Emerging Markets
Highlights So What? Key geopolitical risks remain unresolved and most of the improvements are transitory. Maintain a cautious tactical stance toward risk assets. Why? U.S.-China relations remain the preeminent geopolitical risk to investors and President Trump remains a wild card on trade. Japan’s rising assertiveness in the region will also produce clashes with the Koreas and possibly also with China. USMCA ratification is not a red herring for investors. We expect USMCA will pass by year’s end but our conviction level is low. Trump’s threat to withdraw from NAFTA cannot be entirely ruled out. Remain long JPY-USD and overweight Thailand relative to EM equities. Feature Chart 1U.S. And Chinese Policy Growing More Simulative We maintain our cautious tactical stance toward risk assets despite improvements to the cyclical macro outlook. American and Chinese monetary and fiscal policy are growing more stimulative on the margin – an encouraging sign for the global economy and risk assets. We have frequently predicted this combination as a positive factor for the second half of the year and 2020. With the Federal Reserve likely to deliver a 25 basis point interest rate cut on July 31, the market is pricing in positive policy developments (Chart 1). Yet in the U.S., long-term fiscal and regulatory policies are increasingly uncertain as the Democratic Party primary and 2020 election heat up. And in China, the trade war continues to drag on the effectiveness of the government’s stimulus drive. President Trump remains a wild card on trade: the resumption of U.S.-China talks is precarious and will be accompanied by heightened uncertainty surrounding Mexico, Canada, Japan, and Europe in the near term. Even the USMCA’s ratification is not guaranteed, as we discuss below. Even more pressing are the dramatic events taking place in East Asia: Hong Kong, Japan, the Koreas, Taiwan, and the South and East China Seas. These events each entail near-term uncertainty amid the ongoing slowdown in trade and manufacturing. Our long-running theme of geopolitical risk rotation from the Middle East to East Asia has come to fruition, albeit at the moment geopolitical risk is rising in both regions due to the simultaneous showdown between Iran and the United States and United Kingdom. The market recognizes that geopolitical risks are unresolved, according to this month’s update of our currency- and equity-derived GeoRisk Indicators. This is in keeping with the above points. We regard most of the improvements as transitory – especially the drop in risk in the U.K., where Boris Johnson is now officially prime minister. We are therefore sticking with our cautious trade recommendations despite our agreement with the BCA House View that the cyclical outlook is improving and is positive for global risk assets on a 12-month horizon. What Is Happening To East Asian Stability? A raft of crises has struck East Asia, a region known for political stability and ease of doing business throughout the twenty-first century after its successful recovery from the financial crisis of 1997. The thawing of Asia’s frozen post-WWII conflicts is a paradigm shift with significant long-term consequences for investors. The fundamental drivers are as follows: China’s rise is not peaceful: President Xi Jinping has reasserted Communist Party control while pursuing mercantilist trade policy and aggressive foreign policy. The populations of Hong Kong and Taiwan have reacted negatively to Beijing’s tightening grip, exposing the difficulty of resolving serious political disagreements given unclear constitutional frameworks. Recent protests in Hong Kong are even larger than those in 2014 and 1989 (Table 1). Table 1Hong Kong: Recent Protests The Largest Ever America’s “pivot” is not peaceful: The United States is determined to respond to China’s rise, but political polarization has prevented a coherent strategy. The Democrats took a gradual, multilateral path emphasizing the Trans-Pacific Partnership while the Republicans have taken an abrupt, unilateral path emphasizing sweeping tariffs. Underlying trade policy is the increased use of “hard power” by both parties – freedom of navigation operations, weapons sales, and alliance-maintenance. America is threatening the strategic containment of China, which China will resist through alliances and relations with Russia and others. Japan’s resurgence is not peaceful: Japan’s “lost decades” culminated in the crises and disasters of 2008-11. Since then, Japan’s institutional ruling party – the Liberal Democrats – have embraced a more proactive vision of Japan in which the country casts off the shackles of its WWII settlement. They set about reflating the economy and “normalizing” the country’s strategic and military posture. The result is rising tension with China and the Koreas. Korean “reunion” is not peaceful: North Korea has seen a successful power transition to Kim Jong Un, who is attempting economic reforms to prolong the regime. South Korea has witnessed a collapse among political conservatives and a new push to make peace with the North and improve relations with China. The prospect of peace – or eventual reunification – increases political risk in both Korean regimes and provokes quarrels between erstwhile allies: the North and China, and the South and Japan. Southeast Asia’s rise is not peaceful: Southeast Asia is the prime beneficiary in a world where supply chains move out of China, due to China’s internal development and American trade policy. But it also suffers when China encroaches on its territory or reacts negatively to American overtures. Higher expectations from the U.S. will increase the political risk to Taiwan, South Korea, Vietnam, and the Philippines. This is the critical context for the mass protests in Hong Kong and the miniature trade war between Japan and South Korea, and other regional risks. Which conflicts are market-relevant? How will they play out? The U.S.-China Conflict The most important dynamic is the strategic conflict between the U.S. and China. Its pace and intensity have ramifications for all the other states in the region. Because the Trump administration is seeking a trade agreement with China, it has held off from unduly antagonizing China over Hong Kong and Taiwan. President Trump has not fanned the flames of unrest in Hong Kong and has maintained only a gradual pace of improvements in the Taiwan relationship.1 But if the trade war escalates dramatically, Beijing will face greater economic pressure, growing more sensitive about dissent within Greater China, and Washington may take more provocative actions. Saber-rattling could ensue, as nearly occurred in October 2018. Currently events are moving in a more market-positive direction. Next week, the U.S. and China are expected to resume face-to-face trade negotiations between principal negotiators for the first time since May. China is reportedly preparing to purchase more farm goods – part of the Osaka G20 ceasefire – while the Trump administration has met with U.S. tech companies and is expected to allow Chinese telecoms firm Huawei to continue purchasing American components (at least those not clearly impacting national security). We are upgrading the odds of a trade agreement by November 2020 to 40% from 32% in mid-June. With this resumption of talks, we are upgrading the odds of a trade agreement by November 2020 to 40%, from 32% in mid-June (Diagram 1). Of this 40%, we still give only a 5% chance to a durable, long-term deal that resolves underlying technological and strategic disputes. The remaining 35% goes to a tenuous deal that enables President Trump to declare victory prior to the election and allows President Xi Jinping to staunch the bleeding in the manufacturing sector. Diagram 1U.S.