Asia

Special Report

Highlights With North Korean diplomacy on track, Taiwan is the country most exposed to U.S.-China trade and strategic tensions. The Taiwanese public supports the status quo; however, a majority sees itself as exclusively Taiwanese, and the desire for independence may grow over time. Domestic political changes in mainland China and in the United States are also conducive to greater geopolitical tensions affecting Taiwan. Beijing will likely refrain from excessive pressure in the lead-up to Taiwan's November local elections ... but an independence-leaning outcome could change that. Stay overweight Taiwan within Emerging Market portfolios, but be prepared to downgrade if latent geopolitical risks begin to materialize. Feature The decision by the United States to toughen its enforcement of trade rules with China marks a shift that will have lasting ramifications.1 The U.S. is concerned not only about the trade imbalance but also the national security risk posed by China's economic might and increasing technological prowess. Hence President Donald Trump has imposed trade measures on China despite Chinese President Xi Jinping's cooperation on North Korea. Xi has enforced sanctions on the North and thus forced Kim Jong Un to the negotiating table, even getting him to consider denuclearization (Chart 1). Global financial markets may "climb the wall of worry" about the latest tariffs because the Trump administration has moderated its rhetoric in practice, notably by choosing to prosecute China in the World Trade Organization. However, the protectionist shift in U.S. policy is a lasting one. American power is declining relative to China, and the two countries no longer share the same economic interdependency that acted as a deterrent to conflict in the past (Chart 2).2 Chart 1China Gives Kim To Trump Chart 2Structural Increase In U.S.-China Tensions Taiwan is the country that is most exposed to both trade and strategic tensions between the U.S. and China (Chart 3). Indeed, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has held since January 2016 that Taiwan is a potential geopolitical black swan.3 Does this warrant shifting to an underweight stance in EM portfolios? Not yet. But it is a left tail risk that investors should have on their radar. Taiwan Is Filled With Dry Powder There are three reasons to suspect that Taiwan geopolitical risk is understated. First, Chinese President Xi Jinping has consolidated power and made himself into Chairman Mao Zedong's peer in the Communist Party's ideological hierarchy. He is in power indefinitely. Xi has also followed his predecessor Jiang Zemin, in the 1990s, in taking a tough approach to security and defense. Implicitly he wants to make sure that unification occurs by 2049, but some argue that he wants to achieve it within his lifetime, namely by 2035. The Taiwanese public is resolutely opposed to any timetable. The fundamental risk is that economic slowdown could disappoint the aspirations of a big and ambitious middle class, which could force Xi to pursue nationalism and foreign aggression as a way to maintain domestic control (Chart 4). Beijing is still unlikely to attack Taiwan other than as a last resort, due to the American alliance system protecting it: this remains a hard constraint for now. But aggressive economic sanctions and military posturing with the intention to coerce Taiwan are much more likely than investors realize today. Chart 3Taiwan's Economy As Well As Security On The Line Chart 4China's Stability Vulnerable To Growth Slowdown Second, Taiwan's independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has gained control of every level of government on the island - the presidency, the legislature, the municipalities - since the large-scale, anti-mainland "Sunflower" protests of 2014. President Tsai Ing-wen, who replaced the outspokenly pro-China President Ma Ying-jeou, is vocally uncomfortable with the status quo. She has refused to positively affirm the "1992 Consensus," which holds that there is only "One China" but two interpretations. Beijing sees this idea as the basis of smooth cross-strait relations. Tsai has not in practice tried to break the status quo, but she is clearly interested in enhancing Taiwan's autonomy. Moreover, a youthful "Third Force" has emerged in Taiwanese politics, with the backing of former presidents Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian, arguing for independence and the right to hold popular referendums on the question of sovereignty. Any success of this movement will provoke a massive response from China. Third, U.S. President Trump has suggested in several poignant ways that his tougher approach to China will entail a more robust American guarantee of Taiwan's security. While he has promised Xi to uphold the "One China policy," he is actively upgrading diplomatic and possibly naval relations with Taiwan and considering more substantial arms sales to Taiwan.4 His negotiation style suggests that he is not afraid to touch this "third rail" in Sino-American relations. Moreover, in the wake of the 1995-96 Third Taiwan Strait Crisis, and again in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis, a hugely important shift in Taiwanese national identity accelerated. Today the public mostly identifies solely as Taiwanese, as opposed to both Taiwanese and Chinese (Chart 5). This trend has abated somewhat since the DPP rose to full control in 2014-16, but a 55% majority still sees itself as exclusively Taiwanese. Among the youth, that number is 70%. This dynamic raises the possibility that a political independence movement could one day emerge. Beijing, at any rate, is watching with great concern. Of course, this shift in national identity does not imply that Taiwanese want to declare independence for the state of Taiwan anytime soon. Only about 22% want the country to move toward formal independence, and only 5% want to declare independence today. Whereas 69% are comfortable maintaining the status quo for a long time (Chart 6). The Taiwanese want to preserve their de facto independence and continue to prosper. But support for independence has grown faster than support for the status quo since the 1994 consensus. The status quo barely, if at all, holds majority support if one removes from its ranks those who eventually want to see the country declare independence. And younger cohorts have larger majorities than older cohorts in favor of independence. Chart 5Majority Of Taiwanese Are Exclusively Taiwanese ... Chart 6... Yet Majority Support Status Quo For Now The point is that there is a lot of "dry powder" in Taiwanese public opinion that could be ignited against China in the event of a change of circumstances, i.e. another military crisis or economic shock. Essentially, China is worried that someday this national identity could be weaponized. Chart 7China Gains Leverage Over Time How will China respond to the situation? So far it has not overreacted. Xi Jinping has launched more intimidating military drills and has hardened his rhetoric - including in key reports at the 2017 party congress and this year's National People's Congress. His administration has also pursued policies to emphasize its dominance, such as setting up new air traffic routes over the strait that Taiwan claims violate its rights.5 Nevertheless, the cross-strait status quo has not yet changed in any fundamental way that would suggest relations are about to explode. And this is fitting because the status quo is beneficial to the mainland, having created a vast imbalance of economic influence over Taiwan (Chart 7). This imbalance gives China the ability to use economic coercion to dissuade Taiwan's leaders from trying anything too daring. This year, in particular, there is reason to think that Xi Jinping may want to limit any provocations. Taiwan will hold local elections on November 24, an opportunity for the pro-China Kuomintang (KMT) to at least begin to claw back the political stature it has lost (Chart 8). A good showing in 2018 is essential for the KMT if it is to rebuild momentum for the 2020 general election. Tsai's and the DPP's approval ratings have fallen precipitously since her inauguration (Chart 9). Xi may deem that saber-rattling would be counterproductive by giving Tsai and the DPP a foil, when in fact the tide is already working against them. If the KMT's performance is abysmal in the November elections, then Beijing faces a problem. Its strategy of gaining influence over Taiwan through economic integration has not prevented the emergence of an exclusively Taiwanese identity. So far Beijing has not given up on this strategy but that might become a concern if the Xi administration treads softly this year and yet the DPP broadens its control of local offices. Worse still for Beijing would be sweeping gains for outspoken, pro-independence candidates, since China cannot expel them from the legislature as easily as it did their peers in Hong Kong. Chart 8Kuomintang Needs A Win In 2018 Chart 9DPP Only Leads KMT By A Little Now Bottom Line: Political changes in China, Taiwan, and the United States are conducive to souring relations across the strait. Moreover, Taiwanese national identity is dry powder that Beijing fears could be exploited by independence-leaning politicians - potentially with American backing from an aggressive President Trump. This three-way dynamic means that Taiwanese geopolitical risk is understated, despite the fact that these powers are all familiar with the dynamics and Beijing may not want to overly provoke voters ahead of local elections, knowing that heavy-handedness in 1995-96 encouraged Taiwanese uniqueness. Macro Backdrop And Trade Tensions Undermine DPP The problem for President Tsai and the ruling DPP, as local elections approach, is that the Taiwanese economy faces headwinds as Chinese and Asian trade slows down and as the Trump administration converts its protectionist rhetoric into action. Since last year, China has tightened financial conditions and regulation and has cracked down on corruption in the financial sector. The result is a slump in broad money supply that is now pointing to a drop in EM and Taiwanese exports (Chart 10). Indeed, a cyclical slowdown is emerging in Taiwan: The short-term loans impulse is weakening which suggests that Taiwanese export growth will slow further (Chart 11, top panel). The basis for this relationship is that short-term loans are used by Taiwanese businesses to fund their working capital needs as well as purchase inputs to fill their export orders. Further, broad money is also weak (Chart 11, bottom panel). Chart 10China Slowdown Spells Trouble For Taiwan Chart 11Taiwanese Money/Credit Growth Slowing The manufacturing sector is slowing, with the shipments-to-inventories ratio weak and manufacturing PMI dipping sharply (Chart 12). Worryingly, the new orders, export orders, and electronic-sector employment components of the manufacturing PMI are approaching a precarious level. Various prices of semiconductors are also starting to show signs of weakness globally which does not bode well for a market that relies heavily on this trade. The semiconductor shipment-to-inventory ratio has rolled over (Chart 13). Taiwanese exports to ASEAN are also slowing, which signifies that final demand for semiconductors is softening, as ASEAN economies lie at the final stage of the semiconductor supply chain process. Chart 12Manufacturing Indicators Rolling Over Chart 13Softness In Key Semiconductor Exports Further, global trade tensions have the potential to harm global growth and especially heavily trade-exposed economies like Taiwan. Taiwan is not guaranteed to benefit from the U.S.'s more aggressive posture toward China. Theoretically, if the U.S. imposes tariffs on goods from China that can be substituted by Taiwan, then Taiwan will benefit. But in practice, the U.S. is using tariffs as a threat to force China to open its market more to U.S. exports. One way that Beijing may respond is by purchasing American goods instead of goods that come from American allies like Taiwan. Beijing has already attempted this strategy by offering to increase imports of American semiconductors at the expense of Taiwan and South Korea. At the moment there are no details on how much of an increase China is proposing. In Table 1 we show several scenarios to assess the damage that could be inflicted on Taiwan if China substituted away from it. The impact on Taiwan's exports is not negligible. For instance, under the benign scenario, if U.S.'s share of semiconductor exports to China rise from 4%6 to 10%, then Taiwan's share of semiconductor exports to China would drop from 15% to 12%. That would amount to a $4 billion loss for Taiwan, approximately, which represents 1.4% share of its total exports and 4% of its overall semiconductor exports. This analysis assumes that the trade losses resulting from China's shift to its semiconductor import mix would harm Taiwan somewhat more than Korea. The latter holds a competitive advantage on Taiwan as Korea designs and manufactures unique semiconductors that are not as easily substitutable. At any rate, the damage to Taiwan's geopolitical and trade outlook would be more concerning than the loss of revenue. Table 1China's Trade Concessions To U.S. Could Impose Costs On U.S. Allies It is unlikely that the Trump administration is willing to accept such a deal, which is flagrantly designed to appease the U.S. at the expense of its allies. But the exercise illustrates a broader dynamic in which U.S. negotiations with China threaten to disrupt trade relationships and supply chains that have benefited Taiwan in recent decades. The result will be greater uncertainty and a higher potential for negative shocks. Chart 14China Punishes Taiwan For 2016 Election Moreover, the Trump administration has not entirely exempted allies from trade pressure. For instance, Taiwan has appreciated the dollar a bit in response to the threat of punishment for currency manipulation from the U.S. Washington has also just secured assurances from South Korea that it will not competitively depreciate the won. If agreements like these stand, and yet China makes less robust or less permanent agreements regarding its own currency, South Korea and Taiwan could suffer marginal losses of competitiveness. Taiwan is also exposed to coercive economic measures from China. Since Tsai's election, Beijing has made a notable effort to reduce tourist travel to Taiwan, which is reflected in tourism and flight data (Chart 14). Given the context of political tensions, the risk of discrete sanctions will persist and could flare up at any time if an incident occurs that aggravates the distrust between the two governments. How will investors know if Taiwanese geopolitical risk is about to spike upwards? At the moment, geopolitical risk is subdued, according to a proxy based on USD/JPY and USD/KRW exchange rates and relative Taiwanese/American inflation (Chart 15). This indicator tracks well with previous cross-strait crises. It even jumped upon the heightened tensions around the 2016 election of Tsai, and her controversial phone call with Donald Trump after his election. At the moment it suggests that cross-strait tensions have subsided significantly, despite the cutoff in formal diplomatic communication. However, the low point of the measure, and the underlying political factors outlined in the previous section, suggest that it should rise going forward. Chart 15Taiwanese Geopolitical Risk Likely To Rise From Here In the short run, it will be important to watch the Trump administration's handling of diplomatic visits and arms sales to Taiwan. Trump's signing of the Taiwan Travel Act has elevated diplomatic exchanges in a way that is mostly symbolic but could still spark an episode of heightened tension with China that would result in economic sanctions. An unprecedented naval port call could turn into an incident. At the same time, the U.S. guarantees Taiwan's security and in token of that guarantee periodically provides Taiwan with weapons packages. Beijing, for its part, always protests these sales, more or less vigorously depending on the military capabilities in question. The currently slated one is not too big but there is a rumor that it will include F-35 stealth fighter jets; other surprises could occur. Traditionally, the biggest spikes in sales have fallen under Democratic, not Republican, administrations. However, Trump may change that. There is a consensus in Washington that policy toward China should get tougher. The Taiwan Travel Act, upgrading diplomatic ties, passed with unanimous consent in both the House and Senate. Taiwanese governments have a record of increasing military spending when Republican presidents sit in Washington. And the first DPP government, under Chen Shui-bian from 2000-08, marked a clear upturn in Taiwanese military spending growth (Chart 16). If the Trump administration decides to sell Taiwan weapon systems that make a qualitative difference in the military balance, it will raise tensions with Beijing and likely prompt economic sanctions against Taiwan. Chart 16Arms Sales Could Reemerge As An Irritant In the long run, there are three key negotiations taking place in the region that could increase Taiwanese geopolitical risk: U.S.