Geopolitics

Highlights Foreign investors have been rushing into Indian equities in anticipation of a Modi win. While Modi’s chances are reasonable, he may not win an outright majority. Keep tactically underweighting Indian stocks for now. The structural outlook for Vietnam is strong and improving. A bottom in Vietnamese equities is in the making. Investors should overweight Vietnamese stocks within an EM equity portfolio. Feature Indian Equities: A Window Of Risk Remains Foreign investors have been rushing into Indian equities in anticipation of a win by current Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the upcoming general elections. As a result, Indian stocks have been outperforming the EM benchmark. Nevertheless, a window of risk for the Indian bourse remains. While Modi’s chances of winning the elections are reasonable, he and his party – the Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP – may not win an outright majority in the lower house, as occurred in May 2014. While Modi’s chances of winning the elections are reasonable, he and his party – the Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP – may not win an outright majority in the lower house, as occurred in May 2014. The basis for Modi not being able to win an outright majority is that rural area incomes have weakened substantially due to falling food prices (Chart I-1). Corroborating this distress in rural areas, stock prices of rural-exposed companies have massively underperformed urban-exposed ones (Chart I-2). Chart I-1India's Food Prices Have Been Falling Despite Low Rainfall India's Food Prices Have Been Falling Despite Low Rainfall India's Food Prices Have Been Falling Despite Low Rainfall Chart I-2Rural-Exposed Stocks Have Massively Underperformed Urban Stocks Rural-Exposed Stocks Have Massively Underperformed Urban Stocks Rural-Exposed Stocks Have Massively Underperformed Urban Stocks   Even though both monetary and fiscal policies are easing, these macro policies always work with a time lag and will not improve domestic growth before the elections. A BJP-led minority-government will force Modi to increasingly rely on his allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition. The prime minister will then be forced to frequently offer concessions, watering down his reform agenda. The BJP’s allies in the NDA coalition are not necessarily as market-friendly. This is why we believe such an outcome would upset Indian financial markets after its most recent outperformance. Meanwhile, rural demand weakness has spilled over into the broader Indian economy. Passenger car sales, as well as sales of two- and three-wheelers are on the verge of contraction, and growth in tractor sales is falling sharply (Chart I-3). Chart I-3Indian Cyclical Growth Is Decelerating Indian Cyclical Growth Is Decelerating Indian Cyclical Growth Is Decelerating Chart I-4Indian EPS Growth Will Likely Contract Indian EPS Growth Will Likely Contract Indian EPS Growth Will Likely Contract Moreover, the bottom panel of Chart I-3 illustrates that the production of intermediate goods is contracting and manufacturing production is decelerating. Worryingly, the domestic growth slowdown has stalled EPS growth for the overall market, and net profit margins are falling (Chart I-4). The large-cap equity index has so far disregarded poor earnings performance, which magnifies the risk to Indian stocks if the BJP fails to win a majority government. Notably, small-cap stocks have failed to advance much and have not corroborated the rally in large-caps (Chart I-5). India’s stock market breadth is also poor, which is a bad omen for the sustainability of the current rally (Chart I-6). Chart I-5India Small Cap Stock Are Not Confirming The Rally India Small Cap Stock Are Not Confirming The Rally India Small Cap Stock Are Not Confirming The Rally Chart I-6India's Stock Market Breadth Is Poor India's Stock Market Breadth Is Poor India's Stock Market Breadth Is Poor   Finally, rising oil prices will negatively impact India’s trade balance dynamics (Chart I-7, top panel). The stock market’s relative performance has diverged from the recent rise in oil prices – an unsustainable trend (Chart I-7, bottom panel).           Investment Recommendations Chart I-7Higher Oil Prices Are Not Discounted By Indian Equities Higher Oil Prices Are Not Discounted By Indian Equities Higher Oil Prices Are Not Discounted By Indian Equities The Indian economy will remain weak over the next several months, which places Modi’s majority re-election bid at risk. Beyond the elections, fiscal and monetary easing will kick in and boost cyclical growth in the second half of the year. Food prices are also beginning to pick up due to below average rainfall (Chart I-1, page 1). The latter will revive rural income and by extension spending. We recommend tactically underweighting Indian stocks for now. A better entry point to upgrade will likely emerge in the next few months as euphoria surrounding the upcoming elections comes to an end and a growth slowdown is finally priced in. For fixed-income investors, we recommend continuing to bet on yield-curve steepening. A dovish central bank will cut interest rates and keep them low. This, along with fiscal easing, will revive growth later this year. A growth recovery and rising food inflation will lift the long end of the yield curve.   Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com   Vietnam: Structural Tailwinds Getting Stronger; Buy On A Dip Our negative call on Vietnamese stocks since last May has turned out well.1 The significant deceleration in export growth alongside the selloff in broader emerging markets has generated a double-digit drop in Vietnamese stock prices over the past 12 months (Chart II-1, top panel). Chart II-1Vietnamese Equities: An Upturn Is Ahead Vietnamese Equities: An Upturn Is Ahead Vietnamese Equities: An Upturn Is Ahead Looking forward, a new upturn in Vietnamese equities is in the making. The structural outlook for Vietnam is strong and improving. Investors should overweight Vietnamese stocks within an EM equity portfolio (Chart II-1, bottom panel). Shifting Supply Chain For some time, companies in China have been moving their supply chain to Vietnam due to its cheap labor, inexpensive land and supportive policies. The geopolitical confrontation between the U.S. and China that began last year has served to accelerate this process. The U.S. and China may soon reach a trade deal. This will give Chinese manufacturers and multinational companies more time to prepare for their relocation, but it will not stop the ongoing supply chain shift. Both multinationals and Chinese producers would prefer to have alternative supply chains that are not exposed to a potential re-escalation in geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and China in the years to come.2 Chart II-2 shows that Chinese companies have nearly tripled their foreign direct investment in Vietnam over the past nine months. The surge in relocations from the mainland has boosted land prices and wages in Vietnam significantly. For example, the rental price of industrial land at Giang Dien industrial park on a long-term lease of up to 50 years has risen as much as 50% to US$90 per square meter last October from US$60-70 a year ago. The relocations have occurred not only for low-value-added companies such as textile and footwear makers, but also for high-value-add companies like electronics assembly producers. According to the Chairman of Shenzhen-Vietnam Industrial Park, most of the companies that established factories in the park last year have been focused on light processing such as electronic assembly. Chart II-2Accelerating Supply Chain Shift Accelerating Supply Chain Shift Accelerating Supply Chain Shift Chart II-3Strong U.S. Imports From Vietnam Strong U.S. Imports From Vietnam Strong U.S. Imports From Vietnam Chart II-3 shows that U.S. imports from Vietnam have been much stronger than those from China and the rest of the world. This may be the result of both the accelerated supply chain shift last year and the structural competitiveness of Vietnamese goods. Vietnam continues to take market share from China in global markets such as footwear, garments and electronics (Chart II-4). Both multinationals and Chinese producers would prefer to have alternative supply chains that are not exposed to a potential re-escalation in geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and China in the years to come. In fact, rising FDIs have already led to a growth rebound in imports among foreign invested enterprises (FIE), heralding an export growth acceleration in the months ahead (Chart II-5). FIEs import most of the input materials they need to manufacture their goods, which are then exported overseas. This is why this segment’s imports lead export growth. Chart II-4Vietnam: Taking More Market Share From China Vietnam: Taking More Market Share From China Vietnam: Taking More Market Share From China Chart II-5Rising FIE Imports Herald Export Growth Acceleration Rising FIE Imports Herald Export Growth Acceleration Rising FIE Imports Herald Export Growth Acceleration   Escaping A Global Slowdown In Smartphone Demand The biggest contributor to Vietnam’s current account and trade surplus has been the smartphone sector (Chart II-6). However, the ongoing downturn in global smartphone shipments may not affect Vietnam due to the latter’s gains in the global smartphone production and assembly market share: Vietnam mobile phone output (mostly Samsung smartphones) fell only slightly (1.2%) last year when Samsung smartphone shipments contracted by 8% (Chart II-7). This reflected Vietnam’s strong competitiveness relative to the other five countries where Samsung smartphones are manufactured: China, India, Brazil, Indonesia and South Korea. Over half of Samsung smartphones were produced in Vietnam last year. Chart II-6Phone Sector: The Biggest Driver Of Vietnamese Trade Surplus Phone Sector: The Biggest Driver Of Vietnamese Trade Surplus Phone Sector: The Biggest Driver Of Vietnamese Trade Surplus Chart II-7Vietnam May Withstand Well In A Global Smartphone Demand Slowdown Vietnam May Withstand Well In A Global Smartphone Demand Slowdown Vietnam May Withstand Well In A Global Smartphone Demand Slowdown Last December, Samsung closed its Chinese Tianjin plant. Without any additional production reductions in other plants, total Samsung capacity will be cut by about 7%. This further lowers the odds of a considerable production cut in Vietnam in the case of a further drop in global smartphone demand. Other Encouraging Signs Many other positive signs have emerged that point to a cyclical upturn ahead for Vietnam: Chart II-8Strong Domestic Demand Strong Domestic Demand Strong Domestic Demand Retail sales growth has been accelerating, and automobile sales have reached new highs, suggesting strong domestic demand (Chart II-8). Despite declining visitor arrivals, the country’s tourism revenue still grew at a robust 10% pace last year. In 2019, the country is expecting a 15% year-on-year growth in visitor arrivals. The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), which came into force for Vietnam in January, and the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA), which will take effect later this year, will be highly beneficial to the Vietnamese economy. Both headline and core inflation are low. The country’s foreign reserves also jumped by 14% over the past 12 months to a record high of US$63.5 billion, equivalent to 26% of GDP. Investment Recommendations We recommend buying Vietnamese equities on dips. Dedicated equity investors should overweight Vietnam in an EM equity portfolio: The Vietnamese property market is booming on surging income growth and low interest rates. The real estate sector accounts for 45% of the MSCI Vietnam Index and 28% of the VN All-Share Index. According to CBRE Vietnam, there was a sharp rise in overseas investors in Vietnamese real estate in 2018, particularly from China. The real estate services firm reported that Chinese customers accounted for 44% of total transactions in the first nine months of 2018. In 2017, there was a 21% year-on-year increase in Chinese buyers. Buoyant household income growth is positive for consumer staples stocks, which accounts for 34% of the MSCI Vietnam Index and 8% of the VN All-Shares Index. Buoyant household income growth is positive for consumer staples stocks, which accounts for 34% of the MSCI Vietnam Index and 8% of the VN All-Shares Index. Vietnamese corporate earnings will outpace broader EM EPS, warranting equity market outperformance (Chart II-9). Vietnam's inclusion into some influential EM equity indices would significantly boost interest from foreign investors (Chart II-10). Chart II-9Vietnamese Corporate Earnings Growth: Better Than EM Vietnamese Corporate Earnings Growth: Better Than EM Vietnamese Corporate Earnings Growth: Better Than EM Chart II-10Rising Interest From Foreign Investors Rising Interest From Foreign Investors Rising Interest From Foreign Investors   Technically, it seems the correction in Vietnamese stocks is late, and that the equity market will resume its upturn sooner rather than later.   Ellen JingYuan He, Associate Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy ellenj@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Frontier Markets Strategy Special Report titled “Vietnamese Equities: Take A Step Back For Now, ” dated May 15, 2018. Available at fms.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report titled “China-U.S. Trade: A Structural Deal?” dated March 6, 2019. Available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights So what? The U.S.-China deal is not shaping up as well as the consensus holds. Why? The odds of reaching a deal by June are rising, but no higher than 50%. Unemployment is a constraint on the Chinese side but stimulus reduces urgency. Structural concessions on currency and foreign investment are limited in scope. Strategic concessions are limited to North Korea; Taiwan risks are rising. Stay overweight U.S. and Chinese equities on a relative basis at least until the deal is signed.   Feature Once again investors are faced with a stream of headlines suggesting that a U.S.-China trade deal is all but finished, only to find critical caveats buried on page six. For instance, President Donald Trump and President Xi Jinping have not yet scheduled a summit to sign a trade agreement, though Trump insists a summit is necessary. Chief U.S. negotiator Robert Lighthizer says that he is “hoping but not necessarily hopeful.”1 There is still room for U.S. and Chinese bourses to outperform on a relative basis while negotiations continue. Still, the news flow is encouraging. Trump has said “we’ve agreed to far more than we have left to agree to,” while Xi Jinping has called for an “early conclusion of negotiations.” The other negotiators are also making positive sounds, with Vice Premier Liu He saying that a “new consensus” has been reached on a text of the trade agreement. National Economic Council Director Larry Kudlow says that key structural issues are on the table and that negotiations are continuing by videoconference after two successful rounds of direct talks in Beijing and Washington. Even the notorious China hawk, Peter Navarro, Director of the U.S. National Trade Council, has begrudgingly admitted that the two sides are in the final stage of the talks, saying, “the last mile of the marathon is actually the longest and the hardest.”2 Readers know that we take a pessimistic view of U.S.-China relations over the long run. We were skeptical about the possibility of a tariff truce on December 1. However, the signs are stacking up in favor of a deal. While we would not be surprised if talks extended to the June 28-29 G20 summit in Osaka, Japan, President Trump has suggested that a summit could come as early as May 5-19. Chart 1Still Some Room To Run Still Some Room To Run Still Some Room To Run Judging by the performance of U.S. and Chinese equities relative to the rest of the world since the first tariffs were imposed on June 14, 2018, there is still room for these two bourses to outperform on a relative basis while negotiations continue. Relative to global equities excluding China and U.S., Chinese stocks have retraced 78% of the ground they lost, while U.S. stocks have not surpassed the high points reached at the peak of the global economic divergence in 2018 (Chart 1). Once a deal is reached, will investors that bought equities on the rumor sell the news? We would buy, though equity leadership should rotate away from the U.S. and China depending on the timing and external conditions discussed below. As a House we are overweight global equities on a 12-month horizon. Xi Is Not Mao China’s economic stimulus is a key swing factor for global growth and the corporate earnings outlook this year. Our China Investment Strategy has highlighted that the BCA Activity Indicator has now fully registered the negative impact of trade tariffs as well as the broader slowdown (Chart 2). Chart 2Slowdown Fully Priced In Slowdown Fully Priced In Slowdown Fully Priced In Previously it was more buoyant than our leading indicator suggested it should be, largely because companies placed orders throughout the second half of 2018 to front-run Trump’s tariffs and this artificially boosted China’s exports and manufacturing activity. Now that this front-running is over, any improvement or deterioration in underlying monetary conditions, money supply, and lending should be reflected in the BCA Activity Indicator itself. Hence a stout credit number for March will cause an uptick that will confirm that China’s economy is recovering. We expect this to occur because, to be blunt, President Xi Jinping is not truly a modern-day Chairman Mao Zedong. While he has revived aspects of Maoism, he has responded pragmatically, rather than ideologically, to the Communist Party’s Number one political constraint: the tradeoff between productivity and employment. When Xi consolidated power in 2017, he launched a deleveraging campaign and doubled down on various structural reforms in order to make progress in rebalancing China’s economy. The result was renewed weakness in the labor market as the stimulus measures of 2015-16 wore off (Chart 3). Labor “incidents,” or protests, particularly those sparked by the relocation of workers from closed factories, began to rise again (Chart 4). Significantly, the number of bankruptcies also increased, demonstrating that the government was willing to tolerate some economic pain in order to make the allocation of capital more efficient (Chart 5). Chart 3A Key Constraint On Xi Jinping A Key Constraint On Xi Jinping A Key Constraint On Xi Jinping Chart 4Labor Incidents On The Rise Labor Incidents On The Rise Labor Incidents On The Rise Chart 5 China’s policymakers pursued these reforms while believing that President Trump’s threat of a trade war was largely bluster. But when Trump proceeded to impose tariffs, confidence collapsed and China’s private sector found itself sandwiched between stricter government at home and an impending squeeze of demand abroad. The labor and business indicators in Charts 3-5 suffered further deterioration in 2018 as animal spirits evaporated across the economy. President Xi’s response could have been to close China’s doors to trade and to the West and undertake an even more aggressive purge of “capitalist roaders.” The possibility is inherent in his cult of personality, aggressive anti-corruption campaign, and cyber-security state apparatus. This would have meant a dramatic reckoning with the country's economic and financial imbalances, but it would have given the hardliners in the Communist Party an opportunity to establish absolute control and national “self-sufficiency.” Instead, Xi entered into talks with Trump and launched supply-side, tax-and-tape-cutting measures to stimulate private economic activity, and boosted fiscal spending. He chose reflation rather than revolution. Chinese stimulus does not make a trade deal more likely in itself, as it gives President Xi more leverage in negotiations. But without a trade deal, private sector sentiment and animal spirits will remain depressed and stimulus measures will eventually falter. So it makes sense that Xi wants a deal. China will be the center of two market-positive outcomes in the near term: more domestic reflation and less conflict with the United States. To put this into context: if China’s credit impulse turns positive it will push the overall fiscal-and-credit impulse higher than 2% of GDP (Chart 6), foreshadowing a rebound in Chinese imports and global growth and enabling China’s own corporate earnings to recover. Our China Investment Strategy estimates that if the past three months’ rate of credit growth continues, while manufacturing sentiment improves on a trade deal and the renminbi remains flat, then the probability of an earnings recession on the MSCI China Index falls from 92% to 21%, as shown in Chart 7. From a policy perspective this looks conservative, as the actual rate of credit growth will probably be faster than that of the past three months. Chart 6Credit Will Add To Fiscal Boost Credit Will Add To Fiscal Boost Credit Will Add To Fiscal Boost Chart 7Earnings Unlikely To Contract Earnings Unlikely To Contract Earnings Unlikely To Contract Of course, President Trump has even more acute political constraints than President Xi urging him toward a deal. A deterioration in the U.S. manufacturing sector is a serious liability, especially in the Midwestern battleground states (Chart 8), and Trump has apparently calculated that a tailored infusion of Chinese cash and promises is a better reelection strategy than a continuation of trade war amid a slowdown.   Chart 8A Key Constraint On Donald Trump A Key Constraint On Donald Trump A Key Constraint On Donald Trump The implication of all of the above is that China will be the center of two market-positive outcomes in the near term: more domestic reflation and less conflict with the United States. The former is not yet consensus, while the latter is lacking in specifics. Yet both are beneficial for Chinese equities on an absolute and relative basis. And once there is a concluded trade deal and clarity over stimulus, emerging markets can also outperform their developed market counterparts. Note that we do not expect China to launch a massive 2008-09-style stimulus unless the tariff war reignites. Such an outcome would only be bullish for some EMs, since beneath the initial surge in Chinese imports would lie the disruption of the global supply chain and broader de-globalization. Bottom Line: Unemployment is a key political constraint suggesting both that China’s stimulus will surprise to the upside and that a trade deal is forthcoming. We are reducing the odds of an extension of trade talks beyond June from 35% to 20%, leaving a 50% chance for some kind of trade deal to emerge by the end of that month (Table 1). Table 1Updated Trade War Probabilities (April 2019) U.S.-China Conflict: The End Of The Beginning U.S.-China Conflict: The End Of The Beginning Trump Is Not Nixon If Xi is not Mao, then Trump is not Nixon. Despite a likely trade deal, we are not on the verge of a historic 1972-esque “grand compromise” that will usher in a new era of U.S.-China engagement. This should temper enthusiasm regarding the long-term durability of the trade truce, highlighting that China’s credit data is the more important factor for the 12-month horizon, though the trade issue is an impediment that needs to be removed for a sustainable rally. China may be increasingly willing to embrace structural concessions, but the depth of the structural change should be doubted until the details of the trade deal prove otherwise. For example, at the moment there is still no agreement on tariff levels. And there can be no “enforcement mechanism” to satisfy the U.S. side other than the perpetual threat of tariffs, which erodes trust and discourages Chinese implementation of structural changes. Two structural issues highlight the conundrum: currency and foreign investment. First, while the details of the currency agreement are unknown, the U.S. will definitely not get anything comparable to what it got from Japan after the Plaza Accord in 1985. The Japanese were a subordinate ally to the U.S. in the midst of the Cold War; they did not negotiate with the suspicion that the U.S. secretly wanted to destroy their economy. China has neither the security guarantee nor the economic trust. The implication is that the CNY-USD may rise by about 10% or so from current levels (Chart 9), as opposed to the 54% that the JPY-USD witnessed from 1985-88. The upside for the U.S. is that Trump may get some yuan appreciation, while the upside for China is that limited appreciation means no excessively deflationary impact. Chart 9Currency Agreement: Far From A Plaza Accord Currency Agreement: Far From A Plaza Accord Currency Agreement: Far From A Plaza Accord Second, China’s new foreign investment law, which received a rubber stamp from the legislature in March, is not an unqualified success for American negotiators. We have illustrated this in Table 2 by denoting white flags for aspects of the law that are genuine concessions and red flags for aspects that will raise new suspicions about China’s foreign investment framework. It is a mixed bag. Moreover, the law itself has no power and will depend entirely on the central government’s dedication to imposing strict adherence down through the local layers of government, where forced technology transfer actually takes place. Table 2New Foreign Investment Law: A Mixed Bag U.S.-China Conflict: The End Of The Beginning U.S.-China Conflict: The End Of The Beginning American negotiators will also want bilateral agreements on tech transfer and intellectual property protection since otherwise they will not receive any particular benefit from a law that applies equally to all foreign investors (e.g. Europeans). But it is not yet clear that they will get anything more concrete. The upside for the U.S. is that it will have some means of redress for forced tech transfer and intellectual property theft, while the upside for China is that foreign direct investment should improve. The strategic conflicts between the U.S. and China are even less likely to be dealt with than the economic issues. How can we be sure? Peer Competition: The U.S.-China détente under Nixon occurred at a time when a vast asymmetry between U.S. and Chinese national power existed, whereas today China’s power increasingly rivals that of the U.S., making it easier for China to write its own rules for global interactions and to resist U.S. pressure (Chart 10). Unilateralism: Trump did not leverage American alliances and partnerships across the world to create a “coalition of the willing” to confront China over its mercantilist trade and investment practices. There is some cooperation but it has been inconsistent and tentative, even on deep national security concerns like Huawei’s involvement in 5G networks and the Internet of Things. Had the U.S. created such a coalition and then set out to prosecute its claims, the threat to China’s economy would have been so immense that much greater structural changes could be expected than is the case today (Chart 11). Chart 10The Era Of U.S.-China Detente Is Over The Era Of U.S.-China Detente Is Over The Era Of U.S.