-China Trade War Decision Tree (Updated July 26, 2019) Note that these odds still leave a 60% chance for an escalation of the trade war by November 2020. Our conviction level is low when it comes to the two moderate scenarios. Ultimately, Presidents Trump and Xi can agree to a trade agreement at the drop of a hat – no one can stop Xi from ordering large imports from the U.S. or Trump from rolling back tariffs. Our conviction level is much higher in assigning only a 5% chance of a grand compromise and a 36% chance of a cold war-style escalation of tensions. We doubt that China will offer any structural concessions deeper than what they have already offered (new foreign investment law, financial sector opening) prior to finding out who wins the U.S. election in 2020. Beijing is stabilizing the economy even though tariffs have gone up. As long as this remains the case, why would it implement additional painful reforms? This would set a precedent of caving to tariff coercion – and yet Trump could renege on a deal anytime, and the Democrats might take over in 2020 anyway. The one exception might be North Korea, where China could do more to bring about a diplomatic agreement favorable to President Trump as part of an overall deal before November 2020 – and this could excuse China from structural concessions affecting its internal economy. The takeaway is that U.S.-China trade issues are still far from resolved and have a high probability of failure – and this will be a source of strategic tension within the region over the next 16 months, particularly with regard to Taiwan, the Koreas, and the South China Sea. Hong Kong And Taiwan August can be a crucial time period for policy changes as Chinese leaders often meet at the seaside resort of Beidaihe to strategize. This year they need to focus on handling the unrest in Hong Kong, and the Taiwanese election in January, as well as the trade war with the United States. Protests in Hong Kong have continued, driven by underlying socio-economic factors as well as Beijing’s encroachment on traditional political liberties. Even the groups that are least sympathetic to the protesters – political moderates, the elderly, low-income groups, and the least educated – are more or less divided over the controversial extradition bill that prompted the unrest (Chart 2). This reveals that the political establishment is weak on this issue. Chief Executive Carrie Lam is clinging to power, as Beijing does not want to give the impression that popular dissent is a viable mechanism for removing leaders. But she has become closely associated with the extradition bill and will likely have to go in order to satiate the protesters and begin the process of healing. As long as Beijing refrains from rolling in the military and using outright force to crush the Hong Kong protests, the unrest should gradually die down, as the political establishment will draw support for its concessions while the general public will grow weary of the protests – especially as violence spreads. Hong Kong has no alternative to Beijing’s sovereignty. The scene of action will soon turn to Taiwan, where the January 2020 election has the potential to spark the next flashpoint in Xi Jinping’s struggle to consolidate power in Greater China. A large majority of Taiwanese people supports the Hong Kong protests – even most supporters of the pro-mainland Kuomintang (KMT) (Chart 3). This dynamic is now affecting the Taiwanese election slated for January 2020. The relatively pro-mainland KMT has been polling neck-and-neck with the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which has struggled to gain traction throughout its term given diplomatic and economic headwinds stemming from the mainland. Similarly, while popular feeling is still largely in favor of eventual independence, pro-unification feeling has regained momentum in an apparent rebuke to the pro-independence ruling party (Chart 4). However, the events in Hong Kong have changed things by energizing the democratic and mainland-skeptic elements in Taiwan. President Tsai Ing-wen is now taking a slight lead in the presidential head-to-head opinion polls despite a long period of lackluster polling (Chart 5). A close election increases the risk that policymakers and activists in Taiwan, mainland China, the United States, and elsewhere will take actions attempting to influence the election outcome. Beijing will presumably heed the lesson of the 1996 election and avoid anything too aggressive so as not to drive voters into the arms of the DPP. However, with Hong Kong boiling, and with Beijing having already conducted intimidating military drills encircling Taiwan in recent years, there is a chance that past lessons will be forgotten. The United States could also play a disruptive role, especially if trade talks deteriorate. If the KMT wins, then anti-Beijing activists will eventually begin gearing up for protests themselves, which in subsequent years could overshadow the Sunflower Movement of 2013. If the DPP prevails, Beijing may resort to tougher tactics in the coming years due to its fear of the province’s political direction and the DPP’s policies. In sum, while the Hong Kong saga is far from over and has negative long-run implications for domestic and foreign investors, Taiwan is the greater risk because it has the potential not only to suffer individually but also to become the epicenter of a larger geopolitical confrontation between China and the U.S. and its allies. This would present a more systemic challenge to global investors. Japan And “Peak Abe” Japan’s House of Councillors election on July 21 confirmed our view that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has reached the peak of his influence. Abe is still popular and is likely to remain so through the Tokyo summer Olympics next year (Chart 6). But make no mistake, the loss of his two-thirds supermajority in the upper house shows that he has moved beyond the high tide of his influence. Having retained a majority in