-China trade negotiations: Taiwan has benefited from China's engagement with the U.S., and with the West more broadly, and stands to suffer if they disengage. That would herald rising strategic tensions that would put Taiwan's trade and security in jeopardy. Geopolitical risk would go up. North Korean diplomacy: Kim Jong Un has met with Xi Jinping and formally agreed to hold bilateral summits with Presidents Trump and Moon Jae-in of South Korea. He has also indicated that denuclearization is on the table. If the different parties enter onto a path towards a peace treaty and denuclearization, then Taiwan might worry that the U.S. will eventually remove troops from the peninsula - far-fetched but not out of the question. Taiwan would fear abandonment and could attempt to entangle the U.S. For its part, China could believe that cooperation on North Korea requires the U.S. to give China greater sway over Taiwan. Geopolitical risk would go up. The South China Sea: These sea lanes are vital to Taiwan as well as China, South Korea, and Japan. If the U.S. washes its hands of the matter, ceding China a maritime sphere of influence, Taiwan will face both greater supply risk and greater anxiety about American commitment to its security. Beijing might be emboldened to pressure Taiwan, or Taiwan might act out to try to secure American support. Geopolitical risk would go up. Bottom Line: Taiwan's economy is entering a cyclical slowdown on the back of China's slowdown and rollover in the semiconductor industry. At the same time, trade tensions emanating from the U.S.-China negotiations and political tensions emanating from the other side of the strait suggest that Taiwan's geopolitical risk premium will rise. Over the short term, Taiwan's local elections, the referendum movement, or U.S. diplomacy or arms sales could provide a catalyst for a cross-strait crisis. Over the long term, significant changes in U.S.-China relations, North Korea, or the South China Sea could put Taiwan in a more precarious position. Investment Conclusions While the absolute outlook for Taiwanese stock prices is negative, the potential downside in share prices in U.S. dollar terms is lower than for the EM benchmark. BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy recommends that EM-dedicated investors remain overweight Taiwanese risk assets relative to the EM benchmark. First, the epicenter of China's slowdown is capital spending in general and construction in particular. Various Chinese industrial activity indicators have already begun decelerating. This is negative for industrial commodity prices and countries that produce them. Taiwan is less exposed to China's construction slump than many other EM economies. Second, China's spending on technology will not slow much. As a part of its ongoing reforms, Beijing will encourage more investment in technology as well as upgrading industries across the value-added curve. Hence, China's tech spending will outperform its expenditure on construction and infrastructure. Taiwan is poised to benefit from this relative shift in China's growth priorities. Third, there are no fresh credit excesses in Taiwan like in some other EMs. Taiwan's banking system worked out bad assets extensively following the credit excesses of the 1980s-90s. Hence it is less vulnerable than its peers in the developing world. Finally, Taiwan has an enormous current account surplus of 14% of GDP and, contrary to many other EMs, foreign investors hold few Taiwanese local bonds. When outflows from EM occur, the Taiwanese currency will fall under less pressure and its financial system under much less stress. This will allow Taiwanese stocks to act as a low-beta defensive play. Crucially, despite some appreciation to appease Trump, the Taiwanese dollar is among the cheapest currencies in EM (Chart 17). Chart 17Cheap Taiwanese Dollar Removes Risk As for heightened geopolitical risk, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy would note that while we view Taiwan as a potential "black swan," nevertheless tail risks are not the proper basis for an investment strategy. We will continue to monitor the situation so that we can alert clients when a major, market-relevant deterioration in cross-strait relations appears imminent, based largely on the factors highlighted above. If the DPP remains dominant after the local elections later this year, or if "Third Forces" make notable gains, we would suspect that the Xi administration will shift to using more sticks than carrots. This could include economic sanctions and military saber-rattling. The question then will be whether Beijing (or Washington or Taipei) attempts a material change to the status quo. Ultimately - from a bird's eye point of view - a war is more likely in the wake of Xi Jinping's elimination of term limits, consolidation of power, and the secular slowdown in China's economy and rise of Chinese nationalism. But we see no reason to fear such a catastrophic outcome in the near term. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated March 28, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taiwan's Election: How Dire Will The Straits Get?" dated January 13, 2016, and "Scared Yet? Five Black Swans For 2016," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Trump began, as president-elect, by holding an unprecedented telephone call with the Taiwanese president. His administration has since requested a new $1.4 billion arms package, opened legal space for port calls (including potentially naval port calls) in the 2018 Defense Authorization Act, and for higher-level diplomatic meetings via the Taiwan Travel Act, which became public law on March 16, 2018. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Watching Five Risks," dated January 24, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Military drills have involved symbolic shows, like sailing China's only operational aircraft carrier along the mid-line of the Taiwan Strait, as well as more poignant maneuvers, like drilling north and south of Taiwan simultaneously. As for rhetoric, Xi omitted from his 2017 party congress speech any reference to hopes that the Taiwanese "people" would bring about unification; in his speech after the March National People's Congress, he warned of the "punishment of history" for those who would promote secession. 6 Shown as the average of 2015 and 2017.

Highlights There is growing evidence that China's industrial sector is slowing, as are Asian trade flows. EM stocks have seen their tops. Even though current trade tensions between the U.S. and China could well dissipate, we are at the beginning of a long-term geopolitical standoff between these two superpowers. We are reinstating our long MXN / short BRL and ZAR trade. We are also upgrading Mexican sovereign credit and local bonds to overweight within their respective EM benchmarks. This week we review our recommended country allocation for the EM sovereign credit space. Feature The combination of budding signs of deceleration in both China and global trade, the trade confrontation between the U.S. and China as well as elevated equity valuations, leaves EM stocks extremely vulnerable. Odds are that EM share prices have made a major top. A few financial indicators point to a top in EM risk assets and commodities, while several leading economic indicators herald a global trade slowdown. Taken together we are reiterating our bearish stance on EM risk assets. Market- And Liquidity- Based Indicators Financial market indicators are signalling a major top in EM risk assets and commodities prices: The relative total return (carry included) of four equally weighted EM (ZAR, RUB, BRL and CLP) and three DM (AUD, NZD and CAD) commodities currencies versus an equally weighted average of two safe-haven currencies - the Japanese yen and Swiss franc - has rolled over at its previous highs, and is about to break below its 200-day moving average (Chart I-1). This technical profile points to rising odds of a major down-leg in this carry adjusted ratio of seven 'risk-on' versus two 'safe-haven' currencies, herein referred to as the risk-on / safe-haven currency ratio. Importantly, Chart I-2 demonstrates that this risk-on / safe-haven currency ratio has historically been coincident with EM share prices. A breakdown in this ratio would herald a major downtrend in EM equities. This is consistent with our qualitative assessment that EM equities have seen the peak in this rally. Chart I-1A Major Top In Risk-On Versus ##br##Safe-Haven Currency Ratio Chart I-2Risk-On Versus Safe-Haven Currency Ratio##br## And EM Share Prices: Twins? The annual rate of change in the risk-on / safe-haven currencies ratio leads global export volumes by several months. It currently indicates that global trade has already peaked, and a meaningful slowdown is in the cards (Chart I-3). As we documented in March 15 report,1 global cyclical sectors - mining, machinery and chemicals - have been underperforming since January. Industrial metals prices, including copper, are gapping down, as are steel and iron ore prices in China (Chart I-4). Chart I-3Global Trade Is Set To Slow Chart I-4A Breakdown In Metals Prices Is In The Making Our aggregate credit and fiscal spending impulse for China projects considerable downside risks for industrial metals prices (Chart I-5). In this context, a question arises: Why is oil doing well so far? Chart I-6 illustrates that industrial metals prices typically lead oil at peaks. Oil prices have historically been a lagging variable of global business cycles. Chart I-5China's Slowdown Is Far From Over Chart I-6Industrial Metals Lead Oil Prices At Tops Furthermore, our two measures of U.S. dollar liquidity have rolled over. These two measures have a high correlation with EM share prices and are inversely correlated with the trade-weighted U.S. dollar (Chart I-7A and Chart I-7B). The dollar is shown inverted on Chart I-7B. The rollover in these measures of U.S. dollar liquidity is due to shrinking U.S. banks' excess reserves at the Federal Reserve. The Fed's ongoing balance sheet reduction and the Treasury's replenishment of its account at the Fed will continue to shrink banks' excess reserves, and thereby weigh on these measures of U.S. dollar liquidity. In short, downside risks to EM stocks and upside risks to the U.S. dollar have increased. Last but not least, China's yield curve has recently ticked down again and is about to invert, signaling weaker growth ahead (Chart I-8). Chart I-7AU.S. Dollar Liquidity And EM Stocks... Chart I-7B...And Trade-Weighted Dollar (Inverted) Chart I-8China's Yield Curve Is About To Invert Hard Data In addition, certain economic data have also decisively rolled over, in particular: Taiwanese shipments to China lead global trade volumes by several months, and they now portend a meaningful slowdown in global export volumes (Chart I-9). The basis for this relationship is that Taiwan sends a lot of intermediate products to mainland China. These inputs are in turn assembled by China and then shipped worldwide. Therefore, diminishing trade flow from Taiwan to China is a sign of a slowdown in world trade. The three-month moving average of Korea's 20-day exports growth rate, which includes the March data point, reveals that considerable softness in global trade is underway (Chart I-10). Chart I-9Another Sign Of Peak In Global Trade Chart I-10Korean Export Growth Is Already Weak China's shipping freight index - the freight rates for containers out of China - is softening, and its annual rate of change points to weaker Asian exports (Chart I-11). The annual growth rate of vehicle sales in China has dropped to zero, with both passenger cars and commercial vehicles registering no growth in the past three months from a year ago (Chart I-12). Chart I-11Container Freight Rates In Asia Are Softening Chart I-12China's Auto Sales: Post-Stimulus Hangover Finally, measures of industrial activity in China such as total freight volumes and electricity output growth continue to downshift (Chart I-13). Next week we are planning to publish a Special Report on China's property market. Our initial research shows that structural imbalances remain acute in the nation's real estate market, and a downturn commensurable if not worse than those that occurred in 2011 and 2014-'15 is very likely. Will the Fed and the People's Bank of China (PBoC) reverse their stance quickly to stabilize growth or preclude a downdraft in global risk assets? In the U.S., the primary trend in core inflation is up. Chart I-14 demonstrates that measures of core inflation have recently risen. This, along with the tight labor market, potential upside surprises in U.S. wages and a still-large fiscal stimulus entails that the bar for the Fed to turn dovish will be somewhat higher this year. It may take a large drawdown in the S&P 500 and a meaningful appreciation in the dollar for the Fed to come to the rescue of risk assets. Chart I-13Chinese Industrial Sector Is Decelerating Chart I-14U.S. Core Inflation Has Bottomed The Chinese authorities on the other hand, had already been facing enormous challenges in balancing the needs for structural reforms and achieving robust growth before the eruption of the trade confrontation with the U.S. As such, the balancing task is becoming overwhelming. Even if the Chinese authorities stop tightening liquidity now, the cumulated impact of earlier liquidity and regulatory tightening will continue to work its way into the economy, thereby slowing growth. Bottom Line: There is growing evidence that China's industrial sector is slowing, as are Asian trade flows. This is bearish for commodities and EM risk assets. Geopolitics: Icing On The Cake The recent U.S. trade spat with China has arrived at a time when global trade and China's industrial cycle have already begun to downshift, as discussed above. At the same time, investor sentiment on global risk assets remains very complacent, and equity and credit markets are pricey. As such, the U.S.-China trade confrontation has become the icing on the cake. U.S. equity valuations are elevated - the median stock's P/E ratio is at an all-time high (Chart I-15). While EM share prices are not at record expensive levels, valuations are on the pricey side. The top panel of Chart I-16 shows the equal-weighted average of trailing and forward P/E, price-to-book, price-to-cash earnings and price-to-dividend ratios for the median EM sub-sector. This valuation indicator is about one standard deviation above its historical mean. Chart I-15U.S. Equities: Median P/E ##br##Is At Record High Chart I-16EM Stocks Are Expensive##br## In Absolute Term The bottom panel of Chart I-16 illustrates the same valuation ratio relative to DM. Contrary to prevailing consensus, EM equities are not cheap relative their DM peers. Using median multiples of sub-sectors helps remove outliers. We discussed EM stock valuations in greater detail in our January 24 and March 1 special reports; the links to these reports are available on page 17. As to the duration and depth of the U.S.-China trade confrontation, we have the following remarks: If the U.S.'s plan to impose import tariffs on Chinese goods is primarily about domestic politics ahead of the mid-term elections later this year, as well as to obtain some trade concessions from China, then the current standoff will be resolved in a matter of months. If the true intention of the U.S. is to contain China's geopolitical rise to preserve its global hegemony, this episode of import tariffs will likely mark the beginning of a much longer and drawn-out geopolitical confrontation. In such a case, the U.S.-China relationship will likely witness a roller-coaster pattern with periods of ameliorations followed by periods of escalation and confrontation. Critically, mutual distrust will set in - if not already the case - which will hamper cooperation on various issues. As trade tensions ebb and flow in the months ahead, the reality is that America is worried about losing its geopolitical hegemony to the Middle Kingdom. Our colleagues at BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service have been noting for several years that a U.S.-China confrontation is unavoidable.2 Bottom Line: Even though the current trade tensions between the U.S. and China could well dissipate, we are at the beginning of a long-term geopolitical standoff between these two superpowers. Re-Instating Long MXN / Short BRL and ZAR Trade Chart I-17MXN's Carry Is Above Those Of BRL And ZAR Odds are that the Mexican peso will begin outperforming the Brazilian real and the South African rand. The main reason why we closed these trades in October was due to NAFTA renegotiation risks. Presently, with the U.S.