economic weakness is not limited to the US. In Europe and in emerging markets, retail sales and auto sales are disappearing at an unparalleled pace. Industrial production readings in those economies have been catastrophic and manufacturing PMIs are still in deeply contractionary territory. As a result, our Global Economic A/D line and our Global Synchronicity indicator continues to flash intense weakness (Chart I-3). Chart I-2The Worst Is Still To Come The Worst Is Still To Come The Worst Is Still To Come Chart I-3Dismal Growth, Everywhere Dismal Growth, Everywhere Dismal Growth, Everywhere   Chart I-4China Leads The Way China Leads The Way China Leads The Way Investors must look beyond the gloom. China’s experience with COVID-19 is instructive despite questions regarding the number of cases reported. China was the first country to witness the painful impact of COVID-19 and the quarantines needed to fight the disease. It was also the first country to control the virus’s spread and, most importantly, to escape the lockdown, along with being the first to enact economic stimulatory measures. The results are clear: industrial production, domestic new orders, and to a lesser extent, retail sales, are all experiencing V-shaped recoveries (Chart I-4). Even Chinese yields are rising, despite interest rate cuts by the People’s Bank of China. Accommodative Policy Matters Most The global policy “put option” is still in full force, which is boosting asset prices. A 41% rally in the median US stock reflects both a massive amount of funds inundating the financial system and a recovery that will take hold in the coming 12 months in response to this stimulus and the end of lockdowns. Global monetary policies have been even more aggressive than after the GFC. Interest rates have fallen as quickly and as broadly as they did around the Lehman bankruptcy. Moreover, unorthodox policy measures have become the norm (Chart I-5). Chart I-5Easy Policy, Everywhere Easy Policy, Everywhere Easy Policy, Everywhere In China, credit generation is quickly accelerating and has reached 28% of GDP, the highest in 2 years. Moreover, policymakers are emphasizing the need to create 9 million jobs in cities and keep the unemployment rate at 6%. Consequently, the recent rebound in construction activity will continue because it is a perfect medium to absorb excess workers. The ever-expanding quotas for local government special bonds to CNY3.75 trillion will also ensure that infrastructure spending energizes any recovery. Therefore, we expect Chinese imports of raw materials and machinery to accelerate into the second half of the year. The country’s orders of machine tools from Japan have already bottomed, which bodes well for overall Japanese orders (Chart I-6). Europe has also moved in the right direction. Government support continues to expand and combined public deficits will reach EUR 0.9 trillion, or 8.5% of GDP. Governmental guarantees have reached at least EUR1.4 trillion. Meanwhile, the European Central Bank’s balance sheet is swelling more quickly than during either the GFC or the euro area crisis (Chart I-7). Unsurprisingly, European shadow rates have collapsed to -7.6% and European financial conditions are the easiest they have been in 8 years. Chart I-6Will China's Rebound Matter? Will China's Rebound Matter? Will China's Rebound Matter? Chart I-7The ECB Is Aggressive The ECB Is Aggressive The ECB Is Aggressive   More importantly, COVID-19 has broken the taboo of common bond issuance in Europe. Last week, Chancellor Merkel, President Macron and EC President von der Leyen hatched a plan to issue common bonds that will finance a EUR 750 billion recovery fund as part of the European Commission Multiannual Financial Framework. The EC will then allocate EUR 500 billion of grants (not loans) to EU nations as long as they adhere to European principles. The unified front by the three most senior European politicians reflects elevated support for the EU among all European nations and an understanding that economic ruin in the smaller nations could capsize the core nations (Chart I-8). Hence, fiscal risk-sharing will increasingly become the norm in Europe. Unsurprisingly, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and Greek bond spreads all narrowed significantly following the announcement. Chart I-8The Forces That Bind The Forces That Bind The Forces That Bind Chart I-9Negative Rates Are Here, Sort Of Negative Rates Are Here, Sort Of Negative Rates Are Here, Sort Of US policymakers have abandoned any semblance of orthodoxy. The Fed’s programs announced so far have lifted its balance sheet by $2.9 trillion and could generate an expansion to $11 trillion by year-end. Moreover, Fed Chair Jerome Powell has highlighted that there is “no limit” to what the Fed can do with its unconventional policy apparatus. The nature of the US funding market makes negative rates very dangerous and, therefore, highly doubtful in that country. Nonetheless, the Fed is willing to buy more paper from the public and private sectors to push the shadow rate and real interest rates further into negative territory (Chart I-9). Moreover, the Federal government has already bumped up the deficit by $3 trillion and the House has passed another $3 trillion in spending. Senate Republicans will pass some of this program to protect themselves in November. According to BCA Research’s Geopolitical Strategy service, a total escalation in the federal deficit of $5 trillion (or 23% of 2020 GDP) is extremely likely this year. Chart I-10The Fed Is Monetizing The Deficit The Fed Is Monetizing The Deficit The Fed Is Monetizing The Deficit Combined fiscal and monetary policy in the US will have a more invigorating impact on the recovery than the measures passed in 2008-09. They represent a larger share of output than during the GFC (10.5% versus 6% of GDP for the government spending and 15.2% versus 8.3% for the Fed’s balance sheet expansion). Moreover, the Fed is buying a much greater percentage of the Treasury’s issuance than during the GFC (Chart I-10). Therefore, the Fed is much closer to monetizing government debt than it was 11 years ago. The combined monetary and fiscal easing should result in a larger fiscal multiplier because the private sector is not financing as much of the government’s largesse. Thus, the increase in the private sector’s savings rate should be short-lived and the current account deficit will widen to reflect the greater fiscal outlays. Low real rates and a larger balance-of-payments disequilibrium should weaken the dollar which will ease US financial conditions further. A Trough In Inflation Maintaining incredibly easy monetary and fiscal conditions as the economy reopens will lead to higher inflation when the labor market reaches full employment. Core CPI has collapsed to 1.4% on an annual basis and to -2.4% on a three-month annualized basis, the lowest reading on record. The breakdown of the CPI report is equally dreadful (Chart I-11). However, CPI understates inflation because the basket measured by the BLS includes many areas of commerce currently not frequented by consumers. Items actually purchased by households, such as food, have experienced accelerating inflation in recent months. Fiscal risk-sharing will increasingly become the norm in Europe. Beyond this technicality, the most important factor behind the anticipated structural uptick in inflation is a large debt load burdening the global economy. Total nonfinancial debt in the US stands at 254% of GDP, 262% in the euro area, 380% in Japan, 301% in Canada, 233% in Australia, 293% in Sweden and 194% in emerging markets (Chart I-12). Historically, the easiest method for policymakers to decrease the burden of liabilities is inflation; the current political climate increases the odds of that outcome. Chart I-11Weak Core Weak Core Weak Core Chart I-12Record Debt, Everywhere Record Debt, Everywhere Record Debt, Everywhere   Households in the G-10 and emerging markets are angry. Growing inequalities, coupled with income immobility, have created dissatisfaction with the economic system (Chart I-13). Before the GFC, US households could gorge on debt to support their spending patterns, and inequalities went unnoticed. After the crisis revealed weakness in the household sector, banks tightened their credit standards and consumption slowed, constrained by a paltry expansion of the median household income. As a consequence, the American public increasingly supports left-wing economic policies (Chart I-14). Chart I-13Inequalities + Immobility = Anger June 2020 June 2020 Chart I-14The US Population's Shift To The Left June 2020 June 2020 COVID-19 is exacerbating the population’s discontent and highlighting economic disparities. The recession is hitting poor households in the US harder than the general population or highly skilled white-collar employees who can easily telecommute. Millennials, the largest demographic group in the US, are also irate. Their lifetime earnings were already lagging that of their parents because most millennials entered the job market in the aftermath of the GFC.1 Their income and balance sheet prospects were beginning to improve just as the pandemic shock struck. Finally, in response to the lockdowns and school closures caused by COVID-19, young families with children have to juggle permanent childcare and daily work demands from employers, resulting in a lack of separation between home and office.2  Economic populism will generate a negative supply shock, which will push up prices (Diagram I-1). BCA has espoused the theme of de-globalization since 20143 and COVID-19 will accelerate this trend. Firms do not want fragile supply chains that fall victim to random shocks; instead, they are looking to diversify their sources (Chart I-15). Additionally, workers and households want protection from foreign competition and perceived unfair trade practices. This sentiment is evident in a lack of trust toward China (Chart I-16). China-bashing will become a mainstay of American politics and rising tariffs will continue to increase the cost of doing business (Chart I-17). Last year’s Sino-US trade war was a precursor of events to come. Diagram I-1The Inflationary Impact Of A Stifled Supply Side June 2020 June 2020 Chart I-15COVID-19 Accelerates The Desire To Repatriate Production June 2020 June 2020 Chart I-16China As A Political Piñata June 2020 June 2020 Chart I-17The Cost Of Doing International Business Will Rise The Cost Of Doing International Business Will Rise The Cost Of Doing International Business Will Rise Chart I-18A Problem For Productivity A Problem For Productivity A Problem For Productivity The rate of capital stock accumulation does not bode well for the supply side of the economy. Productivity trails the path of capex, with a long time lag. The 10-year moving average of non-residential investment in the US bottomed three years ago. Its subsequent uptick should enhance average productivity. However, the growth of the real net capital stock per employee remains weak and will not strengthen because companies are curtailing spending in the recession. Moreover, the efficiency of the capital stock is well below its long-term average and probably will not mend if supply chains are made less efficient. These factors are negative for productivity and thus, the capacity to expand the supply side of the economy (Chart I-18). Finally, a significant share of capital stock is stranded and uneconomical. The airline industry is a good example. Going forward, regulations will keep the middle row seats empty. Fewer filled seats imply that the capital stock has lost significant value, which creates a negative supply shock for the industry. To break even, airlines will have to raise the price of fares. IATA estimates that fares will increase by 43%, 49% and 54% on North American, European and Asian routes, respectively (Table I-1). The same analysis can be applied to restaurants, hotels, cinemas, etc. – industries that will have to curtail their supplies and change their practices in response to COVID-19. Table I-1The Inflationary Impact Of Supply Cuts June 2020 June 2020 Chat I-19Pandemics Boost Wages June 2020 June 2020 While rising populism will hurt the supply side of the economy, it will also hike demand. Redistribution is an outcome of populism. Corporate tax hikes hurt rich households that receive more than 50% of their income from profits. High marginal tax rates on high earners will also curtail their disposable income. Shifting a bigger share of national income to the middle class will depress the savings rate and boost demand. It is estimated that the middle class’s marginal propensity to spend is 90% compared with 60% for richer households. In fact, in the past 40 years, the shift in income distribution has curtailed demand by 3% of GDP. Pandemics also increase real wages. Òscar Jordà, Sanjay Singh, and Alan Taylor demonstrated that European real wages accelerated following pandemics (Chart I-19). Fewer willing workers contributed to the climb in real wages by decreasing the supply of labor. Higher real wages are positive for consumption. China-bashing will become a mainstay of American politics and rising tariffs will continue to increase the cost of doing business. Populism will also put upward pressure on public spending. Governments globally and in the US are bailing out the private sector to an even larger extent than they did after the GFC. Discontent with expanding inequalities and the perceived lack of accountability of the corporate sector4 will push the government to be more involved in economic management than it was after 2008. Moreover, the post-2008 environment showed that austerity was negative for private sector income growth and the economic welfare of the middle class (Chart I-20). Thus, government spending and deficits as a share of GDP will be structurally higher for the coming decade. Higher deficits mechanically boost aggregate demand which is inflationary if the advance of aggregate supply is sluggish. Chat I-20Austerity Hurts June 2020 June 2020 Central banks will likely enable these inflationary dynamics. The Fed knows that it has missed its objective by a cumulative 4% since former Chairman Ben Bernanke set an official inflation target of 2% in 2012. Thus, it has lost credibility in its ability to generate 2% inflation, which is why the 10-year breakeven rate stands at 1.1% and not within the 2.3%-2.5% range that is consistent with its mandate. Moreover, the Fed is worried that the immediate deflationary impact of COVID-19 will further depress inflation expectations and reinforce low realized inflation. This logic partly explains why the Fed currently recommends more stimulus and the Federal Open Market Committee will be reluctant to remove accommodation anytime soon. Inflation will likely move toward 4-5% after the US economy regains full employment. Central banks may fall victim to growing populism. Both the Democrats and Republicans want control over the US Fed. If Congress changes the Fed’s mandate, there would be great consequences for inflation. Prior to the Federal Reserve Reform Act of 1977, the Fed’s mandate was to foster full employment conditions without any explicit mention of inflation. Therefore, the Fed kept the unemployment rate well below NAIRU for most of the post-war period. This tight labor market was a key ingredient behind the inflationary outbreak of the 1970s. After the reform act explicitly imposed a price stability directive on top of the Fed’s employment mandate, the unemployment rate spent a much larger share of time above NAIRU, which contributed to the structural decline in inflation after 1982 (Chart I-21). Chat I-21The Fed's Mandate Matters The Fed's Mandate Matters The Fed's Mandate Matters Finally, demographics will also feed inflationary pressures. The global support ratio peaked in 2014 as the number of workers per dependent decreased due to ageing of the population in the West and China (Chart I-22). A declining support ratio depresses the growth of the supply side of the economy because the dependents continue to consume. In today’s world, dependents are retirees, who have higher healthcare spending needs. This healthcare spending will accrue additional government spending. Moreover, it will