the upper house, and a supermajority in the much more powerful lower house (House of Representatives), Abe’s government still has the ability to pass regular legislation (Chart 7). If he needs to drive through a bill delaying the consumption tax hike on October 1 due to a deterioration in the global economic and political environment, he can still do so with relative ease. While the Hong Kong saga is far from over ... Taiwan is the greater risk. Clearly, the election loss will not impact Abe’s ability to negotiate a trade deal with the United States, which we expect to happen quickly – even before a China deal – albeit with some risk of tariffs on autos in the interim. The problem is that Abe’s final and greatest aim is to revise Japan’s American-written, pacifist constitution for the first time. This requires a two-thirds vote in both houses and a majority vote in a popular referendum. While Abe can still probably cobble together enough votes in the upper house, the election result makes it less certain – and the dent in popular support implies that the national referendum is less likely to pass. Constitutional revision was always going to be a close vote anyway (Chart 8). If Abe falls short of a majority in that referendum, then he will become a lame duck and markets will have to price in greater policy uncertainty. Even if he succeeds – which is still our low-conviction baseline view – then he will have reached the pinnacle of his career and there will be nowhere to go but down. His tenure as party leader expires in September 2021 and the race to succeed him is already under way. Hence, some degree of uncertainty should begin creeping in immediately. Abe’s departure will leave the Liberal Democrats in charge – and hence Japanese policy continuity will be largely preserved. But the entire arc of events, from now through the constitutional revision process to Abe’s succession, will raise fundamental questions about whether Abe’s post-2012 reflation drive can be sustained. We have a high conviction view that it will be, but Japanese assets will challenge that view. What of the miniature trade war between Japan and South Korea? On July 4, Japan imposed export restrictions on goods critical to South Korea’s semiconductor industry in retaliation for a South Korean court ruling that would set a precedent requiring Japanese companies such as Mitsubishi and Nippon Steel to pay reparations for the use of forced Korean labor during Japanese rule from 1910-45. Chart 9Japan Has A Stronger Hand In The Mini Trade War Japan has the stronger hand in this dispute from an economic point of view (Chart 9). While the unusually heavy-handed Japanese trade measures partly reveal the influence of President Trump, who has given a license for U.S. allies to weaponize trade, it also reflects Japan’s growing assertiveness. Abe’s government may have believed that a surge of nationalism would help in the upper house election. And the constitutional referendum will be another reason to stir nationalism and a recurring source of tension with both Koreas (as well as with China). Therefore, Japanese-Korean tensions and punitive economic measures could persist well into 2020. Bottom Line: U.S.-China relations remain the preeminent geopolitical risk to investors, especially if the Taiwan election becomes a lightning rod. Japan’s rising assertiveness in the region will also produce clashes with the Koreas and possibly also with China. We are playing these risks by remaining long JPY-USD and overweight Thailand relative to EM equities, as Thailand is more insulated than other East Asian economies to trade and China risks. Keep An Eye On The USMCA Last week we highlighted U.S. budget negotiations and argued that the result would be greater fiscal accommodation. The results of the just-announced budget deal are depicted in Chart 10. One side effect is an increased likelihood of eventual tariffs on Mexico if the latter fails to staunch the influx of immigrants across the U.S. southern border, since President Trump has largely failed to secure funding for his proposed border wall. Meanwhile, the administration’s legislative and trade focus will turn toward ratifying the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement (USMCA). There is an increased likelihood of eventual U.S. tariffs on Mexico ... since President Trump has largely failed to secure funding for his proposed border wall. Ratification is not a red herring for investors, since Trump could give notice of withdrawal from NAFTA in order to hasten USMCA approval, which would induce volatility. Moreover, successful ratification could embolden him to take a strong hand in his other trade disputes, while failure could urge him to concede to a quick deal with China. Chart 11Trade Uncertainty Supports The Dollar Further, trade policy uncertainty in the Trump era has correlated with a rising trade-weighted dollar (Chart 11), so there is a direct channel for trade tensions (or the lack thereof) to influence the global economy at a time when it badly needs a softer dollar – in addition to the negative effects of trade wars on sentiment. The signing of the USMCA trade agreement by American, Mexican, and Canadian leaders last November effectively shifted negotiations from the international stage to the domestic stage. Last month Mexico became the first to ratify the deal. The delay in the U.S. and Canada reflects their more challenging domestic political environments ahead of elections, especially in the United States. Ratification in the U.S. has been stalled by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, who is locked in stalemate with the Trump administration. She is holding off on giving the green light to present the agreement to Congress until Democrats’ concerns are addressed (Diagram 2). Trump, meanwhile, is threatening to withdraw from NAFTA – a declaration that cannot be entirely ruled out, even though we highly doubt he would actually withdraw at the end of the six-month waiting period. Diagram 2Pelosi Is Stalling USMCA Ratification Process Republicans are looking to secure the USMCA’s passage before the 2020 campaign goes into full force in order to claim victory on one of Trump’s key 2016 campaign promises. The administration’s May 30 submission of the draft Statement of Administrative Action (SAA) to Congress initiated a 30-day waiting period that must pass before the administration can submit the text to Congress. But the administration is unlikely to put the final bill to Congress before ensuring that House Democrats are ready to cooperate.2 House democrats are in a position of maximum leverage and are using the process to their political advantage. House Democrats are in a position of maximum leverage – since they do not need the deal to become law – and are using the process to their political advantage. If the bill is to be ratified through the “fast