-Sino trade confrontation escalating, the odds of NAFTA abrogation are declining. In fact, the U.S. may attempt to strike a deal with its allies, including its NAFTA partners, to focus more directly on China. Consequently, a menace hanging over the peso from the Sword of Damocles, i.e., NAFTA retraction, will continue to diminish. Consistently, the risk premium priced into Mexican risk assets will wane, helping Mexican markets outperform their EM peers. Interestingly, for the first time in many years, the Mexican peso's carry is above those of the Brazilian real and the South African rand (Chart I-17). Therefore, going long MXN versus ZAR and BRL are carry positive trades. Importantly, the Mexican peso is cheap. Chart I-18A illustrates the peso is cheap in absolute terms, according to the real effective exchange rate (REER) based on unit labor costs. Chart I-18B shows the peso's relative REER against those of the rand and real. These measures are constructed using consumer and producer prices-based REERs. The peso is cheaper than the South African and Brazilian currencies. Not only is Mexico's currency cheap versus other EM currencies, but Mexican domestic bonds and sovereign spreads also offer great value relative to their EM benchmarks (Chart I-19).Finally, the Mexican equity market has massively underperformed the EM benchmark and is beginning to look attractive on a relative basis. Chart I-18AMXN Is Cheap In Trade-Weighted Terms... Chart I-18B...And Relative BRL And ZAR Chart I-19Mexican Local Currency And Dollar Bonds Offer Value If and as dedicated EM portfolios rotate into Mexican domestic bonds and equities, this will bid up the peso. Brazil and South Africa are leveraged to China and metals, while Mexico is exposed to the U.S. and oil. Our main theme remains that U.S. growth will do much better than that of China. While a potential drop in oil prices is a risk to the peso, Mexican goods shipments to the U.S. will remain strong, benefiting the nation's balance of payments. Macro policy in Mexico has been super-orthodox: the central bank has hiked interest rates significantly, and the government has tightened fiscal policy (Chart I-20, top panel). This has hurt growth but is positive for the trade balance and the currency (Chart I-20). Mexico will elect a new president in July, and odds of victory by leftist candidate Lopez Obrador are considerable. However, we do not expect a massive U-turn in macro policies after the elections. Importantly, the starting point of Mexico's macro settings is very healthy. In Brazil, government debt dynamics remain unsustainable, yet its financial markets have been extremely complacent. Brazil needs much higher nominal GDP growth and much lower interest rates to stabilize its public debt dynamics. As we have repeatedly argued, a major currency depreciation is needed to boost nominal GDP and government revenues. Besides, Brazil is set to hold general elections in October, and there is no visibility yet on the type of government that will enter office. In South Africa, financial markets have cheered the election of President Cyril Ramaphosa, but the outlook for structural reforms is still very uncertain. The recent decision to consider a constitutional change in Parliament that would allow the confiscation of land from white landlords may be an indication that investors have become overly optimistic on the outlook for structural reforms. In short, the median voter in both Brazil and South Africa favors leftist and populist policies. This entails that the odds of supply side reforms without meaningful riots in financial markets are not great. Finally, the relative performance of the MXN against the BRL and ZAR, including carry, seems to be attempting to make a bottom (Chart I-21). Chart I-20Mexico: Improved Macro Fundamentals Chart I-21A Major Bottom In MXN's Cross? Bottom Line: Go long MXN versus an equally weighted basket of BRL and ZAR. Consistently, we also recommend overweighting Mexican local currency bonds and sovereign credit relative to their respective EM benchmarks. We will review the outlook for Mexican stocks in the coming weeks. EM Sovereign Credit Space: Country Allocation Asset allocators should compare EM sovereign and corporate credit with U.S. and European corporate bonds rather than EM local bonds or equities. The basis is that EM sovereign U.S. dollar bonds are a credit market, and vastly differ from local bonds and equities in terms of volatility, risk-reward trade-off and many other parameters. In short, EM credit markets should be compared to DM credit markets and EM equities to DM equities. EM local currency bonds are a separate, unique asset class.3 We continue to recommend underweighting EM sovereign and corporate credit versus U.S. and European corporate bonds. Within the EM sovereign space, our overweights are: Mexico, Argentina, Russia, Hungary, Poland, the Philippines, Chile and Peru. Neutral: Colombia, Indonesia, Egypt and Nigeria. Our underweights are: Brazil, Venezuela, Malaysia, Turkey and South Africa. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "EM: Disguised Risks", dated March 15, 2018; the link is available on page 17. 2 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report "We Are All Geopolitical Strategies Now", dated March 28, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 You may request May 7, 2013 Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report discussing our perspectives on how asset allocation for EM financial markets should be done. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights The biggest demand-side risk to base metals this year remains a larger-than-expected China economic slowdown. A managed slowdown appears to be under way, with Beijing giving every appearance of balancing macro-prudential policies in a way that does not severely derail the economy. It goes without saying a loss of control over this process could produce a hard landing in China, with more severe consequences for the economy in general, and base metals in particular. Energy: Overweight. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia appear to be negotiating a 10- to 20-year deal that would institutionalize OPEC 2.0 as a production-management coalition. This has global significance, which we will be exploring in future research.1 Base Metals: Neutral. Fears of a trade war between the U.S. and China following the announcement of up to $60 billion in tariffs - meant to redress alleged theft of U.S. intellectual property - sent copper prices below $3/lb last week. There are tentative signals this threat is receding; if confirmed, base metals, particularly copper, would rally. Precious Metals: Neutral. Gold prices rallied more than $50/oz over the past week, following the announcement of U.S. tariffs directed at China, only to fall ~ $25/oz by mid-week as trade tensions lessened. We remain long the metal as a portfolio hedge against such risks. Ags/Softs: Underweight. Chinese officials threatened to levy countervailing tariffs against imports of U.S. ags, steel pipes, and scrap aluminum in response to the $60 billion tariff package announced by the U.S. last week. Treasury Secretary Mnuchin attempted to calm rising tensions, with assurances the U.S. and China would reach an agreement that avoids the imposition of tariffs. Feature Once-hot metals markets are at risk of cooling (Chart of the Week). Despite the weak U.S. dollar and relatively strong - albeit more risky - global economic environment, investors have been hesitant to take large bullish positions in metals, largely because of fears of a slowdown in China. This fear is not unfounded, and this week we assess how likely such a slowdown is, and the consequences for metals markets. China accounts for ~ 50% of demand for most metals we cover (Chart 2). Construction, infrastructure, automotive, and manufacturing sectors have an outsized role as end users of metals, and their performance will be especially significant to the demand outlook going forward (Chart 3). Chart of the WeekMetals Markets At Risk Of Cooling Chart 2Don't Overlook China Chart 3Keep An Eye On Key Sectors China Intentionally Out Of Sync With Global Business Cycle? Chart 4China's Cycle Peaked Last Year Analysts generally believe commodities tend to outperform late in the business cycle as economies start to overheat and central banks move to restrain inflation. We believe these dynamics will pan out differently this time around. China's current business cycle likely peaked last year (Chart 4), and entered a moderation phase. As the single largest consumer of metals on the planet, it would be extremely important for global base metals markets if China's business cycle is out of sync with the rest of the world, which, based on the IMF's latest assessment, remains in a robust growth phase. This alone could justify a less bullish stance on metals this year, and could mute the late-cycle phase returns we would typically expect. Nevertheless, the synchronized global upturn being tracked by ourselves and the IMF is the first such upswing since the Global Financial Crisis (GFC).2 In a note exploring China's significance in global commodity markets, researchers at the IMF found that surprises in China's Industrial Production (IP) announcements - measured as the scaled deviation of actual year-on-year (y/y) IP growth from the median Bloomberg consensus estimate just before the announcement - have an important effect on metal prices.3 Given China's outsized role in global commodity markets, this result is intuitive. Another relevant finding from their research is that the impact of Chinese IP surprise is larger when global risk is elevated - measured by the VIX. This is especially significant in the case of negative surprises.4 These findings are all the more relevant now, given the higher likelihood of negative surprises from China as it sets in motion a managed slowdown on a scale never before seen. Provided the synchronized nature of global growth remains intact, we expect global demand ex-China will partially mitigate the negative impact of domestic policies in China aimed at slowing the economy. Nonetheless, we do expect volatility to be higher this year. The Backdrop Chart 5Secondary Industry Output Past Its Peak Both China's official manufacturing PMI and the Li Keqiang Index peaked in 2017 and have since weakened significantly, raising fears of softening demand fundamentals for metals this year. Even though growth in the services sector remains robust, it is not as relevant to metal demand as manufacturing and infrastructure (Chart 5). Nevertheless, it could help support metals demand indirectly as growth in the services sector - i.e., the so-called tertiary industries, which now account for more than half of Chinese GDP - could spur demand for physical goods, and in turn re-energize the manufacturing cycle. This will depend crucially on maintaining income growth to spur demand for consumer durables and discretionary purchases (e.g., automobiles requiring gasoline). Similarly, China's GDP came in above target last year, coinciding with a recovery in secondary industries - i.e., construction and manufacturing, which are big metals consumers. However, secondary industry output appears to have peaked, which we believe is further evidence a benign moderation is already underway in China. This is compounded by the ongoing transition in China's economic structure - a services-led Chinese economy is not as supportive for metals demand as a manufacturing one. At present, out of the indicators of the general health of China's economy we track, the sole beacon of hope comes from the Caixin manufacturing PMI, which currently stands above its 12-month moving average level. Given the slew of other series pointing to a benign slowdown, we are inclined to push this PMI strength aside as an exception rather than the rule. Oh, Don't Forget A Possible Trade War Our analysis of metals markets is made difficult by the possibility of a trade war between the U.S. and China. The Trump Administration already has pledged to impose tariffs of up to $60 billion on Chinese imports over alleged intellectual-property theft. The net effect of these tariffs would be a reduction in demand for Chinese products - propagating a slowdown in the manufacturing sector. Despite these grim data readings, we expect Chinese policy makers to continue holding the reins in this policy-induced slowdown. We expected a deceleration going into the year, which now is evident in the data, but a severe and unruly unwinding is not our base case scenario. Macro-Prudential Measures Driving Up Interest Rates Chart 6Market Rates Are Trending Higher The Peoples Bank of China's (PBOC) 1-week interbank repo rate has been the official policy rate since 2015. However, it does not reflect the reality of rising interest rates in China. Instead, BCA Research's China Investment Strategists point to the 3-month rate as the de facto indicator of the monetary policy environment in China.5 While the former is up ~50 bps since late 2016, the latter has increased by about 200 bps during the same period. The wide rate spread reflects Beijing's renewed regulatory efforts to crack down on shadow banking (Chart 6). Our China Strategists note that the main trigger for a China slowdown likely would be monetary-policy tightening. However, the uptrend in market interest rates has been driven by regulatory decisions - the implementation of macro-prudential policies - rather than direct monetary policy tightening. In their scenario-based analysis, BCA's China specialists conclude that since China's economy is already cooling, increases in the benchmark lending rate - the 1-week interbank repo rate - are not needed. If anything, such increases would pressure the average lending rates into tight-monetary-policy territory. Although a hawkish PBOC - absent a meaningful improvement in economic outlook - is on our analysts' list of risks to monitor this year, they do not expect aggressive policy tightening in China, as they do not foresee an inflationary breakout. The Impact The exceptional performance of metals last year was in part driven by infrastructure spending and a rebound in real estate investment in China. Since then, Beijing has also tightened the leash on the property sector. Additionally, a deceleration in infrastructure investment is now evident. This is unsurprising given that two of the three "critical battles" highlighted by Xi Jinping threaten the housing and infrastructure sectors. Furthermore, automobile production and sales do not suggest a reason for optimism. President Xi Jinping has been experimenting with various measures to rein in housing speculation including restrictions on home purchases, encouraging an affordable rental market, and the introduction of "joint-ownership" housing.6 In addition, a "long term property mechanism" as well as a national property tax are in the works. The objective is to discourage speculative home building and property speculation generally, while ensuring sufficient supply in the market to help alleviate shortages, thus curbing exorbitant price increases. The impact of these policies - in the form of a cooling housing market - is evident in home prices in Tier 1 cities. After having decelerated meaningfully at the end of last year, they recorded y/y declines in the first two months of this year (Chart 7). While not as pronounced, home prices in Tier 2 and 3 markets have also slowed considerably compared to 1H17. However, BCA Research's China investment strategists point out that although prices of homes in Tier 1 cities generally lead Tier 2 and 3 markets, this overlooks other significant indicators of the health of China's real estate sector.7 Our China specialists argue that residential floor space sold should be used as the leading gauge of the property market. They find that floor space sold leads Tier 1 prices which guides floor space started and land area purchased. While the latter two are relatively weak, the recent upturn in floor space sold may point toward a more positive future for the Chinese housing sector. A rebound in the House Price Diffusion Index as well as a falling floor-space-available-for-sale versus sales ratio makes them a little less pessimistic about the market's future, suggesting a potential pickup in construction if floor space started does in fact take its cue from the pickup in floor space sold. Nevertheless, it remains too early to get a clear reading on the future of China's real estate sector at this point. On a positive note, the percentage of Chinese households planning to buy a house in the next three months remains high (Chart 8). Further, while the percentage of total new bank loans that are housing mortgages and loans to real estate developers came down slightly last year, they have rebounded, and now make up roughly half of total new bank loans. However, new mortgage loans as a percent of home sales have decelerated sharply. Chart 7Pick Up In Floor Space Sold:##BR##A Positive Sign? Chart 8Large Number Of Households##BR##Plan To Purchase Homes While the slowdown in real estate may not turn out to be as severe as some of the data suggests, Beijing's government spending is decelerating (Chart 9). While spending in transportation infrastructure has decelerated from double-digit figures recorded earlier last year, spending on utilities has come down considerably. In line with other sectors, automobile production slowed considerably in China last year (Chart 10). It has been decelerating on a monthly basis since December, and most recent February data shows large y/y declines. Going forward, we expect the phasing out of tax breaks for small vehicles in China to continue slowing demand growth for cars there. Chart 9Government Spending##BR##Decelerated Significantly Chart 10Auto Production And Sales##BR##Not Lending Support Bottom Line: A tighter regulatory and credit backdrop is evident in recent readings on China's real estate, infrastructure, and automobile sectors. Given the importance of these industries as end users of metals, the above heralds a more tepid view of China's demand for metals going forward, as we continue to expect moderation in China's economy. Nevertheless, the global market will remain supported by strength elsewhere. On the supply side, disruptions remain an upside risk this year. Stay neutral for now. Roukaya Ibrahim, Associate Editor Commodity & Energy Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com 1 OPEC 2.0 is the producer coalition lead by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia, which, at the end of 2016, agreed to remove 1.8mm b/d of production from the market. The coalition has been remarkably successful in maintaining production discipline, which, together with strong global demand growth, has put OECD oil inventories on a steep decline path. Please see "Oil Price Forecast Steady, But Risks Expand" in last week's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report for our latest assessment of global supply and demand and our price forecaset. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see "Brighter Prospects, Optimistic Markets, Challenges Ahead," in the IMF's January 2018 World Economic Outlook Update. 3 Please see IMF Spillover Notes "China's Footprint in Global Commodity Markets," dated September 2016. 4 The IMF also found U.S. IP surprises have a similar impact on commodity markets, despite its smaller share of global imports. The Fund puts this down to the fact that the U.S. is an indicator for global growth. 5 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report titled "Seven Questions About Chinese Monetary Policy," dated February 22, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see "What's Next In China's Bid To Cool Housing Market: QuickTake," available at bloomberg.com, dated March 4, 2018. 7 Please see China Investment Strategy's Weekly Report titled "Is China's Housing Market Stabilizing?," dated February 8, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2018 Summary of Trades Closed in 2017