-China Detente Is Over Chart 11Trump Eschewed A Coalition Of The Willing Trump Eschewed A Coalition Of The Willing Trump Eschewed A Coalition Of The Willing Core Interests: The trade talks only nominally address dangerous conflicts in China’s near abroad. China’s enforcement of sanctions on North Korea has produced limited results so far but we ultimately expect diplomacy to bear fruit (Chart 12). However, Taiwan is more rather than less likely to be the site of conflict. This is not because of pro-independence sentiment, which is actually on decline in public opinion relative to pro-unification sentiment (Chart 12, second panel). It is because the lame duck Tsai Ing-wen administration may attempt to secure last-minute benefits from the U.S., while an unexpected primary election challenge could lead to the nomination of Lai Ching-te (William Lai), a more outspoken pro-independence candidate, on April 24. Either could provoke Beijing. There is zero chance that any trade deal in the coming months will reduce the threat of reunification of Taiwan by force. Underlying distrust will remain. Chart 12Geopolitical Risk Down In Korea But Up In Taiwan Geopolitical Risk Down In Korea But Up In Taiwan Geopolitical Risk Down In Korea But Up In Taiwan Furthermore, the South China Sea is not a “red herring” but a potential “black swan,” as it is connected to Taiwan’s security and more broadly to U.S. alliance security. After all, 96%-97% of Taiwan’s, South Korea’s, and Japan’s oil imports flow through these sea lanes. Critical supplies become vulnerable if China expands its military’s capabilities there (Diagram 1). The U.S. and China will likely be just as provocative as before in this area after they sign a deal. Technology: The tech conflict is more likely to limit the trade deal than vice versa. The sanctions and embargoes on Chinese companies like ZTE, Fujian Jinghua, and Huawei have operated on a separate track from the trade talks, and it is not at all clear that the U.S. will embrace Huawei as part of any final deal. The initial actions of the newly beefed-up Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) send warning signals. CFIUS is largely a vehicle for U.S. oversight of China (Table 3) and, if anything, that country-specific focus is intensifying. For instance, the U.S. has deemed Chinese ownership of a gay and lesbian hook-up app, Grindr, to pose an excessive national security risk.3 This is not a high bar for intervention and it suggests that any trade deal will fail to improve China’s investment options in the U.S. tech sector. Diagram 1South China Sea As Traffic Roundabout U.S.-China Conflict: The End Of The Beginning U.S.-China Conflict: The End Of The Beginning Table 3CFIUS Is Mostly About China U.S.-China Conflict: The End Of The Beginning U.S.-China Conflict: The End Of The Beginning The takeaway is that while both sides want a deal over the short term, it will not mark the end of the trade war. It is more likely the end of the beginning of a cold war. As long as China’s economy and industrial capabilities continue to grow relative to the United States, its geographic periphery remains a cauldron of geopolitical risks, and its technological advancement remains rapid, the competition will continue. Bottom Line: There is no substantial evidence from the current trade talks that underlying strategic conflicts will be resolved. This implies that the U.S. and China will shift their focus to these conflicts in the weeks and months after any trade deal. That process will be a nuisance to global equity markets expecting a clean deal; Chinese and American tech stocks in particular will remain exposed to tail risks. The status of Chinese tech companies is a critical risk, as a deal for the U.S. to admit Huawei would be a game-changer. Investment Conclusions Ironically, an early resolution of the trade war – in April or May – offers less of a benefit for Chinese equities and other risk assets than a later resolution in June or thereafter. While we expect to have greater clarity on China’s stimulus magnitude from the March data, it is still possible that stimulus will remain mixed or disappointing. Stimulus measures may also be toned down after a deal is approved, which means that an earlier deal would reduce the total stimulus by the end of 2019. The Trump administration will use the new flexibility gained from a China deal to toughen its policies in other areas, potentially with negative market consequences. The decision to designate the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a foreign terrorist organization is an important example. This decision is squarely within the Trump administration’s policy of pressuring Iran, which is a high-risk policy with substantial market-relevance. Trump may have made the decision in order to save face while planning to renew waivers on Iranian oil sanctions on May 4 – we would be extremely surprised if he did not renew. Sanctioning the IRGC involves a string of consequences but it is not a direct attack on oil supply that could produce an oil shock dangerous to Trump’s re-election prospects in 2020 (Chart 13). Of course, Iran will retaliate to the IRGC blacklisting – and one way it could do so would be through oil production in various places, including Iraq. The result would be oil volatility and higher prices. Chart 13 Further, an early deal could encourage Trump to instigate a trade war with Europe. Trump’s four-to-six week time frame for the conclusion of talks with China is conspicuously close to the tentative May 18 deadline by which he is required to determine whether to impose tariffs on foreign auto and auto part imports (Chart 14). Such tariffs would be pursuant to the Section 232 investigation that likely found such imports a threat to national security. We have argued that a U.S.-China deal raises the risk of tariffs on European cars to 35%, with Japanese and Korean cars less at risk, progressively. The EU is ready to retaliate so this would be a drawn-out trade conflict. Chart 14 Chart 15   By contrast, we are less concerned about the market impact of Trump’s recent threats to close the border with Mexico or include Mexico in car tariffs (Chart 15). True, Trump could close the border and generate a temporary drag on trade and the border economy. However, the Republicans have limited patience for the economic blowback of an extended border closure, and Trump cannot afford to jeopardize passage of his USMCA trade deal as long as he has alternative ways of looking tough on the border. Geopolitical Strategy would view the U.S. and China as good overweights relative to global equities and within their respective developed and emerging market contexts. What about a later resolution of the trade deal, in June or later in the summer? This would remove some risks. By that time, the Iran decision and possibly the car tariff decision will be past and there will be greater clarity on the magnitude of China’s stimulus. More extensive negotiations could also suggest that the ensuing trade deal will resolve deeper disagreements – unless the talks drag on without consequence amid signs of declining trust. Given the risk of trade war with Europe, oil volatility, and uncertainties about China’s stimulus, Geopolitical Strategy would view the U.S. and China as good overweights relative to global equities and within their respective developed and emerging market contexts. When and if the above political hurdles are cleared, the emphasis can shift to other bourses. Geopolitical Strategy’s preferred emerging market plays are EM energy producers and EM Asian states like Thailand and Indonesia.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 See Ailsa Chang, “U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer Discusses Ongoing Trade Talks With China,” National Public Radio, March 25, 2019, www.npr.org. 2 For the above quotations see Andrew Mayeda, Xiaoqing Pi, and Margaret Talev, “Kudlow Sees No Letup in China Talks as Both Sides Cite Progress,” Bloomberg, April 4, 2019, www.bloomberg.com. 3 See David E. Sanger, “Grindr Is Owned by a Chinese Firm, and the U.S. Is Trying to Force It to Sell,” March 28, 2019, www.nytimes.com.

Highlights Most currency pairs continue to trade toward the apex of tight wedge formations. History suggests major breakouts could be imminent. While the trade-weighted dollar has historically tended to be the best performing currency over a six-month period following a U.S. yield curve inversion, this window is rapidly closing. As the tug of war between data disappointments and easier financial conditions plays out, we intend to selectively add to more USD short positions. The pound is sitting exactly where it was after the 2016 U.K. referendum results, but the odds of a hard Brexit have significantly fallen since then. Place a limit buy on GBP/USD at 1.30. The RBA’s dovish shift was widely expected, while the RBNZ’s was not. Meanwhile, the Aussie dollar is sitting close to the epicenter of any Chinese stimulus. Buy AUD/NZD for a trade. Feature Markets have taken a risk-on tone this week. On the data front, there was strong improvement in the Chinese composite PMI, as well as broad increases in the services component of the PMIs across Europe and the U.S. Retail sales data out of Europe and Asia were above expectations and U.S. housing data is beginning to benefit from the fall in interest rates. Case in point, mortgage applications jumped almost 20% week-on-week, nudging the mortgage purchase index towards new highs. On the political front, China and the U.S. appear to be approaching a trade deal, and the U.K. has reached across the aisle to forge a Brexit deal that will potentially include stronger support from the Labor party. Despite these positives, there remain some dislocations in financial markets as investors digest whether financial conditions have eased enough globally to lift us out of the growth slowdown. Since 2015, both the Japanese Nikkei 225 index and the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield have moved in lockstep (Chart I-1). Right now, these two global growth barometers are sending opposing signals. The Nikkei index bottomed in December 2018 and is 13% off its lows, while at 2.5%, U.S. bond yields are not far off the trough made last week. Back in 2016, both indicators bottomed together in a unified response to the Federal Reserve’s dovish shift as well as Chinese stimulus. Every time the U.S. 10-year versus three-month spread has inverted, pro-cyclical currencies have gotten clobbered.  The important message is that monetary policy affects the economy with a lag, and over the last year, more central banks have tightened policy than at any time since 2011 (Chart I-2). Our central bank monitors are still falling, suggesting easy monetary policy is still required. It wasn’t so long ago that dismal manufacturing PMI readings from Europe and Japan sent equity markets into a tailspin, with the U.S. 10-year versus three-month spread inverting. At a minimum, this warns against betting the farm too early on pro-cyclical currencies. Chart I-1Who Is Right? Who Is Right? Who Is Right? Chart I-2Monetary Policy Still relatively Tight Monetary Policy Still relatively Tight Monetary Policy Still relatively Tight       Bottom Line: Every time the U.S. 10-year versus three-month spread has inverted, the U.S. trade-weighted dollar has tended to be the best performing currency over the next six months, while other pro-cyclical currencies have gotten clobbered. This occurred whether or not the inversion was a head-fake (Chart I-3). Our bias is that this time is different, but we will await further confirmation from higher-frequency indicators before building aggressive USD short positions. Chart I-3ABeware Of Curve Inversions (1) Beware Of Curve Inversions (1) Beware Of Curve Inversions (1) Chart I-3BBeware Of Curve Inversions (2) Beware Of Curve Inversions (2) Beware Of Curve Inversions (2) What To Watch In our March 8th bulletin,1 we detailed the case for fading U.S. dollar tailwinds and what to watch for in order to adopt a more pro-cyclical stance. These included PMI differentials between the U.S. and the rest of the world, copper- and oil-to-gold ratios, Chinese M2 relative-to-GDP, emerging market currencies, and China-sensitive industrial commodities. The message from these indicators remains broadly consistent with what was observed a month ago, so we will not reprint them here. That said, there are a few additional indicators to consider. AUD/JPY: This cross has broadly tracked swings in the global manufacturing pulse, given the Australian dollar benefits from improving global growth, while the yen benefits from flights to safety and deteriorating liquidity (Chart I-4). The cross has been dead flat around 79 for three months, suggesting these two forces are largely in a stalemate. A break higher in the cross towards the 82-83 zone would be encouraging. EUR/USD: For the U.S. dollar to weaken significantly, the euro will have to strengthen meaningfully, given the large share of euros in global reserves. Following dismal manufacturing PMI numbers out of Europe, the more domestic service-oriented PMIs have proven more resilient. Yet they still point to GDP growth between 1%-1.5% (Chart I-5). The external sector will have to participate to finally put a floor under the euro. It is encouraging that the euro has weakened significantly relative to the Chinese RMB, which should help European exports to China. Chart I-4Bottoming Processes Could Last A While Bottoming Processes Could Last A While Bottoming Processes Could Last A While Chart I-5Dollar Weakness Needs A Strong Euro Dollar Weakness Needs A Strong Euro Dollar Weakness Needs A Strong Euro     Chinese Bond Yields: A larger share of financial intermediation is now being done through the Chinese bond market, meaning it has the power to ease financial conditions. There is significant debate as to whether Chinese credit stimulus has been sufficient, but bond yields suggest this has been the case (Chart I-6). We will be watching the Chinese aggregate money data for further confirmation that it is time to put on reflation trades.   Chart I-6All Confirmatory Signs From China Count All Confirmatory Signs From China Count All Confirmatory Signs From China Count Bottom Line: We noted last week that exports to China from Singapore jumped by 34% year-on-year and those to emerging markets by 22% year-on-year. Recent data from Taiwan corroborate the improvement in the Chinese manufacturing PMI for the month of March. With many currency pairs trading toward the apex of tight wedge formations, history suggests breakouts are imminent. Given that currency crosses can themselves be indicators, we will wait for confirmation of a breakout before putting on fresh pro-cyclical positions. Westminster Unifies It has been almost three years since the British voted to leave the European Union (EU). The original deadline of March 29th has been extended to April 12th. As the new deadline approaches, the odds are that a new one will be negotiated, probably by the May 23rd EU elections or even later. The imbroglio has been highly complex, even for the most astute of political analysts. However, our simple observation is that while the pound is sitting exactly where it was after the 2016 referendum results, the odds of a hard Brexit have significantly fallen since then. We are opening a buy-stop on GBP/USD at 1.30 today for a trade (Chart I-7). A very detailed scenario analysis for Brexit was discussed in this month’s Bank Credit Analyst publication.2 The historical context is that while complete sovereignty of a nation is and always has been a desirable fundamental right, a hard Brexit will do little to alleviate the British voters’ angst. Globalization, decades of supply-side reforms and competition from emerging markets have lifted income inequality in the U.K. to the detriment of the average U.K. voter. However, this is hardly due to European integration, given that this same sentiment afflicts many other independent nations. Economic surprises in the U.K. relative to both the U.S. and euro area are soaring.  Back when the referendum was held in June 2016, even the pro-Brexit Tories, a minority in the party, promised continued access to the Common Market. Fast forward to today and there are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver a hard Brexit. Meanwhile, there is scant evidence the general populace wanted a hard Brexit, given the very slim margin of victory for the Leave vote. It is also possible that absent the prominence of migration issues and terrorist attacks that were afflicting Europe at the time, we would not be having this debate today. Chart I-7Changing Landscape For The Pound Changing Landscape For The Pound Changing Landscape For The Pound Chart I-8What Brexit? What Brexit? What Brexit?     As we publish this week, British Prime Minister Theresa May has kicked off negotiations with opposition party leader Jeremy Corbyn in a plan to muster a deal before the April 12th deadline. This falls into the first camp of our three scenarios, which are: 1) a softer Brexit deal; 2) a general election to break the impasse; or 3) another referendum. In the case of a general election, unless a hard Tory replaces Ms. May, chances are a softer Brexit will prevail. Meanwhile, our geopolitical strategists have ventured to say that Brexit is unsustainable over the secular horizon, and that the U.K. will remain in the EU. Bottom Line: While the political battle unfolds in the U.K., the reality is that the pound and U.K. gilt yields should be much higher solely on the basis of hard incoming data. Employment growth has been holding up very well, wages are inflecting higher, and the average U.K. consumer appears in decent shape (Chart I-8). Economic surprises in the U.K. relative to both the U.S. and euro area are soaring. With the benefit of hindsight, it is possible cable made its lows in mid-2016-early 2017 as it became clearer that the probability of a hard Brexit was waning. We are placing a limit buy on the pound today at 1.30, with a wide stop at 1.22. Buy AUD/NZD Chart I-9AUD Is On Sale AUD Is On Sale AUD Is On Sale There are few times in markets and trading when you get a semblance of a free lunch. But one such opportunity may be on the table for the Aussie versus the Kiwi. For starters, over the past five years or so, whenever this cross has broken below the 1.04 support level, going long proved to be a profitable strategy over the ensuing 6-to-12 months. Meanwhile, over the last 35 years, the cross has spent more than 95% of the time over 1.06, with the low in 2015 close to parity. Finally, the cross is very cheap on a real effective exchange rate basis, which means that relative prices in Australia are at a discount to those in New Zealand (Chart I-9).  The confluence of monetary policy shifts over the last few months may be blurring the direction of relative interest rate trends, but on the simple basis of real three-month interest rate differentials, the Aussie should be 15% higher relative to the Kiwi (Chart I-10). Ever since 2015, the market has been significantly more dovish on Australia relative to New Zealand, in part due to a more accelerated downturn in house prices and a significant slowdown in China. The reality is that the downturn in Australia has allowed some cleansing of sorts, and brought it far along the adjustment path relative to New Zealand. We may now be entering a window where economic data in New Zealand converges to the downside relative to Australia, the catalyst being a foreign ban on domestic house purchases (Chart I-11). Chart I-10Divergences Are Very Rare Divergences Are Very Rare Divergences Are Very Rare Chart I-11Australia Is Well Along The Adjustment Path Australia Is Well Along The Adjustment Path Australia Is Well Along The Adjustment Path Chart I-12Domestic Demand Pressures In New Zealand Domestic Demand Pressures In New Zealand Domestic Demand Pressures In New Zealand A study by the Reserve Bank of New Zealand shows that on average, the elasticity of consumption growth to house price changes is 0.22%.3 However, the housing wealth effect is asymmetric with negative housing shocks, hurting consumption by more than the boost received from positive shocks. According to their calculations, the housing wealth elasticity for consumption is 0.23 for negative shocks, as compared to 0.13 for positive changes in housing wealth. This asymmetry may be due to the fact that, at very elevated debt levels, leveraged gains are used to pay down debt aggressively, whereas leveraged losses hit bottom lines directly. The study proves timely, since the RBNZ began a new mandate on April 1st to now include full employment in addition to inflation targeting. But given that the RBNZ has been unable to fulfill its price stability mandate over the last several years, it is hard to argue it will find a dual mandate any easier. Falling consumption will depress aggregate demand which, in turn, will depress consumption further. Falling inbound migration levels at a time of rapidly dwindling labor supply everywhere means the goldilocks scenario of non-inflationary growth may be behind us (Chart I-12). And for an economy driven by agricultural exports, productivity gains will be hard to come by. The final catalyst for the AUD/NZD cross will be a terms-of-trade shock, and evidence is rising that this is turning in favor of the Aussie (Chart I-13). China’s clear environmental push has lifted the share of liquefied natural gas in Australia’s export mix (Chart I-14). Given that eliminating pollution is a strategic goal in China, this will be a multi-year tailwind. Australia overtook Qatar last year as the world’s biggest exporter of liquefied natural gas. As the market becomes more liberalized and long-term contracts are revised to reflect surging spot prices, the Aussie dollar will get a boost. Chart I-13A Positive Shift A Positive Shift A Positive Shift Chart I-14A Shifting Export Landscape A Shifting Export Landscape A Shifting Export Landscape   Bottom Line: Go long AUD/NZD as a strategic position. Place stops at parity.   Chester Ntonifor, Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, titled “Into A Transition Phase,”dated March 8, 2019, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, titled “The State Of Brexit,” dated March 28, 2019, available at bca.bcaresearch.com 3 Mairead de Roiste, Apostolos Fasianos, Robert Kirkby, and Fang Yao, “Household Leverage and Asymmetric Housing Wealth Effects - Evidence from New Zealand,” Reserve Bank of New Zealand, Discussion Paper Series, (April 2019). Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.S. have been weak compared to the rest of the world: Retail sales in February contracted by 0.2% month-on-month, shy of consensus of 0.3%. The March Markit manufacturing PMI fell  to 52.4 while ISM manufacturing PMI rose to 55.3. However, the ISM non-manufacturing PMI also decreased to 56.1. The February durable goods orders contracted by 1.6% while still better than expected. Initial jobless claims fell to 202k this week. DXY index initially fell by 0.3% before rebounding to end the week flat. The upbeat Chinese data earlier this week was the strongest in the manufacturing sector for the past 8 months. Easing financial conditions worldwide and progress on trade talks have brought back investors’ risk appetite, which is a headwind for the counter-cyclical dollar. Report Links: Tug OF War, With Gold As Umpire - March 29, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 Recent data in the euro area have shown tentative signs of a recovery: The Markit manufacturing PMI fell to 47.5 in March, the weakest number since 2013. However, the Markit composite PMI and services PMI increased to 51.6 and 53.3 respectively, both higher than expected. The unemployment rate stayed unchanged at 7.8% in February. Consumer price inflation in March fell slightly to 1.4%. Retail sales grew at 2.8% year-on-year in February, outperforming expectations of 2.3% growth. In Germany, retail sales surged by 4.7% year-on-year. EUR/USD depreciated by 0.2% this week. While the manufacturing data remains weak, the services PMI and retail sales in the euro area all show signs of an imminent pickup. During a speech last Wednesday, Mario Draghi highlighted that policy will continue to remain accommodative which should help financial conditions. Moreover, good news from U.K. and China could improve the trade outlook in the euro area. Report Links: Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 A Contrarian Bet On The Euro - March 1, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 The Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Recent data in Japan have been positive: Housing starts in February grew by 4.2% year-on-year. Nikkei manufacturing PMI in March came in at 49.2, surprising to the upside, while the services PMI fell slightly to 52. Foreign investment in Japanese stocks increased to 438.7 billion yen. USD/JPY appreciated by 0.5% this week. The Tankan survey for Q1 was a bit disappointing, but nascent green shoots in the global economic recovery are providing support for Japanese shares. On the flip side, the higher risk appetite will likely decrease the demand for the safe-haven Japanese yen. Report Links: Tug OF War, With Gold As Umpire - March 29, 2019 A Trader’s Guide To The Yen - March 15, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.K. have been mostly positive: The Q4 GDP surprised to the upside, coming in at 1.4% year-on-year. The Markit manufacturing PMI jumped to 55.1 in March, the strongest within the past year. The Markit construction PMI came in slightly below expectation at 49.7, while still above the last reading of 49.5. The services PMI fell to 48.9.  GBP/USD appreciated by 0.7% this week. GBP/USD has been very volatile over the past weeks amid ongoing Brexit uncertainties. Despite this, the U.K. economy has been very healthy and cable is still trading at a discount to its fair value. Report Links: A Trader’s Guide To The Yen - March 15, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Recent data in Australia have been improving: The NAB business confidence fell to 0 in March, but the business conditions component increased to 7. The February HIA new home sales increased by 1% month-on-month. Building permits in February increased by 19.1% month-on-month. Retail sales increased by 0.8% month-on-month in February. Trade balance came in at 4.8 million AUD in February. Legacy LNG projects almost guarantee trade surpluses for years to come. AUD/USD has been flat this week. On Tuesday, the RBA kept the interest rate unchanged at 1.5%, as was widely expected. AUD/USD is likely to form a floor if Chinese economic activity continues to improve and global industrial production picks up. Report Links: Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 Recent data in New Zealand have been positive: The global dairy trade price index increased by 0.8% in April.  ANZ commodity prices increased by 1.4% in March. NZD/USD fell by 1% this week. Despite positive terms of trade, NZD/USD is still trading at a 10%-15% premium above its fair value. New Zealand will be held hostage to the downturn in the Aussie economy. Meanwhile, a new dual mandate for the RBNZ makes it difficult to gauge whether its recent dovish shift is a one-off or more perpetual. Report Links: Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Updating Our Intermediate Timing Models - November 2, 2018 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 Recent data in Canada have been mostly positive: GDP grew by 0.3% month-on-month in January, surprising to the upside. However, the Markit manufacturing PMI fell to 50.5 in March, from a previous reading of 52.8. USD/CAD rebounded after the plunge on positive Canadian GDP data, returning flat this week. On Monday, Governor Poloz gave a speech in Nunavut, highlighting slowing trade growth and the downside risks from trade wars. He stated that the economic outlook continues to warrant a policy rate that is well below the neutral range, and trade among provinces and territories should be promoted. Report Links: A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 Recent data in Switzerland have been strong: The KOF leading indicator increased to 97.4 in March. The February retail sales growth came in at -0.2% year-on-year, above the estimated -0.8%. Consumer price index came in higher than expected at 0.7% year-on-year. USD/CHF increased by 0.47% this week. While the inflation rate took a step closer towards the target rate, the uptick in investment sentiment and rising appetite for risk assets could be a headwind for the safe-haven franc. Report Links: Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Waiting For A Real Deal - December 7, 2018 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 Recent data in Norway have been improving: Retail sales contracted by 1.3% month-on-month in February. However, the registered unemployment fell to 78.32k in March. The unemployment rate decreased to 2.4% accordingly. House prices increased by 3.2% year-on-year in March. The manufacturing PMI rose from 56.3 to 56.8 in March. USD/NOK fell by 0.3% this week. The Norwegian krone has been one of our favorite currencies, as it remains most responsive to crude oil prices. Our BCA house view is in favor of rising oil prices amid Iran and Venezuela sanctions and production cuts. Report Links: A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 Recent data in Sweden have been better than expected: The manufacturing PMI came in at 52.8 in March, slightly higher than 52.7 in February. USD/SEK has been flat this week. The Swedish krona is still trading below its one sigma band of fair value. A brighter picture for the euro area could improve trade conditions for Sweden. Our short USD/SEK position is now 1.84% in the money since initiated. Report Links: Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Global Liquidity Trends Support The Dollar, But... - January 25, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