action” Trade Protection Authority (TPA), which forbids amendments and limits debate in Congress, then now is their only chance to make amendments to the text, which was written without their input. Even in the Democrat-controlled House, there is probably enough support for the USMCA to secure its passage. There are 51 House Democrats who were elected in districts that Trump won or that Republicans held in 2018, and are inclined to pass the deal. Moreover 21 House Democrats have been identified from districts that rely heavily on trade with Canada and Mexico (Chart 12).3 If these Democrats vote along with all 197 Republicans in favor of the bill, it will pass the House. This is a rough calculation, but it shows that passage is achievable. What is more, there is a case to be made for bipartisan support for USMCA. Trump’s trade agenda has some latent sympathy among moderate Democrats, and Democrats within Trump districts, unlike his border wall. Democrats will appear obstructionist if they oppose the bill. Unlike trade with China, American voters are not skeptical of trade with Canada – and the group that thinks Mexico is unfair on trade falls short of a majority (Chart 13). Since enough Democrats have a compelling self-interest in securing the deal, and since Trump and the GOP obviously want it to pass, we expect it to pass eventually. The question is whether it can be done by year’s end. Once the bill is presented to Congress and passes through the TPA process, it will become law within 90 days. Assuming that the bill is presented to the House in early September, when Congress reconvenes after its summer recess, the bill could be ratified before year-end. Otherwise, without the expedited TPA process, the bill will no longer be protected against amendment and filibuster, leaving the timeline of ratification vulnerable to extensive delay. The above timeline may be too late for Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who faces general elections on October 21. The ratification process has already been initiated, as Trudeau would benefit from wrapping up the entire affair prior to the national vote.4 However, the process most recently has been stalled in order to move in tandem with the U.S., so that parliament does not ratify an agreement that the U.S. fails to pass. Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland has indicated that parliament is not likely to be recalled for a vote unless there is progress down south. This leaves the Canadian ratification process at the mercy of progress in the U.S. – and ultimately Speaker Pelosi’s decision. The current government faces few hurdles in getting the bill passed (Chart 14). The next step is a final reading in the House where the bill will either be adopted or rejected. If it is approved, the bill will then proceed to the Senate where it will undergo a similar process. If the bill is passed in the same form in the House and Senate, it will become law. Chart 15...But Trudeau's Party Is At Risk Failure to ratify the deal before the election means it will be set aside and reintroduced in the next parliament. The Liberal Party is by no means guaranteed to win a majority in the election – our base case has Trudeau forming the next government, but the race is close (Chart 15). A Conservative-led parliament would be likely to pass the bill, but it would likely be delayed to 2021 at that point due to American politics. We suspect that Trudeau will eventually stop delaying and push for Canadian ratification. This would pressure Pelosi and the Democrats to go ahead and ratify, when they are otherwise inclined to reopen negotiations or otherwise delay until after November 2020. If this gambit succeeded, Trudeau would have forced total ratification prior to October 21, which would give him a badly needed boost in the election. He can always go through the frustration of re-ratifying the deal in his second term if the Democrats insist on changes, but not if he does not survive for a second term – so it is worth going forward at home and trying to pressure Pelosi into ratification in September or early October. Bottom Line: In light of Canada’s October election and the U.S. 2020 election cycle, USMCA faces a tight schedule. A delay into next year risks undermining the ratification effort, as we enter a period of hyper-partisan politics amid the 2020 presidential campaigns. This makes the third quarter a sweet spot for USMCA ratification. While we ultimately expect that it will make it through, each passing day raises the odds against it. GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 All ten GeoRisk indicators can be found in the Appendix, with full annotation. Below are the most noteworthy developments this month. U.K.: As expected, Boris Johnson sealed the Conservative party leadership contest. This was largely priced in by the markets and as such did not result in a big shift in our risk indicator. Johnson has stated that he is willing to exit the EU without a deal and it is undeniable that the odds of a no-deal Brexit have increased. Nevertheless, the odds of an election are also rising as Johnson may galvanize Brexit support under the Conservative Party even as Bremain forces are divided between the rising Liberal Democrats and a Labour Party hobbled by Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. The odds that Johnson is willing to risk his newly cemented position on a snap election – having seen what happened in June 2017 – seem overstated to us, but we place the odds at about 21%. As for a no-deal exit, opinion polling still suggests that the median British voter prefers a soft exit or remaining in the EU. This imposes constraints on Johnson, as he may ultimately be forced to try to push through a plan similar to Theresa May’s, but rebranded with minimal EU concessions to make it more acceptable – or risk a no-confidence vote and potential loss of control. We maintain that GBP will stay weak, gilts will remain well-bid, and risk-off tendencies will be reinforced. France: Our French indicator points toward a significant increase in political risk over the last month. President Macron’s government has recently unveiled the pension system overhaul that he promised during the 2017 campaign. The reform, which is due to take effect in 2025, encourages citizens to work longer, as their full pension will come at the age of 64 – two years later than under current regulations. French reform efforts have historically prompted significant social unrest. Both the 1995 Juppé Plan and the 2006 labor reforms were scrapped as a result of unrest, and the 2010 pension reform strikes forced the government to cut the most controversial parts of the bill. Labor unions have already called for strikes against the current bill in September. However, no pain, no gain. Unrest is a sign that ambitious reforms are being enacted, and Macron’s showdown with protesters