Highlights The 2018 outlook for both economic growth and corporate profits remains constructive for risk assets, although evidence is gathering that global growth is peaking. Some measures of global activity related to capital spending have softened in recent months. Nonetheless, the G3 aggregate for capital goods orders remains in an uptrend, suggesting that it is too soon to call an end in the mini capital spending boom. Our global leading indicators are not heralding any major economic slowdown. The dip in early 2018 in the Global ZEW index likely reflected uncertainty over protectionist trade action. Economic growth in the major countries outside of the U.S. may have peaked, but will remain robust at least through this year. The potential for a trade war is a key risk facing investors. Sino-American tensions are likely to intensify over the long term as the two nations spar over geopolitical and military supremacy. That said, there are hopeful signs that the latest trade skirmish will not degenerate into a full-blown trade war and thereby cause lasting damage to risk assets. Stay overweight equities and corporate bonds. President Trump will announce on May 19 whether he will terminate the nuclear agreement with Iran. Cancelation could be a game-changer for Iranian internal politics, and the return of hardliners would signal greater instability in the region. Stay long oil and related investments. The profit picture remains bright as global margins continue to make new cyclical highs and earnings revisions are elevated. EPS growth is peaking in Europe and Japan, but has a bit more upside in the U.S. later this year. Cross-country equity allocation is a tough call, but relative monetary policy, our positive view for the dollar, the potential for earnings surprises and better value bias us toward European stocks relative to the U.S. in local currency terms. Rising U.S. corporate leverage is not an issue now, but could intensify the next downturn as ratings are slashed, defaults rise and banks tighten lending standards. The bond bear market remains intact, although the consolidation phase has further to run. By Q1 2019, the Fed could find itself with inflation close to target, above-trend growth driven by a strong fiscal tailwind, and an unemployment rate that is a full percentage point below NAIRU. Policymakers will then try to nudge up the unemployment rate, but the odds of avoiding a recession are very low. Feature Investors are right to be concerned following the March 23 U.S. announcement of tariffs on about $50 billion of Chinese imports. The President is low in the polls and needs a victory of some sort heading into midterm elections. Getting tough on trade plays well with voters, and the President faces few constraints from Congress on this issue. Trump wants a raft of items from China, including opening up to foreign investment and a crackdown on intellectual theft. Sino-American tensions are likely to intensify over the long term as the two nations spar over geopolitical and military supremacy.1 That said, we do not expect the latest trade skirmish to degenerate into a full-blown trade war. First, China has already signaled it wants to avoid significant escalation. Beijing has offered several concessions, and its threat of retaliatory trade action has been measured so far. On the U.S. side, the fact that the Administration has decided to bring its case against China to the World Trade Organization (WTO) shows that the Americans are willing to proceed through the normal trade-dispute channels. The bottom line is that, while we cannot rule out escalating trade action that causes meaningful damage to the equity market, it is more likely that the current round of tensions will be limited to brief flare-ups. Investors should monitor the extent of European involvement. If Europe joins the U.S. effort to force China to change its trade practices via the WTO, then China will have little choice but to give in without a major fight. In terms of other geopolitical risks, North Korea should move to the back burner for a while now that the regime has agreed to negotiations. Of greater near-term significance is May 19, when Trump will announce whether he will terminate the nuclear agreement with Iran. Cancelation could be a game-changer for Iranian internal politics, and the return of hardliners would signal greater instability in the region. Oil prices would benefit if the May deadline for issuing waivers on Iran sanctions passes. Trade penalties against Iran would reduce its oil production and exports. The U.S. is also considering sanctions on Venezuela's oil industry. Moreover, Russia and Saudi Arabia are reportedly considering a deal to greatly extend their alliance to curb oil supply. While there are downside risks as well, our base case outlook sees the price of Brent reaching US$74 before year end. Global Growth: Some Mixed Signs Also facing investors this year is the risk that the recent softening in the economic data morphs into a serious growth scare. The 2018 outlook for both the economy and corporate profits remains constructive in our view, but evidence is gathering that global growth is peaking. Investors may begin to question recent upward revisions to the growth outlook for this year and next. Industrial production has softened and the manufacturing PMI has shifted lower in most of the advanced economies (Chart I-1). Bad weather in North America and Europe in early 2018 may be partly to blame, but Korean exports, a leading indicator for the global business cycle, have also softened. The Chinese economy is decelerating and we believe the growth risks are underappreciated. President Xi has cemented his power base and there has been a shift toward accelerated reform. Chinese leaders recognize that leverage in the system is a problem, and the regime is tightening policy on a multi-pronged basis. Structural reforms are positive for long-term growth, but are negative in the short term. The tightening in financial conditions is already evident in the Chinese PMI and the sharp deceleration in the Li Keqiang index (although the latest reading shows an uptick; not shown). A hard landing is not our base case, but the risks are to the downside because the authorities will err on the side of tight policy and low growth. It is also disconcerting that some of our measures of global activity related to capital spending have softened in recent months, including capital goods imports and industrial production of capital goods (Chart I-2). Nonetheless, the fact that the G3 aggregate for capital goods orders remains in an uptrend suggests that it is too soon to call an end in the mini capital spending boom. Consumer and business confidence continues to firm in the major economies. Chart I-1Some Signs Of A Peak In Global Growth Chart I-2A Soft Spot For Capital Spending Our global leading indicators are not heralding any major economic slowdown (Chart I-3). BCA's Global LEI remains in an uptrend and its diffusion index is above the 50 line. In contrast, the global measure of the ZEW investor sentiment index plunged in March. We attribute the decline to the announcement of steel and aluminum tariffs and the subsequent market swoon, suggesting that the ZEW pullback will prove to be temporary. Turning to the U.S., retail sales disappointed in January and February, especially considering that taxpayers just received a sizable tax cut. Nonetheless, this probably reflects lagged effects and weather distortions. Our U.S. consumer spending indicator continues to strengthen as all of the components remain constructive outside of auto sales. Household balance sheets are the best that they have been since 2007; net worth is soaring and the aggregate debt-to-income ratio is close to the lowest level since the turn of the century (Chart I-4). Given robust employment growth and the tightest labor market in decades, there is little to hold U.S. consumer spending back. We expect that the tax cut effect on retail sales will be revealed in the coming months, helping to sustain the healthy backdrop for corporate profits. Chart I-3Global Leading Indicators Mostly Positive Chart I-4U.S. Consumers In Good Shape Global Margins Still Rising The profit picture remains bright as global margins continue to make new cyclical highs and earnings revisions are elevated (Chart I-5). Earnings-per-share surged in the early months of the year in both the U.S. and Japan, although they languished in the Eurozone according to IBES data (local currencies; not shown). Relative equity returns in local currency tend to follow relative shifts in 12-month forward EPS expectations over long periods, and bottom-up analysts have lifted their U.S. earnings figures in light of the fiscal stimulus (Chart I-6). Chart I-5Global Margins Still Rising Chart I-6EPS And Relative Equity Returns The key question is: can the U.S. market outperform again in 2018 now that the tax cuts have largely been priced in? One can make a compelling case either way. Growth: Global growth will remain robust for at least the next year, and the Eurozone and Japanese markets are more geared to global growth than is the U.S. However, the impressive fiscal stimulus in the pipeline means that economic growth momentum is likely to swing back toward the U.S. this year. GDP growth in Europe and Japan will remain above-trend, but it has probably peaked for the cycle in both economies. Valuation: Our composite measure of valuation suggests that Europe and Japan are on the cheap side relative to the U.S. based on our aggregate valuation indicator, which takes into consideration a wide variety of yardsticks (Chart I-7). That said, one of the reasons why European stocks are on the cheap side at the moment is that export-oriented German exporters are quite exposed to rising international tariffs. Earnings: Previous currency shifts will add to EPS growth in the U.S. in the first half of the year, but will be a drag in Europe and Japan (Chart I-8). However, these effects will wane through the year unless the dollar keeps falling. Indeed, we expect the dollar to firm modestly over the next year, favoring the European equity market at the margin. In contrast, we expect the yen to strengthen in the near term, which will trim Japanese EPS growth. Chart I-7Valuation Ranking Of Nonfinancial ##br##Equity Markets Relative To The U.S. Chart I-8Impact Of Currency Shifts On EPS Growth Chart I-9 updates the forecast from our top-down earnings models. The incorporation of the fiscal stimulus lifted the U.S. EPS growth profile relative to our previous forecast. EPS growth is expected to peak at over 20% later this year (4-quarter moving total basis using S&P 500 data). Growth is expected to decelerate thereafter since we have factored in a modest margin squeeze as U.S. wage growth picks up. Narrowing margins are less of a risk in Europe. U.S. EPS growth should be above that of Europe in 2018, but will then fall to about the same pace in 2019. We expect Japanese profit growth to remain very strong this year and next, given Japan's highly pro-cyclical earnings sensitivity. However, this does not incorporate the risk of further yen strength. Earnings expectations will also matter. Twelve-month bottom-up expectations are higher than our U.S. forecast ('x' in Chart I-9 denotes 12-month forward EPS expectations). In contrast, expectations are roughly in line with our forecast for the European market. It will therefore be more difficult at the margin for U.S. earnings to surprise to the upside. Monetary Policy: The relative shift in monetary policies should favor the European and Japanese markets to the U.S. The FOMC will continue tightening, with risks still to the upside on rates in absolute terms and relative to the other two economies. Sector Performance: Sector skews should work in Europe's favor. Financials are the largest overweight in Euro area bourses, while technology is the largest overweight in the U.S. We are constructive on the financial sector in both markets, but out-performance of the sector will favor the Eurozone broad market. Meanwhile, tech companies are particularly sensitive to changes in discount rates, since they often trade on the assumption that most of their earnings will be realized far into the future. As such, higher long-term real bond yields will adversely affect U.S. tech names, especially in an environment where the dollar is strengthening. The Japanese market has a relatively high weighting in industrials and consumer discretionary. The market will benefit if the global mini capex boom continues, but this could be counteracted by softness in global auto sales and further yen strength. It is a tough call, but relative monetary policy, our positive view for the dollar, the potential for earnings surprises and better value bias us toward European stocks relative to the U.S. in local currency terms. We continue to avoid the Japanese market for the near term because of the potential for additional yen gains. As for the equity sector call, investors should remain oriented toward cyclicals versus defensives. Our key themes of a synchronized global capex mini boom, rising bond yields and firm oil prices favor the industrials, energy and financial sectors. Chart I-10 highlights four indicators that support the cyclicals over defensives theme, the dollar and the business sales-to-inventories ratio. Telecom, consumer discretionary and homebuilders are underweight. Chart I-9Profit Forecast Chart I-10These Indicators Favor Cyclical Stocks We will be watching the indicators in Chart I-10 to time the shift to a more defensive equity sector allocation. Leverage And The Next Recession As the economic expansion enters the late stages, investors are focused on where leverage pressure points may lurk. Last month's Special Report on U.S. corporate vulnerability to higher interest rates and a recession raised some eyebrows. For our sample of 770 companies, we estimated how much interest coverage for the average company would decline under two scenarios: (1) interest rates rise by 100 basis points across the curve; and (2) interest rates rise by 100 basis points and there is a recession in which corporate profits fall by 25% peak to trough. Given all the client inquiries, we decided to delve deeper into the results. We were concerned that our sample of high-yield companies distorted the overall results because it includes many small firms and outliers. We are more comfortable with the results using only the investment-grade firms, shown in Chart I-11. The 'x' marks the interest rate shock and the 'o' marks the combined shock. Nonetheless, the main qualitative message is unchanged. The starting point for interest coverage is low, considering that interest rates are near the lowest levels on record and profits are extremely high relative to GDP. This is the result of an extended period of corporate releveraging on the back of low borrowing rates. Chart I-12 shows that the interest coverage ratio has declined even as profit margins have remained elevated. Normally the two move together through the cycle. Chart I-11Corporate Leverage Will Take A Toll Chart I-12The Consequences Of Rising Leverage The implication is that the next recession will see interest coverage fare worse than in previous recessions. Of course, there are many other financial ratios and statistics that the rating agencies employ, but our results suggest that downgrades will proliferate when the agencies realize that the economy is turning south. Moreover, banks may tighten C&I lending standards earlier and more aggressively because they will also be finely attuned to the first hint of economic trouble given the leverage of the companies in their portfolio. Recovery rates may be particularly low in the next recession because the equity cushion has been squeezed via buybacks, which will intensify widening pressure in corporate spreads. Tighter lending standards would generate more corporate defaults, even wider spreads and a greater overall tightening in financial conditions. Corporate leverage could therefore intensify the pullback in business spending in the next recession. The good news is that we do not see any other major macro-economic imbalances, such as areas of overspending, that could turn a mild recession into a nasty one. As long as growth remains solid, the market and rating agencies will ignore the leverage issue. Indeed, ratings migration has improved markedly following the energy related downgrades in 2014 and 2015. An improving rating migration ratio is usually associated with corporate bond outperformance relative to Treasurys (Chart I-13). We remain overweight U.S. investment-grade and high-yield bonds within fixed-income portfolios for now. The European corporate sector is further behind in the leverage cycle (Chart I-14). Europe does not appear to be nearly as vulnerable to rising interest rates. Nonetheless, our European Corporate Health Monitor (CHM) has deteriorated over the past couple of years due to some erosion in profit margins, debt coverage and the return on capital. Meanwhile, the U.S. CHM has improved in recent quarters because the favorable earnings backdrop has temporarily overwhelmed rising leverage (top panel of Chart I-14). For the short-term, at least, corporate health is moving in favor of the U.S. at the margin. Chart I-13Ratings Migration Is Constructive For Now Chart I-14Corporate