Highlights Maintain a pro-cyclical stance for the time being – overweight equities versus bonds, long commodities, overweight industrial equities, and underweight healthcare equities. But be warned, absent a continued decline in the bond yield and/or oil price, short-term positive impulses on the economy will fade and even turn negative later in the year. Hence in the summer months, look for opportunities to take profits in these pro-cyclical positions. U.K. economy plays can outperform once a cross-party parliamentary majority is found for a course of action that leads to an orderly Brexit (or no Brexit). Feature At the end of last year, we made a bold prediction: economies and financial markets would follow the opposite path in 2019 compared to 2018. Specifically we pointed out that “through most of 2018, global growth was decelerating while inflation was accelerating. Now this configuration is flipping: global growth is rebounding while inflation is set to collapse… 2019 will present investors a mirror-image pattern to 2018” (Chart of the Week). Chart of the WeekWhy 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Why 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Why 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Four months on, we are delighted to report that the mirror-image pattern is unfolding exactly as predicted. This year, stock markets are up sharply; bond markets have rallied; metal prices have made double-digit gains, growth-sensitive industrial shares are outperforming; while defensive healthcare shares are underperforming. All of these are the precise opposite of what happened in early 2018 (Chart 1-2 - Chart I-6). Chart I-2Equities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Equities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Equities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Chart I-3Bonds: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Bonds: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Bonds: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018   Chart I-4Commodities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Commodities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Commodities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Chart I-5Cyclicals: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Cyclicals: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Cyclicals: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018   Chart I-6Defensives: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Defensives: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Defensives: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Why 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 The basis for our bold prediction was twofold. We noted that China’s 6-month credit impulse “had gone vertical” (Chart I-7). Indeed, the rebound from the trough amounted to $500 billion (and still counting), equivalent to a near 1 percent shot in the arm for global GDP. Chart I-7China's 6-Month Credit Impulse Has Gone Vertical China's 6-Month Credit Impulse Has Gone Vertical China's 6-Month Credit Impulse Has Gone Vertical We also argued back then that “a racing certainty for early 2019 is that headline inflation will collapse. This is because the plunge in the crude oil price is about to feed through into headline consumer price indexes. Inevitably, it will seep through into core inflation too, via the impact on energy dependent prices such as transport costs.” “Coming at a time that central banks have professed a much greater reliance on incoming data, we can deduce that central banks will find it hard to tighten policy in the face of weaker headline and core inflation prints. Crucially though, the ECB and BoJ were not planning on tightening policy anyway, so the plunge in reported inflation will be much more impactful on the Federal Reserve.” Lo and behold. China’s PMI has rebounded sharply, and the Fed has stopped hiking rates. Still, central banks’ enhanced ‘data-dependency’ carries perils. The high-profile hard data – such as CPI inflation and GDP growth prints – on which monetary policy ‘depends’ is a record of what happened in the past, sometimes the distant past. This year’s market moves are the precise opposite of what happened in early 2018. Hence, enhanced data-dependency means that central banks are now ‘driving by looking through the rear-view mirror’ rather than looking at the current terrain. In turn, monetary policy expectations are driving bond and equity market valuations. By contrast, equity market growth expectations are based on the here and now; they move in synch with economic activity in real-time, leading even the survey-based PMIs. This also solves the puzzle as to why bonds and equities can sometimes give conflicting messages. Last year, the configuration of accelerating inflation with decelerating global growth hit equities and with a lose-lose: heavy pressure on both valuations and growth expectations. Furthermore, when interest rates rise from low levels they undermine the support for elevated risk-asset valuations in a viciously non-linear way. Chart I-8In 2018, Higher Bond Yields Pressured Equity Valuations In 2018, Higher Bond Yields Pressured Equity Valuations In 2018, Higher Bond Yields Pressured Equity Valuations At low interest rates, bond prices develop the same unattractive negative asymmetry as equities. Therefore, an extended period of ultra-low interest rates removes the need for an equity risk premium, and justifies sharply higher valuations for equities and other risk-assets. But in early 2018, as hawkish central banks pushed up 10-year global bond yield towards 2 percent, this process reversed viciously: bond prices lost their negative asymmetry, re-requiring an equity risk premium and sharply lower valuations for risk-assets at a time that growth expectations were also sliding (Chart I-8).1 By contrast, the early 2019 configuration of dovish central banks and accelerating short-term credit impulses has provided equities a ‘mirror-image’ win-win: a boost to both valuations and to growth expectations.  What Happens Next In 2019? Chart I-9Headline Inflation Will Soon Tick Up Headline Inflation Will Soon Tick Up Headline Inflation Will Soon Tick Up Understand that the all-important impulses to an economy do not come from the level of the bond yield, oil price, net exports, inventories, and so on. The impulse always comes from the change in these metrics. And as the metrics cannot decline (or rise) incessantly, impulses always fade and then reverse. The oil price has rebounded 30 percent from its recent lows. Necessarily, this means that headline inflation prints will soon stabilise or even tick up (Chart I-9). Furthermore, central banks’ abrupt pivot to dovish has already happened. It would be hard to repeat or continue such a move. As central banks react to the inevitably backward-looking hard data prints, our expectation is that bond yields will stabilise or even tick up. Will equity markets also react positively to the better economic data prints? Not necessarily. To repeat, equity markets’ growth expectations move in synch with economic activity in real-time, leading even the survey-based PMIs. Equity markets never wait for the backward-looking data prints. China plays are tracking its short-term credit impulse which has gone vertical (Chart I-10). Hence, in 2019 to date, U.K. mining stocks are already up 25 percent; the Shenzhen Composite is already up 40 percent! Chart I-10China Plays Have Already Surged China Plays Have Already Surged China Plays Have Already Surged Still, the current win-win configuration can continue for a little while longer, given that a typical upswing in short-term credit impulses lasts around eight months. But be warned, absent a continued decline in the bond yield and/or oil price, short-term impulses will fade and even turn negative later in the year. The early 2019 configuration of dovish central banks and accelerating short-term credit impulses has provided equities a win-win. Hence, maintain a pro-cyclical stance for the time being – overweight equities versus bonds, long commodities, overweight industrial equities, and underweight healthcare equities. But our strong advice is: in the summer months, look for opportunities to take profits in all of these positions. When Will Brexit’s Groundhog Day End? We really would prefer not to talk about Brexit. It is not just that every day is Groundhog Day, every day is a shambolic Groundhog Day. Still, on a positive note this means that our investment strategy for Brexit has also remained a constant (Chart I-11). Chart I-11For Investors, Brexit Simplifies To A Binary Outcome For Investors, Brexit Simplifies To A Binary Outcome For Investors, Brexit Simplifies To A Binary Outcome It is not sufficient for the U.K. parliament to express what it is against (a no-deal Brexit); parliament must express what course of action it is for, leading to an orderly Brexit, or no Brexit, and that this course of action must also be acceptable to the EU27. At that point, irrespective of the exact course of action – a customs union, Common Market 2.0, or a confirmatory referendum in which ‘remain’ is an option – buy the pound, the FTSE250, and U.K. homebuilder shares. Theresa May’s overture to engage in a national unity strategy with the Labour Party is a step in the right direction. In this regard, Theresa May’s overture to engage in a national unity strategy with the Labour Party is a step in the right direction, because it finally puts national interest above party interest. To be clear, Brexit has been trapped in Groundhog Day because there is insufficient support among Conservative and DUP MPs for a relationship with the EU27 that would: Protect the cross-border supply chains which are vital to so many U.K. businesses. Avoid a hard customs border on the island of Ireland or between Ireland and Britain. Deliver on the narrow 52:48 vote to leave the EU, which was driven by a desire to control migration and the supremacy of the European Court of Justice; rather than a desire to strike independent trade deals, which is irrelevant for a majority of voters. The ray of light is that there is potentially a broader cross-party parliamentary majority for a course of action that would meet the above three conditions. Once it is found, U.K. economy plays can look forward to the “sunlit uplands”. Fractal Trading System* In line with the main body of this report, we continue to see evidence that the recent rally in bonds is technically extended. Accordingly, this week’s recommended trade is to short the 10-year OAT. The profit target is 1.3 percent with a symmetrical stop-loss. In other trades, short INR/PKR hit its 3 percent stop-loss and is now closed, leaving five open positions. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment’s fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-12 Short the 10-Year OAT Long SEK/NOK Short the 10-Year OAT Long SEK/NOK The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions.   *  For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Dhaval Joshi, Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see the European Investment Strategy Weekly Report “Risk: The Great Misunderstanding Of Finance”, October 25, 2018 available at eis.bcaresearch.com  Fractal Trading System Recommendations Asset Allocation Equity Regional and Country Allocation Equity Sector Allocation Bond and Interest Rate Allocation Currency and Other Allocation Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields   Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields   Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Highlights So what? EM elections bring opportunities as well as risks. Why?   Emerging market equities will benefit as long as China’s stimulus does not fizzle. Modi is on track to win India’s election – which is a positive – though risks lie to the downside. Thailand’s next cycle of political instability is beginning, but we are still cyclically overweight. Indonesia will defy the global “strongman” narrative – go overweight tactically. Populism remains a headwind to Philippine and Turkish assets. Wait for Europe to stabilize before pursuing Turkish plays. Feature Chart 1Risks of China's Stimulus Have Shifted To The Upside Risks of China's Stimulus Have Shifted To The Upside Risks of China's Stimulus Have Shifted To The Upside China’s official PMIs in March came at just the right time for jittery emerging market investors awaiting the all-important March credit data. EM equities, unlike the most China-sensitive plays, have fallen back since late January, after outperforming their DM peers since October (Chart 1). This occurred amid a stream of negative economic data and policy uncertainties: China’s mixed signals, prolonged U.S.-China trade negotiations, the Fed’s extended “pause” in rate hikes, the inversion of the yield curve, Brexit, and general European gloom. We have been constructive on EM plays since February 20, when we determined that the risks of China’s stimulus had shifted to the upside. However, several of the EM bourses that are best correlated with Chinese stimulus are already richly valued (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, etc). The good news is that a series of elections this spring provide a glimpse into the internal politics of several of these countries, which will help determine which ones will outperform if we are correct that global growth will find its footing by Q3.  First, A Word On Turkey … More Monetary Expansion On The Way Local elections in Turkey on March 31 have dealt a black eye to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. His ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has lost control of the capital Ankara for the first time since 2004. Erdogan has also (arguably) conceded the mayoralty of Istanbul, the economic center of the country, where he first rose to power in 1994. Other cities also fell to the opposition. Vote-counting is over and the aftermath will involve a flurry of accusations, investigations, and possibly unrest. Erdogan’s inability to win elections with more than a slim majority is a continual source of insecurity for him and his administration. This weekend’s local elections reinforce the point. The AKP alone failed to cross 45% in terms of popular votes. Combined with its traditional ally – the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) – it received 51.6% of the total vote (in the 2015 elections, the two parties combined for over 60% of the vote). While losing the local elections will not upset the balance in parliament, it is a rebuke to Erdogan over his economic policy and a warning to the AKP for the future. Erdogan does not face general elections until 2023. But judging by his response to the first serious challenge to his rule – the Gezi Park protests of May 2013 – his reaction will be to double down on unorthodox, populist economic policy. Chart 2Erdogan Will Respond With Populist Politics Erdogan Will Respond With Populist Politics Erdogan Will Respond With Populist Politics Back in 2013, the government responded to the domestic challenge through expansive monetary policy. The central bank gave extraordinary liquidity provisions to the banking system. Chart 2 clearly shows that the liquidity injections began with the Gezi protests. These provisions only paused in 2016-17, when global growth rebounded on the back of Chinese stimulus and EM asset prices rose, supporting Turkey’s currency and enabling the central bank to hold off. Today, the severe contraction in GDP (by 3% in Q4 2018), with a negative global backdrop, will likely end Erdogan’s patience with tight monetary policy.1 To illustrate how tight policy has been, note that bank loan growth denominated in lira is contracting at a rate of 17% in real terms. Given the authorities’ populist track record, rising unemployment will likely lead to further “backdoor” liquidity easing. A new bout of unorthodox monetary policy will be negative for domestic bank equities, local-currency bonds, and the lira. As one of the first EM currencies and bourses to begin outperforming in September 2018, Turkey has been at the forefront of the EM mini-rally over the past six months. But with global growth still tepid, this mini-cycle is likely to come to an end for the time being. Watch for the bottoming in Chinese followed by European growth before seeking new opportunities in Turkish assets. Erdogan’s domestic troubles could also prompt him to renew his foreign combativeness, which raises tail risks to Turkish risk assets, such as through U.S. punitive measures. Last year, Erdogan responded to the economic downswing by toning down his belligerent rhetoric and mending fences with Europe and the U.S. However, a reversion to populism may require him to seek a convenient distraction. The U.S. is withdrawing from Syria and the Middle East, leaving Turkey in a position where it needs other relationships to pursue its interests. Russia is a key example. Currently Erdogan is bickering with the U.S. over the planned purchase of a missile defense system from Russia. But the consequence is that relations with the U.S. could deteriorate further, potentially leading to new sanctions. Bottom Line: Turkey is still in the grip of populist politics and will respond to the recession and domestic discontent with easier monetary policy which would bode ill for the lira and lira-denominated assets. The stabilization of the European economy is necessary before investors attempt to take advantage of the de-rating of Turkish assets. India: Focus On Modi’s Political Capital We have long maintained that Modi is likely to stay in power after India’s general election on April 11-May 19. His coalition has recovered in public opinion polling since the Valentine’s Day attack on Indian security forces in Indian Kashmir (Chart 3). The government responded to the attacks by ordering airstrikes on February 26 against Pakistani targets in Pakistani territory for the first time since 1974. The attack was theatrical but the subsequent rally-around-the-flag effect gave Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) a badly needed popular boost. The market rallied on the back of Modi’s higher chances of reelection. Modi is the more business-friendly candidate, as opposed to his chief rival, Rahul Gandhi of the Indian Congress Party. Nevertheless, election risks still lie to the downside: Modi and his party are hardly likely to outperform their current 58% share of seats in the lower house of parliament, since the conditions for a wave election – similar to the one that delivered the BJP a single-party majority in 2014 – do not exist today. While the range of outcomes is extremely broad (Chart 4), the current seat projections shown in Chart 3 put Modi’s coalition right on the majority line. Meanwhile his power is already waning in the state legislatures. Chart 3 Chart 4 Thus Modi’s reform agenda has lost momentum, at least until he can form a new coalition. This will take time and markets may ultimately be disappointed by the insufficiency of the tools at his disposal in his second term. Indian equities are the most expensive in the EM space, and only more so after the sharp rally in March on the back of the Kashmir clash and Modi’s recovering reelection chances (Chart 5). Additional clashes with Pakistan are not unlikely during the election season, despite the current appearance of calm. This is because Modi’s patriotic dividend in the polls could fade. Since even voters who lack confidence in Modi as a leader believe that Pakistan is a serious threat (Chart 6), he could be encouraged to stir up tensions yet again. This would be playing with fire but he may be tempted to do it if his polling relapses or if Pakistan takes additional actions. Chart 5...And Lofty Valuations ...And Lofty Valuations ...And Lofty Valuations Chart 6 Further escalation would be positive for markets only so long as it boosts Modi’s chances of reelection without triggering a wider conflict. Yet the standoff revealed that these two powers continue to run high risks of miscalculation: their signaling is not crystal clear; deterrence could fail. Thus, further escalation could become harder to control and could spook the financial markets.2 Even if Modi eschews any further jingoism, his lead is tenuous. First, the economic slowdown is taking a toll – even the official unemployment rate is rising (Chart 7) and the government has been caught manipulating statistics. There is no time for the economy to recover enough to change voters’ minds. Opinion polls show that even BJP voters are not very happy about the past five years. They care more about jobs and inflation than they do about terrorism, and a majority thinks these factors have deteriorated over Modi’s five-year term (Chart 8). Chart 7Manipulated Stats Can't Hide Deteriorating Economy Manipulated Stats Can't Hide Deteriorating Economy Manipulated Stats Can't Hide Deteriorating Economy   Chart 8 If the polling does not change, Modi will win with a weak mandate at best. A minority government or a hung parliament is possible. A Congress Party-led coalition, which would be a market-negative event, cannot be ruled out. The latter especially would prompt a big selloff, but anything short of a single-party majority for Modi will register as a disappointment. Bottom Line: There may be a relief rally after Modi is seen to survive as prime minister, but his likely weak political capital in parliament will be disappointing for markets. The market will want additional, ambitious structural reforms on top of what Modi has already done, but he will struggle to deliver in the near term. While we are structurally bullish, in the context of this election cycle –  which includes rising oil prices that hinder Indian equity outperformance – we urge readers to remain underweight Indian equities within emerging markets. Thailand: An Outperformer Despite Quasi-Military Rule Chart A new cycle of political instability is beginning in Thailand as the country transitions back into civilian rule after five years under a military junta. However, this is not an immediate problem for investors, who should remain overweight Thai equities relative to other EMs on a cyclical time horizon. The source of Thai instability is inequality – both regional and economic. Regionally, 49% of the population resides in the north, northeast, and center, deprived of full representation by the royalist political and military establishment seated in Bangkok (Map 1). Economically, household wealth is extremely unevenly distributed. Thailand’s mean-to-median wealth ratio is among the highest in the world (Chart 9). Eventually these factors will drive the regional populist movement – embodied by exiled Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his family and allies – to reassert itself against the elites (the military, the palace, and the civil bureaucracy). New demands will be made for greater representation and a fairer distribution of wealth. The result will be mass street protests and disruptions of business sentiment and activity that will grab headlines sometime in the coming years, as occurred most recently in 2008-10 and 2013-14.   Chart 9 Chart 10Social Spending Did Not Hinder Populism Social Spending Did Not Hinder Populism Social Spending Did Not Hinder Populism The seeds of the next rebellion are apparent in the results of the election on March 24. The junta has sought to undercut the populists by increasing infrastructure spending and social welfare (Chart 10), and controlling rice prices for farmers. Yet the populists have still managed to garner enough seats in the lower house to frustrate the junta’s plans for a seamless transition to “guided” civilian rule. The final vote count is not due until May 9 but unofficial estimates suggest that the opposition parties have won a majority or very nearly a majority in the lower house. This is despite the fact that the junta rewrote the constitution, redesigned the electoral system to be proportional (thus watering down the biggest opposition parties), and hand-picked the 250-seat senate. Such results point to the irrepressible population dynamics of the “Red Shirt” opposition in Thailand, which has won every free election since 2001. Nevertheless, the military and its allies (the “Yellow Shirt” political establishment) are too powerful at present for the opposition to challenge them directly. The junta has several tools to shape the election results to its liking in the short run.3 It would not have gone ahead with the election were this not the case. As a result, the cycle of instability is only likely to pick up over time. Investors should note the silver lining to the period of military rule: it put a halt to the spiral of polarization at a critical time for the country. The unspoken origin of the political crisis was the royal succession. The traditional elites could not tolerate the rise of a populist movement that flirted with revolutionary ideas at the same time that the revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej drew near to passing away. This combination threatened both a succession crisis and possibly the survival of the traditional political system, a constitutional monarchy backed by a powerful army. With the 2014 coup and five-year period of military rule (lengthy even by Thai standards), the military drew a stark red line: there is no alternative to the constitutional monarchy. The royalist faction had its bottom line preserved, at the cost of an erosion of governance and democracy. The result is that going forward, there is a degree of policy certainty. Chart 11Thai Confidence Has Bottomed Thai Confidence Has Bottomed Thai Confidence Has Bottomed Chart 12Strong Demand Sans Risk Of Being Overleveraged Strong Demand Sans Risk Of Being Overleveraged Strong Demand Sans Risk Of Being Overleveraged The long-term trend of Thai consumer confidence tells the story (Chart 11). Optimism surged with the election of populist Thaksin in the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis in 2001. The long national conflict that ensued – in which the elites and generals exiled Thaksin and ousted his successors, and the country dealt with a global financial crisis and natural disasters – saw consumer confidence decline. However, the coup of 2014 and the royal succession (to be completed May 4-6 with the new king’s coronation) has reversed this trend, with confidence trending upward since then. Revolution is foreclosed yet the population is looking up. Military rule is generally disinflationary in Thailand and this time around it initiated a phase of private sector deleveraging. Yet the economy has held up reasonably well. Private consumption has improved along with confidence and investment has followed, albeit sluggishly (Chart 12). The advantage is that Thailand has had slow-burn growth and has avoided becoming overleveraged again, like many EM peers. Chart 13Thailand Outperformed EM Despite Military Interference Thailand Outperformed EM Despite Military Interference Thailand Outperformed EM Despite Military Interference Furthermore, Thailand is not vulnerable to external shocks. It has a 7% current account surplus and ample foreign exchange reserves. It is not too exposed to China, either economically or geopolitically: China makes up only 12% of exports, while Bangkok has no maritime-territorial disputes with Beijing in the South China Sea. In fact, Thailand maintains good diplomatic relations with China and yet has a mutual defense treaty with the United States (the oldest such treaty in Asia). It is perhaps the most secure of any of the Southeast Asian states from the point of view of the secular U.S.