continue to push up healthcare inflation, which will contribute to higher overall inflation (Chart I-23). Chat I-22Demographics: From Deflation To Inflation Demographics: From Deflation To Inflation Demographics: From Deflation To Inflation Chat I-23Aging Will Feed Healthcare Inflation Aging Will Feed Healthcare Inflation Aging Will Feed Healthcare Inflation   Bottom Line: COVID-19 has highlighted inequalities in the population and will accelerate a move toward populism that started four years ago. Consequently, the supply side of the economy will grow more slowly than it did in prior decades, while greater government interventions and redistributionist policies will boost aggregate demand. Additionally, monetary policy will probably stay easy for too long and demographic factors will compound the supply/demand mismatch. Inflation will likely move toward 4-5% after the US economy regains full employment, but will not surge to 1970s levels. Investment Implications Chat I-24Breakevens Will Listen To Commodities Breakevens Will Listen To Commodities Breakevens Will Listen To Commodities Extremely accommodative economic policy and a shift to higher inflation will dominate asset markets for the next five years or more. Breakevens in the G-10 are pricing in permanently subdued inflation for the coming decade, which creates a large re-pricing opportunity if inflation troughs when the labor market reaches full employment. Investors cannot wait for inflation to turn the corner to bet on higher breakevens. After the GFC, core CPI bottomed in October 2010, but US breakevens hit their floor at 0.15% in December 2008. Instead, a rebound in commodity prices and a turnaround in the global economic outlook may signal when investors should buy breakevens (Chart I-24). Chat I-25Deleterious US Balance Of Payments Dynamics Deleterious US Balance Of Payments Dynamics Deleterious US Balance Of Payments Dynamics A repricing of inflation expectations will depress real rates. Central banks want to see inflation expectations normalize towards 2.3%-2.5% before signaling an end to accommodation. Moreover, political pressures and high debt loads will likely loosen their reaction functions to higher breakeven. As a result, real interest rates will decline because nominal ones will not rise by as much as inflation expectations. This is exactly what central banks want to achieve because it will foster a stronger recovery. Our US fixed-income strategists favor TIPS over nominal Treasurys. The dollar will probably depreciate in the post-COVID-19 environment. As we wrote last month, the US is the most aggressive reflator among major economies. The twin deficit will expand while US real rates will remain depressed. This is very negative for the USD, especially in an environment where the US money supply is outpacing global money supply (Chart I-25).5 Additionally, Chinese reflation will stimulate global industrial production, which normally hurts the dollar. EM currencies are cheap enough that long-term investors should begin to bet on them (Chart I-26), especially if global inflation structurally shifts higher. Precious metals win from the combination of higher inflation, lower real rates and a weaker dollar. However, silver is more attractive than gold. Unlike the yellow metal, it trades at a discount to the long-term inflation trend (Chart I-27). Moreover, silver has more industrial uses, especially in the solar panel and computing areas. Thus, the post-COVID-19 recovery and the need to double up supply chains will boost industrial demand for silver and lift its price relative to gold. Our FX strategists recommend selling the gold-to-silver ratio.6 Chat I-26Cheap EM FX Cheap EM FX Cheap EM FX Chat I-27Silver Is The Superior Inflation Hedge Silver Is The Superior Inflation Hedge Silver Is The Superior Inflation Hedge   Chat I-28Still Time To Favor Stocks Over Bonds Still Time To Favor Stocks Over Bonds Still Time To Favor Stocks Over Bonds Investors should favor stocks over bonds. This statement is more an indictment of the poor value of bonds and their lack of defense against rising inflation than a structural endorsement of stocks. The equity risk premium is elevated. To make this call, we need to account for the lack of stationarity of this variable and adjust for the expected growth rate of earnings. Nonetheless, once those factors are accounted for, our ERP indicator continues to flash a buy signal in favor of equities at the expense of bonds (Chart I-28). Moreover, bonds tend to underperform stocks when inflation trends up for a long time (Table I-2).   Table I-2Rising Inflation Flatters Stocks Over Bonds June 2020 June 2020 Chart I-29Bonds Are Prohibitively Expensive Bonds Are Prohibitively Expensive Bonds Are Prohibitively Expensive In absolute terms, G-7 government bonds are also vulnerable, both tactically and structurally. They are overbought and currently trade at their greatest premium to fair value since Q4 2009 and Q1 1986, two periods followed by sharp rebounds in yields (Chart I-29). Moreover, the previous experience with QE programs shows that even if real rates diminish, the reflationary impact of aggressive monetary policy on breakeven rates is enough to increase nominal interest rates (Chart I-30). Additionally, as our European Investment Strategy team indicates, bond yields are close to their practical lower bound, which creates a negative skew to their return profile.7 This asymmetric return distribution destroys their ability to hedge equity risk going forward, making this asset class less appealing to investors. This problem is particularly salient in Europe and Japan. A lower dollar, which is highly reflationary for global growth, will likely catalyze the rise in yields.   Chart I-30QE Will Lift Breakevens And Yields QE Will Lift Breakevens And Yields QE Will Lift Breakevens And Yields As long as real rates remain under downward pressure, the window to own stocks remains open, even if stocks continue to churn. Equities are expensive, but when yields are taken into consideration, their adjusted P/E is in line with the historical average (Chart I-31). Moreover, periods of weak growth associated with lower real interest rates can foster a large expansion in multiples (Chart I-32). Chart I-31Low Bond Yields Allow High Stock Multiples Low Bond Yields Allow High Stock Multiples Low Bond Yields Allow High Stock Multiples Chart I-32Multiples Will Rise Further As The Fed Floods The World With Low Rates Multiples Will Rise Further As The Fed Floods The World With Low Rates Multiples Will Rise Further As The Fed Floods The World With Low Rates Whether to have faith in stocks in absolute terms on a long-term basis is complicated by our view on inflation and populism. Strong inflation will increase nominal rates. Moreover, low productivity coupled with higher real wages, less-efficient supply chains and higher taxes will accentuate the margin compression that higher inflation typically creates. Thus, equities are expected to generate poor real returns over the long term, even if they beat bonds. Chart I-33Tech EPS Leadership Tech EPS Leadership Tech EPS Leadership Tech stocks are another structural problem for equities. Including Amazon, Google and Facebook, tech stocks account for 41% of the S&P 500’s market cap. As our US Equity Strategy service explains, wherever tech goes, so does the US market.8 Tech stocks are the current market darling. Today, the tech sector is the closest thing to a safe-haven in the mind of market participants, because a post-COVID-19 environment will favor tech spending (telecommuting, e-commerce, cloud computing, etc.). The problem for long-term investors is that this view is the most consensus view. Already, investors expect the tech sector to generate the highest EPS outperformance relative to the rest of the S&P 500 in more than 15 years (Chart I-33). Moreover, in a low-yield environment, investors are particularly willing to bid up the multiples of growth stocks such as tech equities because low interest rates result in muted discount factors for long-term cash flows. When should investors begin betting against the tech sector? Backed by a powerful narrative, tech stocks are evolving into a mania. Yet, contrarian investors understand, being too early to sell a mania can be deadly. Bond yields should not be relied on to signal an end to the bubble. During most of the 1990s, tech would outperform the market when Treasury yields declined. However, when the tech outperformance became manic, yields became irrelevant. From the fall of 1998 to the beginning of 2000, 10-year yields rose from 4.2% to 6.8%, yet the tech sector outperformed the S&P 500 by 127%. More recently, yields rose from 1.33% in the summer of 2016 to 3.25% in November 2018, but tech outperformed the broader market by 39%.   Investors should favor stocks over bonds. Instead, higher inflation will be the key factor to end the tech sector’s infallibility. Since the 1990s, higher core inflation has led periods of tech underperformance by roughly six months. This relationship also held at the apex of the tech bubble in the second half of the 1990s (Chart I-34). Relative tech forward EPS suffers when core inflation rises, as the rest of the S&P 500 is more geared to higher nominal GDP growth. In essence, if nominal growth is less scarce, then the need to bid up growth stocks diminishes. Moreover, the dollar will likely be the first early signal because it leads nominal GDP. As a result, a weak dollar leads to a contraction in tech relative multiples by approximately 9 months (Chart I-35). Chart I-34Tech Hates Inflation... Tech Hates Inflation... Tech Hates Inflation... Chart I-35...And A Soft Dollar ...And A Soft Dollar ...And A Soft Dollar   We recommend long-term investors shift their portfolios toward industrial equities when inflation turns the corner. As a corollary, the low exposure of European and Japanese stocks to the tech sector suggests these cheap bourses will finally reverse their more-than-a-decade-long underperformance at the same time. This strategy means that even if the S&P 500 generates negative real returns during the coming decade, investors could still eke out positive returns from their stock holdings. Higher inflation will be the key factor to end the tech sector’s infallibility. Chart I-36The Time For Commodities Is Coming Back The Time For Commodities Is Coming Back The Time For Commodities Is Coming Back Finally, commodities plays are also set to shine in the coming decade. Commodities are very cheap and oversold relative to stocks (Chart I-36). Commodities outperform equities in an environment where inflation rises, real rates decline and the dollar depreciates. Consequently, materials and energy stocks may be winners. As a corollary, Latin American and Australian equities should also reverse their decade-long underperformance when inflation and the dollar turn the corner. This month's Section II Special Report is an in depth study of the Spanish Flu pandemic, written by our colleague Amr Hanafy and also published in BCA Research’s Global Asset Allocation service. Amr thoroughly analyses the evolution of the 100-year old pandemic and which measures mattered most to contain the virus and allow a return to economic normality. Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst May 28, 2020 Next Report: June 25, 2020 II. Lessons From The Spanish Flu What Can 1918/1919 Teach Us About COVID-19?   “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it” George Santayana – 1905 Chart II-1Coronavirus: As Contagious But Not As Deadly As Spanish Flu June 2020 June 2020 Today’s economy is very different to that of 100 years ago. Many countries then were in the middle of World War I (which ended in November 1918). The characteristics of the Spanish Flu which struck the world in 1918 and 1919 were also different to this year’s pandemic. COVID-19 is almost as contagious as the Spanish Flu, but it is much less deadly (Chart II-1). Healthcare systems and treatments today are far more advanced than those of a century ago: many people who caught Spanish flu died of complications caused by bacterial pneumonia, given the absence of antibiotics. Influenza viruses tend to mutate rapidly: the influenza virus in 1918 first mutated to become far more virulent in its second wave, and then to become much milder. Coronaviruses have a “proofreading” capacity and mutate less easily.9  Nevertheless, an analysis of the pandemic of 100 years ago provides a number of insights into the current crisis, particularly now that policymakers are easing social-distancing rules to help the economy, even at the risk of more cases and deaths. Among the lessons of 1918-1919: Non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) do lower mortality rates. The speed at which NPIs are implemented and the period of implementation are as important as the number of measures taken. Removing or relaxing measures too early can lead to a renewed rise in mortality rates. It is hard to compare current fiscal and monetary policies to those taken during the 1918 pandemic, since policy in both areas was already easy before the pandemic as a result of the world war. However, a severe pandemic would certainly call for a wartime-like fiscal and monetary response. The economy was negatively impacted by the pandemic in 1918-19 but, despite the shock to industrial activity and employment, the economy subsequently rebounded quickly, in a V-shaped recovery. Introduction Predicting how the economy will react to the COVID-19 pandemic is hard. Governments and policymakers face multiple uncertainties: How effective are different containment measures? Will cases and deaths rebound quickly if lockdown measures are eased? When will the coronavirus disappear? When will a vaccine be ready? With an event unprecedented in the experience of anyone alive today, perhaps there are some lessons to be learned from history. For this Special Report, we attempt to draw some parallels between the current situation and the 1918-19 Spanish flu. We focus on the different containment efforts implemented, the role that fiscal and monetary policies played, the impact on markets and the economy, and whether history can throw any light on how the COVID-19 crisis might pan out. The 1918 Spanish Flu Chart II-2The Spanish Flu Hit The World In Three Waves The Spanish Flu Hit The World In Three Waves The Spanish Flu Hit The World In Three Waves The 1918 influenza pandemic was the most lethal in modern history. Soldiers returning from World War I helped spread the pandemic across the globe. The first recorded case is believed to have been in an army camp in Kansas. While there is no official count, researchers estimate that about 500 million people contracted the virus globally, with a mortality rate of between 5% and 10%. The pandemic occurred over three waves in 1918 and 1919 – the first in the spring of 1918, the second (and most deadly) in the fall of 1918, and the third in spring 1919 (Chart II-2). In the US alone, official data estimate that around 500,000 deaths (or over 25% of all deaths) in 1918 and 1919 were caused by pneumonia and influenza.10 The pandemic moved swiftly to Europe and reached Asia by mid-1918, but became more lethal only towards the end of the year (Map II-1).11 Map II-1The Spread Of Influenza Through Europe June 2020 June 2020 Initially, scientists were puzzled by the origin of the influenza and its biology. It was not until a decade later, in the early 1930s, that Richard Shope isolated the particular influenza virus from infected pigs, confirming that a virus caused the Spanish Flu, not a bacterium as most had thought. Many of those who caught this strain of influenza died as a result of their lungs filling with fluid in a severe form of pneumonia. In reporting death rates, then, it is considered best practice to include deaths from both influenza and pneumonia. The first wave had almost all the hallmarks of a seasonal flu, albeit of a highly contagious strain. Symptoms were similar and mortality rates were only slightly higher than a normal influenza. The first wave went largely unnoticed given that deaths from pneumonia were common then. US public health reports show that the disease received little attention until it reappeared in a more severe