Health Trend Favors U.S. The implication is that, while we see trouble ahead for the U.S. corporate sector in the next economic downturn, in the short term we now favor the U.S. over Europe in the credit space. We are watching our Equity Scorecard, bank lending standards, the yield curve and our profit margin proxy in order to time our exit from both corporate bonds and equities (see last month's Overview section). We are also watching for a rise in the 10-year TIPS breakeven rate above 2.3% as a signal that the FOMC will get more aggressive in leaning against above-trend growth and a falling unemployment rate. Powell Doesn't Rock The Boat The Fed took a measured approach when reacting to the fiscal stimulus that is in the pipeline. The FOMC lifted rates in March and marginally raised the 'dot plot' for 2019 and 2020. Policymakers shaved the projection for unemployment to 3.6% by the end of 2019. This still appears too pessimistic, unless one assumes that the labor force participation rate will rise sharply. Table I-1 provides estimates for when the unemployment rate will reach 3½% based on different average monthly payrolls and participation rates. Our base case scenario, with 200k payrolls per month and a flat participation rate, sees the unemployment rate reaching 3½% by March 2019. Table I-1Dates When 3.5% Unemployment Rate Threshold Is Reached The soft-ish February reports for consumer prices and average hourly earnings took some of the heat off the FOMC. Core CPI, for example, rose 'only' 0.2% from the month before. Still, when viewed on a 3-month rate-of-change basis, underlying inflation remains perky; the core CPI inflation rate increased from 2.8% in January to 3% in February (Chart I-15). Inflation in core services excluding medical care and shelter, as well as in core goods, have also surged on a 3-month basis. We expect the latter to continue to pressure overall inflation higher, following the upward trend in import prices. The recent downtrend in shelter inflation should also stabilize due to the falling rental vacancy rate. Chart I-15U.S. Inflation Is Perky Moreover, the NFIB survey of U.S. small businesses shows that the gap between the difficulties of finding qualified labor versus demand problems is close to record highs. The ISM manufacturing survey shows that companies are paying more for their inputs and experiencing delays with suppliers. This describes a late-cycle environment marked with rising inflationary pressures. We expect that core inflation will grind up to the 2% target by early next year. By the first quarter of 2019, the Fed could find itself with inflation close to target, above-trend growth driven by a strong fiscal tailwind, and an unemployment rate that is a full percentage point below its estimate of the non-inflationary limit. Policymakers will then attempt a 'soft landing' in which they tighten policy enough to nudge up the unemployment rate. Unfortunately, the Fed has never been able to generate a soft landing. Once unemployment starts to rise, the next recession soon follows. Our base case is that the next recession begins in 2020. Bond Bear In Hibernation For Now The bond market showed that it can still intimidate in February, but things have since calmed down as the U.S. mini inflation scare ebbed, some economic data disappointed and trade friction created additional macro uncertainty. Bearish sentiment and oversold technical conditions suggest that the consolidation period has longer to run. Nonetheless, unless inflation begins to trend lower, the fact that even the doves on the FOMC believe that the headwinds to growth have moderated places a floor under bond yields. Fair value for the 10-year Treasury is 2.90% based on our short-term model, but we expect it to reach the 3.3-3.5% range before the cycle is over. Both real yields and long-term inflation expectations have room to move higher. Private investors will also have to absorb US$680 billion worth of bonds this year from governments in the U.S., Eurozone, Japan and U.K., the first positive net flow since 2014 (see last month's Overview). Yields may have to fatten a little in order for the private sector to make room in their portfolios for that extra government supply. In the Eurozone, the net supply of government bonds available to the private sector will still be negative this year, even if the ECB tapers to zero in September as we expect. Some investors are concerned about a replay in the European bond markets of the Fed's 'taper tantrum' of 2013, when then-Chair Bernanke surprised markets with a tapering announcement. The ECB has learned from that mistake and has given several speeches recently highlighting that policymakers will be making full use of forward guidance to avoid "...premature expectations of a first rate rise."2 We think they will be successful in avoiding a similar tantrum, but the flow effect of waning bond purchases will still place some upward pressure on the term premium in Eurozone bonds (Chart I-16).3 Chart I-16ECB: End Of QE Will Pressure Term Premium The bottom line is that monetary policy will undermine global bond prices in both the U.S. and Eurozone, but we expect U.S. yields to lead the way higher this year. Japanese bond prices will be constrained by the 10-year yield target. Investors with a horizon of 6-12 months should remain overweight JGBs, at benchmark in Eurozone government bonds and underweight Treasurys within hedged global bond portfolios. We recommend hedging the currency risk because we continue to expect the dollar to rebound this year. This month's Special Report, beginning on page 18, discusses the cyclical factors that will support the dollar: interest rate differentials, a rebound in U.S. productivity growth and a shift in international growth momentum back in favor of the U.S. In terms of the longer-term view, the Special Report makes the case that the U.S. dollar's multi-decade downtrend will persist. This does not mean, however, that long-term investors will make any money by underweighting the greenback. The 30-year U.S./bund yield spread of 190 basis points means that the €/USD would have to rise to more than 2.2 to offset the yield disadvantage of being overweight the euro versus the dollar over the next 30-years. Indeed, once it appears that the U.S. yield curve has discounted the full extent of the Fed tightening cycle (perhaps 12 months from now), it will make sense for long-term investors to go long U.S. Treasurys versus bunds on an unhedged basis. Conclusion Recent data releases suggest that global growth is peaking, especially in the manufacturing sector. Nonetheless, we do not believe that this heralds a slowdown in growth meaningful enough to negatively impact the profit outlook in the major countries. Indeed, the major fiscal tailwind in the U.S. will lift growth and extend the runway for earnings to expand at least through 2019. That said, fiscal stimulus at this stage of the U.S. business cycle will serve to accentuate a boom/bust cycle, where stronger growth in 2018/19 gives way to higher inflation a hard landing in 2020. The Fed is willing to sit back and watch the impact of fiscal stimulus unfold in the near term. But by early 2019, the Fed will find itself behind the curve with rising inflation and an overheating economy. The monetary policy risk for financial markets will then surge, setting up for a classic end to this expansion. The consequences of years of corporate releveraging will come home to roost. This year, trade skirmishes will be a headwind for risk assets and will no doubt generate further bouts of volatility. Nonetheless, recent signals from both the U.S. and China suggest that the situation will not degenerate into a trade war. The bottom line is that, while the economic expansion and equity bull market are both in late innings, investors should stay overweight risk assets and short duration for now. Stay overweight cyclical stocks versus defensives, overweight corporate bonds versus governments, overweight oil-related plays, and modestly long the U.S. dollar against most currencies except the yen. Our checklist of items to time the exit from risk is not yet flashing red. We would change our mind if our checklist goes south, our forward-looking indicators turn sharply lower or U.S. inflation suddenly picks up. We are also watching closely the situation in Iran, the U.S./China trade spat and NAFTA negotiations. Mark McClellan Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst March 29, 2018 Next Report: April 26, 2018 1 For more information on why we believe that Sino-American conflict will be a defining feature of the 21st century, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report "We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated March 28, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 2 ECB President Mario Draghi. Speech can be found at http://www.ecb.europa.eu/press/key/date/2018/html/ecb.sp180314_1.en.html 3 For more information, please see BCA's Global Fixed Income Strategy Weekly Report "Bond Markets Are Suffering Withdrawal Symptoms," dated March 20, 2018, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com II. U.S. Twin Deficits: Is The Dollar Doomed? In this Special Report, we review the theory behind exchange rate determination and examine the cyclical and structural forces that will drive the dollar. The long-term structural downtrend in the dollar is intact. This trend reflects both a slower underlying pace of U.S. productivity growth relative to the rest of the world and a persistent external deficit. The U.S. shortfall on its net international investment position, now at about 40% of GDP, is likely to continue growing in the coming decades. Fiscal stimulus means that the U.S. twin deficits are set to worsen, but the situation is not that dire that the U.S. dollar is about to fall off a cliff because of sudden concerns regarding sustainability. The U.S. is not close to the point where investors will begin to seriously question America's ability to service its debt. The U.S. will continue to enjoy a net surplus on its international investments except under a worst-case scenario for relative returns. From an economic perspective, we see little reason why the U.S. will not be able to easily continue financing its domestic saving shortfall in the coming years. There are some parallels today with the Nixon era, but we do not expect the same outcome for the dollar. The Fed is unlikely to make the same mistake as it made in the late 1960s/early 1970s. There are risks of course. Growing international political tensions and a trade war could threaten the U.S. dollar's status as the world's premier reserve currency. We will explore the geopolitical angle in next month's Special Report. While the underlying trend in the dollar is down, cyclical factors are likely to see it appreciate on a 6-12 month investment horizon. Growth momentum, which moved in favor of the major non-U.S. currencies in 2017, should shift in the greenback's favor this year. U.S. fiscal stimulus is bullish the dollar, despite the fact that this will worsen the current account balance. Additional protectionist measures should also support the dollar as long as retaliation is muted. The U.S. dollar just can't seem to get any respect even in the face of a major fiscal expansion that is sure to support U.S. growth. Nonetheless, there are a lot of moving parts to consider besides fiscal stimulus: a tightening Fed, accumulating government debt, geopolitical tension and growing trade protectionism among others. The interplay of all these various forces can easily create confusion about the currency outlook. Textbook economic models show that the currency should appreciate in the face of stimulative fiscal policy and rising tariffs, at least in the short term, not least because U.S. interest rates should rise relative to other countries. However, one could also equate protectionism and a larger fiscally-driven external deficit with a weaker dollar. Which forces will dominate? In this Special Report, we sort out the moving parts. We review the theory behind exchange rate determination and examine the cyclical and structural forces that will drive the dollar in the short- and long-term. Tariffs And The Dollar Let's start with import tariffs. In theory, higher tariffs should be positive for the currency as long as there is no retaliation. The amount spent on imports will fall as consumer spending is re-directed toward domestically-produced goods and services. A lower import bill means the country does not need to export as much to finance its imports, leading to dollar appreciation (partially offsetting the competitive advantage that the tariff provides). Tariffs also boost inflation temporarily, which means that higher U.S. real interest rates should also lift the dollar to the extent that the Fed responds with tighter policy. That said, the tariffs recently announced by the Trump Administration are small potatoes in the grand scheme. The U.S. imported $39 billion of iron and steel in 2017, and $18 billion of aluminum. That's only 2% of total imports and less than 0.3% of GDP. If import prices went up by the full amount of the tariff, this would add less than five basis points to inflation. The positive impact on U.S. growth is also modest as the tariffs benefit only two industries, and higher domestic prices for steel and aluminum undermine U.S. consumers of these two metals. A unilateral tariff increase could be mildly growth-positive if there is no retaliation by trading partners. This was the result of a Bank of Canada study, which found that much of the growth benefits from a higher import tariff are offset by an appreciation of the currency.1 Even a short-term growth boost is not guaranteed. A detailed analysis of the 2002 Bush steel tariff increase found that the import tax killed many more jobs than it created.2 Shortages forced some U.S. steel-consuming firms to source the metal offshore, while others made their steel suppliers absorb the higher costs, leading to job losses. A recent IMF3 study employed a large macro-economic model to simulate the impact of a 10% across-the-board U.S. import tariff without any retaliation. It found that tariffs place upward pressure on domestic interest rates, especially if the economy is already at full employment (Chart II-1). This is because the central bank endeavors to counter the inflationary impact with higher interest rates. However, a stronger currency and higher interest rates eventually cool the economy and the Fed is later forced to ease policy. This puts the whole process into reverse as interest rate differentials fall and the dollar weakens. Chart II-1At Full Employment, Import Tariffs Raise Rates The economic outcome would be much worse if U.S. trading partners were to retaliate and the situation degenerates into a full-fledged trade war involving a growing number of industries. In theory, the dollar would not rise as much if there is retaliation because foreign tariffs on U.S. exports are offsetting in terms of relative prices. But all countries lose in this scenario. China is considering only a small retaliation for the steel and aluminum tariffs as we go to press, but the trade dispute has the potential to really heat up, as we discuss in the Overview section. The bottom line is that the Trump tariffs are more likely to lead to a stronger dollar than a weaker one, although far more would have to be done to see any meaningful impact. Fiscal Stimulus And The Dollar Traditional economic theory suggests that fiscal stimulus is also positive for the currency in the short term. The boost in aggregate demand worsens the current account balance, since some of the extra government spending is satisfied by foreign producers. The U.S. dollar appreciates as interest rates increase relative to the other major countries, attracting capital inflows. The currency appreciation thus facilitates the necessary adjustment (deterioration) in the current account balance. The impact on interest rates is similar to the tariff shock shown in Chart II-1. All of the above market and economic adjustments should be accentuated when the economy is already at full employment. Since the domestic economy is short of spare capacity, a vast majority of the extra spending related to fiscal stimulus must be imported. Moreover, the Fed would have to respond even more aggressively to the extent that inflationary pressures are greater when the economy is running hot. The result would be even more upward pressure on the U.S. dollar. Reality has not supported the theory so far. The U.S. dollar weakened after the tax cuts were passed, and it did not even get a lift following the Senate spending plan that was released in February. The broad trade-weighted dollar has traded roughly sideways since mid-2017. Judging by the market reaction to the fiscal news, it appears that investors are worried about a potential replay of the so-called Nixon shock, when fiscal stimulus exacerbated the 'twin deficits' problem, investors lost confidence in policymakers and the dollar fell. Twin deficits refers to a period when the federal budget deficit and the current account deficit are deteriorating at the same time. Chart II-2 highlights that the late 1960s/early 1970s was the last time that the federal government stimulated the economy at a time when the economy was already at full employment. Seeing the parallels today, some investors are concerned the dollar will decline as it did in the early 1970s. Chart II-2A Replay Of The Nixon Years? Current Account And Budget Balances Often Diverge... The two deficits don't always shift in the same direction. In fact, Chart II-3 highlights that they usually move in opposite directions through the business cycle. This is not surprising because the current account usually improves in a recession as imports contract