thus far is no more dramatic than the unrest faced by the most significant European reform efforts. The 1984-85 U.K. miners’ strike led to over 10,000 arrested and significant violence, but resulted in the closures of most collieries, weakening of trade union power, and allowed the Thatcher government to consolidate its liberal economic program. German labor reforms in the early 2000s led to strikes, but marked a turning point in unemployment and GDP trends (Chart 16), and succeeded in increasing wages and pushing people back into the labor force (Chart 17). And the 2011 Spanish reforms under PM Rajoy led to the rise of Indignados, student protesters occupying public spaces, but ultimately helped kick-start Spain’s recovery. Investors should therefore not fear unrest, and we expect any related uncertainty to abate in the medium term. Chart 16Hartz IV Reforms Were Also Accompanied By Unrest... Chart 17...But Were Ultimately Favorable Note that Macron is doubling down on reforms after the experience of the Yellow Vest protests, just as his favorability has rebounded to pre-protest levels. While Macron’s approval is nearly the lowest compared to other French presidents at this point in their terms (Chart 18), he does not face an election until 2022, so he has the ability to trudge on in hopes that his reform efforts will bear fruit by that time. Spain: Our Spanish indicator is showing signs of increasing tensions as Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez attempts to form a government. After ousting Mariano Rajoy in a vote of no confidence in June 2018, Sanchez struggled to govern with an 84-seat minority in Congress. The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party’s (PSOE) proposed budget plan was voted down in Congress in February, forcing Sanchez to call a snap election for April 28 in which PSOE secured 123 seats. The PSOE leader failed the first investiture vote on July 23 – and the rerun on July 25 – with less votes in his favor than his predecessor Mariano Rajoy received during the 2015-2016 government formation crisis (Chart 19). In the first investiture vote, Sanchez secured 124 votes out of the 176 he needed to be sworn in as prime minister. This led to a second round of voting in which Sanchez needed a simple majority, which he failed to do with 124 affirmative, 155 opposing votes, and 67 abstentions. Going forward, Sanchez has two months to obtain the confidence of Congress, otherwise the King may dissolve the government, leading to a snap election. The Spanish government is more fragmented today than at any point during the last 30 years (Chart 20). Even if Pedro Sanchez’s PSOE were to successfully negotiate a deal with Podemos and its partner parties, the coalition would still require support from nationalist parties such as Republican Left of Catalonia or Basque Nationalist Party to govern. These will likely require major concessions relating to the handling of Catalonian independence, which, if rejected by PSOE, will result in yet another gridlocked government. The next two months will see a significant increase in political risk, and we assign a non-negligible chance to another election in November, the fourth in four years. Turkey: Investors should avoid becoming complacent on the back of the stream of encouraging news following the Turkey-Russia missile defense system deal. Our indicator is signaling that the market is pricing a decrease in tensions, and President Trump has stated that sanctions will not be immediate. Nevertheless, we would be wary. Congress is taking a much tougher stance on the issue than President Trump: The U.S. administration already excluded Turkey from the F-35 stealth fighter jet program; Senators Scott (R) and Young (R) introduced a resolution calling for sanctions; Senator Menendez (D) stated that merely removing Turkey from the F-35 program would not be enough; The new Defense Secretary nominee Mark Esper said that he was disappointed with Turkey’s “drift from the West”; And U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo expressed confidence that President Trump would impose sanctions. Under CAATSA, a law that targets companies doing business with Russia, the U.S. must impose sanctions on Turkey over the missile deal, but does not have a timeline to do so. The sanctions required are formidable, and the U.S. has already imposed sanctions on China for a similar violation. If President Trump is not going forward with sanctions now, he still could proceed later if Turkey does not improve U.S. relations in some other way. From Turkey’s side, Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu threatened retaliation if the U.S. were to impose sanctions. Turkey is also facing increasing tensions domestically. Erdogan suffered a stinging rebuke in the re-run of the Istanbul mayoral election. This defeat has left Erdogan even more insecure and unpredictable than before. On July 6, he fired central bank governor Murat Cetinkaya using a presidential decree, which calls the central bank’s independence into question. He may reshuffle his cabinet, which could make matters worse if the appointments are not market-friendly. As domestic tensions continue to escalate, and when the U.S. announces sanctions, we expect the lira to take yet another hit and add to Turkey’s economic woes. Diagram 3Brazil: Pension Reform Timeline Chart 21Brazil Faces A Fiscal Deficit Despite Pension Reform Brazil: Brazilian risks are likely to remain elevated as the country faces crunch-time over the controversial pension reform on which its fiscal sustainability depends. Although the Lower House voted overwhelmingly in support of the reform on July 11, the bill needs to make it through another Lower House vote slated for August 6. The bill will then proceed to at least two more rounds of voting in the Senate (by end-September at the earliest), with a three-fifths majority required in each round before being enshrined in Brazil’s constitution (Diagram 3). The whole process will likely be delayed by amendments and negotiations. The estimated savings of the bill in its current form are about 0.9 trillion reals, down from the 1.236 trillion reals originally targeted, which risks undermining the effort to close the fiscal deficit. Our colleagues at BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy still forecast a primary fiscal deficit in four years’ time (Chart 21).5 Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For instance, the U.S.’s latest $2.2 billion arms package does not include F-16 fighter jets to Taiwan, and F-35s have entirely been ruled out. The Trump administration sent Paul Ryan, rather than a high-level cabinet member, to inaugurate the new office building of the American Institute in Taiwan for the 40th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act. At the same time, the Trump administration is threatening a more substantial upgrade of relations through more frequent arms sales, the Taiwan Travel Act (2018), and the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act (2018). 2 The risk is that history repeats itself. In 2007, then President George W. Bush sent the free-trade agreement with Colombia to Congress prior to securing Pelosi’s approval. She halted the fast-track timeline and the standoff lasted nearly five years. 3 Please see Gary Clyde Hufbauer, “USMCA Needs Democratic Votes: Will They Come Around?” Peterson Institute For International Economics, May 15, 2019, available at piie.com. 4 Bill C-100, as it is known, has already received its second reading in the House of Commons and has been referred to the Standing Committee on International Trade. 5 Please see BCA Research’s Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report titled “On Chinese Banks And Brazil,” dated July 18, 2019, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. Appendix Geopolitical Calendar