form in Boston in September 1918.12 Most countries did not begin investigating and reporting cases until the second wave was underway (Chart II-3). Chart II-3Most Countries Began Reporting Only When The Second Wave Hit June 2020 June 2020 This second wave – which was more lethal because the virus had mutated – had a unique characteristic. Unlike the typical influenza mortality curve – which is usually “U” shaped, affecting mainly the very young and elderly – the 1918 influenza strain had a “W”-shaped mortality curve – impacting young adults as well as old people (Chart II-4). This pattern was evident in all three waves, but most pronounced during the second wave. The reason for this was that the infection caused by the influenza became hyperactive, producing a “cytokine storm” – when mediators secreted from the immune system result in severe inflammation.13 Simply put, as the virus became virulent, the body’s immune system overworked to fight it. Younger people, with strong immune systems, suffered most from this phenomenon. Chart II-4A Unique Characteristic: Impacting Younger Adults June 2020 June 2020 By the summer of 1919, the pandemic was over, since those who had been infected had either died or recovered, therefore developing immunity. The lack of records makes it difficult to assess if “herd immunity” was achieved. However, some historical accounts and research – particularly for army groups in the US and the UK – suggest that those exposed to the disease in the first mild wave were not affected during the second more severe wave.14 The failure to define the causative pathogen at the time made development of a vaccine impossible. Nevertheless, some treatments and remedies showed modest success. These varied from using a serum – obtained from people who had recovered, who therefore had antibodies against the disease – to simple symptomatic drugs and various oils and herbs. The Effectiveness Of Non-Pharmaceutical Interventions (NPIs) Chart II-5Travel Slowed...Just Not Enough Travel Slowed...Just Not Enough Travel Slowed...Just Not Enough What we today call “social distancing” showed positive effects during the 1918-19 pandemic. These included measures very similar to those applied today: school closures, isolation and quarantines, bans on some sorts of public gatherings, and more. However, there were few travel bans. The number of passengers carried during the months of the pandemic did noticeably decline though (Chart II-5). Table II-1, based on research by Hatchett, Mecher and Lipsitch, breaks down NPIs by type for 17 major US cities. Most cities implemented a wide range of interventions. But it was not only the type of NPIs implemented that made a difference, but also the speed and length of implementation. Further research by Markel, Lipman and Navarro based on 43 US cities shows that the median number of days between the first reported influenza case and the first NPI implementation was over two weeks. The median period during which various NPIs were implemented was about six weeks (Table II-2). Table II-1Measures Applied Then Are Very Similar To Those Applied Today June 2020 June 2020 Table II-2NPIs Were Implemented Only For Short Periods June 2020 June 2020 Markel, Lipman and Navarro's findings show that a rapid public-health response was an important factor in reducing the mortality rate by slowing the rate of infection, what we now refer to as “flattening the curve.” There were major differences in cities’ policies: both the speed at which they implement NPIs, and the length of the implementation period. Chart II-6 shows that: Cities that acted quickly to implement NPIs slowed the rate of infections and deaths (Chart II-6, panel 1) Cities that acted quickly had lower mortality rates from influenza and pneumonia (Chart II-6, panel 2) Cities that implemented NPIs for longer periods had fewer deaths (Chart II-6, panel 3) Chart II-7 quantifies the number of NPIs taken, the time it took to implement the measures, and the length of NPIs to gauge policy strictness. Cities with stricter enforcement had lower death rates than those with laxer measures. Chart II-6Fast Response And Longer Implementation Led To Fewer Deaths... June 2020 June 2020 Chart II-7...So Did Policy Strictness June 2020 June 2020     For example, Kansas City, less than a week after its first reported case, had implemented quarantine and isolation measures. By the second week, schools, churches, and other entertainment facilities closed. Schools reopened a month later (in early November) but quickly shut again until early January 1919. While we do not have definitive dates on when each NPI was lifted, some sort of protective measures in Kansas City were in place for almost 170 days. By contrast, Philadelphia, one of the cities hardest hit by Spanish Flu, took more than a month to implement any measures. Its tardiness meant that it reached a peak mortality rate much more quickly: in 13 days compared to 31 days for Kansas City. Even after the first reported case, the Liberty Loans Parade was still held on September 28, 1918 – with the knowledge that hundreds of thousands of spectators might be vulnerable to infection.15,16 It was not until a few days later that institutions were closed and a ban on public gatherings was imposed. Many other cities also held a Liberty Loans Parade, including Pittsburgh and Washington DC, but Philadelphia’s was the deadliest. Studies also show that relaxing interventions too early could be as damaging as implementing them too late. St. Louis, for example, was quick to lift restrictions and suffered particularly badly in the second wave as a result. It later reinstated NPIs up until end of February 1919. Other cities that eased restrictions too early (San Francisco and Minneapolis, for example) also suffered from a second swift, albeit milder, increase in weekly excess death rates from pneumonia and influenza (Chart II-8). Chart II-8Relaxing Lockdown Measures Too Early Can Lead To A Second Rise In Deaths... June 2020 June 2020 Chart II-9...And So Can Highly Effective Measures June 2020 June 2020 Of course, NPIs cannot be implemented indefinitely. A recent research paper by Bootsma and Ferguson raises the point that suppressing a pandemic may not be the best strategy because it just leaves some people susceptible to infection later. They argue that highly effective social distancing measures, which allow a susceptible pool of people to reintegrate into society when the measures are lifted, are likely to lead to a resurgence in infections and fatalities in a second peak (Chart II-9).17 They suggest an optimal level of control measures to reduce R (the infection rate) to a value that makes a significant portion of the population immune once measures are lifted.  The Impact Of The Spanish Flu On The Economy And Markets How did the Spanish Flu pandemic affect the economy? Many pandemic researchers ignore the official recession identified by the NBER during the months of the pandemic (between August 1918 and March 1919).18 The reason is that most of the evidence indicates that the economic effects of the 1918-19 pandemic were short-term and relatively mild.19 Disentangling drivers of the economy is, indeed, tricky given that WW1 ended in November 1918. However, it is easy to underestimate the negative impact of the pandemic since the war had such a big impact on the economy, as well as investor and public sentiment. Various research papers support the fact that, while the pandemic did indeed have an adverse effect on the economy, NPIs did not just depress mortality rates, but also sped the post-pandemic economic recovery.20 Research by Correia, Sergio, and Luck showed that the areas most severely affected by the pandemic saw a sharp and persistent decline in real economic activity, whereas cities that intervened earlier and more aggressively, experienced a relative increase in economic activity post the pandemic.21 Their findings are based on the increase in manufacturing employment after the pandemic compared to before it (1919 versus 1914). However, note that the rise of manufacturing payrolls in 1919 was high everywhere given the return of soldiers post-WWI. The researchers also note that those cities hardest hit by the pandemic also saw a negative impact on manufacturing activity, the stock of durable goods, and bank assets. Chart II-10Short-Term Price Impact Was Disinflationary Short-Term Price Impact Was Disinflationary Short-Term Price Impact Was Disinflationary Because Spanish flu disproportionately killed younger adults, many families lost their breadwinner. In economic terms, this implies both a negative supply shock and negative demand shock. If fewer employees are available to produce a certain good, supply will fall. The same reduction in employment also implies reduced income and therefore lower purchasing power. Both cases will result in a decrease in output. However, the change in prices depends on the decline of supply relative to demand. In 1918-19, the impact was disinflationary: demand declined by more than supply, and both spending and consumer prices fell during the pandemic (Chart II-10). US factory employment fell by over 8% between March 1918 and March 1919 – the period from the beginning of the first wave until the end of the second wave. It is important to note, however, that few businesses went bankrupt during the pandemic years (Chart II-11). Additionally, the November 1918 Federal Reserve Bulletin highlighted that many cities, including New York, Kansas City, and Richmond, experienced a shortage of labor due to the influenza.22 Factory employment in New York fell by over 10% during this period. The link between the labor shortages and the decline in industrial production is unclear. Industrial activity in the US peaked just before the second wave, contracting by over 20% during the second wave (Chart II-12). Various industries reported disruptions: automobile production fell by 67%, anthracite coal production and shipments fell by around 45%, and railroad freight revenues declined by over seven billion ton-miles (Chart II-12, panels 2, 3 & 4). However, some of this decline is attributed to falling defense production after the war. Chart II-11Loss Of Middle-Aged Adults = Loss Of Breadwinners Loss Of Middle-Aged Adults = Loss Of Breadwinners Loss Of Middle-Aged Adults = Loss Of Breadwinners Chart II-12Activity Slowed, But Rebounded Quickly Activity Slowed, But Rebounded Quickly Activity Slowed, But Rebounded Quickly   Chart II-13The War Had A Bigger Impact On The Stock Market Than The Pandemic The War Had A Bigger Impact On The Stock Market Than The Pandemic The War Had A Bigger Impact On The Stock Market Than The Pandemic Chart II-14Monetary Policy Was Easy...Even Before The Pandemic Started Monetary Policy Was Easy...Even Before The Pandemic Started Monetary Policy Was Easy...Even Before The Pandemic Started The equity market moved in a broad range in 1915-1919 and fell sharply only ahead of the 1920 recession (Chart II-13). Seemingly, stock market participants were more focused on the war than the pandemic. The lack of reporting of the pandemic could have contributed to this: newspapers were encouraged to avoid carrying bad news for reasons of patriotism and did not widely cover the pandemic until late 1918.23 The Federal Reserve played an active role in funding the government’s spending on the war, and so monetary policy was very easy during the pandemic – but for other reasons. The Fed used its position as a lender to the banking system to facilitate war bond sales.16 Interest rates were cut in 1914 and 1915 even before the US entered the war. The US economy had been in recession between January 1913 and December 1914. Policy rates remained low throughout 1916 and 1917 and slightly rose in 1918 and 1919. It was not until 1920 that Federal Reserve Bank System tightened policy rapidly to choke off inflation, which accelerated to over 20% in mid-1920 – rising inflation being a common post-war phenomenon (Chart II-14). The Lessons Of 1918-19 For The Coronavirus Pandemic Non-pharmaceutical interventions should continue to be implemented until a vaccine, effective therapeutic drugs, or mass testing is available. Relaxing measures prematurely is as damaging as a tardy reaction to the pandemic. Reacting quickly and imposing multiple measures for longer periods not only reduces mortality rates, but also improves economic outcomes post-crisis. The economy suffers in the short-term: supply and demand shocks lead to lower output. The demand shock however is larger leading to lower prices and disinflationary pressures, at least during and immediately after the pandemic.   Amr Hanafy Senior Analyst Global Asset Allocation III. Indicators And Reference Charts Last month, we maintained a positive disposition toward stocks, especially at the expense of government bonds. The global economy may be in the midst of its most severe contraction since the Great Depression, but betting against stocks is too dangerous when fiscal and monetary policy are both as easy as they are today. In essence, don’t fight the Fed. This view remains in place, even if the short-term risk/reward ratio for holding stocks is deteriorating. On a cyclical basis, the same factors that made us willing buyers of stocks remain broadly in place. Stocks are not as cheap as they were in late March, but monetary conditions have only eased further as real interest rates weakened. Additionally, our Speculation Indicator has eased, which indicates that contrary to many commentators’ perceptions, speculation is not rampant. Confirming this intuition, the equity risk premium remains elevated (even when one takes into account its lack of stationarity) and expected growth rates of earnings are still very low. Finally, our Revealed Preference Indicator is finally flashing a strong buy signal. Tactically, equities are still overbought. We have had four 5% or more corrections since March 23. More of them are in the cards. However, the most likely outcome for the S&P 500 this summer is a churning pattern, not a major downward move below 2700. The median stock is still 26% below its August 2018 low and only a fraction of equities on the NYSE trade above their 30-week moving average. These indicators do not scream that a major correction is on the horizon, especially when policy is as accommodative as it is today. We continue to recommend investors take advantage of the supportive backdrop for stocks by buying equities relative to bonds. In contrast to global bourses, government bonds are still massively overbought on a cyclical basis and trading at their largest premium to fair value since Q4 2008 and late 1985. Additionally, the vast sums of both monetary and fiscal stimulus injected in the economy should lift inflation expectations and thus, bond yields. The yield curve is therefore slated to steepen further. Since we last published, the dollar has not meaningfully depreciated, but the DXY is trying to breakdown while our composite technical indicator is making lower highs. It is too early to gauge whether the recent rebound in the IDR, the MXN, or the ZAR is anything more than an oversold bounce, but if it were to continue, it would indicate that the expensive greenback is starting to buckle under the weight of the quickly expanding twin deficit. The widening in the current account deficit that will result from extraordinarily loose fiscal policy means that the large increase in money supply by the Fed will leak out of the US economy. This process is highly bearish for the dollar. Ultimately, the timing of the dollar’s weakness will all boil down to global growth. As signs are building up that global growth is bottoming, odds are rising that the dollar will finally breakdown. Get ready for a meaningful downward move over the coming months. Finally, commodities seem to be gaining traction. The Continuous Commodity Index’s A/D line is quickly moving up and our Composite Technical Indicator is quickly rising from extremely oversold levels. Oil will hold the key for the broad complex. Oil supply has started to adjust lower and oil demand is set to improve starting June/July as the global economy re-opens, fueled with massive amounts of stimulus. As a result, inventories should start to meaningfully decline this