-China conflict. Finally, if our forecast proves wrong and political instability returns sooner than we expect, it is important to remember that Thailand’s domestic political conflicts rarely affect equity prices in a lasting way. Global financial crises and natural disasters have had a greater impact on Thai assets over the past two decades than the long succession crisis. Thailand has outperformed both EM and EM Asia during the period of military interference, though democratic Indonesia has done better (Chart 13). Bottom Line: Thailand’s political risks are domestic and stem from regional and economic inequality, which will result in a revived opposition movement that will clash with the traditional military and political elite. This clash will eventually create policy uncertainty and political risk. But it will need to build up over time, since the military junta has strict control over the current environment. Meanwhile macro fundamentals are positive. Indonesia: Rejecting Strongman Populism We do not expect any major surprises from the Indonesian election. Instead, we expect policy continuity, a marginal positive for the country’s equities. However, stocks are overvalued, overexposed to the financial sector,4 and vulnerable if global growth does not stabilize. Chart 14 The most important trend since the near collapse of Indonesia in the late 1990s has been the stabilization of the secular democratic political system and peaceful transition of power. That trend looks to continue with President Joko Widodo’s likely victory in the election on April 17. President Jokowi defeated former general Prabowo Subianto in the 2014 election and has maintained a double-digit lead over his rival in the intervening years (Chart 14). Prabowo is a nationalist and would-be strongman leader who was accused of human rights violations during the fall of his father-in-law Suharto’s dictatorship in 1998. Emerging market polls are not always reliable but a lead of this size for this long suggests that the public knows Prabowo and does not prefer him to Jokowi. In fact he never polled above 35% support while Jokowi has generally polled above 45%. The incumbent advantage favors Jokowi. Household consumption is perking up slightly and consumer confidence is high (see Chart 11 above). Wages have received a big boost during Jokowi’s term and are now picking up again, in real as well as nominal terms and for rural as well as urban workers. Jokowi’s minimum wage law has not resulted in extravagant windfalls to labor, as was feared, and inflation remains under control (Chart 15). Government spending has been ramped up ahead of the vote (and yet Jokowi is not profligate). All of these factors support the incumbent. Real GDP growth is sluggish but has trended slightly upward for most of Jokowi’s term. Chart 15Favorable Economic Conditions Support Incumbent Jokowi Favorable Economic Conditions Support Incumbent Jokowi Favorable Economic Conditions Support Incumbent Jokowi Chart 16 Jokowi has been building badly needed infrastructure with success and has been attracting FDI to try to improve productivity (Chart 16). This is the most positive feature of his government and is set to continue if he wins. A coalition in parliament has largely supported him after an initial period of drift. The biggest challenge for Jokowi and Indonesia are lackluster macro fundamentals. For instance, twin deficits, which show a lack of savings and invite pressure on the currency, which has been very weak. The twin deficits have worsened since 2012 because China’s economic maturation has forced a painful transition on Indonesia, which it has not yet recovered from. Chart 17 There is some risk to governance as Jokowi has chosen Ma’ruf Amin, the top cleric of the world’s largest Muslim organization, as his running mate. Jokowi wants to counteract criticisms that he is not Islamic enough (or is a hidden Christian), which cost his ally the governorship of Jakarta in 2017. However, Jokowi is not a strongman leader like Erdogan in Turkey, whose combination of Islamism and populism has been disastrous for the country’s economy. As mentioned, Jokowi will be defeating the would-be strongman Prabowo, who has also allied with Islamism. In fact, Indonesia is a relatively secular and modern Muslim-majority country and Amin is the definition of an establishment religious leader. The security forces have succeeded in cracking down on militancy in the past decade, greatly improving Indonesia’s stability and security as a whole (Chart 17). Governance is weak on some measures in Indonesia, but Jokowi is better than the opposition on this front and neither his own policies nor his vice presidential pick signals a shift in a Turkey-like, Islamist, populist direction. Bottom Line: We should see Indonesian equities continue to outperform EM and EM Asia as long as China’s stimulus efforts do not collapse and global growth picks up as expected in the second half of the year. Peaceful democratic transitions and economic policy continuity have been repeatedly demonstrated in Indonesia despite the inherent difficulties of developing a populous, multi-ethnic archipelago. Nationalism is a constant risk but it would be more virulent under Jokowi’s opponent. The Philippines: Embracing Strongman Populism Chart 18 The May 13 midterm elections mark the three-year halfway point in President Rodrigo Duterte’s presidential term. Duterte is still popular, with approval ratings in the 75%-85% range. These numbers likely overstate his support, but it is clearly above 50% and superior to that of his immediate predecessors (Chart 18). Further, his daughter’s party, Faction for Change, has gained national popularity, reinforcing the signal that he can expand his power base in the vote. The senate is the root of opposition to Duterte. His supporters control nine out of 24 seats. But of the twelve senators up for election, only three are Duterte’s supporters. So he could make gains in the senate which would increase his ability to push through controversial constitutional reforms. (He needs 75% of both houses of parliament plus a majority in a national referendum to make constitutional changes.) In terms of the economy, we maintain the view that Duterte is a true “populist” – pursuing nominal GDP growth to the neglect of everything else. His fiscal policy of tax cuts and big spending have supercharged the economy but macro fundamentals have deteriorated (Chart 19). He has broken the budget deficit ceiling of 3%, up from 2.2% in 2017. His reflationary policies have turned the current account surplus into a deficit, weighing heavily on the peso, which peaked against other EM currencies when he came to power in 2016 (Chart 20). Inflation peaked last year but we expect it to remain elevated over the course of Duterte’s leadership. He has appointed a reputed dove, Benjamin Diokno, as his new central banker. Chart 19Reflationary Policies Created Twin Deficits... Reflationary Policies Created Twin Deficits... Reflationary Policies Created Twin Deficits...   Chart 20...And Twin Deficits Weigh On The Peso ...And Twin Deficits Weigh On The Peso ...And Twin Deficits Weigh On The Peso Rule of law has deteriorated, as symbolized by the removal of the chief justice of the Supreme Court for questioning Duterte’s extension of martial law in Mindanao. Duterte also imprisoned his top critic in the senate, Leila de Lima, on trumped-up drug charges. He tried but failed to do so with Senator Antonio Trillanes, a former army officer and quondam coup ring-leader who has substantial support in the military. The army is pushing back against any prosecution of Trillanes, and against Duterte’s ongoing détente with China, prompting Duterte to warn of the risk of a coup.   Duterte’s China policy is to attract Chinese investment while avoiding a conflict in the South China Sea. His administration has failed to downgrade relations with the U.S. thus far, but further attempts could be made. This strategy could make the Philippines a beneficiary of Chinese investment if it succeeds. However, China knows that the Philippine public is very pro-American (more so than most countries) and that Duterte could be replaced by a pro-U.S. president in as little as three years, so it is not blindly pouring money into the country. Pressure to finance the current account deficit will persist. If pro-Duterte parties gain seats in the senate the question will be whether he comes within reach of the 75% threshold required for constitutional changes. His desire to change the country into a federal system has not gained momentum so far. He claims he will stand down at the end of his single six-year term but he could conceivably attempt to use any constitutional change to stay in power longer. If the revision goes forward, it will be a hugely divisive and unproductive use of political capital. Bottom Line: The Philippine equity market is highly coordinated with China’s credit cycle and so should benefit from China’s stimulus measures this year (as well as the Fed’s backing off). Nevertheless, Philippine equities are overvalued and macro fundamentals and quality of governance have all deteriorated. Duterte’s emphasis on building infrastructure and human capital is positive, but the means are ill-matched to the ends: savings are insufficient and inflation will be a persistent problem. We would favor South Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia over the Philippines in the EM space. Investment Implications We expect China’s stimulus to be significant and to generate increasingly positive economic data over the course of the year. China is a key factor in the bottoming of global growth, which in turn will catalyze the conditions for a weaker dollar and outperformance of international equities relative to U.S. equities. Caveat: In the very near term, it is possible that China plays could relapse and EM stocks could fall further due to the fact that Chinese and global growth have not yet clearly bottomed. We are structurally bullish India, but recommend sitting on the sidelines until financial markets discount the disappointment of a Modi government with insufficient political capital to pursue structural reforms as ambitious as the ones undertaken in 2014-19. Go long Thai equities relative to EM on a cyclical basis. Stay long Thai local-currency government bonds relative to their Malaysian counterparts. Go long Indonesian equities relative to EM on a tactical basis. Maintain vigilance regarding Russian and Taiwanese equities: the Ukrainian election, Russia’s involvement in Venezuela, and the unprecedented Taiwanese presidential primary election reinforce our view that Russia and Taiwan are potential geopolitical “black swans” this year.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      See BCA Emerging Markets Strategy, “Turkey: Brewing Policy Reversal?” March 21, 2019, available at www.bcaresearch.com. 2      See Sanjeev Miglani and Drazen Jorgic, “India, Pakistan threatened to unleash missiles at each other: sources,” Reuters, March 16, 2019, available at uk.reuters.com.  3      The junta can disqualify candidates and rerun elections in the same district without that candidate if the candidate is found to have violated a range of very particular laws on campaigning and use of social media. Also, the Election Commission is largely an instrument of the Bangkok establishment and can allocate seats according to the junta’s interests. 4      See BCA Emerging Markets Strategy, “Indonesia: It Is Not All About The Fed,” March 7, 2019, available at www.bcaresearch.com.   Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights So What? It makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP. However, short-term investors should instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones. Why? The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic. In fact, Bregret has already set in. Volatility is the only sure bet over the tactical and strategic time horizons. The most likely scenario is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. Our low-conviction view is that in the long term, the U.K. will remain inside the European Union. Feature The hour is late in the ongoing Brexit saga. The original deadline, once spoken of with religious reverence, will be tossed aside for one, potentially two, extensions. In this analysis, we attempt to consider the state of Brexit from multiple time horizons. First, we offer our tactical view, what will happen in the next several weeks and months. Second, we offer our strategic view, surveying the Brexit process to the end of the year. Third, we consider the secular view and attempt to answer the question of whether the U.K. will ever fully exit the EU. We then assign investment recommendations across the three time horizons. The Conservative Party has wrapped itself into an intellectual pretzel trying to deliver on a referendum that the pro-Brexit Tories promised would not mean losing access to the Common Market. How Did We Get Here? In March 2016, three months ahead of the fateful June referendum, BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy and European Investment Strategy published a joint report on the topic that drew three conclusions: The probability of Brexit was understated by the market. “According to our modeling results, roughly 64% of Tory undecided voters would have to swing to the “Stay” camp in order to ensure that the vote crosses the 50% threshold in favour of continued EU membership … Conventional wisdom suggests that the probability of Brexit is around 30%, anchoring to the 1975 referendum results. Our own analysis of current polling data suggests that it is much closer to 50%, as in too close to call.” The biggest loser of Brexit, domestically, would be the Conservative Party. “The risk is that the British populace realizes that leaving the EU was a sub-optimal result and that little sovereignty was recovered. As such, there could be a backlash against the Tories in the next general election. In this scenario, the winner would not necessarily be UKIP, but rather the Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour Party – as close to the Michael Foot-led opposition in the early 1980s as any Labour Leadership.” The EU would survive, intact, with no further “exits.” “European integration is therefore a gambit for relevance by Europe’s declining powers. Brexit will not create centrifugal forces that tear the EU apart, and could in fact enhance the sinews that bind EU member states in a bid for 21st century geopolitical relevance.” Thus far, all three predictions have proven prescient. Not only was the probability of Brexit understated, but the electorate actually voted to exit the EU.1 The Conservative Party has wrapped itself into an intellectual pretzel trying to deliver on a referendum that the pro-Brexit Tories – a minority in the party – promised would not mean losing access to the Common Market. And the EU has not only seen no other “exits,” but has held firm and united in the negotiations with the U.K. while witnessing an increase in the support for its troubled currency union, both in the Euro Area in aggregate as well as in crisis-ridden Italy (Chart 1). Chart 1The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The net assessment we conducted in 2016 correctly gauged what the Brexit referendum was about and what it was not about. Our view was that behind the angst lay factors too general to be laid at the feet of European integration. Decades of supply-side reforms combined with competition from emerging economies led to a sharp rise in U.K. income inequality (Chart 2), the erosion of its manufacturing economy (Chart 3), and the ballooning of the country’s financial sector (Chart 4). As a result, the U.K.’s income inequality and social mobility were, in 2016 as today, much closer to those of its Anglo-Saxon peer America than to those of its continental European neighbors (Chart 5). Chart 2Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Chart 3Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Chart 4The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst Chart 5 The underlying economic angst has continued to influence British politics since Brexit. Campaigning on an anti-austerity platform in the summer of 2017, the Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn nearly won the general election, only underperforming the Conservative vote by 2% (Chart 6). The election was supposed to politically recapitalize Theresa May and allow her to lead the U.K. out of the EU. But the failure to secure a single-party majority created the political math in the House of Commons that is today preventing the prime minister from executing on Brexit. There are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver on the relatively hard Brexit – no access to the EU Common Market or customs union – that Prime Minister May has put on offer (Chart 7). Chart 6 Chart 7 The decision not to pursue a customs union arrangement with the EU is particularly disastrous. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi – Chief Strategist of BCA’s European Investment Strategy – has pointed out, remaining in the customs union would have protected the cross-border supply chains that are vital to many U.K. businesses and would have avoided a hard customs border on the island of Ireland.2 However, the slim margin of the Tory victory in 2017 has boosted the influence of the 20-to-40 hard-Brexiters in the party. They pushed Theresa May to the extreme, where a customs union arrangement – let alone access to the Common Market – became politically unpalatable. The underlying economic angst has continued to influence British politics since Brexit. Had the British electorate genuinely wanted “Brexit über alles,” or the relatively hard Brexit on offer today, the margin of victory for Leave would have been greater. Furthermore, the electorate would not have come so close to giving the far-left Corbyn – who nonetheless supports the softest-of-soft Brexits – a majority in mid-2017. The slim margin of victory effectively tied May’s hands in her subsequent negotiations with both the EU and her own party. But there was more to the 2016 referendum than just general malaise centered on the economy and inequality. There were idiosyncratic events that provided tailwinds for the Leave campaign. Or, as we put it in 2016: Certainly, a number of ills have befallen the continent in quick succession: the euro area sovereign debt crisis, Russian military intervention in Ukraine, rampant migrant inflows from Africa and the Middle East, and terrorist attacks in France. It is no surprise that the U.K. populace wants to think twice about tying itself even more closely to a Europe apparently on the run from the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. The two issues we would particularly focus on were the migrant crisis and terrorist attacks in Europe. Data ahead of the referendum clearly gave credence to the view that the influx of migrants was raising “concerns about immigration and race.” This angst was primarily focused on EU migrants who came to the U.K. legally (Chart 8), but the influx of millions of migrants into the EU in 2015 – peaking at 172,000 in the month of October – certainly bolstered the anxiety in the U.K. (Chart 9).3 Chart 8EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 Chart 9The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote Terrorism was another concern. In the 18 months preceding the referendum, continental Europe experienced 13 deadly terror attacks. Two were particularly egregious: the November 2015 Paris terror attack that led to 130 deaths, and the March 2016 Brussels terror attack that led to 32 deaths. The idiosyncratic events that provided tailwinds behind Brexit … were the migrant crisis and terrorist attacks in Europe. Both the migration and terror crises, however, were temporary and caused by idiosyncratic variables with short half-lives. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy argued that both would eventually abate. The migration crisis would subside due to firming European attitudes towards asylum seekers and the exhaustion of the supply of migrants as the Syrian Civil War drew to its tragic close. The extremist Islamic terror attacks would dwindle due to the decrease in the marginal utility of terror that has been observed in previous waves of terrorism (Chart 10). Neither forecast was popular with our client base, but both have been spot on. Chart 10Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror The point is that the British electorate was never as Euroskeptic as the Euroskeptics cheering on Brexit thought. Support for EU integration has waxed and waned for decades (Chart 11). Instead, a combination of macro-malaise caused by the general plight of the middle class – the same factors that have given tailwinds to populist policymakers across developed markets – and idiosyncratic crises in the middle of this decade created the context in which the public voted to leave the EU. Whatever the vote was for, we can say with a high degree of certainty that it was not in favor of the current deal on offer, a relatively hard Brexit. After all, the pro-Leave Tories almost universally campaigned in favor of remaining in the Common Market post-Brexit.4 Chart 11Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Today, Bregret has clearly set in. Not only on the specific issue of whether the U.K. should leave the EU – where the gap between Bremorseful voters and committed Brexiters is now 8% (Chart 12), a 12% swing since just after the referendum – but also on the more existential question of whether U.K. citizens feel European (Chart 13). Chart 12Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Chart 13...And Brits Feel More European ...And Brits Feel More European ...And Brits Feel More European The political reality of Bregret is the most important variable in predicting Brexit. Not only is it difficult for Prime Minister May to deliver her relatively hard Brexit in Westminster due to the mid-2017 electoral math, but it is especially the case when the electorate does not want it. Yes, the mid-2016 referendum is an expression of a democratic will that must be respected. But no policymaker wants to respect the referendum at the cost of disrespecting the current disposition of the median voter, which is revealed through polls. Doing so will cost them in the next election. The British electorate was never as Euroskeptic as the Euroskeptics cheering on Brexit thought. Reviewing “how we got here” is essential in forecasting the tactical, strategic, and secular time horizons in the ongoing Brexit imbroglio. To this task we now turn. Bottom Line: The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic: data clearly support this fact. The Brexit referendum simply came at the right time for the Leave vote, as the secular forces of middle-class discontent combined with idiosyncratic crises of migration and terror. Three years following the referendum, the discontent remains unaddressed by British policymakers while the idiosyncratic crises have abated. As such, Bregret has set in, creating a new reality that U.K. policymakers must respond to if they want to retain political capital. Where Are We Going? The Tactical And Strategic Time Horizons The EU has offered a two-step delay to the Article 50 deadline of March 29. The first option is a delay until May 22, but only if Theresa May successfully passes her Brexit plan through Westminster. The second option is a delay until April 12. This would come in effect if the House of Commons rejects the deal on offer. The short time frame is supposed to pressure London to come up with the next steps, which the EU has inferred would either be to get out of the bloc without a deal or to plan for a long-term extension. Although there are no official conditions to awarding a long-term extension, it is clear that the EU only envisages three options: Renegotiate the terms of Brexit, to include either a customs union or full Common Market membership (a softer Brexit); Hold a general election to break the impasse; Hold another referendum. The EU is suggesting that it could deny the U.K. an extension if London does not come back with a plan. There are two reasons why we would call the EU’s bluff. First, it is likely an attempt to help May get the deal through the House of Commons by creating a sense of urgency. Second, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled in December 2018 that the U.K. could “revoke that notification unilaterally, in an unequivocal and unconditional manner, by a notice addressed to the European Council in writing.”5 The only requirement is that the notification be sent to Brussels prior to March 29 (or, in the case of a mutually agreed upon extension, prior to April 12). It is increasingly likely that, after the deal on offer fails, Theresa May will have to go “hat-in-hand” to the EU to ask for a much longer extension. She will have until April 12 to ask for that extension, but it would require participation in the European Parliamentary (EP) elections on May 23. Prime Minister May has said that the U.K. will not hold those elections. We beg to differ. Not holding the election would allow the EU to end the U.K.’s membership in the bloc, which would by default mean contravening the Parliament’s will to reject a no-deal Brexit (which it did in a rebuke to the government in March). As such, the U.K. will absolutely hold an EP election in May. Yes, it will be a huge embarrassment to the Conservative government. And we would venture that the election would turn out a huge pro-EU majority from the U.K., given that it is the Europhile side of the aisle that is now excited and activated, further embarrassing the ruling government. The most likely scenario is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. The most likely scenario, therefore, is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. As we have been arguing throughout the year, the only way to break the impasse without calling a referendum – is to call a new election. A new election would be contested almost exclusively on the issue of Brexit – unlike the 2017 election, which Jeremy Corbyn managed to be almost exclusively contested on the issue of austerity. As such, the winner would have a clear political mandate to pursue the Brexit of their choice. If it is Jeremy Corbyn, this would mean a second referendum, given his recent conversion to supporting one. If Theresa May remains prime minister, it would be her relatively hard Brexit option; if another Tory replaces her, it would potentially be a softer Brexit. Intriguingly, Theresa May is coming up to the average “expiry date” of a “takeover” prime minister, which is 3.3 years (Chart 14). Chart 14 Why do we think that Theresa May would be replaced with a soft Brexit Tory? Because there are simply not enough members of parliament in the Conservative Party caucus to elect a hard Brexiteer. Furthermore, the