more than exports, but the budget deficit rises as tax revenues wither. The process reverses when the economy recovers. Chart II-3Twin Deficits And The Dollar The current account balance equals the government financial balance (i.e. budget deficit) plus the private sector financial balance (savings less investment spending). Thus, swings in the latter mean that the current account can move independently of the budget deficit. Even when the two deficits move in the same direction, there has been no clear historical relationship between the sum of the fiscal and current account balances and the value of the trade-weighted dollar (shaded periods in Chart II-3). In the early 1980s, the twin deficits exploded on the back of the Reagan tax cuts and the military buildup, but the dollar strengthened. In contrast, the dollar weakened in the early 2000s, a period when the twin deficits rose in response to the Bush tax cuts, the Iraq War, and a booming housing market. ...But Generally Fiscal Expansion Undermines The Current Account Over long periods, a sustained rise in the fiscal deficit is generally associated with a sustained deterioration in the external balance. Numerous academic studies have found that every 1 percentage-point rise in the budget deficit worsens the current account balance by an average of 0.2-0.3 percentage points over the medium term. One study found that the current account deteriorates by an extra 0.2 percentage points if the fiscal stimulus arrives at a time when the economy is at full employment (i.e. an additional 0.2 percentage points over-and-above the 0.2-0.3 average response, for a total of 0.4 to 0.5).4 Given that the U.S. economy is at full employment today, these estimates imply that the expected two percentage point rise in the budget deficit relative to the baseline over 2018 and 2019 could add almost a full percentage point to the U.S. current account deficit (from around 3% of GDP currently to 4%). It could be even worse over the next couple of years because the private sector is likely to augment the government sector's drain on national savings. The mini capital spending boom currently underway will lift imports and thereby contribute to a further widening in the U.S. external deficit position. Nonetheless, theory supports the view that the dollar will rise in the face of fiscal stimulus, at least in the near term, even if this is accompanied by a rising external deficit. Theory gets fuzzier in terms of the long-term outlook for the currency. However, the traditional approach to the balance of payments suggests that the equilibrium value of the dollar will eventually fall. An ongoing current account deficit will accumulate into a rising stock of foreign-owned debt that must be serviced. The Net International Investment Position (NIIP) is the difference between the stock of foreign assets held by U.S. residents and the stock of U.S. assets held by foreign investors. The NIIP has fallen increasingly into the red over the past few decades, reaching 40% of GDP today (Chart II-4). The dollar will eventually have to depreciate in order to generate a trade surplus large enough to allow the U.S. to cover the extra interest payments on its growing stock of foreign debt. Chart II-4Structural Drivers Of the U.S. Dollar The structural depreciation of the U.S. dollar observed since the early 1980s supports the theory, because it has trended lower along with the NIIP/GDP ratio. However, the downtrend probably also reflects other structural factors. For example, U.S. output-per-employee has persistently fallen relative to its major trading partners for decades (Chart II-4, third panel). The bottom line is that, while the dollar is likely to remain in a structural downtrend, it should receive at least a short-term boost from the combination of fiscal stimulus and higher tariffs. What could cause the dollar to buck the theory and depreciate even in the near term? We see three main scenarios in which the dollar could fall on a 12-month investment horizon. (1) Strong Growth Outside The U.S. First, growth momentum favored Europe, Japan and some of the other major countries relative to the U.S. in 2017. This helps to explain dollar weakness last year because the currency tends to underperform when growth surprises favor other countries in relative terms. It is possible that momentum will remain a headwind for the dollar this year. Nonetheless, this is not our base case. European and Japanese growth appears to be peaking, while fiscal stimulus should give the U.S. economy a strong boost this year and next (see the Overview section). (2) A Lagging Fed The Fed will play a major role in the dollar's near-term trend. The Fed could fail to tighten in the face of accelerating growth and falling unemployment, allowing inflation and inflation expectations to ratchet higher. If investors come to believe that the Fed will remain behind-the-curve, rising long-term inflation expectations would depress real interest rates and thereby knock the dollar down. This was part of the story in the Nixon years. Under pressure from the Administration, then-Fed Chair Arthur Burns failed to respond to rising inflation, contributing to a major dollar depreciation from 1968 to 1974. We see this risk as a very low-probability event. Today's Fed acts much more independently of Congress beyond its dual commitment on inflation and unemployment. And, given that the economy is at full employment, there is nothing stopping the FOMC from acting to preserve its 2% inflation target if it appears threatened. Chair Powell is new and untested, but we doubt he and the rest of the Committee will be influenced by any political pressure to keep rates unduly low as inflation rises. Even Governor Brainard, a well-known dove, has shifted in a hawkish direction recently. President Trump would have to replace the entire FOMC in order to keep interest rates from rising. We doubt he will try. (3) Long-Run Sustainability Concerns It might be the case that the deteriorating outlook for the NIIP undermines the perceived long-run equilibrium value of the currency so much that it overwhelms the impact of rising U.S. interest rates and causes the dollar to weaken even in the near term. This scenario would likely require a complete breakdown in confidence in current and future Administrations to avoid a runaway government debt situation. Historically, countries with large and growing NIIP shortfalls tend to have weakening currencies. The sustainability of the U.S. twin deficits has been an area of intense debate among academics and market practitioners for many years. One could argue that the external deficit represents the U.S. "living beyond its means," because it consumes more than it produces. Another school of thought is that global savings are plentiful, and investors seek markets that are deep, liquid and offer a high expected rate of return. Indeed, China has willingly plowed a large chunk of its excess savings into U.S. assets since 2000. If the U.S. is an attractive place to invest, then we should not be surprised that the country runs a persistent trade deficit and capital account surplus. But even taking the more positive side of this debate, there are limits to how long the current situation can persist. The large stock of financial obligations implies flows of income payments and receipts - interest, dividends and the like - that must be paid out of the economy's current production. This might grow to be large enough to significantly curtail U.S. consumption and investment. At some point, foreign investors may begin to question the desirability of an oversized exposure to U.S. assets within their global portfolios. We are not suggesting that foreign investors will suddenly dump their U.S. stocks and bonds. Rather, they may demand a higher expected rate of return in order to accept a rising allocation to U.S. assets. This would imply that the dollar will fall sharply so that it has room to appreciate and thereby lift the expected rate of return for foreign investors from that point forward. Chart II-5 shows that a 2% current account deficit would be roughly consistent with stabilization in the NIIP/GDP ratio. Any deficit above this level would imply a rapidly deteriorating situation. A 4% deficit would cause the NIIP to deteriorate to almost 80% of GDP by 2040. The fact that the current account averaged 4.6% in the 2000s and 2½% since 2010 confirms that the NIIP is unlikely to stabilize unless major macroeconomic adjustments are made (see below). Chart II-5Scenarios For The U.S. Net International Investment Position Academic research is inconclusive on how large the U.S. NIIP could become before there are serious economic consequences and/or foreign investors begin to revolt. Exorbitant Privilege The U.S. has been able to get away with the twin deficits for so long in part because of the dollar's status as the world's premier reserve currency. The critical role of the dollar in international transactions underpins global demand for the currency. This has allowed the U.S. to issue most of its debt obligations in U.S. dollars, forcing the currency risk onto foreign investors. The U.S. is also able to get away with offering foreign investors a lower return on their investment in the U.S. than U.S. investors receive on their foreign investment. Chart II-6 provides a proxy for these two returns. Relatively safe, but low yielding, fixed-income investments are a large component of foreign investments in the U.S., while U.S. investors favor equities and other assets that have a higher expected rate of return when investing abroad (Chart II-7). This gap increased after the Great Recession as U.S. interest rates fell by more than the return U.S. investors received on their foreign assets. Today's gap, at almost 1½ percentage points, is well above the 1 percentage point average for the two decades leading up to the Great Recession. Chart II-6U.S. Investors Harvest Higher Returns Chart II-7Composition Of Net International ##br##Investment Position A yield gap of 1.5 percentage points may not sound like much, but it has been enough that the U.S. enjoys a positive net inflow of private investment income of about 1.2% of GDP, despite the fact that foreign investors hold far more U.S. assets than the reverse (Chart II-6, top panel). In Chart II-8 we simulate the primary investment balance based on a persistent 3% of GDP current account deficit and under several scenarios for the investment yield gap. Perhaps counterintuitively, the primary investment surplus that the U.S. currently enjoys will actually rise slightly as a percent of GDP if the yield gap remains near 1½ percentage points. This is because, although the NIIP balance becomes more negative over time, U.S. liabilities are not growing fast enough relative to its assets to offset the yield differential. Chart II-8Primary Investment Balance Simulations However, some narrowing in the yield gap is likely as the Fed raises interest rates. Historically, the gap does not narrow one-for-one with Fed rate hikes because the yield on U.S. investments abroad also rises. Assuming that the yield gap returns to the pre-Lehman average of 1 percentage point over the next three years, the primary investment balance would decline, but would remain positive. Only under the assumption that the yield gap falls to 50 basis points or lower would the primary balance turn negative (Chart II-8, bottom panel). Crossing the line from positive to negative territory on investment income is not necessarily a huge red flag for the dollar, but it would signal that foreign debt will begin to impinge on the U.S. standard of living. That said, the yield gap will have to deteriorate significantly for this to happen anytime soon. What Drives The Major Swings In The Dollar? While the dollar has been in a structural bear market for many decades, there have been major fluctuations around the downtrend. Since 1980, there have been three major bull phases and two bear markets (bull phases are shaded in Chart II-9). These major swings can largely be explained by shifts in U.S./foreign differentials for short-term interest rates, real GDP growth and productivity growth. A model using these three variables explains most of the cyclical swings in the dollar, as the dotted line in the top panel of Chart II-9 reveals. Chart II-9U.S. Dollar Cyclical Swings Driven By Three Main Factors The peaks and troughs do not line up perfectly, but periods of dollar appreciation were associated with rising U.S. interest rates relative to other countries, faster relative U.S. real GDP growth, and improving U.S. relative productivity growth. Since the Great Recession, rate differentials have moved significantly in favor of the dollar, although U.S. relative growth improved a little as well. Productivity trends have not been a factor in recent years. Note that the current account has been less useful in identifying the cyclical swings in the dollar. Looking ahead, we expect short-term interest rate differentials to shift further in favor of the U.S. dollar. We assume that the Fed will hike rates three additional times in 2018 and another three next year. The Bank of Japan will stick with its current rate and 10-year target for the foreseeable future. The ECB may begin the next rate hike campaign by mid-2019, but will proceed slowly thereafter. We expect rate differentials to widen by more than is discounted in the market. As discussed above, we also expect growth momentum to swing back in favor of the U.S. economy in 2018. U.S. productivity growth will continue to underperform the rest-of-world average over the medium and long term. Nonetheless, we expect a cyclical upturn in relative productivity performance that should also support the greenback for the next year or two. Conclusion Reducing the U.S. structural external deficit to a sustainable level would require significant macro-economic adjustments that seem unlikely for the foreseeable future. We would need to see some combination of a higher level of the U.S. household saving rate, a balanced Federal budget balance or better, and/or much stronger growth among U.S. trading partners. In other words, the U.S. would have to become a net producer of goods and services, and either Europe or Asia would have to become a net consumer of goods and services. Current trends do not favor such a role reversal. Indeed, the U.S. twin deficits are sure to move in the wrong direction for at least the next two years. Longer-term, pressure on the federal budget deficit will only intensify with the aging of the population. The shortfall in terms of net foreign assets will continue to grow, which means that the long-term structural downtrend in the trade-weighted value of the dollar will persist. Other structural factors, such as international productivity trends, also point to a long-term dollar depreciation. It seems incongruous that the U.S. dollar is the largest reserve currency and that U.S. is the world's largest international debtor. The situation is perhaps perpetuated by the lack of an alternative, but this could change over time as concerns over the long-run viability of the Eurozone ebb and the Chinese renminbi gains in terms of international trade. The transition could take decades. The U.S. twin-deficits situation is not that dire that the U.S. dollar is about to fall off a cliff because of sudden concerns about the unsustainability of the current account deficit. Even though the NIIP/GDP ratio will continue to deteriorate in the coming years, it does not appear that the U.S. is anywhere close to the point where investors would begin to seriously question America's ability to service its debt. The U.S. will continue to enjoy a net surplus on its international investments except under a worst-case scenario for relative returns. From an economic perspective, we see no reason why the U.S. will not be able to easily continue financing its domestic saving shortfall in the coming years. There are other risks of course. Growing international political tensions and a trade war could threaten the U.S. dollar's status as the world's premier reserve currency. We will explore the geopolitical angle in next month's Special Report. In 2018, we expect the dollar to partially unwind last year's weakness on the back of positive cyclical forces. Additional protectionist measures should support the dollar as long as retaliation is muted. Mark McClellan Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Mathieu Savary Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy 1 A Wave of Protectionism? An Analysis of Economic and Political Considerations. Bank of Canada Working Paper 2008-2. Philipp Maier. 2 The Unintended Consequences of U.S. Steel Import Tariffs: A Quantification of the Impact During 2002. Trade Partnership Worldwide, LLC. Joseph Francois and Laura Baughman. February 4, 2003. 3 See footnote to Chart II-1. 