summer, which will support the recent recovery in oil prices. If oil can rebound further, industrial commodities will follow. Finally, gold is a mixed bag in the near term. The dollar is set to weaken significantly and inflation breakevens to move higher, which will mitigate the negative impact of declining risk aversion. Silver is a superior play to gold as it will benefit from a recovery in global growth. EQUITIES: Chart III-1US Equity Indicators US Equity Indicators US Equity Indicators Chart III-2Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Chart III-3US Equity Sentiment Indicators US Equity Sentiment Indicators US Equity Sentiment Indicators   Chart III-4Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Chart III-5US Stock Market Valuation US Stock Market Valuation US Stock Market Valuation Chart III-6US Earnings US Earnings US Earnings Chart III-7Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Chart III-8Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance   FIXED INCOME: Chart III-9US Treasurys And Valuations US Treasurys And Valuations US Treasurys And Valuations Chart III-10Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Chart III-11Selected US Bond Yields Selected US Bond Yields Selected US Bond Yields Chart III-1210-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components Chart III-13US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor Chart III-14Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Chart III-15Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets   CURRENCIES: Chart III-16US Dollar And PPP US Dollar And PPP US Dollar And PPP Chart III-17US Dollar And Indicator US Dollar And Indicator US Dollar And Indicator Chart III-18US Dollar Fundamentals US Dollar Fundamentals US Dollar Fundamentals Chart III-19Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Chart III-20Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Chart III-21Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Chart III-22Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals   COMMODITIES: Chart III-23Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Chart III-24Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-25Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-26Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Chart III-27Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning   ECONOMY: Chart III-28US And Global Macro Backdrop US And Global Macro Backdrop US And Global Macro Backdrop Chart III-29US Macro Snapshot US Macro Snapshot US Macro Snapshot Chart III-30US Growth Outlook US Growth Outlook US Growth Outlook Chart III-31US Cyclical Spending US Cyclical Spending US Cyclical Spending Chart III-32US Labor Market US Labor Market US Labor Market Chart III-33US Consumption US Consumption US Consumption Chart III-34US Housing US Housing US Housing Chart III-35US Debt And Deleveraging US Debt And Deleveraging US Debt And Deleveraging   Chart III-36US Financial Conditions US Financial Conditions US Financial Conditions Chart III-37Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Chart III-38Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China   Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Footnotes 1 Reid Cramer et al., The Emerging Millennial Wealth Gap, Divergent Trajectories, Weak Balance Sheets, and Implications for Social Policy, New America, Oct 2019. 2 https://www.wsj.com/articles/new-normal-amid-coronavirus-working-from-home-while-schooling-the-kids-11584437400 3 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 4  Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report "The Productivity Puzzle: Competition Is The Missing Ingredient," dated June 27, 2019, available at bca.bcaresearch.com 5  Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Monthly Report "May 2020," dated April 30, 2020, available at bca.bcaresearch.com 6 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report "A Few Trades Amidst A Pandemic," dated May 22, 2020, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 7 Please see European Investment Strategy Weekly Report "European Investors Left Defenceless," dated May 21, 2020, available at eis.bcaresearch.com 8 Please see US Equity Strategy Special Report "Debunking Earnings," dated May 19, 2020, available at uses.bcaresearch.com 9 Please see the Q&A with immunologist and Nobel laureate Professor Peter Doherty, published by BCA Research April 1st 2020: BCA Research Special Report, “Questions On The Coronavirus: An Expert Answers,” available at bcaresearch.com 10 Please see “Leading Cause of Death, 1990-1998,” CDC Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 11 Please see Ansart S, Pelat C, Boelle PY, Carrat F, Flahault A, Valleron AJ, “Mortality burden of the 1918-1919 influenza pandemic in Europe,” NCBI. 12 Please see Public Health Report, vol. 34, No. 38, Sept. 19, 1919. 13 Please see Qiang Liu, Yuan-hong Zhou, Zhan-qiu Yang Cell Mol Immunol. 2016 Jan; 13(1): 3–10. 14 Please see Shope, R. (1958) Public Health Rep. 73, 165–178. 15 The Liberty Loans Parade was intended to promote the sale of government bonds to pay for World War One. 16 Please see Hatchett RJ, Mecher CE, Lipsitch M (2007) "Public health interventions and epidemic intensity during the 1918 influenza pandemic,"PNAS 104: 7582–7587. 17 Please see Bootsma M, Ferguson N, “The Effect Of Public Health Measures On The 1918 Influenza Pandemic In U.S. Cities,” PNAS (2007). 18 Please see https://www.nber.org/cycles.html 19 Please see https://www.stlouisfed.org/~/media/files/pdfs/community-development/res…12               Please see https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2020/03/fight-the-pandemic-save-the-economy-lessons-from-the-1918-flu.html. 20 Please see Correia, Sergio and Luck, Stephan and Verner, Emil, Pandemics Depress the Economy, Public Health Interventions Do Not: Evidence from the 1918 Flu (March 30, 2020). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3561560 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3561560. 21 Please see Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (U.S.), 1935- and Federal Reserve Board, 1914-1935. "November 1918," Federal Reserve Bulletin (November 1918). 22 Please see https://newrepublic.com/article/157094/americas-newspapers-covered-pandemic. 23 Please see https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/feds_role_during_wwi.

Highlights China faces unprecedented socioeconomic challenges but its political response is rigid rather than flexible. The twin political goals of centralization and self-sufficiency bode ill for productivity. Communist Party elites have become more ideological and provincial, less cosmopolitan and technocratic. A global protectionist backlash adds to China’s woes. Over the long run, favor cyclical and commodity plays that benefit from China’s reflation but are distanced from its large and persistent political and geopolitical risks. Feature In ancient times Chinese emperors ruled with the “mandate of heaven.” As long as they could keep famine, rebellion, invasion, and plague from ravaging the nation, they were perceived as having divine sanction. Their dynasty would retain power and the people would be kept in awe (Table 1). Table 1Disease And The Fall Of Chinese Dynasties Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? The COVID-19 pandemic and recession are highly unlikely to cause the downfall of General Secretary Xi Jinping and the Communist Party “dynasty.” But it is part of a string of recent challenges to the regime that are secular and structural in nature. The regime’s response, thus far, has been rigidity rather than flexibility – a warning sign that things may get worse before they get better. Investors should not view China as “fundamentally stable,” as has largely been the case for the past 20-30 years. Instead they should view it as fundamentally unstable and therefore a source of understated risk to the Chinese currency, equities, and corporate bonds. This is especially true relative to markets that benefit from Chinese reflation yet are distanced from its political and geopolitical risks. Political risks are more likely to manifest in China’s periphery in the short run. Mainland Chinese political risks are more likely to manifest over the long run. A Massive Reflationary Kick China convenes the National People’s Congress on May 21, after a two-month delay due to the extraordinary COVID-19 pandemic. The annual legislative session typically drives reflationary sentiment in the global economy and financial markets, especially in years of crisis such as 2009 and 2016. This year should be another such year, particularly viewed from a long-term perspective. Investors can count on massive Chinese stimulus because the spike in unemployment poses a threat to social stability. Chinese authorities are wheeling out the big guns for this crisis. The fiscal measures announced thus far should reach 10% of gross domestic product. The “quasi-fiscal” function of Chinese banks could push the total well above that when all is said and done. Investors can count on massive stimulus because the spike in unemployment poses a threat to social stability. The economy is contracting for the first time since the Cultural Revolution (Chart 1). Chart 1China's Rapid Growth, A Pillar Of Stability, Is Officially Gone China's Rapid Growth, A Pillar Of Stability, Is Officially Gone China's Rapid Growth, A Pillar Of Stability, Is Officially Gone Table 2The Great Chinese Boom, 1980-2020 Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Ever since that chaotic period, the Communist Party has based its legitimacy on economic growth and rising incomes. The results of China’s economic boom of 1980-2020 are well known. China’s share of global GDP has risen from 2% to 16%; its share of global capital stock from 3% to 21%; exports 1% to 13%; and military spending 1% to 14% (Table 2). In the future, with this economic pillar cracked, Beijing will have to devote even more attention to “stability maintenance” at home. Reflation Doesn’t Solve Structural Problems Household consumption is China’s only hope for developing sustainable economic growth in the wake of a boom driven by investment in export-manufacturing and construction. Cyclically, the virus threatens consumption by discouraging consumers from going anywhere other than work. However, China’s suppression of the virus is enabling consumers to resume activity gradually. Elsewhere, including Europe, economic expectations are also perking up, corroborating China’s data that consumers are increasingly willing to venture out of their homes (Chart 2). Still, China is vulnerable to subsequent outbreaks and is already instituting new lockdowns in the northeast. Structurally, China’s economy is susceptible to a series of historic shifts that were already taking place and that the pandemic has accelerated. The working-age share of the population is now declining rapidly. This coincides with a drop in the national savings rate (Chart 3) and a rapid rise in the dependency ratio – faster even than in Germany or Japan over the past two decades. Consumption will rise relative to investment. But if households are precautionary savers, as in Japan, then consumption will not grow fast enough to sustain overall GDP growth, forcing the government to spend more to shore up overall demand. Chart 2Chinese And Global Sentiment Recovering Chinese And Global Sentiment Recovering Chinese And Global Sentiment Recovering Chart 3China's Demographic Changes Portend Higher Cost Of Capital China's Demographic Changes Portend Higher Cost Of Capital China's Demographic Changes Portend Higher Cost Of Capital China no longer primarily channels its savings into export manufacturing. Instead it invests them at home. China’s total debt – public and private – has surpassed that of many developed nations despite the country’s lower level of development and wealth (Chart 4). China can manage this debt, given that it prints its own currency, keeps a closed capital account, and has shifted to a primarily domestic-oriented economy. But the debt is less manageable than before the crisis. Nominal growth has fallen beneath interest rates, implying that, in the midst of the crisis, debt cannot be serviced for the economy as a whole (Chart 5). Growth will revive, but it will likely run at lower rates than prior to the crisis. Debt servicing will be a recurrent problem for small or inefficient businesses. Chart 4China’s Indebtedness Will Continue To Surge Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Chart 5China Needs Growth To Service Debt China Needs Growth To Service Debt China Needs Growth To Service Debt Chart 6China Struggling To Avoid 'Twin Deficits' China Struggling To Avoid 'Twin Deficits' China Struggling To Avoid 'Twin Deficits' The whole problem is illustrated by China’s verging on “twin deficits” – an ever-widening budget deficit combined with a recent tendency to slip into current account deficit (Chart 6). Anglo-Saxon economies often run large twin deficits. But China is more comparable to Japan, which has never let itself run persistent current account deficits, since it would then become reliant on foreign sources of financing. Since China will run large budget deficits for the foreseeable future, it will either have to make its corporate sector more efficient (e.g. by depressing wages), or it will see downward pressure on the currency as a result of a weakening current account balance. The pandemic and recession will pass, thanks to massive stimulus. What will remain is China’s voyage into new territory. Prior to COVID-19 the concern was that China would grow old before it grows rich – that the transition to a low-growth consumer economy would occur at a much lower level of GDP per capita than it did with economies like Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea. Now, with a sudden downward shift in growth rates, it is possible that China will grow old without growing rich. This would be a huge risk to the regime in the long run. The Communist Party Returns To Its Roots Risk of economic stagnation – the so-called middle-income trap – is why policymakers at the National People’s Congress this weekend will lay so much emphasis on “reform and opening up,” even as they are forced by the pandemic to do the opposite for now and stimulate the economy via debt-financed fixed investment. China has pledged sweeping structural reforms, liberalization, and internationalization so many times now that it is common for western policymakers to complain of “promise fatigue.” The lack of verification is one reason foreign governments are increasingly willing to consider punitive measures in dealing with China. Today’s macro and geopolitical context do not favor liberal reforms, such as occurred in China in the late 1990s, but the changing characteristics of China’s elite political leaders reveal a more specific reason why policy has grown more statist, more “communist,” and less liberal, over the past decade. Members of the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC), the most powerful decision-making body, have become more ideological, more authoritarian, less cosmopolitan, and less technocratic over the years (Chart 7). They are far less likely to have studied the hard sciences or engineering than their predecessors, who orchestrated China’s westernizing, capitalist reforms from the 1980s to early 2000s. Chart 7China’s Leadership Increasingly Provincial And Inward-Looking Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? They lack experience running state-owned enterprises, which might seem like a plus, except that the alternative is being a career politician – a ruler of a province – and never having run any business at all. Leaders increasingly hail from rural provinces, as opposed to the wealthy, internationally savvy coasts. Chart 8China Will Miss Some Centennial Income Targets China Will Miss Some Centennial Income Targets China Will Miss Some Centennial Income Targets Essentially, the grassroots interior of the country – the base of the Communist Party – has been reclaiming the party from the corrupt, liberal, westernizing technocrats. And the party is about to grow even more reactionary. First, it is now officially failing to meet its own development goals. For several