current deal on offer, which is a form of hard Brexit, clearly has no chance of passing in the House of Commons. Theresa May herself did not support the Leave campaign, but she converted into a hard Brexiteer due to the pressures in the Conservative Party caucus. If, on the other hand, we are wrong and the Conservative Party elects a hard Brexit Tory as leader, the odds of losing the election to the Labour Party would increase. Furthermore, the impasse in the House of Commons would not be resolved as Theresa May would be replaced by a prime minister with essentially the same approach to Brexit. Confused? You are not alone. Diagram 1 illustrates the complexity of the tactical (0-3 months) and strategic (3-12 months) time horizons. There are so many options over the next six months alone that we ran out of space in our diagram to consider the consequences of the general election. Diagram 1Confused? You Are Not Alone The State Of Brexit The State Of Brexit Needless to say, an election would induce volatility in the market as it would put Jeremy Corbyn close to the premiership. While he has now promised a second referendum, his government would also implement policies that could, especially in the short term, agitate the markets. Our forecasts of the currency moves alone suggest that volatility is the only sure bet over tactical and strategic time horizons. We do not have a high-conviction view on a directional call on the pound or U.K. equities. However, global growth concerns, combined with political uncertainty, should create a bond-bullish environment. Bottom Line: Over the course of the year, political uncertainty will remain high in the United Kingdom. A general election is the clearest path to breaking the current deadlock. However, it is not guaranteed, as Labour’s recent decline in the polls appears to be reversing since Jeremy Corbyn finally succumbed to the demands that he support a new referendum (Chart 15). Chart 15Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support The Secular Horizon BCA Geopolitical Strategy believes that the median voter is the price maker in the political market place. Politicians are merely price takers. This is why Theresa May’s notion that the sanctity of the 2016 referendum cannot be abrogated is doubly false. First, she cannot truly claim from the slim 52%-48% result that U.K. voters want her form of Brexit. The referendum therefore may be a sacred expression of the democratic will, but her “no customs union” Brexit option is not holy water: It is an educated guess at best, pandering to hard Brexit Tories (a minority of the electorate) at worst. Given that 48% of the electorate wanted to remain in the EU and that a large portion of Brexit voters wanted a Common Market membership as part of Brexit, it is mathematically obvious that the softest of soft Brexit options was the desire of the median voter in June 2016. An election would induce volatility to the market as it would put Jeremy Corbyn close to the premiership. Furthermore, polling data (presented in Chart 12 and Chart 13) now clearly show that the median voter is migrating away from even the softest of soft Brexit options to the “Stay” camp. Bregret has set in and a strong plurality of voters no longer supports Brexit. The question behind Chart 12 is unambiguous. It clearly asks, “In hindsight, do you think Britain was right or wrong to vote to leave the EU?” What does all of this infer for the long term, or secular, horizon? First, an election this year could usher in a Labour government that delivers a new referendum. At this time, given the polling data and the geopolitical context, sans terror and migration crises, we would expect such a referendum to lead to a win for the Stay camp. Second, an election that produces a soft Brexit prime minister or negotiated outcome would allow the U.K. to leave the EU in an orderly fashion. A new Tory prime minister, pursuing a soft Brexit outcome, could even entice some Labour MPs to cross the aisle and support such an exit from the bloc. However, over a secular time horizon of the next two-to-three years, we doubt that a soft Brexit outcome would be viable. Investors have to realize that the vote on leaving the EU does not conclude the U.K. long-term deal with the bloc. That negotiating phase will last during the transition phase, over the next two-to-three years, and would conclude in yet another Westminster vote – and likely crisis – at the end of the period. If this deal entails membership in the Common Market, our low- conviction view over the long term is that it will ultimately fail. Take the financial community’s preferred soft Brexit option, the so-called super soft “Norway Plus” option. A Norway Plus option would entail the highest loss of sovereignty imaginable, given that the U.K. would essentially pay full EU membership fees with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. There is also a debate as to whether London would be able to constrict immigration from the EU under that option over the long term, a key demand of Brexiters.6 As such, the only viable option would be to switch to a customs union relationship. However, we fear that even this option may no longer be available to U.K. policymakers. Conservative Party leaders have wasted too much time and lost too much of the public’s good will. With only 40% of the electorate now considering Brexit the correct decision, it is possible that even a customs union arrangement will be unacceptable by the end of the transition period. Aside from the electorate’s growing Bregret, there is also the economic logic – or lack thereof – behind a customs union. A customs union would ensure the unfettered transit of goods between the U.K. and the continent, but not of services. This arrangement greatly favors the EU, not the U.K., as the latter has a wide (and growing) deficit in goods and an expanding surplus in services with the bloc (Chart 16). Chart 16Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. The only logic behind selecting a customs union over the Common Market is that a customs union would allow the U.K. to conclude separate trade deals with the rest of the world. While that may be a fantasy of the few remaining laissez-faire free traders in the U.K. Conservative Party, the view hardly represents the desire of the median voter. Other than a potential trade deal with the U.S., it is practically inconceivable to expect the U.K. electorate to support a free trade agreement with China or India, both of which would likely entail an even greater loss of blue-collar jobs. Even a trade deal with the U.S. would likely face political opposition, given that the U.K. is highly unlikely to be given preferential treatment by an economy seven times its size.7 The Conservative Party has wasted its window of opportunity to push a hard, or moderately hard, Brexit through Parliament. The fact of the matter is that the Conservative Party has wasted its window of opportunity to push a hard, or moderately hard (customs union), Brexit through Parliament. Bregret has set in, as the doyens of Brexit increasingly pursued an unpopular strategy. On the other hand, a Brexit that retains the U.K. membership in the Common Market has never had much logic to begin with. Where does this leave the U.K. in the long term? Given the time horizon and the uncertainty on multiple fronts, our low-conviction view is that it leaves the U.K. inside the European Union. Bottom Line: The combination of increasing Bregret, lack of economic logic behind a customs union membership alone, and the lack of a political logic behind a Common Market membership, suggests that Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. This imperils the ultimate deal between the U.K. and the EU, which we think will not be able to pass the House of Commons in two-to-three years when it comes up for approval. This is a low-conviction view, however, as political realities can change. Support for Brexit could turn due to exogenous factors, such as a global recession that renews the Euro Area economic imbroglio or a major geopolitical crisis. Both are quite likely over the secular time horizon. Investment Implications Today, cable is cheap, trading at an 18% discount to its long-term fair value as implied by purchasing-power parity models (Chart 17). The growing probability that the U.K. may, down the road, remain in the European Union means that, at current levels the pound is indeed attractive, especially against the U.S. dollar. Chart 17Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain However, when it comes to short-term dynamics, the picture is much murkier. The low probability of a no-deal Brexit implies limited downside. However, the path to get the U.K. to abandon the current relatively hard Brexit is also one that involves a new election. This implies that before a resolution is reached, multiple scenarios are possible, including one where Corbyn becomes the next prime minister. Jeremy Corbyn could be the most left-of center leader of any G-10 nation since Francois Mitterrand in France in the early 1980s. Mitterrand’s audacious nationalization and left-leaning policies were met with a collapse in the French franc (Chart 18). Chart 18A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency Global growth also has an impact on cable. Despite all the noise around Brexit, the reality remains that exports constitute 30% of U.K. GDP, a larger contribution to output than in the euro area. This means that if global growth deteriorates, GBP/USD will face another headwind. If, however, global growth improves, then cable would face a new tailwind. Since BCA is of the view that global growth will likely trough by the summer, we are inclined to be positive on the pound. It makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP … short-term investors should buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones. Netting out all those factors, it makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP, using the dips along the way to build a larger position in this currency. Even on a six-to-twelve-month basis, the path of least resistance for cable is likely upward. The problem is that risk-adjusted returns are likely to be poor as volatility will remain very elevated. We therefore recommend that short-term investors instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones (Chart 19). Chart 19Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Mathieu Savary, Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst mathieu@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 At the time of publication of our March report, we still had a low-conviction view that the vote would swing towards Stay at the last moment. 2 Please see BCA Research European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Important Message From The Currency Markets,” dated March 14, 2019, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Trying to play up the threat of unchecked migration, the U.K. Independence Party ran a famous campaign poster showing hundreds of refugees on a road under the title of “Breaking Point – The EU has failed us all.” Despite the fact that the U.K. accepted only around 10,000 Syrian refugees since the 2015 crisis. Germany has accepted over 700,000 while Canada – which is located across the Atlantic Ocean on a different continent – accepted over 40,000. Even the impoverished Serbia has accepted more Syrian refugees than the U.K. ­4 One of the most prominent Leave supporters, Boris Johnson, famously quipped after the referendum result that “There will continue to be free trade and access to the single market.” 5 Please see The European Court of Justice, “Judgement Of The Court,” In Case C-621/18, dated December 10, 2018, available at curia.europa.eu. 6 Proponents of the Norway Plus option point out that Article 112(1) of the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement allows for restriction of movement of people within the area. However, these restrictions are intended to be used in times of “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties.” It certainly appears to be an option for London to restrict EU migration, but it is not clear whether Europe would agree for this to be a permanent solution. Liechtenstein has been using Article 112 to impose quantitative limitations on immigration for decades, but that is because its tiny geographical area is recognized as a “specific situation” that justifies such restrictions. 7 President Donald Trump may want to give the U.K. preferential trade terms on the basis of the filial Anglo-Saxon relationship alone, but it is highly unlikely that the increasingly protectionist Congress would do the same. There is also no guarantee that President Trump will be around to bring such trade negotiations across the finish line.

So What? It makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP. However, short-term investors should instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones. Why? The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic. In fact, Bregret has already set in. Volatility is the only sure bet over the tactical and strategic time horizons. The most likely scenario is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. Our low-conviction view is that in the long term, the U.K. will remain inside the European Union. The hour is late in the ongoing Brexit saga. The original deadline, once spoken of with religious reverence, will be tossed aside for one, potentially two, extensions. In this analysis, we attempt to consider the state of Brexit from multiple time horizons. First, we offer our tactical view, what will happen in the next several weeks and months. Second, we offer our strategic view, surveying the Brexit process to the end of the year. Third, we consider the secular view and attempt to answer the question of whether the U.K. will ever fully exit the EU. We then assign investment recommendations across the three time horizons. How Did We Get Here? In March 2016, three months ahead of the fateful June referendum, BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy and European Investment Strategy published a joint report on the topic that drew three conclusions: The probability of Brexit was understated by the market. “According to our modeling results, roughly 64% of Tory undecided voters would have to swing to the “Stay” camp in order to ensure that the vote crosses the 50% threshold in favour of continued EU membership … Conventional wisdom suggests that the probability of Brexit is around 30%, anchoring to the 1975 referendum results. Our own analysis of current polling data suggests that it is much closer to 50%, as in too close to call.” The biggest loser of Brexit, domestically, would be the Conservative Party. “The risk is that the British populace realizes that leaving the EU was a sub-optimal result and that little sovereignty was recovered. As such, there could be a backlash against the Tories in the next general election. In this scenario, the winner would not necessarily be UKIP, but rather the Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour Party – as close to the Michael Foot-led opposition in the early 1980s as any Labour Leadership.” The EU would survive, intact, with no further “exits.” “European integration is therefore a gambit for relevance by Europe’s declining powers. Brexit will not create centrifugal forces that tear the EU apart, and could in fact enhance the sinews that bind EU member states in a bid for 21st century geopolitical relevance.” Thus far, all three predictions have proven prescient. Not only was the probability of Brexit understated, but the electorate actually voted to exit the EU.1 The Conservative Party has wrapped itself into an intellectual pretzel trying to deliver on a referendum that the pro-Brexit Tories – a minority in the party – promised would not mean losing access to the Common Market. And the EU has not only seen no other “exits,” but has held firm and united in the negotiations with the U.K. while witnessing an increase in the support for its troubled currency union, both in the Euro Area in aggregate as well as in crisis-ridden Italy (Chart II-1). Chart II-1The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The net assessment we conducted in 2016 correctly gauged what the Brexit referendum was about and what it was not about. Our view was that behind the angst lay factors too general to be laid at the feet of European integration. Decades of supply-side reforms combined with competition from emerging economies led to a sharp rise in U.K. income inequality (Chart II-2), the erosion of its manufacturing economy (Chart II-3), and the ballooning of the country’s financial sector (Chart II-4). As a result, the U.K.’s income inequality and social mobility were, in 2016 as today, much closer to those of its Anglo-Saxon peer America than to those of its continental European neighbors (Chart II-5). Chart II-2Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Chart II-3Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Chart II-4The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst Chart II-5 The underlying economic angst has continued to influence British politics since Brexit. Campaigning on an anti-austerity platform in the summer of 2017, the Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn nearly won the general election, only underperforming the Conservative vote by 2% (Chart II-6). The election was supposed to politically recapitalize Theresa May and allow her to lead the U.K. out of the EU. But the failure to secure a single-party majority created the political math in the House of Commons that is today preventing the prime minister from executing on Brexit. There are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver on the relatively hard Brexit – no access to the EU Common Market or customs union – that Prime Minister May has put on offer (Chart II-7). Chart II-6 Chart II-7 The decision not to pursue a customs union arrangement with the EU is particularly disastrous. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi – Chief Strategist of BCA’s European Investment Strategy – has pointed out, remaining in the customs union would have protected the cross-border supply chains that are vital to many U.K. businesses and would have avoided a hard customs border on the island of Ireland.2 However, the slim margin of the Tory victory in 2017 has boosted the influence of the 20-to-40 hard-Brexiters in the party. They pushed Theresa May to the extreme, where a customs union arrangement – let alone access to the Common Market – became politically unpalatable. Had the British electorate genuinely wanted “Brexit über alles,” or the relatively hard Brexit on offer today, the margin of victory for Leave would have been greater. Furthermore, the electorate would not have come so close to giving the far-left Corbyn – who nonetheless supports the softest-of-soft Brexits – a majority in mid-2017. The slim margin of victory effectively tied May’s hands in her subsequent negotiations with both the EU and her own party. But there was more to the 2016 referendum than just general malaise centered on the economy and inequality. There were idiosyncratic events that provided tailwinds for the Leave campaign. Or, as we put it in 2016: Certainly, a number of ills have befallen the continent in quick succession: the euro area sovereign debt crisis, Russian military intervention in Ukraine, rampant migrant inflows from Africa and the Middle East, and terrorist attacks in France. It is no surprise that the U.K. populace wants to think twice about tying itself even more closely to a Europe apparently on the run from the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. The two issues we would particularly focus on were the migrant crisis and terrorist attacks in Europe. Data ahead of the referendum clearly gave credence to the view that the influx of migrants was raising “concerns about immigration and race.” This angst was primarily focused on EU migrants who came to the U.K. legally (Chart II-8), but the influx of millions of migrants into the EU in 2015 – peaking at 172,000 in the month of October – certainly bolstered the anxiety in the U.K. (Chart II-9).3 Chart II-8EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 Chart II-9The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote Terrorism was another concern. In the 18 months preceding the referendum, continental Europe experienced 13 deadly terror attacks. Two were particularly egregious: the November 2015 Paris terror attack that led to 130 deaths, and the March 2016 Brussels terror attack that led to 32 deaths. Both the migration and terror crises, however, were temporary and caused by idiosyncratic variables with short half-lives. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy argued that both would eventually abate. The migration crisis would subside due to firming European attitudes towards asylum seekers and the exhaustion of the supply of migrants as the Syrian Civil War drew to its tragic close. The extremist Islamic terror attacks would dwindle due to the decrease in the marginal utility of terror that has been observed in previous waves of terrorism (Chart II-10). Neither forecast was popular with our client base, but both have been spot on. Chart II-10Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror The point is that the British electorate was never as Euroskeptic as the Euroskeptics cheering on Brexit thought. Support for EU integration has waxed and waned for decades (Chart II-11). Instead, a combination of macro-malaise caused by the general plight of the middle class – the same factors that have given tailwinds to populist policymakers across developed markets – and idiosyncratic crises in the middle of this decade created the context in which the public voted to leave the EU. Whatever the vote was for, we can say with a high degree of certainty that it was not in favor of the current deal on offer, a relatively hard Brexit. After all, the pro-Leave Tories almost universally campaigned in favor of remaining in the Common Market post-Brexit.4 Chart II-11Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Today, Bregret has clearly set in. Not only on the specific issue of whether the U.K. should leave the EU – where the gap between Bremorseful voters and committed Brexiters is now 8% (Chart II-12), a 12% swing since just after the referendum – but also on the more existential question of whether U.K. citizens feel European (Chart II-13). Chart II-12Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Chart II-13...And Brits Feeling More European ...And Brits Feeling More European ...And Brits Feeling More European The political reality of Bregret is the most important variable in predicting Brexit. Not only is it difficult for Prime Minister May to deliver her relatively hard Brexit in Westminster due to the mid-2017 electoral math, but it is especially the case when the electorate does not want it. Yes, the mid-2016 referendum is an expression of a democratic will that must be respected. But no policymaker wants to respect the referendum at the cost of disrespecting the current disposition of the median voter, which is revealed through polls. Doing so will cost them in the next election. Reviewing “how we got here” is essential in forecasting the tactical, strategic, and secular time horizons in the ongoing Brexit imbroglio. To this task we now turn. Bottom Line: The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic: data clearly support this fact. The Brexit referendum simply came at the right time for the Leave vote, as the secular forces of middle-class discontent combined with idiosyncratic crises of migration and terror. Three years following the referendum, the discontent remains unaddressed by British policymakers while the idiosyncratic crises have abated. As such, Bregret has set in, creating a new reality that U.K. policymakers must respond to if they want to retain political capital. Where Are We Going? The Tactical And Strategic Time Horizons The EU has offered a two-step delay to the Article 50 deadline of March 29. The first option is a delay until May 22, but only if Theresa May successfully passes her Brexit plan through Westminster. The second option is a delay until April 12. This would come in effect if the House of Commons rejects the deal on offer. The short time frame is supposed to pressure London to come up with the next steps, which the EU has inferred would either be to get out of the bloc without a deal or to plan for a long-term extension. Although there are no official conditions to awarding a long-term extension, it is clear that the EU only envisages three options: Renegotiate the terms of Brexit, to include either a customs union or full Common Market membership (a softer Brexit); Hold a general election to break the impasse; Hold another referendum. The EU is suggesting that it could deny the U.K. an extension if London does not come back with a plan. There are two reasons why we would call the EU’s bluff. First, it is likely an attempt to help May get the deal through the House of Commons by creating a sense of urgency. Second, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled in December 2018 that the U.K. could “revoke that notification unilaterally, in an unequivocal and unconditional manner, by a notice addressed to the European Council in writing.”5 The only requirement is that the notification be sent to Brussels prior to March 29 (or, in the case of a mutually agreed upon extension, prior to April 12). It is increasingly likely that, after the deal on offer fails, Theresa May will have to go “hat-in-hand” to the EU to ask for a much longer extension. She will have until April 12 to ask for that extension, but it would require participation in the European Parliamentary (EP) elections on May 23. Prime Minister May has said that the U.K. will not hold those elections. We beg to differ. Not holding the election would allow the EU to end the U.K.’s membership in the bloc, which would by default mean contravening the Parliament’s will to reject a no-deal Brexit (which it did in a rebuke to the government in March). As such, the U.K. will absolutely hold an EP election in May. Yes, it will be a huge embarrassment to the Conservative government. And we would venture that the election would turn out a huge pro-EU majority from the U.K., given that it is the Europhile side of the aisle that is now excited and activated, further embarrassing the ruling government. The most likely scenario, therefore, is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. As we have been arguing throughout the year, the only way to break the impasse without calling a referendum – is to call a new election. A new election would be contested almost exclusively on the issue of Brexit – unlike the 2017 election, which Jeremy Corbyn managed to be almost exclusively contested on the issue of austerity. As such, the winner would have a clear political mandate to pursue the Brexit of their choice. If it is Jeremy Corbyn, this would mean a second referendum, given his recent conversion to supporting one. If Theresa May remains prime minister, it would be her relatively hard Brexit option; if another Tory replaces her, it would potentially be a softer Brexit. Intriguingly, Theresa May is coming up to the average “expiry date” of a “takeover” prime minister, which is 3.3 years (Chart II-14). Chart II-14 Why do we think that Theresa May would be replaced with a soft Brexit Tory? Because there are simply not enough members of parliament in the Conservative Party caucus to elect a hard Brexiteer. Furthermore, the current deal on offer, which is a form of hard Brexit, clearly has no chance of passing in the House of Commons. Theresa May herself did not support the Leave campaign, but she converted into a hard Brexiteer due to the pressures in the Conservative Party caucus. If, on the other hand, we are wrong and the Conservative Party elects a hard Brexit Tory as