4 Fiscal Policy and the Current Account. Center for Economic Policy Research, Discussion Paper No. 7859 September 16, 2010. III. Indicators And Reference Charts The earnings backdrop remains constructive for the equity market. In the U.S., bottom-up forward earnings estimates and the net earnings revisions ratio have spiked on the back of the tax cuts. Unfortunately, many of the other equity-related indicators in this section have moved in the wrong direction. The monetary indicator is shifting progressively into negative territory as the Fed gradually tightens the monetary screws. Valuation in the U.S. market improved a little over the past month, but our composite Valuation Indicator is still very close to one sigma overvalued. Technically, our Speculation Indicator is still in frothy territory, but our Composite Sentiment Indicator has pulled back significantly toward the neutral line. Our Technical Indicator broke below the 9-month moving average in March (i.e. a 'sell' signal). These are worrying signs. Nonetheless, at this point we believe they are a reflection of the more volatile late-cycle period that the market has entered. An equity correction could occur at any time, but a bear market would require a significant and sustained economic downturn that depresses earnings estimates. Our checklist does not warn of such a scenario over the next 12 months. It is also a good sign that our Willingness-to-Pay indicator is still rising, at least for the U.S. The WTP indicators track flows, and thus provide information on what investors are actually doing, as opposed to sentiment indexes that track how investors are feeling. While this suggests that investor flows remain positive for the U.S. equity market, the WTP appears to have rolled over in both Europe and Japan. This goes against our overweight in European stocks versus the U.S. in currency hedged terms (see the Overview section). Our Revealed Preference Indicator (RPI) remained on its bullish equity signal in March. The RPI combines the idea of market momentum with valuation and policy measures. It provides a powerful bullish signal if positive market momentum lines up with constructive signals from the policy and valuation measures. Conversely, if constructive market momentum is not supported by valuation and policy, investors should lean against the market trend. So far, the indicator has not flashed 'red'. Treasurys are hovering on the 'inexpensive' side of fair value, but are not cheap based on our model. Extended technicals suggest that the period of consolidation will persist for a while longer. Value is not a headwind to a continuation in the cyclical bear phase. Little has changed on the U.S. dollar front. It is expensive by some measures, but is on the oversold side technically. We still expect a final upleg this year, before the long-term downtrend resumes. EQUITIES: Chart III-1U.S. Equity Indicators Chart III-2Willingness To Pay For Risk Chart III-3U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators Chart III-4Revealed Preference Indicator Chart III-5U.S. Stock Market Valuation Chart III-6U.S. Earnings Chart III-7Global Stock Market And Earnings: ##br##Relative Performance Chart III-8Global Stock Market And Earnings: ##br##Relative Performance FIXED INCOME: Chart III-9U.S. Treasurys And Valuations Chart III-10U.S. Treasury Indicators Chart III-11Selected U.S. Bond Yields Chart III-1210-Year Treasury Yield ComponentsChart III-13U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor Chart III-14Global Bonds: Developed Markets Chart III-15Global Bonds: Emerging Markets CURRENCIES: Chart III-16U.S. Dollar And PPP Chart III-17U.S. Dollar And Indicator Chart III-18U.S. Dollar Fundamentals Chart III-19Japanese Yen Technicals Chart III-20Euro Technicals Chart III-21Euro/Yen Technicals Chart III-22Euro/Pound Technicals COMMODITIES: Chart III-23Broad Commodity Indicators Chart III-24Commodity Prices Chart III-25Commodity Prices Chart III-26Commodity Sentiment Chart III-27Speculative Positioning ECONOMY: Chart III-28U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop Chart III-29U.S. Macro Snapshot Chart III-30U.S. Growth Outlook Chart III-31U.S. Cyclical Spending Chart III-32U.S. Labor Market Chart III-33U.S. Consumption Chart III-34U.S. Housing Chart III-35U.S. Debt And Deleveraging Chart III-36U.S. Financial Conditions Chart III-37Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Chart III-38Global Economic Snapshot: China Mark McClellan Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst

Highlights The current U.S.-China trade skirmish is essentially the beginning of a new cold war. The U.S. and China are engaged in a struggle for supremacy, so trade conflicts will persist. The conflict could evolve into a "game of chicken" - the most dangerous type of game. The U.S. needs Europe's help against China - but an adventure in Iran could cost it that help. Geopolitical risks will cap the rise in bond yields over the next six months, push up oil, and give a tailwind to global defense stocks. Feature The opening salvo of the U.S.-China trade war has caught the investment community by surprise as the market is quickly repricing the odds of a global trade war.1 Nervousness over the breakdown of globalization comes at the same time as our key China view - that Beijing's structural reforms will constrain growth - are beginning to have an impact on global growth (Chart 1).2 Chart 1China Reforms Dragging On Global Growth Fortuitously, we found ourselves in Asia at the onset of "hostilities" and were thus able to see regional investors' reactions in real time. Our clients focused their questions on the economic impact of the announced tariffs (yet to be determined, in our view), constraints facing President Trump (minimal as well), and potential Chinese retaliation (understated). The focus, however, should be on the big picture. The March 23 U.S. announcement of tariffs on around $50 billion worth of Chinese imports is not just the opening salvo of a trade war. Rather the emerging trade war is the opening salvo of a new cold war, a global superpower competition between the U.S. and China that will define the twenty-first century. Put simply, the U.S. and China are now enemies. Not rivals, competitors, or sparing partners. Enemies. It will take the market some time for investors to internalize this idea and price it properly. Meanwhile, in the short term, fears of a full-born global trade war are overblown. The trade tensions are really only about two countries, with uncertain global implications. Investors are right to be cautious, but risks to global earnings are overstated at this time. How Did We Get Here? The ongoing trade tensions are not merely a product of a nationalist Trump administration that decided to call out China for decades of unfair trade practices. They are also the product of the geopolitical context, which we have defined through three "big picture" themes. These three themes allowed us to correctly forecast that the defining feature of the twenty-first century would be a Sino-American conflict. We would be thrilled to see this culminate merely in a trade war. The themes are: Multipolarity (Chart 2)3 Apex of globalization (Chart 3)4 The breakdown of laissez-faire economics (Chart 4)5 Chart 2Multipolarity Is Messy And Volatile Chart 3When Hegemony Declines, Globalization Declines Chart 2 elucidates a key lesson of history: the collapse of British hegemony at the end of the nineteenth century ushered in two world wars. Political science, game theory, and history teach us that periods of multipolarity are rarely peaceful.6 Today's world is not exactly multipolar, as the U.S. remains the preeminent global power. However, regional powers - such as China, the EU, Russia, India, Japan, Iran, and perhaps Turkey and Brazil - have a lot more room to maneuver within their spheres of influence. This means that global rules written by the U.S. at the conclusion of the Second World War are being rewritten for regional contexts. Normatively there is nothing wrong with this process. But practically, multipolarity means that "challenger powers" - such as China today or the German empire in the late nineteenth century - seek to undermine rules and norms of behavior that they had little or no say in setting up. And such rules are necessary to underpin geopolitical stability and grease the wheels of globalization. As Chart 3 shows, trade globalization peaked in the past when the hegemon could no longer enforce global rules. We have therefore emphasized to clients since 2014 that, if we are right that the world is multipolar, then we are essentially at the apex of globalization. A parallel process has seen the breakdown of the laissez-faire consensus, which underpinned the expansion of trade in goods, labor, and capital across sovereign borders. Economic globalization has lifted many boats around the world, but outsourcing - combined with technological innovation - has seen the lower middle class in developed nations face diminishing returns (Chart 4). Chart 4Globalization: No Friend To Developed-Market Middle Class That said, a revolt against globalization and "globalists" is thus far mainly an Anglo-Saxon phenomenon, and particularly an American one. Why? Because the particularities of the U.S. laissez-faire economic model, with its scant social protections, laid its middle class bare to the vagaries of globalization and technological change (Chart 5). However, there is no guarantee that other DM countries will not succumb to the same pressures down the line. Chart 5The 'Great Gatsby' Curve: Or, How Anglo-Saxons Turned Against Laissez Faire This background is important for investors because merely blaming a nationalist Trump administration or a mercantilist Beijing for today's tensions ignores the underlying context. President Trump can change his mind on a dime, but the geopolitical context can only evolve slowly.7 Mercantilism is here to stay; it is a feature, not a bug, of a multipolar world. Contrast today's tensions with those of the 1970s and 1980s between the U.S. and its major trade partners. The 1971 Smithsonian Agreement and the 1985 Plaza Accord ended overt trade protectionism by the U.S. (in 1971), and threats thereof (in 1985), by securing the compliance of these trade partners with Washington's currency and trade demands. Japan further conceded to U.S. demands in 1989 after a two-year trade war. Today, the U.S. and China are not geopolitical allies huddled under the same nuclear umbrella for protection against an ideologically fueled rival. They are ideological rivals. The reason it took a decade for the conflict to erupt is two-fold. First, the U.S. became entangled in the global war on terror after 9/11, which took its focus off of its emerging competitor in Asia. Second, the consensus view - that China would asymptotically approach a Western democracy as it embraced capitalism - has proven to be folly.8 Bottom Line: The China-U.S. trade conflict is a product of today's particular geopolitical context. At heart, it is a conflict for geopolitical primacy in the twenty-first century and thus unlikely to end quickly. Sino-American Conflict Is Intractable The current U.S.-China trade tensions are more of a skirmish than a war. We think that there is considerable room for a step-down in tensions over the next 12 months. First, the Trump administration has not launched an economic war against China. Not only has the U.S. restricted its list of Chinese goods under tariff consideration to just $50 billion of imports - roughly 12% of total Chinese exports to the U.S. - but it has decided to bring a case against China to the World Trade Organization (WTO). The latter is hardly a move by a mercantilist administration dead-set on across-the-board economic nationalism. Second, China has responded almost immediately by offering several concessions, including renewing pledges to open its economy to inward investment and to protect intellectual property (IP) rights. While these may seem like boilerplate concessions that Beijing has floated before, the current context of trade tensions and domestic structural reforms makes it more likely that Chinese policymakers will follow through on their promises. As such, we can see the current round of tensions tapering off, especially after the U.S. midterm elections. However, we doubt that the structural trajectory of Sino-American relations will be significantly altered even if current tensions subside. First, from China's perspective, its extraordinary economic ascent (Chart 6) is merely the return of the millennium's status quo (Chart 7). The last 180 years - roughly from the beginning of the First Opium War in 1839 to today - were the aberration. During this short period of Chinese weakness, the West - with Britain and then the U.S. at the helm - conspired to restructure global rules and norms of geopolitical and economic behavior without input from the Middle Kingdom. Chart 6China's Economic Rise Has Been Extraordinarily Fast... Chart 7China Sees Its Success As A Return To The Status Quo As such, China's influence in key post-WWII economic institutions like the WTO and the IMF is limited while its military has second-class status even in its own "Caribbean Sea," the South China and East China Seas. From the U.S. perspective, China's growth over the past two decades was made possible by U.S. hegemony. The U.S. secured the global rules and norms that enabled China to integrate seamlessly into the global marketplace and then compete its way to the top. Not only did the U.S. allow China to access its credit-fueled markets, but the U.S. Navy protected China's maritime trade, including vital energy supplies transiting from the Middle East. As a thank you for these efforts, China reneged on its WTO commitments, periodically suppressed its currency, stole American intellectual property, and withheld market access from U.S. corporations via tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade. Washington policymakers, and not only Trump's hawkish advisors, are turning against China. There is an emerging consensus among the U.S. foreign policy, defense, intelligence, and economic policy elites that: Sino-American economic symbiosis is over (Chart 8); Chart 8U.S.-China ##br##Symbiosis Is Dead Chart 9The U.S. Is Least##br## Exposed To Trade Chart 10China's Share Of Global##br## Exports Has Skyrocketed The U.S. can afford to confront China over trade because it is the least exposed major economy to global trade (Chart 9); The Chinese have acquired a massive share of global exports without a commensurate opening of their domestic market (Chart 10); Arresting Chinese technology transfer and intellectual property theft is a national security issue (Chart 11); The U.S. can confront China because it has emerged victorious from every global conflagration in the past (Chart 12). Chart 11China Imports Conspicuously Little U.S. IP Chart 12America Is Chaos-Proof Fundamentally, American policymakers want to see China's rapid economic growth slow, they want to see China's capital markets and companies constrained by openness to global competition, and they want to put a leash on China's catch-up in the technological and manufacturing value chain (Chart 13). This is not their stated objective as it would imply that the U.S. wants to see China weakened, and the Chinese leadership miss its decade and century economic development goals. But this is precisely what the U.S. establishment wants. As such, the political and economic visions of American and Chinese policymakers are directly at odds with one another. What does this mean for investors? Over the past several years we have developed a reputation of being sanguine about geopolitics. While many of our peers in the political analysis industry overstate the probability of geopolitical risk, we have (successfully) bet against the worst-case scenario in several prominent crises.9 We like to think that this is because we combine game theory with an understanding of the underlying power dynamics. By emphasizing constraints, we have successfully identified how power dynamics constrain the worst-case outcome.10 When it comes to Sino-American tensions, however, we have always been alarmists. This is because we believe the constraints to conflict are overstated, not understated. Furthermore, the potential market impact of a new cold war is unclear and potentially very large. Both the U.S. and China fundamentally think they can win a trade war. This means that they are engaged in a "regular game of chicken," named after the 1950s practice of racing hot rods head-on in order to prove one's manhood.11 Game theory teaches us that a game of chicken is the most unpredictable game because it can create an equilibrium in which all rational actors have an incentive to keep driving head on - to stick to their guns - despite the risks. In Diagram 1, we can see that continuing to drive carries the greatest risk, but also the greatest reward, provided that your opponent swerves. Chart 13China's Steady Climb Up##br## The Value Ladder Continues Diagram 1A Regular ##br##Game Of Chicken Since all actors in a game of chicken assume the rationality of their opponents, they also expect them to eventually swerve. In the current context, this means that the U.S. assumes that China is driven by economic rationality and will not dare face off against the U.S., which has far less to lose given its modest exposure to global trade. Chinese policymakers, however, also think they can win. They look over the Pacific and see a country riven by political polarization (Chart 14) where half of the country thinks the other is "a threat to the nation's well-being" (Chart 15).12 China, meanwhile, has just consolidated its political leadership and feels confident enough in its domestic stability to dabble with growth-constraining economic reforms. Beijing can use any trade tensions with the U.S. to further justify painful reforms. Chart 14Inequality Fuels Political Polarization Chart 15Live And Let Die Who is right? We do not know. And that scares us as it means that the most sub-optimal equilibrium - the bottom-right quadrant of Diagram 1 - is more probable than people think. An important difference maker, one that would alter Beijing's risk calculus considerably, is Europe. Despite being highly leveraged to China's growth, the EU still exports nearly double the value of goods to the U.S. than China (Chart 16). In addition, Europe's trade surplus with the U.S. mostly pays for its deficit with China (Chart 17). Chart 16The EU Exports More To U.S. Than China Chart 17EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China Over the next several months, investors will be able to gauge whether the Trump administration is filled with ideological nationalists who believe in Fortress America or wily realists who know how to get things done. The key question is whether Trump will embrace America's traditional transatlantic alliance with Europe and harness it for the trade war with China. If he embraces it, we will predict that the combined forces of U.S. and Europe will successfully force China to concede to the pressure. If Trump fails, however, we could have a prolonged U.S.