years the administration has talked of abandoning annual GDP growth targets as part of its push to prioritize quality rather than quantity of economic growth, but has not done so. Now it is not only the annual growth target that will be missed in 2020, but the party’s decade goals will have to be fudged (Chart 8). Moreover, if the economy does not recover as quickly as hoped then the highly symbolic 2021 centennial of the Communist Party will be marred. Replacing hard numerical targets is reasonable but will not change the party’s constant need to emphasize development goals to keep the people looking forward. And it will not remove the local-level incentive structures that cause economic distortions to meet central government goals. The takeaway is that massive stimulus is assured as the party cannot afford to suffer instability over this period of political milestones. Second, the administration’s difficulties open up at least some possibility of factional struggle within the party. Remember that Xi Jinping was supposed to step down in 2022 at the twentieth National Party Congress. This would have marked the end of his ten-year rule according to the rules that his two predecessors tried to establish. Xi altered this pattern in 2017 to pave the way to rule until 2035 or beyond. Thus while the market can look forward to stimulus this year and next to ensure the economy has stabilized by 2022 (Chart 9), there is potential for surprising political events to rattle China’s appearance of political stability and unity. Chart 9Xi Jinping Was Originally Slated To Step Down In 2022 Xi Jinping Was Originally Slated To Step Down In 2022 Xi Jinping Was Originally Slated To Step Down In 2022 Granted, Xi has shifted the party’s governance model from single-party rule to single-person rule. The most likely political shocks will come from Xi cracking down on his opponents to re-consolidate power, as he did in 2012-13 and 2017. Factional struggles could cause minor risk-off episodes in financial markets but they will say something more important, which is that the unity of the ruling party is a façade and stability cannot be assumed forever. Economic Targets: Centralization And Autarky In the coming years, Xi Jinping’s government will continue to centralize control over society and the economy as it has done throughout his term. This is the opposite of “reform” in the sense of former leader Deng Xiaoping, which meant decentralizing power and letting local governments and private business innovate. The Xi administration’s “reform” push was to cut industrial overcapacity and deleverage the corporate sector, as we highlighted in a series of reports from 2016-18. We argued then that these reforms would be abandoned as soon as major downside risks to growth returned – which is what occurred due to the trade war and now COVID-19. Thus the net effect of the Xi administration thus far has been to centralize the economy and pursue self-sufficiency. Centralization can be shown in the resurgence of the Communist Party, the central government in Beijing, and state-owned enterprises. Government debt has grown at the expense of private leverage (Chart 10), which faced a crackdown, while the state-owned share of corporate debt has grown from one-half to two-thirds since 2013. Xi formally pledged in 2017 to make state companies stronger, better, and bigger. His term has witnessed a major bull market in SOE equities relative to the broad market – and each phase of power consolidation adds a new rally to this trend (Chart 11). Chart 10Public Sector Encroaching On Private Sector … Before COVID-19 Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Chart 11SOE Bull Market Under Xi Jinping SOE Bull Market Under Xi Jinping SOE Bull Market Under Xi Jinping As for international trade, China has become far less reliant on foreign parts and components for its manufacturing sector over recent decades (Chart 12). It has also increasingly used state resources to pursue strategic self-sufficiency through technological acquisition, import substitution, and state-backed “indigenous innovation.” The attempt to make a new Great Leap Forward in advanced manufacturing and high-tech services has led to a direct clash with the US government, which is now actively expanding export controls. In the upcoming fourteenth Five Year Plan for the years 2021-25, Beijing is highly likely to double down on technological self-reliance. Chart 12China Closes Its Doors Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Chart 13Centralization And Closed Economy Harm Productivity Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Centralization and import substitution have harmed productivity, especially total factor productivity (Chart 13). Centralization is not necessarily bad for productivity – state-directed research and development can galvanize major improvements. But in China centralization is excessive and constricts the flow of information and ideas in civil society and academia, which discourages innovation and privileges quantity over quality of output. Closure to the outside world reinforces this point – particularly as a global protectionist backlash comes to affect China’s acquisition of tech and talent – and exacerbates the misallocation of capital at home. Social Unrest Will Grow China’s falling potential growth will generate social unrest over time, despite the appearance of perfect control in this authoritarian society. Table 3 shows our COVID-19 Social Unrest Index. Countries are ranked from best to worst, top to bottom. Obviously a high rank does not suggest a country is immune to unrest – all emerging markets are vulnerable. A poor score under “household grievances” – i.e., income inequality combined with the “misery index” of high inflation and unemployment – can engender unrest even in relatively well-governed states, as is happening in Chile. Table 3China Looks Stable On Paper: Our COVID-19 Social Unrest Index Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? China ranks fourth overall, with poor governance indicators dragging down the total. However, household grievances will rise as the unemployment rate rises (and perhaps food and fuel inflation). Unemployment is much higher in China than officially reported. The government is also unfamiliar with how to deal with large surges in unemployment, having long utilized policy to minimize the unemployment rate at any cost (Chart 14). Chart 14AUnemployment Spike A Threat To Chinese Stability Unemployment Spike A Threat To Chinese Stability Unemployment Spike A Threat To Chinese Stability Chart 14BUnemployment Spike A Threat To Chinese Stability Unemployment Spike A Threat To Chinese Stability Unemployment Spike A Threat To Chinese Stability Chart 15Income Inequality In China Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Inequality is at extreme levels and will worsen as a result of COVID-19. Our China Investment Strategist shows that the bifurcation in wealth between the top 10% and the bottom 50% will widen as job losses hit low-skilled and labor-intensive sectors (Chart 15). The rural-urban disparity – an obsession of policymakers in recent years – will also grow amid the crisis (Chart 16). Two factors are aggravating these trends. First, the decline of the manufacturing sector alluded to above. China’s manufacturing sector was too large and it has been rapidly converging to the level of developed economies, meaning that as many as 10% of workers’ jobs are at risk in the coming years. A maturing economy and mercantilist geopolitical trends are accelerating this process (Chart 17). Beijing will have to confiscate wealth from the coastal provinces and power centers to reduce inequality and social grievances. Chart 16Regional Inequality In China Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Chart 17Large Manufacturing Sector Getting Purged Large Manufacturing Sector Getting Purged Large Manufacturing Sector Getting Purged Second, migrant workers are drifting home amid the COVID-19 crisis, just as in 2008. 51 million migrants vanished from employment rolls in the first quarter (Chart 18). The government’s model of household registration reform has focused not on making it easier for migrants to integrate into wealthy coastal provinces but rather on subsidizing activity in interior provinces and foisting workers back into their home provinces. This is a trigger of unrest. Will social unrest end up being politically significant? In most cases no. Beijing is prepared to quell protests and dissent – it has devoted massive resources to domestic security, even compared to its rapid military modernization (Chart 19). Chart 18Migrant Workers Cast Adrift Amid COVID-19 Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Chart 19‘Stability Maintenance’ Is A State Priority Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? The Communist Party began prioritizing “social stability maintenance” across all dimensions of society in the wake of the global financial crisis in 2008. The abortive “Jasmine Revolution” in 2011, at the height of the Arab Spring, was literally swept away by street-cleaning trucks. The Wukan riots that same year were more persistent, flaring up again in 2016, but the siege was ultimately confined to a single city in the generally more restive south. Various shows of defiance in Wuhan and Hubei in the wake of COVID-19 have been snuffed out. Social unrest will not always be politically significant. State repression and mismanagement could turn any minor incident of unrest into a major incident. But as long as disturbances remain local, they will have limited political consequences. The risk for China is its pursuit of innovation and technological modernization. Greater connectivity will increase the potential for cross-border coordination. The running assumption is that China is an authoritarian state with sufficient police force to silence any discontent. But political activism does not have to be liberal – it could be nationalist, or simply based on quality of life issues that cannot easily be demonized. At any rate, the dislocation of the manufacturing sector and labor market in the context of a secular growth slowdown is a long-term tailwind for social and political challenges to the state. Political risk will grow, not fall, from here. Diversions From Domestic Unrest Beijing’s attempt to re-centralize power and reassert Communist Party control has sparked resistance in the Chinese periphery. Both Taiwan and Hong Kong have seen protest movements – consisting of middle class workers as well as youth – since 2013. These movements have not spread to the mainland – if anything they are a diversion from the mainland’s own problems. But they have prompted Beijing to crack down on the periphery, further polarizing opinion. While unrest in Hong Kong will heat up as Beijing attempts to impose even more direct control, ultimately Hong Kong has no alternative. Taiwan, on the other hand, is an island that already largely conceives of itself as an autonomous unit. The sense of Taiwanese identity – as opposed to Chinese – has exploded upward in recent years (Chart 20). There is a very high bar for war in the Taiwan Strait. And yet Chinese military hawks and strategists have begun to discuss it more openly. China’s military drills around the island are a measured but intimidating response to the rise of the popular, nominally pro-independence government since 2016. The US is making active but measured moves to shore up the diplomatic and military relationship with Taiwan. Given Washington’s renewed focus on China’s drive to achieve dominance in semiconductors, and America’s desire to secure supply chains that run through Taiwan and the mainland, we remain fully committed to our view that Taiwan is a major underrated geopolitical risk. Given the high bar for outright war on Taiwan, it should be no surprise that disputes over sovereignty and military positioning in the South China Sea should revive (Chart 21). This is a convenient outlet for Chinese nationalism. The sea is of vital strategic importance to all the major East Asian economies – not because of resources but because of supply security. Military actions in the sea have a direct bearing on cross-strait relations as well as Sino-Japanese relations, which are also liable to flare up during periods of economic distress. Chart 20Tensions In Chinese Periphery Set To Increase Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Chart 21South China Sea: Not Just A Distraction Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? The US is pushing back in the seas as well, increasing the odds of a skirmish or incident. Recent reports that China will seek to establish an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) in the South China Sea have been dismissed by Taiwanese authorities, but an ADIZ is just one of many plausible scenarios that could escalate tensions overnight. Will The US Sabotage China? The US election has the potential to exacerbate China’s economic and political insecurities in the near term. The major constraint on US-China economic decoupling is well known: US allies, such as Europe and Japan, can and will continue to trade with China. Thus the US would suffer the most if it insisted on an outright blockade of trade or tech. The implication, however, is that President Trump will change strategy in any second term. There is a substantial risk to European industry that he could attempt a trade war with the EU as well as China. But the major constraint – that the US cannot take on China alone – means that his advisers across all parties and agencies will urge him to change his position. Whether he will listen is anybody’s guess. Meanwhile a Democratic victory will ensure a multilateral strategy is adopted, as was the case from 2008-16. The real political risk comes when Xi Jinping attempts to step down and pass the baton to a successor. In this regard it is essential to recognize that China’s progress up the manufacturing value chain is a threat to US allies independently of the United States (Chart 22). Chart 22China’s Manufacturing Rivals Advanced Nations Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Judging by China’s fastest growing export categories, Germany, South Korea, Taiwan, Japan, and Singapore have nearly as much to lose as the United States if China’s state-backed trade practices are not constrained (Chart 23). These include illegal tech transfer, hacking, and increasingly Russian-style disinformation campaigns. Chart 23US Not Alone In Concern Over China’s Manufacturing Machine Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Is Xi Jinping Losing The Mandate Of Heaven? Chart 24China's Rise Comes At Expense Of US Allies, Not Necessarily US China's Rise Comes At Expense Of US Allies, Not Necessarily US China's Rise Comes At Expense Of US Allies, Not Necessarily US In terms of overall geopolitical power, China’s rise has occurred at the expense of Japan and the EU as well as the United States, even though Europe is less threatened militarily (Chart 24). The implication is that if the US should make a concerted diplomatic effort to form a united front against China demanding verifiable reform and opening, it will eventually be able to bring its allies over to the cause. Xi Jinping’s Succession Crisis How would China respond to this external pressure, which threatens to pile onto its new domestic woes? China will resist US unilateral pressure tactics, so confrontation with a re-elected Trump could be very destabilizing. A “grand alliance” of the West that leaves open the path to economic cooperation could force China to capitulate and offer real concessions. But we are far from there today. Faced with outright confrontation or multilateral encirclement, China will double down on self-sufficiency. Thus geopolitics reinforces China’s internal political evolution and the macro backdrop outlined above. Centralization, Maoism, protectionism, and confrontation with the United States suggest that China faces serious trouble over the long run, especially when today’s massive stimulus wears off. Chart 25Markets Want Chinese Reforms And A Trade Deal Markets Want Chinese Reforms And A Trade Deal Markets Want Chinese Reforms And A Trade Deal Will the challenges be so great as to deprive Xi Jinping of the mandate of heaven? Not anytime soon. He sits at the helm of a wealthy authoritarian state and has the distinct advantage of having consolidated power, from 2012-17, prior to the onslaught of internal and external pressure. He enjoys popular support, despite the seeds of unrest identified in this report. The real political risk for the Communist Party comes when Xi Jinping attempts to step down and pass the baton to a successor. It was the succession after Chairman Mao Zedong’s death that occasioned the power struggles of the late 1970s. And it was Deng Xiaoping’s various attempts to set up a successor that led to unrest and party divisions in the 1980s, culminating at Tiananmen Square. The implication is that systemic regime instability is a long way off – yet still discernible. Chinese equities trade at a high risk premium. However, it may persist for some time. Political and geopolitical trends are not positive for China’s growth, productivity, private sector, or trade over the long run. Equity returns in USD terms over the course of the just-finished bull market compare very unfavorably to the previous bull market (Chart 25). On a 12-month and beyond investment horizon, we recommend investors seek cyclical and commodity plays that benefit from Chinese reflation yet are removed from its governance and geopolitical risks. These include industrial metals, Southeast Asian assets, and Japanese and European equities.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com