leader, the odds of losing the election to the Labour Party would increase. Furthermore, the impasse in the House of Commons would not be resolved as Theresa May would be replaced by a prime minister with essentially the same approach to Brexit. Confused? You are not alone. Diagram II-1 illustrates the complexity of the tactical (0-3 months) and strategic (3-12 months) time horizons. There are so many options over the next six months alone that we ran out of space in our diagram to consider the consequences of the general election. Chart II- Needless to say, an election would induce volatility in the market as it would put Jeremy Corbyn close to the premiership. While he has now promised a second referendum, his government would also implement policies that could, especially in the short term, agitate the markets. Our forecasts of the currency moves alone suggest that volatility is the only sure bet over tactical and strategic time horizons. We do not have a high-conviction view on a directional call on the pound or U.K. equities. However, global growth concerns, combined with political uncertainty, should create a bond-bullish environment. Bottom Line: Over the course of the year, political uncertainty will remain high in the United Kingdom. A general election is the clearest path to breaking the current deadlock. However, it is not guaranteed, as Labour’s recent decline in the polls appears to be reversing since Jeremy Corbyn finally succumbed to the demands that he support a new referendum (Chart II-15). Chart II-15Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support The Secular Horizon BCA Geopolitical Strategy believes that the median voter is the price maker in the political market place. Politicians are merely price takers. This is why Theresa May’s notion that the sanctity of the 2016 referendum cannot be abrogated is doubly false. First, she cannot truly claim from the slim 52%-48% result that U.K. voters want her form of Brexit. The referendum therefore may be a sacred expression of the democratic will, but her “no customs union” Brexit option is not holy water: It is an educated guess at best, pandering to hard Brexit Tories (a minority of the electorate) at worst. Given that 48% of the electorate wanted to remain in the EU and that a large portion of Brexit voters wanted a Common Market membership as part of Brexit, it is mathematically obvious that the softest of soft Brexit options was the desire of the median voter in June 2016. Furthermore, polling data (presented in Chart II-12 and Chart II-13 on page 28) now clearly show that the median voter is migrating away from even the softest of soft Brexit options to the “Stay” camp. Bregret has set in and a strong plurality of voters no longer supports Brexit. The question behind Chart II-12 is unambiguous. It clearly asks, “In hindsight, do you think Britain was right or wrong to vote to leave the EU?” What does all of this infer for the long term, or secular, horizon? First, an election this year could usher in a Labour government that delivers a new referendum. At this time, given the polling data and the geopolitical context, sans terror and migration crises, we would expect such a referendum to lead to a win for the Stay camp. Second, an election that produces a soft Brexit prime minister or negotiated outcome would allow the U.K. to leave the EU in an orderly fashion. A new Tory prime minister, pursuing a soft Brexit outcome, could even entice some Labour MPs to cross the aisle and support such an exit from the bloc. However, over a secular time horizon of the next two-to-three years, we doubt that a soft Brexit outcome would be viable. Investors have to realize that the vote on leaving the EU does not conclude the U.K. long-term deal with the bloc. That negotiating phase will last during the transition phase, over the next two-to-three years, and would conclude in yet another Westminster vote – and likely crisis – at the end of the period. If this deal entails membership in the Common Market, our low- conviction view over the long term is that it will ultimately fail. Take the financial community’s preferred soft Brexit option, the so-called super soft “Norway Plus” option. A Norway Plus option would entail the highest loss of sovereignty imaginable, given that the U.K. would essentially pay full EU membership fees with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. There is also a debate as to whether London would be able to constrict immigration from the EU under that option over the long term, a key demand of Brexiters.6 As such, the only viable option would be to switch to a customs union relationship. However, we fear that even this option may no longer be available to U.K. policymakers. Conservative Party leaders have wasted too much time and lost too much of the public’s good will. With only 40% of the electorate now considering Brexit the correct decision, it is possible that even a customs union arrangement will be unacceptable by the end of the transition period. Aside from the electorate’s growing Bregret, there is also the economic logic – or lack thereof – behind a customs union. A customs union would ensure the unfettered transit of goods between the U.K. and the continent, but not of services. This arrangement greatly favors the EU, not the U.K., as the latter has a wide (and growing) deficit in goods and an expanding surplus in services with the bloc (Chart II-16). Chart II-16Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. The only logic behind selecting a customs union over the Common Market is that a customs union would allow the U.K. to conclude separate trade deals with the rest of the world. While that may be a fantasy of the few remaining laissez-faire free traders in the U.K. Conservative Party, the view hardly represents the desire of the median voter. Other than a potential trade deal with the U.S., it is practically inconceivable to expect the U.K. electorate to support a free trade agreement with China or India, both of which would likely entail an even greater loss of blue-collar jobs. Even a trade deal with the U.S. would likely face political opposition, given that the U.K. is highly unlikely to be given preferential treatment by an economy seven times its size.7 The fact of the matter is that the Conservative Party has wasted its window of opportunity to push a hard, or moderately hard (customs union), Brexit through Parliament. Bregret has set in, as the doyens of Brexit increasingly pursued an unpopular strategy. On the other hand, a Brexit that retains the U.K. membership in the Common Market has never had much logic to begin with. Where does this leave the U.K. in the long term? Given the time horizon and the uncertainty on multiple fronts, our low-conviction view is that it leaves the U.K. inside the European Union. Bottom Line: The combination of increasing Bregret, lack of economic logic behind a customs union membership alone, and the lack of a political logic behind a Common Market membership, suggests that Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. This imperils the ultimate deal between the U.K. and the EU, which we think will not be able to pass the House of Commons in two-to-three years when it comes up for approval. This is a low-conviction view, however, as political realities can change. Support for Brexit could turn due to exogenous factors, such as a global recession that renews the Euro Area economic imbroglio or a major geopolitical crisis. Both are quite likely over the secular time horizon. Investment Implications Today, cable is cheap, trading at an 18% discount to its long-term fair value as implied by purchasing-power parity models (Chart II-17). The growing probability that the U.K. may, down the road, remain in the European Union means that, at current levels the pound is indeed attractive, especially against the U.S. dollar. Chart II-17Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain However, when it comes to short-term dynamics, the picture is much murkier. The low probability of a no-deal Brexit implies limited downside. However, the path to get the U.K. to abandon the current relatively hard Brexit is also one that involves a new election. This implies that before a resolution is reached, multiple scenarios are possible, including one where Corbyn becomes the next prime minister. Jeremy Corbyn could be the most left-of center leader of any G-10 nation since Francois Mitterrand in France in the early 1980s. Mitterrand’s audacious nationalization and left-leaning policies were met with a collapse in the French franc (Chart II-18). Chart II-18A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency Global growth also has an impact on cable. Despite all the noise around Brexit, the reality remains that exports constitute 30% of U.K. GDP, a larger contribution to output than in the euro area. This means that if global growth deteriorates, GBP/USD will face another headwind. If, however, global growth improves, then cable would face a new tailwind. Since BCA is of the view that global growth will likely trough by the summer, we are inclined to be positive on the pound. Netting out all those factors, it makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP, using the dips along the way to build a larger position in this currency. Even on a six-to-twelve-month basis, the path of least resistance for cable is likely upward. The problem is that risk-adjusted returns are likely to be poor as volatility will remain very elevated. We therefore recommend that short-term investors instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones (Chart II-19). Chart II-19Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Marko Papic Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst   Footnotes 1       At the time of publication of our March report, we still had a low-conviction view that the vote would swing towards Stay at the last moment. 2       Please see BCA Research European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Important Message From The Currency Markets,” dated March 14, 2019, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 3       Trying to play up the threat of unchecked migration, the U.K. Independence Party ran a famous campaign poster showing hundreds of refugees on a road under the title of “Breaking Point – The EU has failed us all.” Despite the fact that the U.K. accepted only around 10,000 Syrian refugees since the 2015 crisis. Germany has accepted over 700,000 while Canada – which is located across the Atlantic Ocean on a different continent – accepted over 40,000. Even the impoverished Serbia has accepted more Syrian refugees than the U.K. 4       One of the most prominent Leave supporters, Boris Johnson, famously quipped after the referendum result that “There will continue to be free trade and access to the single market.” 5       Please see The European Court of Justice, “Judgement Of The Court,” In Case C-621/18, dated December 10, 2018, available at curia.europa.eu. 6       Proponents of the Norway Plus option point out that Article 112(1) of the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement allows for restriction of movement of people within the area. However, these restrictions are intended to be used in times of “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties.” It certainly appears to be an option for London to restrict EU migration, but it is not clear whether Europe would agree for this to be a permanent solution. Liechtenstein has been using Article 112 to impose quantitative limitations on immigration for decades, but that is because its tiny geographical area is recognized as a “specific situation” that justifies such restrictions. 7       President Donald Trump may want to give the U.K. preferential trade terms on the basis of the filial Anglo-Saxon relationship alone, but it is highly unlikely that the increasingly protectionist Congress would do the same. There is also no guarantee that President Trump will be around to bring such trade negotiations across the finish line.  

Highlights Driven by its fear that deflation is a more intractable danger than inflation, the Federal Reserve has enshrined its pause for the remainder of 2019 in order to lift inflation expectations. Since the U.S. business cycle expansion is not over, the Federal Reserve’s plan to put policy on hold this year raises the odds that the economy will overheat. Global growth is set to bottom during the second quarter in response to easier financial conditions. Accommodative policy, rebounding global economic activity and a softening dollar will boost risk asset prices during the remainder of the year. Safe-haven bonds, including Treasurys, will underperform cash over the coming 12 to 18 months. The rally in risk assets will ultimately prove the last hurrah as the Fed will resume tightening later this year or in 2020, and a bear market lies down the road. Only investors with tactical investment horizons should aggressively play this rally. Those with longer investment horizons should use this rally to lighten up their exposure to risk. Feature Introduction Following the introduction of the word “patience” into the Federal Reserve’s lexicon, a move lower in the so-called Fed dots was to be anticipated. The FOMC now expects no rate increases in 2019 and only one hike in 2020. The interest rate market remains skeptical that the Fed will be able to deliver on its forecast. For now, the OIS curve is pricing in a 75% probability of a cut this year, and rates at 1.9% by the end of 2020. With the 10-year/3-month yield curve inverting last week and the U.S. Leading Economic Indicator still decelerating, it is no wonder that investors are betting on the Fed becoming ever more dovish (Chart I-1). BCA is inclined to take the Fed at its word – the next move will be a hike, not a cut. This call rests on our view of the business cycle: The fed funds rate is still somewhat below neutral, U.S. economic activity can expand further, and global growth is likely to trough soon. The current dovish inclination of global central banks will only nurture the cycle a little bit longer. Consequently, we continue to recommend a positive stance on stocks for the coming quarters, while keeping in mind that the cycle is long in the tooth, and that beyond this last climb lies a significant bear market. The U.S. Business Cycle Has Further To Run… The Fed remains data dependent, but this now means that depressed inflation expectations in the private sector need to be vanquished before the hiking can resume (Chart I-2). With the view that low realized inflation has curtailed expectations now common across major central banks, this implies that a temporary overshoot in actual core PCE will be tolerated in order to lift expectations. Chart I-1Worrisome Signs For Growth Worrisome Signs For Growth Worrisome Signs For Growth Chart I-2The Fed Wants To Lift Inflation Expectations The Fed Wants To Lift Inflation Expectations The Fed Wants To Lift Inflation Expectations   Since consumer prices are a lagging variable, lifting both realized and anticipated inflation will only be possible if we move ever further along the business cycle, further pressuring the economy. Our base case remains that the risk of a recession is low in 2019, and is even receding in 2020. First, U.S. credit-dependent cyclical spending currently constitutes only 25.3% of potential GDP. As Chart I-3 illustrates, this is in line with its historical average, and well below the levels recorded near the end of previous business cycles. This suggests that the amount of vulnerability caused by misallocated capital is not yet in line with previous cycles. It also indicates that the share of output generated by the sectors most sensitive to higher rates is also low. Chart I-3U.S. Cyclical Spending: Limited Signs Of Vulnerability U.S. Cyclical Spending: Limited Signs Of Vulnerability U.S. Cyclical Spending: Limited Signs Of Vulnerability Second, the consumer remains in good shape. Households have deleveraged, and debt-service payments relative to disposable income are still near multi-generational lows (Chart I-4). Moreover, thanks to a saving rate of 7.6%, consumer spending is likely to move in line or even outperform income growth. On this front, the outlook is also good. As Chart I-5 demonstrates, the link between wages and salaries relative to the employment-to-population ratio for prime-age workers – a measure of labor utilization unaffected by the demographic changes that have muddied the interpretation of the unemployment rate – is still as tight as it was 20 years ago. Thus, as long as the labor market does not suddenly collapse, wage growth will continue to accelerate, supporting household income and consumption.   Chart I-4Household Balance Sheets Are Solid Household Balance Sheets Are Solid Household Balance Sheets Are Solid Chart I-5 Third, at 0.4% of GDP, the fiscal thrust remains positive. In other words, fiscal policy will still add to GDP in 2019. Fourth, we do not see the traditional symptoms associated with a fed funds rate above neutral. After dipping sharply in the second half of 2018, mortgage for purchase applications are back near their cycle highs (Chart I-6). Moreover, the performance of homebuilders’ equities relative to the broad market has begun to rebound, which is inconsistent with a fed funds rate above neutral. Chart I-6Mortgage Applications Do Not Suggest Policy Is Tight Mortgage Applications Do Not Suggest Policy Is Tight Mortgage Applications Do Not Suggest Policy Is Tight Fifth, there is scope for the contribution from housing sector activity to morph from a negative to a positive. A fed funds rate below neutral historically is correlated with an improving housing market. Rising mortgage rates from 3.8% to 4.6% depressed home sales and construction output, and the fall in mortgage rates over the past x month 4.3% should stimulate housing activity (Chart I-7). Chart I-7Residential Activity Will Rebound This Year Residential Activity Will Rebound This Year Residential Activity Will Rebound This Year Bottom Line: U.S. first-quarter GDP growth will be dismal, but one quarter does not make a trend. The low degree of economic vulnerability in the U.S., and the likelihood that the fed funds rate will stay below neutral for a while suggest that growth should rebound to the 2-2.5% range and should remain above-trend for the remainder of 2019. … And Global Growth Will Soon Trough As the cliché goes, it is darkest before the dawn. This is a fitting description of the world economy outside the U.S. right now. Global trade is depressed, global PMIs are moribund and nothing feels good. But it is exactly when nothing is going well that one needs to wonder what may cause the outlook to turn for the better. Thankfully, green shoots are emerging. To begin with, central banks around the world have taken a more dovish slant. This dovish forward guidance is nurturing global activity via a significant easing in global financial conditions, which is undoing the severe brake-pumping imposed on global growth in the fourth quarter of 2018 (Chart I-8). Chart I-8Global Financial Conditions Are Easing Global Financial Conditions Are Easing Global Financial Conditions Are Easing This more dovish forward guidance has helped our Financial Liquidity Index, which sharply deteriorated through 2009, rebound. Historically, this presages an improvement in the BCA Global Leading Economic Indicator (Chart I-9). Improving liquidity conditions have already been reflected in lower real rates around the globe, creating a reflationary impulse. EM financial conditions are responding positively, pointing to an upcoming pick-up in industrial activity, as measured by our Global Nowcast (Chart I-10). Chart I-9Improving Global Liquidity Backdrop Improving Global Liquidity Backdrop Improving Global Liquidity Backdrop Chart I-10A Tailwind From EM? A Tailwind From EM? A Tailwind From EM? Our Global LEI diffusion Index has begun to reflect some of these developments. After forming a trough in 2018, more than 50% of the countries in our Global LEI are currently experiencing a sequential improvement in their LEIs. We are now entering the normal lag after which a broadening growth impulse converts into aggregate activity moving higher (Chart I-11). Most interestingly, investors do not seem to be anticipating such a rebound. There is therefore room for growth surprises around the world. Chart I-11Scope For Growth Surprises Scope For Growth Surprises Scope For Growth Surprises China has a role to play in this story, will likely morph from a headwind to global growth to a positive. Positive may be a strong word, but at the very least, we expect China to stop detracting from global growth. Premier Li-Keqiang recently put the accent on stability and preserving employment, suggesting Chinese policymakers are likely to de-emphasize deleveraging over the coming 12-18 months. For Chinese growth to improve, deleveraging does not even have to stop. As both theory and history have shown, a slower pace of deleveraging means that the credit impulse moves back into positive territory and growth re-accelerates, even if only temporarily (Chart I-12). Chart I-12Growth Can Improve Even If Deleveraging Continues Growth Can Improve Even If Deleveraging Continues Growth Can Improve Even If Deleveraging Continues As a thought experiment, if Chinese leverage were to stabilize this year and nominal growth were to hit 8% – the lower bound of the real GDP target of 6-6.5% and inflation of 2% – the Chinese credit impulse would surge to more than 10% of GDP (Chart I-13)! We are not forecasting such a large rebound in the impulse, but this exercise clearly shows that if the Chinese authorities – who are cutting taxes and trying to ease credit conditions for small- and medium-sized enterprises – want to favor stability and employment for just one year, the impact on growth will be non-negligible, even if deleveraging continues. Since domestic demand responds to the credit impulse, and imports sport an elevated beta to domestic demand, Chinese imports are likely to soon morph from a negative to something more neutral – maybe even a small positive for the rest of the world. Chart I-13A Thought Experiment A Thought Experiment A Thought Experiment Finally, as weak as Europe is right now, it will likely be an important source of positive surprises in the second half of the year. To begin with, Europe is much more sensitive to EM growth conditions than the U.S. (Chart I-14). In the same way as Europe felt the full force of the deceleration in global trade last year, it will benefit from any improvement in trade this year. Chart I-14 A myriad of idiosyncratic shocks rammed through the euro area last year, worsening an already difficult situation. The new WLTP emission standards caused German auto production to collapse by nearly 20%. Nonetheless, as contracting domestic manufacturing orders and a large inventory pullback in the final quarter of last year suggest, the inventory overhang has been worked off (Chart I-15, top panel). Chart I-15Passing European Idiosyncratic Shocks Passing European Idiosyncratic Shocks Passing European Idiosyncratic Shocks Just as critically, Italy’s technical recession should end soon. The country’s economic malaise reflected the tightening in financial conditions that followed the violent battle between Rome and Brussels early last year. Ultimately, Rome folded: The budget deficit is 2.3% of GDP, not above 6%, and threats of leaving the union have been abandoned. Consequently, financial conditions are easing. Italian bond auctions are massively oversubscribed this year, and rising bond prices are supporting the solvency of the Italian banking system. The last hurdle affecting Europe was the fact that funding stress in the Italian and Spanish banking systems have been directly addressed by the TLTRO-III announced three weeks ago by the European Central Bank. Spanish and Italian banks have to refinance EUR 425 billion of TLTRO-II this June, in a year where a sizeable amounts of European bank bonds also needs to be refinanced. This is simply too much. With the ECB again bankrolling Italian and Spanish financial institutions, funding stress in the periphery can decline. Consequently, the European credit impulse, which had formed a valley in 2018 Q1, can continue its ascent (Chart I-15, bottom panel). Bottom Line: Investors expect little from the global economy outside the U.S., yet easing liquidity and financial conditions, a temporary shift in Chinese policy preferences and passing idiosyncratic shocks in Europe all point to improvement in global economic activity. U.S. Inflation Expectations Will Allow The Fed To Resume Rate Hikes Above-potential growth in the U.S. and rebounding economic activity in the rest of the world are consistent with higher – not lower – U.S. inflation. First, rebounding global growth is normally associated with a weakening dollar (Chart I-16). This time will not be different, especially as U.S. equity valuations relative to global stocks suggest that investors are particularly pessimistic on non-U.S. growth. A weaker dollar will lift import prices, commodity prices, and goods prices, helping inflation move higher. Chart I-16The USD Is Counter-Cyclical The USD Is Counter-Cyclical The USD Is Counter-Cyclical Second, the change in the velocity of the money of zero maturity in the U.S. is consistent with a further strengthening in core inflation (Chart I-17). Chart I-17The Fisher Equations Points To Gently Rising Inflation The Fisher Equations Points To Gently Rising Inflation The Fisher Equations Points To Gently Rising Inflation Third, above-trend U.S. growth in the context of elevated capacity utilization is also consistent with rising inflation (Chart I-18). Chart I-18Elevated U.S. Capacity Utilization Elevated U.S. Capacity Utilization Elevated U.S. Capacity Utilization If these three forces can cause core PCE inflation to move slightly above 2% in the second half of 2019, this will likely result in inflation expectations firming. Moreover, the combination of positive growth surprises around the world and easy monetary and liquidity conditions will prove supportive of asset prices globally, implying further easing in global and U.S. financial conditions. This set of circumstances will allow the Fed to shift its tone toward the end of 2019, in order to crystalize additional hikes in 2020. Additionally, we estimate the U.S. terminal policy rate to be around 3.25%. In fact, a longer-than-originally-anticipated Fed pause reinforces confidence in this assessment, even if it means that it will take longer to reach the terminal level than we previously thought. Bottom Line: Our growth outlook is consistent with robust inflation and improving inflation expectations. This means we disagree with interest rate markets and anticipate the Fed will resume its hiking campaign instead of cutting rates next year. Moreover, easier-for-longer policy also strengthens our view that the fed funds rate can end this cycle near 3.25%. Stay Positive On Risk Assets For Now… Most bear markets are linked to recessions. It follows that if the U.S. business cycle can be extended and the Fed remains on the easy side of neutral for longer, then the S&P 500 has more upside (Chart I-19). So do global equities. Chart I-19Low Bear-Market Risk Low Bear-Market Risk Low Bear-Market Risk This view is reinforced by the fact that buy-side analysts and investors alike have aggressively curtailed their expectations for EPS growth this year, to 3.9% for the U.S. and 4.9% outside the U.S. Yet, our profit model suggests that U.S. EPS growth is likely to come in at around 8.1% this year. Earnings revisions are pro-cyclical. Hence, our expectation that the BCA global Leading Economic Indicator meaningfully revives in the second half of 2019 points toward analysts having ample room to revise global earnings higher in the second half of the year (Chart I-20). Chart I-20Global Profit Margins Will Improve If Growth Rebounds Global Profit Margins Will