Chart Of The WeekEM Profits Contraction Today we are publishing a review of domestic demand conditions in each of the 22 emerging economies we cover. Domestic demand growth is either sluggish, decelerating or contracting in the overwhelming majority of countries. This is in addition to the export contraction currently taking place in many EMs. Consistently, EM overall EPS and small-cap EPS growth rates have fallen to zero in local currency terms (Chart Of The Week). In U.S. dollar terms, overall EM EPS are contracting. The recent dollar weakness versus EM currencies has allowed some EM central banks to cut rates. However, we expect the greenback to strengthen, as we elaborated in last week's report, and that will prevent central banks in high-yielding EMs from easing monetary policy further. Hence, a domestic demand revival in EM is not imminent. We reiterate our negative stance on EM currencies and risk assets. China: Consumer Is Mixed; Capex Is Weak Chart I-1 Chart I-2 India: Domestic Demand Is Decelerating Chart I-3 Chart I-4 Indonesia: Domestic Demand Is Very Weak Chart I-5 Chart I-6 Malaysia: Is The Downturn Late? Chart I-7 Chart I-8 Singapore: Domestic Demand Is Contracting Chart I-9 Chart I-10 Thailand: Stable Domestic Demand Growth Chart I-11 Chart I-12 Philippines: From Boom To Bust? Chart I-13 Chart I-14 Korea: Exports Recession Will Dampen Domestic Demand Chart I-15 Chart I-16 Taiwan: Moderate Domestic Demand Growth Chart I-17 Chart I-18 Vietnam: Robust Domestic Demand Chart I-19 Chart I-20 Brazil: The Economy Needs Stimulus Chart II-1 Chart II-2 Chart II-3 Chart II-4 Mexico: Heading Into A Mild Recession? Chart II-5 Chart II-6 Chile: Heading Into A Recession? Chart II-7 Chart II-8 Chart II-9 Argentina: As Bad As It Gets? Chart II-10 Chart II-11 Chart II-12 Chart II-13 Colombia: Entering Another Downtrend Chart II-14 Chart II-15 Chart II-16 Peru: External Sector Drives Credit Cycle Chart II-17 Chart II-18 South Africa: More Downside Ahead? Chart III-1 Chart III-3 Chart III-2 Turkey: As Bad As It Gets? Chart III-4 Chart III-5 Chart III-6 Chart III-7 Russia: Sluggish Economy Chart III-8 Chart III-9 Chart III-10 Central Europe: Strong Demand/Weak Manufacturing Chart III-11 Chart III-12 Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Real Estate: The real estate sector was another “prong” that was crucial to the 2015-2016 cyclical recovery in China’s economy. Property sales picked up sharply in 2015, along with ballooning mortgage loans. In this cycle, however, housing sales have been…
However, in our China Investment Strategy team's view, the trade war has only magnified what was already a weak and deteriorating domestic Chinese economy due to previously tight policy. What’s more, the magnitude of the stimulus so far has not been large…
Highlights Six months into a credit expansionary cycle, China’s economic recovery remains fragile. Lack of government support for the auto and property sectors is undermining a cyclical recovery. Accommodative monetary policy is not enough to lift the Chinese economy out of its doldrums, particularly as households and companies remain restrained in levering up and spending. Fiscal policy has become more proactive this year by front-loading local government bond financing in the first half of 2019. But if policymakers are to stick to their budget deficit target for the year, the second half of the year will see fiscal tightening. Early signs suggest China is positioning for a further loosening of fiscal spending. However, the Chinese leadership will likely only allow limited additional stimulus this year, resulting in a “W-shaped” economic trajectory for the rest of 2019. In the near-term, the risk to Chinese equity underperformance is high. But over the coming 6-12 months, odds are that the economy will have weakened enough for the Chinese government to make concerted efforts to stimulate. An overweight stance on Chinese stocks is hence warranted over that time horizon. Feature China’s credit growth bottomed in December last year. Six months later, however, China’s economy is showing few signs of emerging from the woods: official GDP growth in the second quarter of this year rang in at its lowest pace in 27 years. Our monthly gauge of China’s business activity, after a brief improvement earlier this year, has flat-lined. The growth of investable earnings per share has fallen into negative territory (Chart 1).More concerning, however, is that manufacturing output has been trending straight down following a first-quarter blip (Chart 2). Chart 1Not Yet Out Of The Woods Chart 2Turning The Corner In Q3? As we mentioned in our July 10th, 2019 China Investment Strategy Weekly,1 while keeping monetary policy accommodative, China’s central bank has not been particularly proactive at significantly stimulating the economy. We believe the People’s Bank of China will continue to sit on the sidelines until the economy deteriorates further, and until they receive more clear guidance from China’s top leadership. The Politburo mid-year economic review meeting in late July will likely shed some light on any upcoming policy shift. In the meantime, fiscal policy has taken a more proactive role in supporting the economy this year: unprecedented tax cuts that account for about 1.7% of GDP started on January 1st, and local government bond issuance accelerated in the first half of 2019 relative to the past two years (Chart 3). Nevertheless, reflationary efforts in the past six months measured by aggregate credit growth as a percentage of nominal GDP have been “half-measured” compared to previous credit expansions. As a result, it is taking longer for China’s economy to find its footing. The Missing Two “Prongs” It is convenient to blame the ongoing U.S.