Highlights Higher OPEC 2.0 production in 2H20 – likely beginning in 3Q20 – will be required to keep Brent prices below $50/bbl going into the US presidential elections, which arguably is the primary driver of prices in the 2020 post-COVID-19 recovery. Larger-than-expected OPEC 2.0 production cuts announced this month will force deeper inventory draws beginning in 3Q20. The re-opening of global economies and promising vaccine developments notwithstanding, we continue to expect an 8mm b/d hit to oil consumption this year, followed by an 8mm b/d recovery in demand next year. Brent prices likely will trade slightly higher than we forecast last month – $40/bbl this year, on average, vs. a $39/bbl forecast last month, and $68/bbl next year, $3/bbl above April’s forecast.  We expect WTI to trade $2 - $4/bbl below Brent (Chart of the Week). Two-way price risk is high: The likelihood demand will surprise to the upside cannot be ignored, but it could collapse with a second COVID-19 wave forcing lockdowns again.  On the supply side, the hurricane season is off to an early start in the US, with the first tropical storm, Arthur, named this week. Feature Chart of the WeekOil-Price Recovery In 2H20, 2021 Oil-Price Recovery In 2H20, 2021 Oil-Price Recovery In 2H20, 2021 Chart 2OPEC 2.0 Delivers Massive Production Cuts OPEC 2.0 Delivers Massive Production Cuts OPEC 2.0 Delivers Massive Production Cuts Political considerations – i.e., keeping crude oil prices below $50/bbl so as not to spike gasoline prices going into the US presidential elections – will drive the evolution of crude oil prices. The big driver of oil prices over the short term is what we know with the least uncertainty. Right now, that’s what's happening on the supply side over the next couple of months. Slightly further out – as November approaches, to be precise – the political economy of oil once again will dominate fundamentals. Political considerations – i.e., keeping crude oil prices below $50/bbl so as not to spike gasoline prices going into the US presidential elections – will drive the evolution of crude oil prices. That is why, we believe, the massive voluntary cuts announced by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and its Gulf allies earlier this month – amounting to ~ 1.2mm b/d of cuts in addition to those agreed by OPEC 2.0 in April – are so important: The global inventory overhang produced by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the short-lived market-share war launched by Russia in March, has to be unwound as quickly as possible, before the US presidential elections kick into high gear. Holding to the schedule agreed in April would drain inventories, but not fast enough by September to prevent further distress for OPEC 2.0 member states as the year winds down.1 By then, additional cuts would be highly problematic, given US President Donald Trump almost surely will be demanding higher OPEC production to keep gasoline prices down as voters go to the polls in November. KSA announced plans to reduce production by ~ 4.5mm b/d vs. its April level of 12mm b/d starting in June, taking its output to ~ 7.5mm b/d. This cut is 1mm b/d more than what it agreed to last month to balance the oil market. The UAE and Kuwait also voluntarily added cuts of 100k and 80k b/d, respectively, to their agreed quotas. Production cuts by OPEC 2.0 as a whole – led by KSA and Russia – begun in May and extending at least to the end of June will amount to ~ 9mm b/d, or close to 9% of global production (Chart 2). Chart 3US Shale-Oil Output Cuts... US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices Outside of the OPEC 2.0 production cuts, we expect US shale-oil output to fall sharply – down ~ 2mm b/d this year from its peak in December, 2019 (Chart 3). The shale-oil supply destruction will lead total US production down by 600k b/d y/y in 2020 (Chart 4). US production losses will account for the largest share of non-OPEC production losses globally. Along with losses from Canada, Brazil and Norway in the wake of the COVID-19 demand destruction, we expect global oil production to fall 12mm b/d y/y by the end of June. Chart 4... Lead US Production Sharply Lower ... Lead US Production Sharply Lower ... Lead US Production Sharply Lower Demand Could Come Back Stronger For the year as a whole, we are leaving our expected demand loss at 8mm b/d, with most of that loss occurring in 1H20. That said, demand could revive sooner than expected, if the anecdotal reports of stronger-than-expected recovery in China prove out – the level of demand there is believed to be close to 13mm b/d in May, after falling to ~ 11.25mm b/d in February and March.2 Kayrros, the oil-inventory tracking service, noted its satellite imagery indicates, “Oil demand losses appear far lower than the prevailing view in April. Measured crude oil builds are wholly inconsistent with prevailing views of a collapse in oil demand of nearly Biblical proportions.” Furthermore, “By early May, there were clear signs of robust recovery in Asian crude demand as well as earlier-stage recovery in US end-user product demand. In addition, steep, swift supply cuts helped rebalance the market, leading to surprisingly deep inventory draws. But demand had never plunged as low as widely believed in the first place.”3 Our estimate of oil-demand destruction is less than that of the major data-reporting agencies. If this performance is repeated globally in EM economies – the historical growth engine of commodity demand – markets could tighten faster than we expect (Chart 5). Our estimate of oil-demand destruction is less than that of the major data-reporting agencies. In their May updates, EIA expects 2020 demand to fall 8.1mm b/d y/y in 2020, vs. 5.2mm b/d last month; OPEC sees demand falling 9.1mm b/d y/y, vs. 6.9mm b/d last month; and the IEA has it at 8.6mm b/d y/y, vs. 9.3mm b/d last month. Chart 5EM Demand Could Revive Quickly EM Demand Could Revive Quickly EM Demand Could Revive Quickly Chart 6Massive Fiscal and Monetary Stimulus Will Boost Aggregate Demand Globally US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices By next year, we expect global demand will rise 8mm b/d y/y, driven by the massive monetary and fiscal stimulus that will continue to boost aggregate demand higher (Chart 6). In 2H20, we see demand recovering as flowing supplies fall (Chart 7), forcing onshore inventories to draw sharply in 2H20 and into 2021 (Chart 8), as well as floating storage (Chart 9). In addition, This will flatten the forward Brent and WTI curves in 2H20, and backwardate them next year, as storage draws continue (Chart 10). Chart 7Oil Supply Falls, Demand Rises ... Oil Supply Falls, Demand Rises ... Oil Supply Falls, Demand Rises ... Chart 8... Onshore Inventories Draw More Than Expected ... Onshore Inventories Draw More Than Expected ... Onshore Inventories Draw More Than Expected Chart 9Expect Floating Storage To Empty Rapidly US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices Chart 10Falling Storage Levels Will Push Forward Curves Into Backwardation Falling Storage Levels Will Push Forward Curves Into Backwardation Falling Storage Levels Will Push Forward Curves Into Backwardation Political Economy Drives Price Evolution The risk of higher gasoline prices as crude marches higher this summer is a risk President Trump already has shown he will not countenance. Following the massive production cuts being implemented this month and next by OPEC 2.0 and the large involuntary output losses outside the coalition, there is a risk prices could rise rapidly in 2H20. The fairly high likelihood demand surprises to the upside in 2H20 cannot be ignored, which would further fuel a price spike. This is a combustible political mix. The risk of higher gasoline prices as crude marches higher this summer is a risk President Trump already has shown he will not countenance, particularly not as an election looms. With this in mind, we iterated on the production required to keep Brent prices below $50/bbl in 2020 in our modeling, consistent with our view of the political economy considerations US elections impose (Table 1). Any additional volumes needed to keep Brent below $50/bbl can be returned to market fairly quickly out of OPEC 2.0 spare capacity. Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices OPEC 2.0’s production cuts have sharply increased the group’s spare capacity to ~ 6.5mm b/d – 5.5mm b/d in OPEC and close to 1mm b/d in Russia and its allies – which means these states will be capable of modulating production quickly and with fairly high precision. The Return Of OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline The budgets of the OPEC 2.0 states have endured massive hits, which can only be repaired by higher oil-export revenues, given their dependence oil sales. After the US elections, OPEC 2.0 production discipline will have to be revived, given the massive fiscal constraints these states are facing. The budgets of the OPEC 2.0 states have endured massive hits, which can only be repaired by higher oil-export revenues, given their dependence oil sales. KSA will want to manage the rate at which prices increase, so that prices rise while global markets are awash in fiscal and monetary stimulus. We believe Russia will acquiesce on this point – i.e., it will not reprise its role as a price dove arguing for lower prices against KSA’s desire for higher prices – given the damage done to its economy from the price collapse in 1H20. That said, taking inventories from historically high levels back down to their 2010-14 average levels – the storage target pursued by OPEC 2.0 prior to the COVID-19-induced price collapse – likely will keep price volatility elevated (Chart 11). An upside demand surprise while production is being aggressively curtailed could sharply raise prices. Indeed, in our modeling of 2021 prices, we again iterated on production to keep Brent prices below $80/bbl, which we believe is the level both KSA and Russia can agree on for the short term. We also believe that the massive fiscal and monetary stimulus sloshing through EM and DM economies will make such prices bearable, provided they are not the result of a supply-side shock. Chart 11Oil Price Volatility Will Remain Elevated Oil Price Volatility Will Remain Elevated Oil Price Volatility Will Remain Elevated The level of uncertainty in the oil markets remains extraordinarily high. Bottom Line: Our price forecasts are premised on a resumption in global growth in 2H20 that lifts crude oil demand, and sharper-than-expected voluntary and involuntary production cuts taking supply significantly lower over the balance of the year and into next year. As the volatility chart above shows, however, the level of uncertainty in the oil markets remains extraordinarily high: A demand surprise to the upside cannot be ignored, but it also could collapse again with a second COVID-19 wave forcing another round of lockdowns. On the supply side, Tropical Storm Arthur launched the hurricane season weeks ahead of schedule. This elevates supply risk in the US Gulf until the end of November, when the season ends. We expect 2020 Brent prices to average $40/bbl and 2021 prices to average $68/bbl. WTI will trade $2-$4/bbl lower. Two-way risk – upside and downside – abounds.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger Associate Editor Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com     Commodities Round-Up Energy: Overweight OPEC's May Monthly Oil Market Report noted Iraq failed to raise crude oil output in April amid the market-share war instigated by Russia’s refusal to back additional production cuts at OPEC 2.0’s March meeting. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and UAE managed to move their production up by 2.2mm b/d, 2.2mm b/d, and 330k, respectively. In our global oil balances, we assume Iraq will increase production along with core-OPEC 2.0 countries to balance oil markets once demand rebounds later this year. However, its declining production last month could signal Iraq’s ability to increase production is limited and that it will struggle to meet its increasing quota in 4Q20 and 2021. Base Metals: Neutral China’s policy-driven economic recovery continues. Last week’s data release provided evidence of a rebound in the manufacturing, infrastructure, and construction sectors (Chart 12). This will continue to support base metals – primarily copper and aluminum. Precious Metals: Neutral Chairman Powell’s comment that there is “no limit” to what the Fed can do with its emergency lending facilities supports our view that US real rates will remain depressed as inflation expectations move up ahead of nominal rates. Gold and silver are up 2% and 14% since last Tuesday. We believe silver slightly below its equilibrium price vs. gold and industrial metals (Chart 13). Silver could continue to temporarily outpace gold as it moves to equilibrium. Ags/Softs:  Underweight US corn planting for the 2020/2021 season is approaching the finish line, with 80% of the crop in the ground so far, as reported by the USDA on Monday. Although this figure was up 13 percentage points since last week, it didn’t meet analysts’ expectations of 82% to 84%, which provided support for corn prices. Furthermore, this week’s sharp rebound in oil prices also was positive for corn, which gained ¢2/bu since the beginning of the week. Chart 12Chinese Investment Tailwind for Base Metals Chinese Investment Tailwind for Base Metals Chinese Investment Tailwind for Base Metals Chart 13Silver Could Temporarily Outpace Gold Silver Could Temporarily Outpace Gold Silver Could Temporarily Outpace Gold   Footnotes 1    Please see US Storage Tightens, Pushing WTI Lower, our forecast published last month on April 16, 2020, which discussed the production cuts agreed by OPEC 2.0 in April.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2    Please see Oil highest since March as Chinese demand reaches 13 MMbpd published May 18, 2020, by worldoil.com. 3    Please see Reassessing the Oil Demand Impact of COVID-19 published by Kayrros on medium.com May 19, 2020.   Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Trade Recommendation Performance In 2020 Q1 US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2020 Summary of Closed Trades US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices US Politics Will Drive 2H20 Oil Prices