Improve If Growth Rebounds Global Profit Margins Will Improve If Growth Rebounds Moreover, global valuations experienced a reset last year. Despite a rebound, the forward P/E ratio for the MSCI All-Country World Index remains in line with 2014 levels, 12.5% lower than at their apex last year. When looking at the U.S., our composite valuation index has also improved meaningfully (Chart I-21). This improvement in valuations increases the probability that a bottom in global growth will lift stock prices. Chart I-21Large Improvement In The Equity / Risk Reward Ratio Large Improvement In The Equity / Risk Reward Ratio Large Improvement In The Equity / Risk Reward Ratio Our Monetary Indicator further reinforces this message. After being a headwind for stocks over the past eight quarters, now that the Fed has paused and is essentially guaranteeing low real rates for an extended period, this gauge is growing more supportive of further equity price gains (Chart I-22). Chart I-22Stock-Friendly Monetary Backdrop Stock-Friendly Monetary Backdrop Stock-Friendly Monetary Backdrop A below-benchmark duration exposure for fixed-income portfolio still makes sense, even if the Fed has prolonged its pause. As per our U.S. Bond Strategy service’s “Golden Rule Of Treasury Investing,” if the Fed increases rates more than the market has priced in 12 months prior, Treasurys underperform cash (Chart I-23). Even if the Fed does nothing this year, it will still be more than the OIS curve is currently pricing in. Moreover, the dollar is likely to soften and the Fed is increasingly taking the risk of falling behind the realized inflation curve. This should create upside not only for inflation breakevens but also for term premia, which are depressed everywhere across the G-10. The yield curve should modestly steepen in this environment. It may take a bit more time than we originally expected, but safe-haven bond yields are trending higher, not lower. Chart I-23The Golden Rule Of Treasury Investing The Golden Rule Of Treasury Investing The Golden Rule Of Treasury Investing Spread products are also likely to continue to do well. Easy monetary policy, a soft U.S. dollar, an ongoing U.S. business expansion, an upcoming rebound in global growth and rising asset values all point toward a delay of the inevitable wave of defaults. Corporate bonds may offer poor value and credit quality has deteriorated, but an end to the business cycle and a tighter Fed will be key to catalyzing these poor fundamentals. We are not there yet. The Brexit saga continues to have the potential to unsettle markets. Nonetheless, we would fade any broad market sell-off linked to poor British headlines. As Marko Papic writes in this month's Special Report, despite continued political uncertainty in Westminster this year, the risk of a no-deal Brexit is dwindling by the minute, and political logic suggests that there is a high probability that the U.K. will ultimately remain in the EU in two to three years. Bottom Line: After the reset in valuations and earning expectations last year, markets should continue their ascent. The Fed has showed that its “put” is alive and well. This will both favor risk-taking and extend the duration of the business cycle. If global growth can rebound in the second quarter, it will create fertile ground for strong asset prices over the bulk of 2019. Treasury yields will also exhibit upside, even if achieving these higher rates will take more time now. … But Beware What Lurks Below The benign outlook for this year masks that the rally in risk assets is living on borrowed time. A Fed willingly falling behind the curve may fan speculative flames this year, but it doesn’t mean that policy will stay easy forever. On the contrary, the inevitable rise in inflation will push rates higher down the road and the unavoidable recession will ultimately materialize, most likely somewhere around 2021. Since asset valuations will only grow more inflated between now and then, a bigger fall will ultimately ensue. Our Composite Valuation Indicator may currently be flashing a positive signal, but dynamics within its components already point to brewing trouble down the road (Chart I-24). First, the balance sheet group of indicators has showed no improvement. In other words, without last year’s rebound in profitability, stocks would not be as attractively valued as the overall indicator suggests. Chart I-24Disconcerting Internal Dynamics Disconcerting Internal Dynamics Disconcerting Internal Dynamics Second, the interest rate group is currently flattering aggregate valuations. To remain supportive of higher returns ahead, this group depends on interest rates staying constrained. Here, the Fed will play a particularly perverse role. Its willingness to tolerate inflationary pressures right now means lower rates today at the price of a higher cost of capital tomorrow. Once it becomes obvious that the Fed is falling behind the curve – something more likely to happen once inflation expectations normalize – safe-haven yields will rise sharply. The interest rate group will suddenly look a lot less supportive than it does today. Third, the profit components of our valuation indicator may look healthy today, but this will not remain the case. At 31.7%, EBITD margins are currently extraordinary elevated. In fact, if the profit margins were to normalize to their historical average, the Shiller P/E would skyrocket to 40.3 from 29.9 today, implying the stock market may be just as expensive as it was at the start of 2000. For margins to remain wide, wages will have to stay depressed relative to selling prices (Chart I-25). However, the combination of an economy at full employment and the Fed goosing economic growth points to rising wages. Since the pass-through from wages to prices is below 100%, unless productivity rises more than labor costs, profitability will suffer and P/E ratios will start sending the same message as the price-to-sales ratio, a multiple that currently stands near record highs. Chart I-25Rising Wages Will Ultimately Hurt Profits Rising Wages Will Ultimately Hurt Profits Rising Wages Will Ultimately Hurt Profits Valuations are not the only danger lurking for stocks: Spread products will morph from a tailwind to a headwind for equities. Whether or not it steepens a bit this year, the yield curve’s previous big flattening already points toward rising financial market volatility (Chart I-26). The Fed’s recent dovish tilt can keep the VIX and the MOVE compressed for a while longer. However, since inflation expectations will ultimately move higher, likely within a year or so, the Fed will once again tilt to the hawkish side, and volatility will follow its path of least resistance higher. Carry trades of all kinds will suffer, and spreads will widen. The deteriorating credit quality this cycle, with BBB and lower-rated issues constituting 60.1% of the corporate universe, could make this widening more violent than normal. This phenomenon will hurt stocks. Chart I-26Volatility Is A Coiled Spring Volatility Is A Coiled Spring Volatility Is A Coiled Spring Finally, the improvement in global growth this year is likely to prove temporary. China may want to slow the pace of deleveraging this year, but pushing debt loads lower and reforming the economy remains Beijing’s number one priority on a multi-year horizon. China has created USD 26 trillion worth of yuan since 2008, making the Chinese money supply larger than the euro area’s and the U.S.’s together. As a result, China’s incremental output-to-capital ratio continues to trend lower, implying large misallocation of capital (Chart I-27). State-owned enterprises, the recipients of much of the credit created over the past 10 years, now generate lower RoAs than their cost of borrowing, an unmistakable sign of poorly allocated funds. Chart I-27The Biggest Threat To China's Long-Term Prosperity The Biggest Threat To China's Long-Term Prosperity The Biggest Threat To China's Long-Term Prosperity Correcting this structural impediment will require the Chinese credit impulse to once again move back into negative territory. This means that unless Chinese policymakers abandon their efforts to prise the country off easy credit, Chinese growth will morph back into a headwind for the world somewhere in 2020, i.e. not so late as to encourage excesses, but not so early as to sharply slow the economy ahead of the Communist Party’s one-hundredth birthday in July 2021. In 2018, the global economy nearly ground to a halt after China had shifted from stimulus to policy tightening. The next time around, we doubt that a global recession will be avoided. The second half of 2020 may set up to be one tumultuous period. Bottom Line: In all likelihood, global risk assets should perform well this year, but we are living on borrowed time. In the background, equity valuations are deteriorating meaningfully, a phenomenon that will worsen once the Fed’s desired outcome comes to fruition: higher inflation. Wage pressures and higher interest rates will reveal how fully rotten stock valuations genuinely are. Compounding this effect, higher volatility and a resumption of China’s deleveraging efforts will likely achieve the coup de grace for stocks in the second half of 2020. Conclusion The FOMC wants to lift inflation expectations in order to defuse any lingering deflationary risk. Consequently, the Fed’s pause will last longer than we originally anticipated, but terminal rates are likely to climb higher than would have otherwise been the case. Before last week’s Fed meeting, the U.S. was already set to grow above trend. Now, the Fed will only extend the business cycle further, fanning greater inflationary pressures in the process. This potentially misguided reflationary impulse, which is echoed around the world, will contribute to a rebound in global growth that will become fully evident by the summer. Consequently, we expect risk assets to climb to new highs over the coming 12 months. Treasurys will likely underperform cash over that timeframe, as interest rate markets are currently too sanguine. Investors are facing a real dilemma. On one hand, the potential for elevated stock market returns is high over the coming 12 months. On the other, poor valuations will only grow more onerous, and the Fed will ultimately have to tighten policy even more following the on-hold period. Moreover, Chinese policymakers are unlikely to ignore the pressing danger created by misallocating capital for an extended period of time. Consequently, the outlook for long-term returns is deteriorating. As a result, we recommend more tactically minded investors to stay long stocks, with a growing preference for international equities that are both cheaper and more exposed to global growth than U.S. ones. However, longer-term asset allocators should use this period of strength to progressively move out of stocks and into safer alternatives. Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst March 28, 2019 Next Report: April 25, 2019   II. The State Of Brexit So What? It makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP. However, short-term investors should instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones. Why? The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic. In fact, Bregret has already set in. Volatility is the only sure bet over the tactical and strategic time horizons. The most likely scenario is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. Our low-conviction view is that in the long term, the U.K. will remain inside the European Union. The hour is late in the ongoing Brexit saga. The original deadline, once spoken of with religious reverence, will be tossed aside for one, potentially two, extensions. In this analysis, we attempt to consider the state of Brexit from multiple time horizons. First, we offer our tactical view, what will happen in the next several weeks and months. Second, we offer our strategic view, surveying the Brexit process to the end of the year. Third, we consider the secular view and attempt to answer the question of whether the U.K. will ever fully exit the EU. We then assign investment recommendations across the three time horizons. How Did We Get Here? In March 2016, three months ahead of the fateful June referendum, BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy and European Investment Strategy published a joint report on the topic that drew three conclusions: The probability of Brexit was understated by the market. “According to our modeling results, roughly 64% of Tory undecided voters would have to swing to the “Stay” camp in order to ensure that the vote crosses the 50% threshold in favour of continued EU membership … Conventional wisdom suggests that the probability of Brexit is around 30%, anchoring to the 1975 referendum results. Our own analysis of current polling data suggests that it is much closer to 50%, as in too close to call.” The biggest loser of Brexit, domestically, would be the Conservative Party. “The risk is that the British populace realizes that leaving the EU was a sub-optimal result and that little sovereignty was recovered. As such, there could be a backlash against the Tories in the next general election. In this scenario, the winner would not necessarily be UKIP, but rather the Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour Party – as close to the Michael Foot-led opposition in the early 1980s as any Labour Leadership.” The EU would survive, intact, with no further “exits.” “European integration is therefore a gambit for relevance by Europe’s declining powers. Brexit will not create centrifugal forces that tear the EU apart, and could in fact enhance the sinews that bind EU member states in a bid for 21st century geopolitical relevance.” Thus far, all three predictions have proven prescient. Not only was the probability of Brexit understated, but the electorate actually voted to exit the EU.1 The Conservative Party has wrapped itself into an intellectual pretzel trying to deliver on a referendum that the pro-Brexit Tories – a minority in the party – promised would not mean losing access to the Common Market. And the EU has not only seen no other “exits,” but has held firm and united in the negotiations with the U.K. while witnessing an increase in the support for its troubled currency union, both in the Euro Area in aggregate as well as in crisis-ridden Italy (Chart II-1). Chart II-1The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The net assessment we conducted in 2016 correctly gauged what the Brexit referendum was about and what it was not about. Our view was that behind the angst lay factors too general to be laid at the feet of European integration. Decades of supply-side reforms combined with competition from emerging economies led to a sharp rise in U.K. income inequality (Chart II-2), the erosion of its manufacturing economy (Chart II-3), and the ballooning of the country’s financial sector (Chart II-4). As a result, the U.K.’s income inequality and social mobility were, in 2016 as today, much closer to those of its Anglo-Saxon peer America than to those of its continental European neighbors (Chart II-5). Chart II-2Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Chart II-3Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Chart II-4The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst Chart II-5 The underlying economic angst has continued to influence British politics since Brexit. Campaigning on an anti-austerity platform in the summer of 2017, the Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn nearly won the general election, only underperforming the Conservative vote by 2% (Chart II-6). The election was supposed to politically recapitalize Theresa May and allow her to lead the U.K. out of the EU. But the failure to secure a single-party majority created the political math in the House of Commons that is today preventing the prime minister from executing on Brexit. There are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver on the relatively hard Brexit – no access to the EU Common Market or customs union – that Prime Minister May has put on offer (Chart II-7). Chart II-6 Chart II-7 The decision not to pursue a customs union arrangement with the EU is particularly disastrous. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi – Chief Strategist of BCA’s European Investment Strategy – has pointed out, remaining in the customs union would have protected the cross-border supply chains that are vital to many U.K. businesses and would have avoided a hard customs border on the island of Ireland.2 However, the slim margin of the Tory victory in 2017 has boosted the influence of the 20-to-40 hard-Brexiters in the party. They pushed Theresa May to the extreme, where a customs union arrangement – let alone access to the Common Market – became politically unpalatable. Had the British electorate genuinely wanted “Brexit über alles,” or the relatively hard Brexit on offer today, the margin of victory for Leave would have been greater. Furthermore, the electorate would not have come so close to giving the far-left Corbyn – who nonetheless supports the softest-of-soft Brexits – a majority in mid-2017. The slim margin of victory effectively tied May’s hands in her subsequent negotiations with both the EU and her own party. But there was more to the 2016 referendum than just general malaise centered on the economy and inequality. There were idiosyncratic events that provided tailwinds for the Leave campaign. Or, as we put it in 2016: Certainly, a number of ills have befallen the continent in quick succession: the euro area sovereign debt crisis, Russian military intervention in Ukraine, rampant migrant inflows from Africa and the Middle East, and terrorist attacks in France. It is no surprise that the U.K. populace wants to think twice about tying itself even more closely to a Europe apparently on the run from the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. The two issues we would particularly focus on were the migrant crisis and terrorist attacks in Europe. Data ahead of the referendum clearly gave credence to the view that the influx of migrants was raising “concerns about immigration and race.” This angst was primarily focused on EU migrants who came to the U.K. legally (Chart II-8), but the influx of millions of migrants into the EU in 2015 – peaking at 172,000 in the month of October – certainly bolstered the anxiety in the U.K. (Chart II-9).3 Chart II-8EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 Chart II-9The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote Terrorism was another concern. In the 18 months preceding the referendum, continental Europe experienced 13 deadly terror attacks. Two were particularly egregious: the November 2015 Paris terror attack that led to 130 deaths, and the March 2016 Brussels terror attack that led to 32 deaths. Both the migration and terror crises, however, were temporary and caused by idiosyncratic variables with short half-lives. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy argued that both would eventually abate. The migration crisis would subside due to firming European attitudes towards asylum seekers and the exhaustion of the supply of migrants as the Syrian Civil War drew to its tragic close. The extremist Islamic terror attacks would dwindle due to the decrease in the marginal utility of terror that has been observed in previous waves of terrorism (Chart II-10). Neither forecast was popular with our client base, but both have been spot on. Chart II-10Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror The point is that the British electorate was never as Euroskeptic as the Euroskeptics cheering on Brexit thought. Support for EU integration has waxed and waned for decades (Chart II-11). Instead, a combination of macro-malaise caused by the general plight of the middle class – the same factors that have given tailwinds to populist policymakers across developed markets – and idiosyncratic crises in the middle of this decade created the context in which the public voted to leave the EU. Whatever the vote was for, we can say with a high degree of certainty that it was not in favor of the current deal on offer, a relatively hard Brexit. After all, the pro-Leave Tories almost universally campaigned in favor of remaining in the Common Market post-Brexit.4 Chart II-11Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Today, Bregret has clearly set in. Not only on the specific issue of whether the U.K. should leave the EU – where the gap between Bremorseful voters and committed Brexiters is now 8% (Chart II-12), a 12% swing since just after the referendum – but also on the more existential question of whether U.K. citizens feel European (Chart II-13). Chart II-12Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Chart II-13...And Brits Feeling More European ...And Brits Feeling More European ...And Brits Feeling More European The political reality of Bregret is the most important variable in predicting Brexit. Not only is it difficult for Prime Minister May to deliver her relatively hard Brexit in Westminster due to the mid-2017 electoral math, but it is especially the case when the electorate does not want it. Yes, the mid-2016 referendum is an expression of a democratic will that must be respected. But no policymaker wants to respect the referendum at the cost of disrespecting the current disposition of the median voter, which is revealed through polls. Doing so will cost them in the next election. Reviewing “how we got here” is essential in forecasting the tactical, strategic, and secular time horizons in the ongoing Brexit imbroglio. To this task we now turn. Bottom Line: The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic: data clearly support this fact. The Brexit referendum simply came at the right time for the Leave vote, as the secular forces of middle-class discontent combined with idiosyncratic crises of migration and terror. Three years following the referendum, the discontent remains unaddressed by British policymakers while the idiosyncratic crises have abated. As such, Bregret has set in, creating a new reality that U.K. policymakers must respond to if they want to retain political capital. Where Are We Going? The Tactical And Strategic Time Horizons The EU has offered a two-step delay to the Article 50 deadline of March 29. The first option is a delay until May 22, but only if Theresa May successfully passes her Brexit plan through Westminster. The second option is a delay until April 12. This would come in effect if the House of Commons rejects the deal on offer. The short time frame is supposed to pressure London to come up with the next steps, which the EU has inferred would either be to get out of the bloc without a deal or to plan for a long-term extension. Although there are no official conditions to awarding a long-term extension, it is clear that the EU only envisages three options: Renegotiate the terms of Brexit, to include either a customs union or full Common Market membership (a softer Brexit); Hold a general election to break the impasse; Hold another referendum. The EU is suggesting that it could deny the U.K. an extension if London does not come back with a plan. There are two reasons why we would call the EU’s bluff. First, it is likely an attempt to help May get the deal through the House of Commons by creating a sense of urgency. Second, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled in December 2018 that the U.K. could “revoke that notification unilaterally, in an unequivocal and unconditional manner, by a notice addressed to the European Council in writing.”5 The only requirement is that the notification be sent to Brussels prior to March 29 (or, in the case of a mutually agreed upon extension, prior to April 12). It is increasingly likely that, after the deal on offer fails, Theresa May will have to go “hat-in-hand” to the EU to ask for a much longer extension. She will have until April 12 to ask for that extension, but it would require participation in the European Parliamentary (EP) elections on May 23. Prime Minister May has said that the U.K. will not hold those elections. We beg to differ. Not holding the election would allow the EU to end the U.K.’s membership in the bloc, which would by default mean contravening the Parliament’s will to reject a no-deal Brexit (which it did in a rebuke to the government in March). As such, the U.K. will absolutely hold an EP election in May. Yes, it will be a huge embarrassment to the Conservative government. And we would venture that the election would turn out a huge pro-EU majority from the U.K., given that it is the Europhile side of the aisle that is now excited and activated, further embarrassing the ruling government. The most likely scenario, therefore, is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. As we have been arguing throughout the year, the only way to break the impasse without calling a referendum – is to call a new election. A new election would be contested almost exclusively on the issue of Brexit – unlike the 2017 election, which Jeremy Corbyn managed to be almost exclusively contested on the issue of austerity. As such, the winner would have a clear political mandate to pursue the Brexit of their choice. If it is Jeremy Corbyn, this would mean a second referendum, given his recent conversion to supporting one. If Theresa May remains prime minister, it would be her relatively hard Brexit option; if another Tory replaces her, it would potentially be a softer Brexit. Intriguingly, Theresa May is coming up to the average “expiry date” of a “takeover” prime minister, which is 3.3 years (Chart II-14). Chart II-14 Why do we think that Theresa May would be replaced with a soft Brexit Tory? Because there are simply not enough members of parliament in the Conservative Party caucus to elect a hard Brexiteer. Furthermore, the current deal on offer, which is a form of hard Brexit, clearly has no chance of passing in the House of Commons. Theresa May herself did not support the Leave campaign, but she converted into a hard Brexiteer due to the pressures in the Conservative Party caucus. If, on the other hand, we are wrong and the Conservative Party elects a hard Brexit Tory as leader, the odds of losing the election to the Labour Party would increase. Furthermore, the impasse in the House of Commons would not be resolved as Theresa May would be replaced by a prime minister with essentially the same approach to Brexit. Confused? You are not alone. Diagram II-1 illustrates the complexity of the tactical (0-3 months) and strategic (3-12 months) time horizons. There are so many options over the next six months alone that we ran out of space in our diagram to consider the consequences of the general election. Chart II- Needless to say, an election would induce volatility in the market as it would put Jeremy Corbyn close to the premiership. While he has now promised a second referendum, his government would also implement policies that could, especially in the short term, agitate the markets. Our forecasts of the currency moves alone suggest that volatility is the only sure bet over tactical and strategic time horizons. We do not have a high-conviction view on a directional call on the pound or U.K. equities. However, global growth concerns, combined with political uncertainty, should create a bond-bullish environment. Bottom Line: Over the course of the year, political uncertainty will remain high in the United Kingdom. A general election is the clearest path to breaking the current deadlock. However, it is not guaranteed, as Labour’s recent decline in the polls appears to be reversing since Jeremy Corbyn finally succumbed to the demands that he support a new referendum (Chart II-15). Chart II-15Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support The Secular Horizon BCA Geopolitical Strategy believes that the median voter is the price maker in the political market place. Politicians are merely price takers. This is why Theresa May’s notion that the sanctity