-China trade war for the sluggishness in the Chinese economy, especially in the manufacturing sector. But in our view, the trade war has only magnified what was already a weak and deteriorating domestic Chinese economy due to previously tight policy.2 What’s more, the magnitude of the stimulus so far has not been large enough to fully reverse the decline in Chinese domestic demand growth. The imbalances in China’s “old economy” have also stymied the effectiveness of the stimulus. Among the three “prongs” that supported a “V-shaped” economic recovery in 2015-2016 (stepped-up infrastructure spending, and support for the auto and real estate sectors), the latter two have been missing in the current episode3: Automobile. Both car sales and production have been contracting for almost a year. The contractions deepened in the second quarter from the first quarter, despite accommodative monetary and credit conditions. This is in sharp contrast from what happened in the 2015-2016 cycle: As credit growth picked up in mid-2015, year-on-year growth in auto sales and production both turned positive three months later and stayed mostly in positive territory until 2018 (Chart 4). Chart 4Auto Sector Has Not Responded To Stimulus Chart 5ALess Demand For Autos BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy team has written at length on this topic.4 From their lens, both secular and cyclical factors have contributed to this year’s auto sector slump: First, a sharply higher automobile ownership rate in recent years has cyclically reduced household demand for cars (Chart 5A); Second, the central government has only allowed regional governments to loosen up policy restrictions on automobile purchases and license applications, as opposed to providing monetary incentives through sales tax reductions and subsidies in both 2009 and 2016. Another important contributing factor to depressed auto sales is the constraint on Chinese households’ balance sheets (Chart 5B). The rapid growth in mortgage and consumer borrowing from 2015-2017 has pushed Chinese household debt to nearly 120% of disposable income, higher than that in the U.S. (Chart 5C). Chart 5BSlower Pace In Leveraging For Chinese Households... Chart 5C...Following A Borrowing Binge Real Estate. The real estate sector was another “prong” that was crucial to the 2015-2016 cyclical recovery in China’s economy. Property sales picked up sharply in 2015, along with ballooning mortgage loans (Chart 6). In this cycle, however, housing sales have been sluggish, and real estate developers have been struggling to complete projects they have started (Chart 7). The three factors that drove property demand in 2015-2017 are now absent: Chart 6Property Market Was Red Hot In 2015-2016 Chart 7The Party Did Not Repeat In Current Cycle Skyrocketing mortgage lending. As mentioned above, the acceleration in household leveraging is unlikely to repeat in the current cycle. Real estate developers’ access to funding was the key to the strength of construction activity in the property market in 2016. Presently, real estate developers lack access to credit, including financing through shadow banking (Chart 8A). The China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission (CBIRC) has stepped up in real estate financing regulations and supervisions: It recently issued window guidance to curb certain borrowing activities among real estate developers in the offshore market, and also from obtaining financing through shadow banking domestically. Government subsidies are missing. Most importantly, subsidies from China’s central bank to the real estate sector was another key pillar of support for the property boom in the previous cycle. Our calculations indicate that about 20% of floor space sold (in volume terms) in 2017 was due to the Pledged Supplementary Lending5 (PSL) facility designed for slum area reconstruction.6 As of June, PSL has remained deeply in negative territory for 11 straight months (Chart 8B). Chart 8ARestrictive Lending Environment Unlikely To Change Soon Chart 8BGovernment Subsidies Are Missing The high level of leverage in both the household and property sectors have been focal points in the Chinese leadership’s financial deleveraging and de-risking campaign. Indeed, the restrictive financing environment for both sectors reflects the Chinese authorities’ determination to curb excessive borrowing and speculation in the housing market. Bottom Line: Two of the three impetuses that supported the upswing in the Chinese economy in 2015-2017 – auto sales and real estate – have so far been subdued or have acted as a drag on the economy in the current cycle. China will have to rely on the third pillar – infrastructure spending – to support the economy. Fiscal Policy “China will continue to implement a proactive fiscal policy, a prudent monetary policy and an employment-first policy, while making good use of counter-cyclical regulation tools and carrying out anticipatory adjustments and fine-tuning when necessary.” - Premier Li Keqiang, July 15, 2019. Fiscal policy has been proactive this year, but so far has failed to catalyze a recovery in investment spending. More importantly, the existing institutional framework on fiscal policy suggests that unless the Chinese government is willing to remove budgetary constraints, we will see fiscal tightening in the second half of the year. During the first half of this year, 70% of 2019’s total budgeted local government bonds were issued, double the amount issued in the same period last year.7 According to the Ministry of Finance, 65% of total local government bonds issued (including both general and special-purpose bonds) were invested in infrastructure projects.8 However, the growth figure for fixed-asset investment (including infrastructure) for the first six months of 2019 was the weakest in the past five years. The considerable deceleration in infrastructure investment since late 2017 can be attributed to three factors: a. Sharply shrinking shadow banking. Local government spending has been stymied by the central government’s financial deleveraging efforts (Chart 9A). This affects both on-book fiscal spending and off-book spending by local government financing vehicles (LGFV). Although the exact impact on the latter is hard to quantify, the cracking down on shadow banking, a major financing channel for LGFV, coincides with the peak of infrastructure investment growth. Chart 9AShadow Banking Was A Crucial Funding Source For Infrastructure Investment Chart 9BA Thinner Wallet This Year b. Lower government revenue. Sluggish land sales have undermined local governments’ revenue streams. Land sales account for three quarters of local government revenue. Chart 9B shows that both land sales and government revenue decelerated in mid-2018, as lending conditions for the property sector became restrictive. In addition, as part of its fiscal stimulus efforts, the Chinese authorities stepped up on tax cuts to businesses and individuals this year. Tax cuts are estimated to augment the government’s 2019 deficit by 0.2 percentage