Highlights At 50% Trump’s reelection odds are too high, flagging a risk to equity markets of policy discontinuity. The virus, unemployment, and wages will weigh on him over the year. Trump’s polling is firm because the crisis is still acute. If it remains firm when the dust settles then we will reassess. Trump is competitive in swing states, but not clearly leading. The stock market, as a single variable, is an excellent gauge of reelection odds for ruling parties in US elections going back to 1896. It gives Trump a 16% chance as of today. This is too low, but unemployment and wages also suggest he is an underdog. Michelle Obama and Justin Amash are potential spoilers flying under the radar. The Senate will follow the White House, signaling an understated risk of a total policy reversal and hard left turn in US policy. Massive stimulus motivates our long run risk-on trades: cyber security, infrastructure, Fed-backed corporate bonds, and China reflation plays. Europe and European industrials stand to benefit on a relative basis if Biden wins. Feature Chart 1Recent Poll Shows Trump Leads In Swing States Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden President Donald Trump’s reelection bid is holding up better than we expected so far this year. Trump leads former Vice President Joe Biden in swing states by 52% to 45%, according to a poll taken by CNN from May 7-10 (Chart 1). Our poll of polls below are not as supportive, but this is a strong sign of competitiveness for a sitting president in the midst of a pandemic, recession, social unrest, and controversy over reopening the economy. Naturally several clients have pushed back against our decision to downgrade Trump’s chances of victory from 55% to 35% back in March. We don’t mind the heat – we took the heat for two years while we favored Trump for reelection. Moreover we are not dogmatic. If the facts change, we will change our minds. So far, we are sticking to our view. It is a view that implies risk to corporate earnings and hence supports a tactically bearish or short positioning on the S&P 500. If Trump maintains and builds on his popular support, particularly by August when the Republican and Democratic parties hold their conventions, then we will upgrade his odds, assuming that the economy is improving and the pandemic is abating. At present the market is underrating the challenges facing the president, as we outline in this report. Reopening Poses Downside Risks To Trump Chart 2US Follows The Swedes Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden So far reopening is helping Trump, but it poses a major risk to him down the line this year. The election is five months away – a world away. The new “whistleblower’s complaint” against the Trump administration argues that America faces its “darkest winter in modern history” due to the impending second wave of the virus. However, we rely on the testimony of Anthony Fauci to the Senate this week. Fauci said that states can continue to reopen as long as they adhere to federal guidelines that require 14 days of declining cases in the first phase. June 1 is an acceptable time for most states to open. The trajectory of US deaths per million is deviating from the path of the European Union and moving toward the path charted by Sweden. Swedes have adhered strictly to looser guidelines; Americans have adhered loosely to stricter guidelines. The US death count per million people, a lagging indicator, will rise or at least remain flat in the coming months if states and individuals are not vigilant and compliant (Chart 2). One should assume, however, that governments and individuals will alter their behavior for the sake of self-preservation and in light of new information. Interior American states – those not included in the “COVID confederacy” of western and eastern Democratic states – have seen a tentative drop in deaths (Charts 3A & 3B). While looser restrictions will lead to higher deaths than otherwise, it is not a foregone conclusion that it will be unmanageable for the health system. Chart 3AInterior US Sees Rising COVID Cases … Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 3B… And Deaths Could Rise From Here Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden From an Electoral College perspective – an absurd way to look at a pandemic, but such are the times – the red states will see an accelerating case count and death toll if they do not actively manage the reopening process (Charts 4A & 4B). This is a political liability. Chart 4ARed States Stable In Case Count … Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 4B… Yet Deaths Could Tick Up Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Expectations that Trump is a slam dunk for reelection neglect the obvious fact that interior states shut down before they suffered the full brunt of the pandemic. If new outbreaks spiral out of control, it will have a negative political ramification for those pushing for a quick reopening. That will eventually accrue to the president, with whom the buck stops. A resurgence of infections, whether this summer or this fall, will be met with better preparedness, in terms of non-pharmaceutical intervention (social distancing) and likely pharmaceutical intervention as well (anti-virals, probably not yet a vaccine). But the virus is now underrated as a political risk since President Trump is fully identified with the decision to “liberate” the states yet his polls are firm and online gamblers on sites like PredictIt are giving him a roughly 50% chance of winning reelection. Bottom Line: If outbreaks spiral out of control in swing states then the incumbent president and ruling party will be punished. The evolution of cases and deaths is critical in the near term. Uncertainty over reopening, and understated risks of political change, call for a higher equity risk premium and hence more downside for share prices. Trump’s Approval Gains Are Slight Americans are hitting “peak polarization” this year and the coming years. It is well known that partisanship is affecting voters’ views on objective reality. But notice that all consumers are getting more optimistic about the future, not just Republicans (Chart 5). Chart 5Sentiment Is Polarized But Everyone Sees Improvements On Horizon Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Uncertainty over reopening and understated risks of political change, call for more downside for share prices. There is a clear bifurcation in voter’s opinions of Trump’s handling of the economy as against the pandemic. Voters approve less and less of his pandemic response; they disapprove less and less of his handling of the economy (Charts 6A & 6B). Chart 6ATrump’s Approval Falling On COVID-19 … Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 6BYet Supported On Economy Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 7Voters Wary Of Reopening Too Fast Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden The implication is that if the economy is the single biggest issue in November, then Trump made the right electoral call to reopen fast and focus on presiding over the biggest stimulus in history. Yet a clear majority feels the country is lifting restrictions too quickly. Only a slight majority of Republicans agree with him (Chart 7). Recent Emerson and Marist polls reinforce the point that the economy is the most important issue. Biden is leading Trump on the coronavirus – and notably leading older voters on both issues (Charts 8A & 8B). Chart 8AVoters Still Most Concerned About The Economy Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 8BYet One Poll Says Biden Gaining Lead On Both Economy And Pandemic Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Trump’s national approval rating remains underwater, but it has gradually converged with the average of American presidents (Chart 9). A major incident of social unrest – which is possible given active protest movements amid high polarization – would hurt him. The lowest point in his approval rating occurred in August 2017 during the Charlottesville, Virginia protests against taking down a statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee that turned bloody. Incidents of social unrest will be exploited by both political extremes, but a rise in unrest in general would cause anxiety among middle-of-the-road voters and tend to hurt the ruling party. Chart 9Trump Rising – But Social Unrest A Risk Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 10Trump Not Yet Clearly On Obama Trajectory Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 11Trump Gaining Among Hispanics, But Slight Dip Among Elderly Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Comparing Trump’s approval rating to his immediate predecessors is more realistic because general presidential approval has declined over time due to polarization. On this front, Trump is falling short of President Obama at this stage in 2012. Of course, he could still rally in the lead-up to the campaign, as is typical of sitting presidents (Chart 10). An important caveat is that Trump is making headway in unexpected voting groups. His support is surging among Hispanics, who are disproportionately hurt by economic lockdowns due to the sectoral concentration of their labor, yet less likely to die of COVID-19 (most likely because they are a younger cohort relative to blacks and whites). Moreover this trend began before the coronavirus and coincides with a rise in approval among electorally vital Midwesterners, as well as young people (Chart 11). The implication is that Democrats’ decision to impeach Trump has helped him, just as we argued it would last year, and yet COVID-19 has not reversed his gains. Older people, as mentioned, are a very important exception. They are the critical voting bloc and most susceptible to the virus. They are tentatively becoming less approving of the president. This is according to this Gallup poll, to the CNN poll highlighted at the top of this report, and the aforementioned poll in Chart 8 above. The right-leaning pollster Rasmussen – a proxy for those trying to avoid anti-Trump skews in polling due to any self-censorship or methodological biases – shows that Trump’s approval rating bottomed at a slightly lower level than it did when the Zelensky call appeared last fall, but not as low as during the market plunge and political controversies of late 2018 (Chart 12). This is good news for Trump. Chart 12Trump Reviving From Virus Hit, Shows Rasmussen Polling Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 13Trump’s Polling Bounce Small Relative To Peers Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Yet Trump’s polling “bounce,” as the nation rallies around his leadership amid crisis, is small at two percentage points. Other leaders have gotten bigger boosts (Chart 13). More importantly, Trump’s polling bounce is miniscule compared to the average bounce for American presidents during crises that assail the US from the outside (Table 1). Table 1Trump’s Crisis Polling Bounce Compared To Previous Presidential Bounces Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Bottom Line: Trump is holding up surprisingly well with voters amid the crisis given his past polling. This is an important signal. But it is important to see if it is sustained after the acute phase passes. His polling gains are small relative to US history and contemporary peers. His consistent strong marks on the economy only matter if the economy is the chief issue of the election, but the pandemic creates a major risk that this election could be one of the unusual elections in which a non-economic issue is the most salient. Trump Isn’t Winning In Head-To-Head Polls Earlier we highlighted Trump’s lead in swing states, according to the latest CNN poll. But in our aggregate of polls, Biden is leading in all swing states except Ohio (Chart 14A). Chart 14ABiden Leads Swing State Poll-Of-Polls Except Ohio Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden The lead is within the margin of error in Wisconsin, Florida, and Arizona, meaning the candidates are effectively tied. But that reflects negatively on the sitting president, since incumbents have an advantage over challengers, and Biden is widely known to be a deeply flawed challenger. Trump has taken a big hit in head-to-head polls in critical states. Moreover the year-to-date change in these head-to-head polls suggests that Trump has taken a big hit in critical states: Florida, Arizona, and even Ohio, which should be rock solid for him (Chart 14B). Chart 14BTrump Suffered Blow From Virus In Swing State Poll-Of-Polls Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden The consolation for Trump is that Biden, “Sleepy Joe in the basement,” who is fending off mounting accusations of sexual misconduct against Tara Reade, has either lost ground or made negligible gains. Clients often tell us they do not trust the polls. But post-WWII history shows that polls are fairly accurate and more accurate for sitting presidents than their challengers. Incumbents have averaged 55% of the popular vote, versus 49% for challengers, a clear indication of the incumbent advantage (Chart 15A). Chart 15ASitting Presidents Usually Win The Popular Vote Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Voter intentions in October and November ahead of the election are usually only 0.8% lower than the sitting president’s actual vote share. However, the same polls tend to underrate challengers by 2.2% (Chart 15B). Chart 15BPolling Is Accurate – Yet Underrates Challengers More Than Incumbent Presidents Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 16Trump’s Favorability Less Negative, Biden’s Turns Negative Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Favorability polling is of limited relevance, given that the candidates for president in 2016 and 2020 are the least favorable of all politicians. Polarization makes it so that being hated by the other party is an asset. But it is notable that Trump’s net favorability is not half as negative as it was in 2016, and that he is tied with Biden, whereas Biden has fallen a great distance since the last economic crisis, when he had greater favorability than Barack Obama (Chart 16). Bottom Line: The candidates are virtually tied in the swing states and Biden’s slight lead in our poll-of-polls has not benefited from the crisis. Incumbents tend to outperform their polling by one point, but challengers tend to outperform by two. Biden is manifestly a weak challenger but taking all the evidence together he has a slight lead at present in the swing states. Stock Market And Recession Are Worrisome For Trump Table 2Trump’s Odds 50% At Most Based On Historic Recession/Election Probabilities Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden US elections are a referendum on the incumbent party. Recessions tend to destroy sitting presidents. This is true, but there are important exceptions. A close look at the odds of sitting presidents, as well as sitting parties, and the timing of when the economy resumes expansion, suggests that Trump’s odds of winning are at best 50/50 (Table 2). Our own quantitative election model shows the same thing, and has hovered at 51% all along, although it will flip key states against him once state-level data are updated for the collapse in the economy. Fernando Crupi, of BCA Research Commodity & Energy Strategy, shows what a simple and straightforward look at the S&P 500 implies about Trump’s odds. Together we looked at two variables in elections since 1896: the market performance year to date on October 31 of the election year, and the result of the election for the incumbent party, i.e. victory if the incumbent party is reelected or loss if the new president hails from the opposing party. To estimate the probability of victory we use a logistic model, a widely used statistical tool designed to predict probabilities which can only range between zero and one, never hitting them.1 It is virtually impossible for an election outcome to be certain. The results are as follows: The year-to-date performance of the S&P 500 is a statistically significant variable (at the 5% level) in determining the fate of an incumbent party and has a positive correlation with it. Out of 31 elections, the model correctly predicted the outcome of 77% of the elections in-sample. While this is far from perfect it is remarkable given that we are using the market performance as the only explanatory variable. The effect of an additional percentage point of stock market performance is not linear on the incumbent party’s re-election odds, so two numbers are worthwhile expressing. At the mean S&P 500 YTD performance of the 31 elections, an additional