of the 2016 referendum cannot be abrogated is doubly false. First, she cannot truly claim from the slim 52%-48% result that U.K. voters want her form of Brexit. The referendum therefore may be a sacred expression of the democratic will, but her “no customs union” Brexit option is not holy water: It is an educated guess at best, pandering to hard Brexit Tories (a minority of the electorate) at worst. Given that 48% of the electorate wanted to remain in the EU and that a large portion of Brexit voters wanted a Common Market membership as part of Brexit, it is mathematically obvious that the softest of soft Brexit options was the desire of the median voter in June 2016. Furthermore, polling data (presented in Chart II-12 and Chart II-13 on page 28) now clearly show that the median voter is migrating away from even the softest of soft Brexit options to the “Stay” camp. Bregret has set in and a strong plurality of voters no longer supports Brexit. The question behind Chart II-12 is unambiguous. It clearly asks, “In hindsight, do you think Britain was right or wrong to vote to leave the EU?” What does all of this infer for the long term, or secular, horizon? First, an election this year could usher in a Labour government that delivers a new referendum. At this time, given the polling data and the geopolitical context, sans terror and migration crises, we would expect such a referendum to lead to a win for the Stay camp. Second, an election that produces a soft Brexit prime minister or negotiated outcome would allow the U.K. to leave the EU in an orderly fashion. A new Tory prime minister, pursuing a soft Brexit outcome, could even entice some Labour MPs to cross the aisle and support such an exit from the bloc. However, over a secular time horizon of the next two-to-three years, we doubt that a soft Brexit outcome would be viable. Investors have to realize that the vote on leaving the EU does not conclude the U.K. long-term deal with the bloc. That negotiating phase will last during the transition phase, over the next two-to-three years, and would conclude in yet another Westminster vote – and likely crisis – at the end of the period. If this deal entails membership in the Common Market, our low- conviction view over the long term is that it will ultimately fail. Take the financial community’s preferred soft Brexit option, the so-called super soft “Norway Plus” option. A Norway Plus option would entail the highest loss of sovereignty imaginable, given that the U.K. would essentially pay full EU membership fees with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. There is also a debate as to whether London would be able to constrict immigration from the EU under that option over the long term, a key demand of Brexiters.6 As such, the only viable option would be to switch to a customs union relationship. However, we fear that even this option may no longer be available to U.K. policymakers. Conservative Party leaders have wasted too much time and lost too much of the public’s good will. With only 40% of the electorate now considering Brexit the correct decision, it is possible that even a customs union arrangement will be unacceptable by the end of the transition period. Aside from the electorate’s growing Bregret, there is also the economic logic – or lack thereof – behind a customs union. A customs union would ensure the unfettered transit of goods between the U.K. and the continent, but not of services. This arrangement greatly favors the EU, not the U.K., as the latter has a wide (and growing) deficit in goods and an expanding surplus in services with the bloc (Chart II-16). Chart II-16Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. The only logic behind selecting a customs union over the Common Market is that a customs union would allow the U.K. to conclude separate trade deals with the rest of the world. While that may be a fantasy of the few remaining laissez-faire free traders in the U.K. Conservative Party, the view hardly represents the desire of the median voter. Other than a potential trade deal with the U.S., it is practically inconceivable to expect the U.K. electorate to support a free trade agreement with China or India, both of which would likely entail an even greater loss of blue-collar jobs. Even a trade deal with the U.S. would likely face political opposition, given that the U.K. is highly unlikely to be given preferential treatment by an economy seven times its size.7 The fact of the matter is that the Conservative Party has wasted its window of opportunity to push a hard, or moderately hard (customs union), Brexit through Parliament. Bregret has set in, as the doyens of Brexit increasingly pursued an unpopular strategy. On the other hand, a Brexit that retains the U.K. membership in the Common Market has never had much logic to begin with. Where does this leave the U.K. in the long term? Given the time horizon and the uncertainty on multiple fronts, our low-conviction view is that it leaves the U.K. inside the European Union. Bottom Line: The combination of increasing Bregret, lack of economic logic behind a customs union membership alone, and the lack of a political logic behind a Common Market membership, suggests that Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. This imperils the ultimate deal between the U.K. and the EU, which we think will not be able to pass the House of Commons in two-to-three years when it comes up for approval. This is a low-conviction view, however, as political realities can change. Support for Brexit could turn due to exogenous factors, such as a global recession that renews the Euro Area economic imbroglio or a major geopolitical crisis. Both are quite likely over the secular time horizon. Investment Implications Today, cable is cheap, trading at an 18% discount to its long-term fair value as implied by purchasing-power parity models (Chart II-17). The growing probability that the U.K. may, down the road, remain in the European Union means that, at current levels the pound is indeed attractive, especially against the U.S. dollar. Chart II-17Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain However, when it comes to short-term dynamics, the picture is much murkier. The low probability of a no-deal Brexit implies limited downside. However, the path to get the U.K. to abandon the current relatively hard Brexit is also one that involves a new election. This implies that before a resolution is reached, multiple scenarios are possible, including one where Corbyn becomes the next prime minister. Jeremy Corbyn could be the most left-of center leader of any G-10 nation since Francois Mitterrand in France in the early 1980s. Mitterrand’s audacious nationalization and left-leaning policies were met with a collapse in the French franc (Chart II-18). Chart II-18A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency Global growth also has an impact on cable. Despite all the noise around Brexit, the reality remains that exports constitute 30% of U.K. GDP, a larger contribution to output than in the euro area. This means that if global growth deteriorates, GBP/USD will face another headwind. If, however, global growth improves, then cable would face a new tailwind. Since BCA is of the view that global growth will likely trough by the summer, we are inclined to be positive on the pound. Netting out all those factors, it makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP, using the dips along the way to build a larger position in this currency. Even on a six-to-twelve-month basis, the path of least resistance for cable is likely upward. The problem is that risk-adjusted returns are likely to be poor as volatility will remain very elevated. We therefore recommend that short-term investors instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones (Chart II-19). Chart II-19Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Marko Papic Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst III. Indicators And Reference Charts Equities have had a volatile month of March, something that was bound to happen after the violent rally witnessed from the end of December to the end of February. When a rally is being tested, it always make sense to review our indicators to gauge whether or not a trend change is in the offing. Generally, our indicators remain broadly positive. Our Willingness-to-Pay (WTP) indicators for the U.S. and the euro area continue to improve. Meanwhile, it has begun to hook back up in Japan. The WTP indicators track flows, and thus provide information on what investors are actually doing, as opposed to sentiment indexes that track how investors are feeling. The current readings in major advanced economies thus suggest that investors are still inclined to add to their stock holdings. Our Revealed Preference Indicator (RPI) has however once again deteriorated, suggesting that the period of churn in global equities prices could last a bit longer. This indicator is essentially saying that in order to resume their ascent, stocks need a bit more time to digest their previous surge. The RPI combines the idea of market momentum with valuation and policy measures. It provides a powerful bullish signal if positive market momentum lines up with constructive signals from the policy and valuation measures. Conversely, if constructive market momentum is not supported by valuation and policy, investors should lean against the market trend. According to BCA’s Composite Valuation Indicator, an amalgamation of 11 measures, the U.S. stock market remains slightly overvalued from a long-term perspective. Nonetheless, despite this year’s rally, the S&P 500 offers a much more attractive risk/reward profile than it did in the fall. Moreover, our Monetary Indicator has shifted out of negative territory for stocks, and is now decisively in stimulative territory. The Fed’s dovish forward guidance last week only reinforces the message from this indicator. Our Composite Technical Indicator for stocks had broken down in December, but it is finally flashing a buy signal. This further confirms that the current period of churn is most likely to ultimately make way for a continued rally in the S&P 500. The 10-year Treasury yield remains within its neutral range according to our valuation model. Moreover, our technical indicator flags a similar picture. This means that without signs of improvements in global growth, price action alone will not be enough to lift bond yields higher. That being said, since BCA expects that over the next 24 months, the Fed will lift rates more than the OIS curve anticipates, and since the term premium is incredibly low, once green shoots for global growth become evident, bonds could suffer a violent selloff. The U.S. dollar is still very expensive on a PPP basis. Our Composite Technical Indicator is not as overbought as it once was, but it is far from having reached oversold levels either. This combination suggests that the greenback could experience further downside this year. However, for this downside to materialize, global growth will first have to stabilize. EQUITIES: Chart III-1U.S. Equity Indicators U.S. Equity Indicators U.S. Equity Indicators Chart III-2Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Chart III-3U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators Chart III-4Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Chart III-5U.S. Stock Market Valuation U.S. Stock Market Valuation U.S. Stock Market Valuation Chart III-6U.S. Earnings U.S. Earnings U.S. Earnings Chart III-7Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Chart III-8Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance FIXED INCOME: Chart III-9U.S. Treasurys And Valuations U.S. Treasurys And Valuations U.S. Treasurys And Valuations Chart III-10Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Chart III-11Selected U.S. Bond Yields Selected U.S. Bond Yields Selected U.S. Bond Yields Chart III-1210-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components Chart III-13U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor Chart III-14Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Chart III-15Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets CURRENCIES: Chart III-16U.S. Dollar And PPP U.S. Dollar And PPP U.S. Dollar And PPP Chart III-17U.S. Dollar And Indicator U.S. Dollar And Indicator U.S. Dollar And Indicator Chart III-18U.S. Dollar Fundamentals U.S. Dollar Fundamentals U.S. Dollar Fundamentals Chart III-19Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Chart III-20Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Chart III-21Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Chart III-22Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals COMMODITIES: Chart III-23Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Chart III-24Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-25Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-26Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Chart III-27Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning ECONOMY: Chart III-28U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop Chart III-29U.S. Macro Snapshot U.S. Macro Snapshot U.S. Macro Snapshot Chart III-30U.S. Growth Outlook U.S. Growth Outlook U.S. Growth Outlook Chart III-31U.S. Cyclical Spending U.S. Cyclical Spending U.S. Cyclical Spending Chart III-32U.S. Labor Market U.S. Labor Market U.S. Labor Market Chart III-33U.S. Consumption U.S. Consumption U.S. Consumption Chart III-34U.S. Housing U.S. Housing U.S. Housing Chart III-35U.S. Debt And Deleveraging U.S. Debt And Deleveraging U.S. Debt And Deleveraging Chart III-36U.S. Financial Conditions U.S. Financial Conditions U.S. Financial Conditions Chart III-37Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Chart III-38Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China   Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Footnotes 1       At the time of publication of our March report, we still had a low-conviction view that the vote would swing towards Stay at the last moment. 2       Please see BCA Research European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Important Message From The Currency Markets,” dated March 14, 2019, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 3       Trying to play up the threat of unchecked migration, the U.K. Independence Party ran a famous campaign poster showing hundreds of refugees on a road under the title of “Breaking Point – The EU has failed us all.” Despite the fact that the U.K. accepted only around 10,000 Syrian refugees since the 2015 crisis. Germany has accepted over 700,000 while Canada – which is located across the Atlantic Ocean on a different continent – accepted over 40,000. Even the impoverished Serbia has accepted more Syrian refugees than the U.K. 4       One of the most prominent Leave supporters, Boris Johnson, famously quipped after the referendum result that “There will continue to be free trade and access to the single market.” 5       Please see The European Court of Justice, “Judgement Of The Court,” In Case C-621/18, dated December 10, 2018, available at curia.europa.eu. 6       Proponents of the Norway Plus option point out that Article 112(1) of the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement allows for restriction of movement of people within the area. However, these restrictions are intended to be used in times of “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties.” It certainly appears to be an option for London to restrict EU migration, but it is not clear whether Europe would agree for this to be a permanent solution. Liechtenstein has been using Article 112 to impose quantitative limitations on immigration for decades, but that is because its tiny geographical area is recognized as a “specific situation” that justifies such restrictions. 7       President Donald Trump may want to give the U.K. preferential trade terms on the basis of the filial Anglo-Saxon relationship alone, but it is highly unlikely that the increasingly protectionist Congress would do the same. There is also no guarantee that President Trump will be around to bring such trade negotiations across the finish line. EQUITIES:FIXED INCOME:CURRENCIES:COMMODITIES:ECONOMY:

Highlights Await the U.K. parliament to coalesce a majority on a on a credible strategy for Brexit that is also acceptable to the EU27. At that point, buy the pound, the FTSE250, and U.K. homebuilder shares. An eerie calm has descended over developed economy currencies. But the Chinese yuan has rebounded sharply. Stay tactically overweight emerging market currencies, cyclical equity sectors, and equities versus bonds. But don’t expect these rallies to last beyond the summer. Feature Chart of the WeekAn Eerie Calm Has Descended Over The Currency Markets. Why? An Eerie Calm Has Descended Over The Currency Markets. Why? An Eerie Calm Has Descended Over The Currency Markets. Why? End Of The Road For May From the moment almost three years ago that the U.K. voted to leave the EU, it was clear that a rational and measured Brexit would require the U.K. to remain in a customs union with the EU. Rational and measured because a customs union would protect the cross-border supply chains which are vital to so many U.K. businesses. Rational and measured because a customs union would avoid a hard customs border on the island of Ireland, and thereby prevent a break-up of the U.K. Rational and measured because a customs union would best deliver on the narrow 52:48 vote to leave the EU, which was driven by a desire to control migration and the supremacy of the European Court of Justice – both of which are compatible with remaining in a customs union – rather than a desire to strike independent trade deals – which is not. Yet Theresa May did not steer to this rational and measured Brexit, because she knew it would rip apart the Conservative party, a hard minority of which sees the sovereignty of trade policy as its Holy Grail. Beholden to this minority, May put her party interest above the national interest. But now, May has run out of road. Her Brexit deal has been rejected twice by huge parliamentary majorities. In the coming days, parliament, through a series of indicative votes, is likely to wrest control of the Brexit process from the government. So far, parliament has expressed what it is against (a no-deal Brexit), but it has yet to express what course of action it is for. We await the U.K. parliament to coalesce a majority on a credible strategy for Brexit that is also acceptable to the EU27. At that point, irrespective of the exact strategy, we will buy the pound, the FTSE250, and U.K. homebuilder shares. Important Message From The Currency Markets An unusually eerie calm has descended over the currency markets (Chart of the Week). For the past six months, GBP/USD has drifted within a tight 5 percent range, USD/JPY has also moved within a similarly narrow range, and EUR/USD has been trapped within an even tighter 3 percent range (Chart I-2 and Chart I-3). Chart I-2GBP/USD And EUR/USD Have Been Very Calm Recently GBP/USD And EUR/USD Have Been Very Calm Recently GBP/USD And EUR/USD Have Been Very Calm Recently Chart I-3USD/JPY Has Also Been Very Calm Recently USD/JPY Has Also Been Very Calm Recently USD/JPY Has Also Been Very Calm Recently The calm is eerie because Brexit tensions have actually intensified as the Article 50 clock has run down without a breakthrough; the Federal Reserve has made a dramatic volte-face from its sequential rate hikes; the ECB has pivoted back to dovish after the German economy narrowly avoided a technical recession; and the Japanese economy contracted sharply in the third quarter of 2018. Adding to the eeriness of the calm in currency markets, the equity and bond markets have experienced wild gyrations. Global equities plunged 20 percent before quickly recovering most of the losses, while long bond prices moved by close to 15 percent1 (Chart I-4 and Chart I-5).1 Chart I-4While Equities Have Been Turbulent, Currencies Have Been Calm While Equities Have Been Turbulent, Currencies Have Been Calm While Equities Have Been Turbulent, Currencies Have Been Calm Chart I-5While Bonds Have Been Turbulent, Currencies Have Been Calm While Bonds Have Been Turbulent, Currencies Have Been Calm While Bonds Have Been Turbulent, Currencies Have Been Calm Given all of this turbulence, why have currency markets remained a relative oasis of calm? The simple answer is that exchange rates are, by definition, relative prices. And in the major economies, growth and inflation rates have moved in the same direction by the same amount at roughly the same time. In fact, looking at quarter-on-quarter growth rates, the major economies have all recently experienced identical 1.5 percent slowdowns: from 4 to 2.5 percent in the U.S.; and from 2.5 percent to around 1 percent in both the euro area and the U.K.2  (Chart I-6 - Chart I-8). Chart I-6U.S. GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent U.S. GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent U.S. GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent Chart I-7Euro Area GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent Euro Area GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent Euro Area GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent Chart I-8U.K. GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent U.K. GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent U.K. GDP Growth Slowed By 1.5 Percent Markets do not care about the level of growth. They care much more about the change in growth. Financial markets are a discounting mechanism, and what matters most to the price is the change in the assumptions that are embedded within it. For example, if the price were discounting a major economy to grow at 4 percent and that rate of growth subsequently fell to 2.5 percent, then the seemingly benign outcome of respectable growth would cause interest rate expectations to decline. In another major economy, if growth slowed from 2.5 percent to 1 percent, it would precipitate a broadly similar decline in interest rate expectations.  In this situation of synchronised and meaningful slowdowns across major economies, and the consequent policy responses, equity and bond absolute prices would experience wild gyrations. By contrast, currencies are relative prices. So if the decline in major economy growth rates and interest rate expectations were broadly similar, currency markets would remain a relative oasis of calm. Which perfectly describes the observation of the last six months. This observation of near-identical slowdowns in the major economies supports our thesis that their genesis came from outside the developed economies, which we expounded in A European Cycle ‘Made In China’. And now we present the smoking gun. While an eerie calm has descended over developed economy currencies, all the action has been in emerging economy currencies, especially the Chinese yuan which has rebounded sharply. The message from the currency markets reinforces our thesis: last year’s growth downswing and the current upswing were made in China (see final chart). Never Focus On Levels Of Economic Growth It is worth repeating that a head-to-head comparison of growth rates across different economies is a meaningless exercise. Here’s a simple way to grasp this crucial point: a 1.5 percent growth rate would be a very pleasing outcome for Europe, it would be a very unpleasing outcome for the U.S., and it would be a catastrophic outcome for China. The reason is that if a population is growing, the economy needs to generate real growth well in excess of the rate of population growth to improve (per person) living standards. That excess comes from productivity growth which lifts standards of living and wellbeing. In the case of Germany or Japan where the population is not growing, or is indeed shrinking, the GDP growth rate that is consistent with these rising standards of living is much lower than in those economies where the population is growing (Chart I-9 and Chart I-10). Chart I-9The Same Productivity Growth In The Euro Area And The U.S. ... The Same Productivity Growth In The Euro Area And The U.S. ... The Same Productivity Growth In The Euro Area And The U.S. ... Chart I-10... Generates Different GDP Growth ... Generates Different GDP Growth ... Generates Different GDP Growth Necessarily, an economy with weaker demographics – like Germany or Japan – will flirt with technical recessions much more often than one with population growth – like the U.S. or China. But this is just Arithmetic 101. It doesn’t mean that Germany or Japan are in a fundamentally worse shape when it comes to all-important productivity growth and improving wellbeing. Just as important for investors, earnings per share (eps) growth depends on productivity growth and not on GDP growth. Granted, higher GDP from an increasing population will boost a firm’s sales, but without increasing productivity, the firm will have to hire more staff to produce those sales. In essence, the firm will have to employ more capital – issue more shares – which means than earnings per share will not grow. To reemphasise, levels of GDP growth, in themselves, do not drive financial markets. The Perils Of Data-Dependency Recently, the world’s major central banks have become even more wedded to ‘data-dependency’, for two reasons: first, under ever increasing external scrutiny, objectivity to the economic data boosts the transparency and rationale of central bank policy; second, data-dependency acts as a foil to politicians who might want to influence or interfere with the independence of monetary policy. No names mentioned! We applaud the central banks for their good intentions. Yet enhanced data-dependency also carries perils, as it increases the amplitude of the ever-present and natural oscillations in economic growth. The reason is that the high-profile hard data on which monetary policy ‘depends’ such as CPI inflation and GDP growth record what happened in the past, and sometimes in the distant past. Meanwhile, a monetary policy shift today will act on the economy in the future due to the unavoidable lags in transmission. It follows that enhanced data-dependency is akin to a crop farmer who uses last season’s depressed price, from oversupply, to justify planting much less seed for next season. The inevitable undersupply at next season’s harvest will then cause the crop price to surge. Making the farmer plant much more for the following season, at which point the price will collapse again. And the oscillations will continue ad infinitum. Unfortunately, the more backward the data on which policy actions depend, the higher the amplitude of the price and output oscillations.   Right now, growth sensitive investment positions are midway through exactly such an up-oscillation, justifying a near-term overweight in emerging market currencies, cyclical equity sectors, and equities versus bonds. But these rallies are highly unlikely to last beyond the summer (Chart I-11). Chart I-11The Recent Mini-Cycle Is ‘Made In China’ The Recent Mini-Cycle Is 'Made In China' The Recent Mini-Cycle Is 'Made In China' Stay tuned for the next turn. Fractal Trading System* We are pleased to report that long DAX versus the 30-year bund achieved its 2.5 percent profit target which is now crystallised and closed. This week we note that the sharp sell-off in AUD/CNY is close to the limit of tight liquidity that has signaled recent reversals in this cyclical currency cross. Accordingly, this week’s recommended trade is to go long AUD/CNY. Set a profit target of 1.5 percent with a symmetrical stop-loss. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment’s fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-12 Long AUD/CNY Long AUD/CNY The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com   Dhaval Joshi,  Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnote 1 The German 30-year bund. 2 Based on annualised quarter-on-quarter real GDP growth rates. 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