points of GDP. As a result, government revenue from tax income in the first half of 2019 only grew by 0.9% year-on-year, way below the 14% growth clocked last year (Chart 9B, middle panel). By law, local governments cannot exceed their annual budgetary deficit by more than their quote of general purpose bond issuance. Lower revenue from slower land sales and tax cuts have impeded local governments’ spending capabilities. A bigger concern for investors is that the Chinese central and local governments are approaching their annual budgetary limits. By the end of June, while central and local governments have spent half of their budgeted expenditures for 2019, local governments had reached 70% of their total debt limits for the year. If the Chinese government is to stick to its 2019 budget, the fiscal impulse will lose steam in the second half of 2019: fiscal policy will actually tighten through the remainder of the year. Chart 10A and 10B illustrate that under such scenario, both fiscal spending and local government bond issuance will be trending down. Chart 10AFiscal Impulse Losing Steam In 2H? Increasing spending by raising the budgeted deficit target ceiling is an option, though the least likely one. The basis is that a mid-year budgetary deficit revision would need the National People’s Congress’ approval, which has not occurred in the past 30 years.9 Nonetheless, the tone from the latest policy announcements suggests that the Chinese leadership is increasingly willing to work around these constraints and is positioning for a further loosening of fiscal spending. Chart 11Additional Funds Could Help, A Lot On June 11th, the Ministry of Finance made a policy announcement, relaxing financing restrictions on local government infrastructure spending. Local governments can now use proceeds from special-purpose bonds as capital to finance new spending on infrastructure projects.10 The new policy only applies to non-land development related infrastructure projects, which can make a maximum of 800 billion yuan available for infrastructure investment.11 As Chart 11 shows, if all of the additional 800 billion yuan is invested, a simple calculation suggests that it could lift infrastructure spending by as much as 4 percentage point before year end. The government is also preparing for another round of local government off-balance-sheet debt swaps. The plan, which is still being formulated by the authorities, is to allow financial institutions to either extend or swap maturing local government off-balance-sheet debt with bank loans that carry lower interest rates and longer maturities. There are strict criteria as to what debt qualifies to be swapped. But with an estimated 30-40 trillion yuan of local government implicit debt, the size of this program could potentially be comparable to that of 2015-2016.12 But if the Chinese government were to allow the program to morph into a meaningful stimulus effort, it would require concerted effort from the central bank to equip commercial banks with the required liquidity. This would mean a further loosening in monetary conditions. Bottom Line: There are “soft constraints” hindering China from broadening its scope of fiscal spending for the year. For investors to feel confident that the policy response will lead to a meaningful re-acceleration in economic activity, these constraints will have to be overcome. Investment Implications As we pointed out in our previous China Investment Strategy Weekly,13 even with June’s large number in bank lending and total local government bond issuance, the cumulative progress in credit growth for the first half of the year is still closer to 27% of nominal GDP (assuming 8% nominal GDP growth for the remainder of 2019). This still falls into our “half-strength” credit cycle scenario relative to past reflationary episodes (Chart 12A & 12B). Our bias is that the Chinese leadership will only allow limited additional stimulus this year, and are likely to wait until the economy weakens further before removing all budgetary and regulatory constraints. This will put the economy and financial market on a “W-shaped” trajectory for the rest of 2019. Therefore we recommend an underweight position in Chinese stocks for the remainder of the year. Ultimately, though, policymakers will respond if the economy weakens meaningfully further. The odds are good that the economy will have weakened enough for the Chinese government to make a concerted effort to fuel its economy over the coming 6-12 months. Thus, an overweight on Chinese stocks over a cyclical horizon is warranted, but the journey to eventual outperformance will be a turbulent one. Jing Sima China Strategist JingS@bcaresearch.com Footnotes: 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Threading A Stimulus Needle (Part 1): A Reluctant PBoC”, dated July 10, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Trade Is Not China’s Only Problem”, dated November 21, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 3 In 2015, nominal GDP growth bottomed 5 months following a pickup in credit growth. 4 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report, “The Chinese Auto Market: Moderate Recovery Ahead”, dated February 13, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Pledged supplementary lending (PSL) scheme refers to China’s central bank’s direct lending to the real estate market. 6 The People’s Bank of China (PBoC) released RMB 698 billion in 2015 and RMB 971 billion in 2016 in the form of PSL injections into the real estate market as part of its attempts to revive the property market. 7 Including both general and special-purpose bonds, but discounting bonds issued for debt-to-bond swap or refinancing purposes. 8 Ministry of Finance Mid-Year Budgetary Press Conference, July 15, 2019 9 The last time the Chinese government issued a mid-year budget revision was following the Tiananmen Square Massacre, the only year China had a classical business cycle. It did NOT revise the budget during the 2008-‘09 global financial crisis, though. 10 Special-purpose bonds must be used for projects that are proven to make certain returns on investment and are supposed to be repaid with returns from the specific projects they are invest in, rather than fiscal revenue. Previously, local governments were prohibited from using borrowed money as capital in infrastructure projects. http://www.mof.gov.cn/zhengwuxinxi/caizhengxinwen/201906/t20190610_3274511.htm 11 The non-land development portion accounts for about 30% of total special-purpose bonds. 12 Some estimates suggest about 3-4 trillion yuan of local government implicit debt is qualified for the new swap program. 13 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Threading A Stimulus Needle (Part 1): A Reluctant PBoC”, dated July 10, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
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