percentage point increase in the market would increase the incumbent party’s odds of winning by 2.8 percentage points, and a decrease would decrease it by the same. By comparison, for all possible values of market performance, the average effect of an additional percentage point increase (or decrease) of the market would increase (or decrease) the probability of an incumbent party re-election by 2.1 percentage points. Chart 17 helps to visualize the model – for any percentage of market performance YTD as of October 31, it shows Trump’s odds of reelection this fall. With the S&P down by 13% this year, Trump’s odds would be 16%. A 10ppt recuperation in the S&P 500 from here would increase his chances to 40% and a 15ppt recuperation would bring him to 55%. Chart 17The Stock Market Says Trump’s Reelection Odds Are 16% Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Obviously the stock market is likely to rally or sell off for various reasons, for instance, if it thinks that the economy will get worse and the incumbent will lose. A change of government introduces policy uncertainty. Our own electoral model, explained in previous reports, is more robust than this back-of-the-envelope experiment and produces a more favorable outcome for Trump. So while the S&P may be low-balling Trump at 16%, we have no basis either in history or in formal modeling to give him more than a 50% chance as things stand today. And subjectively we think 50% is too high. Presidential approval follows the unemployment rate in the final innings of the campaign. Trump is doomed by this measure. Lastly, to reiterate and update key points we have made in the past: Presidential approval tends to follow the unemployment rate in the final innings of the campaign. Trump is obviously doomed by this measure, as it is the net change over time that matters most (Charts 18A & 18B). Chart 18AUnemployment Rate A Huge Unemployment Rate A Huge Threat To Trump Approval ... Unemployment Rate A Huge Threat To Trump Approval ... Chart 18B… And Tends To Predict ... And Tends To Predict The End-Game ... And Tends To Predict The End-Game Voter turnout is one of the hardest variables to predict, but it follows pretty closely with the change in unemployment over the preceding four years in the swing states. High turnout amid a deep recession is negative for the incumbent president (Chart 19). Chart 19Surge In Unemployment Positive For Turnout, Yet Hurts Incumbent Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Our subjective probability of reelection, at 35% as of March 24, holds up pretty well in this light. We will adjust this as new evidence comes to light. Bottom Line: To claim that Trump’s odds of reelection are substantially higher than 50% is to argue that “this time is different.” The market should keep falling from its April 29 peak around 2950 not only because of uncertainty about the pandemic and economy but also because of the risk that Trump’s troubles lead to market-negative outcomes. Michelle And Justin As Spoilers With multiple overlapping crises and high polarization, we have highlighted the high potential for extreme events, black swans, and spoilers. These do not include any move of the election date – that would make Trump look weak and would require House Democrats to agree to change a key 1845 statute.2 But they include almost everything else: violent incidents, disputes over voting methods amid the virus, vote recounts, judicial interventions, Electoral College irregularities, congressional intercession, refusals to concede, you name it. We would not be surprised if the Supreme Court took an opportunity currently before it to rule in favor of punishments against “faithless electors” or even to prohibit electors from voting contrary to the popular will in general. On a much less important note, we would also not be surprised if the high court enables President Trump’s personal accounts and tax records to be subpoenaed. Another possible spoiler: Michelle Obama. Chart 20Michelle Obama Objective Best Pick For Vice President Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Biden is currently mulling his pick for the vice presidential candidate. None of the candidates are magical: Senator Amy Klobuchar makes the most sense of the conventional options as she could improve his standing among women, Midwesterners, white voters, and suburbanites. She hails from Minnesota, he from Pennsylvania, creating a potential pincer movement in the Electoral College. Klobuchar’s favorability is stronger than that of Senators Elizabeth Warren and Kamala Harris, neither of whom can help bring a swing state (Chart 20).3 Yet Warren is well known and could help mend the gap with the progressive wing of the party. Picking her highlights the understated risk to the market of a progressive turn in Biden’s platform. Stacey Abrams could help bring over the black vote but she is sorely lacking in credentials and is reminiscent of the GOP’s desperate and failed bid to reconnect with its base by nominating Sarah Palin in 2008. The obvious choice is Michelle Obama. She has the highest favorability by far, including when her detractors are netted out. She solidifies Biden’s connection with Barack Obama, helps energize progressives, women, and minorities who are needed to turn out. And her power base is in the Midwest. One little problem … Michelle has repeatedly said she does not wish to run. Others have confirmed she has no interest. And a Machiavellian political adviser could advise her to wait until later when there is no incumbent president and then run directly for the top job, free of Biden’s baggage. We held the latter view, until the corona crisis. Trump was heavily favored prior to recession. Now the tables have turned. And a vice presidential role would improve her chances of being the first woman president later. The fact that she apparently does not want to run is obviously a huge problem. But her party needs her and this fact may become increasingly evident as Biden’s weaknesses are exposed. Vice presidential picks seldom make a difference in the campaign. At best they can help bring a swing state. But this election is different. Biden would turn 78 immediately after being elected; he is more likely than the average president to depend upon his VP while ruling, and to pass the baton to the VP early. COVID-19 underscores this risk. In other words, this year is the rare case where the Veep pick is important enough to matter and a charismatic candidate exists who could materially improve the odds of the opposition party’s victory. Would Michelle really help? An argument could be made that the Obama legacy is tarnished and that Trump would relish the chance to run against the Obama brand. However, our reasoning is based on Electoral College scenarios drawn from the best demographic data available, which suggest that the strongest challenge the Democrats can mount in 2020 is to reproduce the 2012 Obama/Biden ticket (Chart 21). Chart 21Electoral College Scenarios Say Biden/Obama 2012 Redux Best Shot For Dems To Beat Trump Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 22Amash Is Small, But Significant Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Another important potential spoiler is Justin Amash. Amash is a former Republican who defected from the party due to his opposition to Trump and has since become the nation’s first congressman of the Libertarian Party. Amash could be important because he hails from Michigan, a key swing state, and is a splinter from the right-wing rather than the left-wing, thus potentially threatening President Trump’s thin margins in the battleground states. Currently Amash is winning 3%-5% of the popular vote, according to polls (Chart 22). Historically an extremely elevated third party vote is a threat to the incumbent president and ruling party, regardless of ideological affiliation. This is because it bespeaks general popular discontent, which in turn reflects negatively on the status quo and ruling party. However, so far Amash is not popular enough to hit the extremely elevated threshold. Looking at third party candidacies that have drawn more than 2% of the vote over history, the incumbent party wins 50% of the time. So the historical results are indecisive, but they do show potential for Amash to play the spoiler (Table 3). Table 3How Do Sitting US Presidents And Their Parties Fare When Voters Turn To Third Parties? Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Furthermore a larger group of Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters are determined not to vote for Biden than Republican and Republican-leaning voters are determined not to vote for Trump (Chart 23). The Republican Party rank and file support Trump enthusiastically, more so than Democrats support Biden, especially in the swing states (Chart 24). This suggests that Amash will fail to get traction among Republicans. Chart 23Left-Leaners Reject Biden More Than Right-Leaners Reject Trump Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Chart 24GOP More Zealous For Trump Than Dems For Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden We would not rule him out, however. The context of pandemic, deep recession, and extreme polarization is fertile for a third party candidate, as was the case in 2016. If support for Trump wanes due to the mounting death toll and unemployment rate, the weakness of Biden might point to defections from Trump’s camp to Amash. Again, this could be particularly relevant in swing states. Amash may not garner more votes than Gary Johnson, his Libertarian predecessor in 2016, since that year saw an “open election” favorable to third parties, whereas this year there is an incumbent running. But Amash has flown entirely under the radar. He is therefore underrated by markets. And his impact, in the final analysis, will likely prove more negative for the ruling party than Biden, who is very far from a libertarian. Bottom Line: Peak polarization and a historic national crisis will produce black swans. But some spoilers are identifiable. Biden picking Michelle Obama, and a small but significant margin of Republicans defecting to Amash in swing states, are non-negligible risks to Trump’s reelection odds. What About The Senate? Democrats are likely to retain the House of Representatives, unless the positive trends for Trump that we have highlighted start to snowball into massive momentum. Hence the Senate will be decisive to the legislative success of the next administration. It is especially relevant if a Democrat wins, since the implication would be single party control of both legislative and executive branches. By contrast, Trump’s reelection would imply a continuation of today’s balance of power. Online gamblers have finally come around to our long-held view that the Senate will go the way of the White House: currently PredictIt gives the Democrats a 52% chance, up substantially from last year. Republican Senate leaders have openly aired their fears as the election cycle picks up. The risk to Republican control is not merely because the crisis has erased the uptick in Republican Party affiliation (Chart 25), nor is it due to the break in Republican momentum in generic voter party support (Chart 26), though these developments are unwelcome to Republicans. Chart 25Republican Affiliation Of Voters Rolls Over Republican Affiliation Of Voters Rolls Over Republican Affiliation Of Voters Rolls Over Chart 26Democrats Tick Up Slightly In Generic Congressional Ballot Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Rather, politics have increasingly become nationalized and more Republican senators are at risk than Democrats due to the windfall Republican senate victory in 2014. Current polling reinforces that the Senate stands on a knife’s edge, as all races are virtually tied, except Colorado, which is a likely shoo-in for Democrats. Arizona is almost as good for them (Chart 27). Democrats need to take four seats plus the White House to win the chamber. Chart 27Close Races In Senate Will Follow The White House Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden Bottom Line: The Senate will go the way of the White House, which means the market is not only underrating a Biden victory but also underrating the probability that he is unconstrained. With peak polarization, and full Democratic control, Biden would not prove a center-left president in office. He would end up governing to the left of the Obama administration. Investment Takeaways Why does the election matter? If Trump loses, the United States will most likely see another total reversal of national policy, as in 2016 and 2008. Yet this time the macroeconomic, political, and demographic backdrop will make it harder for Republicans to stage as effective of resistance as in 2010-16. This is positive for aggregate demand, due to fiscal policy, but negative for corporate earnings. Biden will be pushed to the left by the progressive wing of his party and will face relatively few legislative or judicial constraints. The Democrats will also surprise the market with a tough stance toward China to steal back the mantle of fighting for American workers. Big business will face higher taxes, sweeping re-regulation, and trade restrictions, all at the same time. The S&P 500 has fallen 4% since we recommended investors step back from the rally. We see more downside due to sluggish recoveries, viral outbreaks, hiccups in providing stimulus, and political and geopolitical risks. The S&P’s next support levels are at 2670 and 2250. Chart 28China Faces Protectionism Either Way, But Europe Only With Trump China Faces Protectionism Either Way, But Europe Only With Trump China Faces Protectionism Either Way, But Europe Only With Trump In the short term, Trump’s odds are overrated. We will upgrade him if the stock market, economy, and political indicators improve substantially from what we are seeing today by August when the two parties hold their conventions. What about our view that Trump will crack down on China? A crackdown will cause the S&P to sell. Yet a dramatic selloff that destroys his reelection hopes, or a rally based on massive stimulus, both encourage him to escalate the crisis. Politically, confronting China is positive for him and he cannot let Biden outmaneuver him on workers, trade, and China. This entire dynamic leaves us inclined to be risk-averse. For investors with a long time horizon we recommend selective risk-on investments such as cyber-security, infrastructure, China reflation plays, and investment grade corporate bonds, the latter now backed by the Federal Reserve. A parting thought on industrials. Gargantuan stimulus is positive for cyclical stocks over the long run. But Trump’s reelection raises the prospect of trade war not only with China but also with Europe. It also increases the substantial risk of an expanding conflict with Iran that sows unrest in the Middle East over the next five years. Whereas Biden would seek a united front with Europe against China and would reduce Middle Eastern risks to Europe. Hence over the long run European industrials can benefit disproportionately from a Biden win, on a policy-oriented basis, compared to a Trump win (Chart 28).     Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Fernando Crupi Research Associate fernandoc@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Compared to a simple regression line, the effect of the explanatory variable on the predicted probabilities varies along the curve. An increase (or decrease) in our explanatory variable by one unit has a smaller and smaller effect on the probability of victory as we approach our upper and lower probability bounds of 0 and 1. Obviously this model cannot fully explain the outcome of an election nor establish causality, but it gives us a good indication of how important the market performance is for an incumbent party to be re-elected. 2 Please see Acts of the Twenty-Eight Congress of the United States, Statute II, Library of Congress. www.loc.gov. 3 The only superior scenario mathematically, in which Biden aims solely at winning back the Democrats’ old blue collar white voter base, is much less likely to succeed given that these voters have drifted to the GOP in recent decades and have been galvanized by Trump.