-China trade war. Early indications are optimistic. The U.S. gave the EU an exemption from tariffs on steel and aluminum imports on March 22, a delay that will end on May 1. This followed a March 21 meeting between EU Commissioner for Trade Cecilia Malmström and U.S. Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross. We suspect, but have no evidence, that the U.S. asked the EU to join in its effort to force China to change its trade practices at the WTO. As an exporting bloc, the EU has a lot more to lose from attacking China than the U.S. But it also has much to lose from unabated Chinese mercantilism and technological theft, and much to gain if China opens its doors wider. As such, we posit that Europe will, in the end, join the U.S. and Japan in a concerted effort to pressure China. This will increase the probability that Beijing ultimately gives in to trade pressure. In the long term, it will also ensure that President Trump does not break the critical transatlantic alliance with Europe, which would be paradigm shifting. But, on the other hand, it will set China and the West on a collision course. China's and the West's suspicions of each other will ossify. Bottom Line: In the short term, trade tensions are likely overstated as U.S. actions against China are largely muted and restrained. In the long term, the U.S.-China trade war could potentially devolve into a "game of chicken," the most dangerous type of conflict. The key variable will be whether the U.S. administration is savvy enough to arrange European collaboration against China. If the U.S. treats the EU harshly and ignores its transatlantic ally on other issues - such as conflict with Iran, discussed below - we could be in for a wild ride in the coming months and years. Either way, Europe stands to gain from a conflict between China and the U.S. Both sides are likely going to try to enlist the EU on their side. As such, we are opening a long Europe industrials / short U.S. industrials trade. Meanwhile, growing trade tensions, policy-induced slowdown in China, and repricing of geopolitical risks in East Asia and the Middle East should cap global bond yields over the next six months. We take 50.4bps and 54.4bps profits on our short U.S. 10-year government bond vs. German bund and short Fed Funds December 2018 futures trades. Iran: The Next Target Of Trump's "Maximum Pressure" Policy President Trump's North Korea policy worked brilliantly in 2017. The policy of "maximum pressure" combined military maneuvers, economic sanctions, and extremely bellicose rhetoric to convince Pyongyang and regional powers that the U.S. has lowered its threshold for full-scale war on the Korean peninsula. China reacted swiftly, starving North Korea of hard currency through economic sanctions (Chart 18). The result was a declaration by Pyongyang in late November that it had finally completed its quest to obtain a nuclear deterrent (an exaggeration at best), an olive branch for the Olympics, and an offer by Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un to meet with President Trump. Chart 18China Gives Kim To Trump The policy of "maximum pressure" yielded such extraordinary results with North Korea that President Trump is now eager to trademark the process and apply it to Iran and potentially other global issues. Ahead of the all-important May 12 deadline - when the White House will decide whether to end the current waiver of economic sanctions against Iran - President Trump has replaced two establishment advisors with hawks. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson has been replaced with CIA Director and noted Iran-hawk Mike Pompeo. Meanwhile, National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster has been replaced by conservative pundit (and former U.S. Ambassador to the UN) John Bolton. Bolton is on record arguing that the U.S. should bomb Iran. The role of the national security advisor varies with the president. Some presidents rely on the position more than others. However, given this administration's inexperience with foreign policy, the role is critical in shaping the White House worldview. The national security advisor manages the staff of the National Security Council (NSC), whose role is to coordinate with the vast network of U.S. intelligence agencies and filter information to the president. Given how large America's foreign, defense, and intelligence establishment is, and given the nature of human and signals intelligence, U.S. presidents often have to act upon diametrically opposing pieces of intelligence. As such, the national security advisor and the NSC can play a critical role in deciding what intelligence makes it to the president's desk and in what context. Staffers in the National Security Council (NSC) are often apolitical. We have been told that several current experts are leftovers from the Obama administration. It is likely that an ideological pundit like John Bolton, who served briefly in the George W. Bush administration, will set out to quickly eliminate non-partisan staffers on the NSC and tilt the information flow away from the empirical to the conspiratorial. With Bolton and Pompeo effectively in charge of U.S. foreign policy it is possible that the U.S. will misapply "maximum pressure" policy to Iran and bungle the complicated coordination with geopolitical allies on China. In particular, the U.S. has to endear itself to the EU if it wants a global economic alliance against China. But the EU also does not want to renegotiate Iran sanctions. Abrogating the 2015 nuclear deal - the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA) - would throw the tentative Middle East equilibrium into chaos. While Iran has played a role in preserving the regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria, it has largely kept its vast network of Shia militias and allies in check, particularly in Lebanon and Iraq. Ironically, it was the Obama administration's "flawed" JCPA that has allowed Trump to focus on China in the first place. As we argued when the deal was signed, the conservative critics of the deal itself were correct. The JCPA did not degrade Iran's nuclear capability but merely arrested it.13 The point of the deal was implicitly to give Iran a sphere of influence in the Middle East so that the U.S. could extricate itself and focus on China. The Obama administration assessed, in our view non-ideologically, that the U.S. cannot fight two wars at the same time. If the Trump administration decides not to waive sanctions on May 12, it will be in abrogation of the deal. Unlike North Korea, however, Iran has multiple levers it can deploy against the U.S. and its allies' interests in the region. As such, the policy of "maximum pressure" will create much greater risks when applied to Iran. At the very end, it could be as successful as when applied to North Korea, but our conviction view is much lower (and to remind clients, we were optimists about the strategy when applied to North Korea!).14 Furthermore, and again unlike North Korea, Iran is beset with domestic risks. This actually makes it less likely that Tehran will cooperate with the U.S. North Korea is a simple domestic political system where Kim Jong Un can alter policy on a whim without much domestic pushback. In Iran, the dovish and moderate President Hassan Rouhani has to contend for power with hawks who have been critical of the JCPA. Meanwhile, the restive youth population could rise up at the first sign of elite division or weakness. This complicated domestic dynamic is why we cautioned clients back in January that Iran would likely add geopolitical risk premium to the oil markets.15 Bottom Line: It appears that President Trump, motivated by the success of his "maximum pressure" strategy against North Korea, now thinks he can apply it as successfully to Iran. This raises the prospect that Trump will discontinue the waiver of economic sanctions on May 12, effectively re-imposing a slew of economic sanctions against Iran and foreign companies looking to conduct business with it. Geopolitical risks are likely to rise in the Middle East as a result of U.S.-Iran tensions. As we go to publication, Saudi authorities have intercepted another Houthi missile heading towards Riyadh just days after Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman visited Washington, D.C. The White House appears to relish the opportunity to fight a war on two fronts, a trade war with China and a geopolitical war with Iran. Expect volatility and an elevated geopolitical risk premium in oil markets. Stay overweight global defense companies across markets. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Market Reprices Odds Of A Global Trade War," dated March 6, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Politics Are Stimulative, Everywhere But China," dated February 28, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2013," dated January 16, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, and "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see John Mearsheimer, The Tragedy Of Great Power Politics (New York: Norton, 2001). 7 Would President Hillary Clinton have avoided a trade war with China? We do not think so. Secretary Clinton was considered a "China Hawk" while at the State Department and pushed for the "Pivot to Asia." Jennifer Harris, the lead architect of Clinton's economic statecraft agenda in the U.S. State Department, recently penned a book that called for greater use of economic tools for geopolitical ends. The book, War By Other Means, introduces the term geoeconomics and calls for the U.S. to use economic instruments to promote and defend national interests. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Blog, "We Read (And Liked)... War By Other Means," dated July 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 In 2000, while campaigning on behalf of China's WTO entry, President Bill Clinton remarked, "economically, this agreement (China's WTO entry) is the equivalent of a one-way street. It requires China to open its markets ... to both our products and services in unprecedented new ways. All we do is to agree to maintain the present access which China enjoys ..." Please see "Full Text of Clinton's Speech On China Trade Bill," dated March 9, 2009, available at nytimes.com. 9 To name just a few: the risk of an Israeli attack against Iran, the risk of a full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, the risk of Euro Area collapse, the risk of Saudi-Iranian war, the risk of Russian-Turkish war, etc. 10 For the best example of how game theory is combined with our constraint-based paradigm, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "After Greece," dated July 8, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 See James Dean in Rebel Without A Cause. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Populism Blues: How And Why Social Instability Is Coming To America," dated June 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Out Of The Vault: Explaining The U.S.-Iran Détente," dated July 15, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "Trump Re-Establishes America's 'Credible Threat,'" dated April 7, 2017, "North Korea: Beyond Satire," dated April 19, 2017, "Can Pyongyang Derail The Bull Market?" dated August 16, 2017, and "Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World," dated September 6, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Watching Five Risks," dated January 24, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights The China-specific tariffs proposed by the Trump administration last week represent a great escalation in U.S. protectionism, but the actual measures may be smaller than what was initially announced. The proposed tariffs, if applied as stated, would likely shave 2% off of China's export growth over the coming 6-12 months. This would prevent an acceleration that we would have otherwise expected given the strength of the global economy. A 2% deceleration in export growth is not in and of itself a significantly negative event for China's economy, but the shift in U.S. protectionism from rhetoric to action and the continued decline in our leading indicators makes a tenuous case for a continued overweight stance towards Chinese stocks. We recommend that investors put Chinese ex-tech stocks on downgrade watch over the course of Q2. The recent weakness in the Hong Kong dollar is not a sign of any major economic weakness or financial market instability that should concern investors. However, the prospect of tighter monetary policy is a potential threat to the highly leveraged Hong Kong economy that needs to be monitored. Feature The Trump administration doubled down on its protectionist agenda last week, by announcing its intention to levy US$50 billion in tariffs against a variety of imports from China. This follows the administration's decision earlier in the month to impose a tariff on all steel and aluminum imports, which we discussed at length in our March 7 Weekly Report.1 While the China-specific tariffs represent a great escalation in protectionism relative to those on steel and aluminum imports, there are several important factors for investors to take into consideration: Chart 1President Trump Can Ill-Afford ##br##Any Major Economic Turmoil The decision on Chinese import tariffs is not yet final, as the White House will propose a list of Chinese goods potentially subject to tariffs for public comment and consultations. This opens the door for an enormous lobbying effort from U.S. retailers and negotiations with Chinese officials, signaling that the end result is not set in stone. China's very muted retaliation (so far) increases the odds of a benign, negotiated outcome. Following the initial announcement of the steel and aluminum tariffs, the Trump administration significantly watered down the measures by granting Canada and Mexico an exemption and allowing exemption applications from other countries. This could suggest that the final tariffs to be applied against Chinese imports will be considerably smaller than what the administration signaled last week. Finally, given that the U.S. midterm election will be occurring later this year and that the administration can ill-afford to lose control of the legislative process, President Trump's actions on trade may be designed to maximize the perception of serious trade reform without threatening to substantially impact U.S. or global ex-U.S. economic momentum (Chart 1). This perspective would further support the notion that the bark of China-specific tariffs will be worse than the ultimate bite. The Impact Of Proposed Tariffs On Growth Still, investors cannot assume that the tariffs will be significantly watered down, meaning that it is important to have a forecast for the impact of the proposed tariffs on Chinese growth. We take a simple approach to judging the economic impact on nominal export growth, by calculating an aggregate tariff rate as if the amount of proposed tariffs applied equally across all Chinese exports to the U.S. We then multiply that rate by an estimate of U.S. import price elasticity, and again by the weight of U.S. exports as a share of total Chinese exports. Table 1 presents a list of import elasticity estimates for the G7 countries, both over the short- and long-term. Given that the short-run is our primary concern when modeling the likely cyclical impact on Chinese exports, we use the 0.6 elasticity estimate for the U.S. as a starting point for our analysis. We shock this estimate upwards to 0.8, for two reasons: To generate a relatively conservative estimate of the impact on Chinese export growth It is not clear whether the demand for goods from China is more or less price elastic than goods from other countries. However, given that the majority of Chinese exports to the U.S. are consumer-oriented (and thus less differentiated than highly specialized industrial goods), it is plausible that the price elasticity of Chinese imports is higher than it is on average. Table 1U.S. Short-Run Import Price Elasticity Is Not Trivial Given that US$50 billion is roughly 10% of annual U.S. imports from China, our simple approach suggests that the proposed tariffs would cause China's total export growth to decelerate about 1.6% (10% effective tariff rate times -0.8 import price elasticity times 20% export weight). Including the effect of Chinese re-exports to the U.S. via other major trading partners would slightly increase this estimate, meaning that 1.5 - 2.0% is a conservative range of estimates for the tariff impact. When applied to the current growth rate of Chinese exports, the impact of this estimate would be minimal. Chart 2 shows that Chinese nominal export growth recently accelerated to 22% even when shown as a 3-month moving average, suggesting that a U.S. import tariff would be coming at a time of considerably strong export momentum. In fact, China's February export data was so positive that it raised the Citigroup economic surprise index for China to a 9-year high (Chart 3). Chart 2At First Blush, Chinese Export Growth ##br##Has Accelerated Significantly Chart 3The Pop In Export Growth Has##br## Turbocharged The Surprise Index However, our view is that the growth rates of China's nominal imports and exports do not currently reflect the underlying pace of trade, with both series likely overstating the recent pace of growth. On the import side, we have highlighted in previous reports that import demand has recently outpaced what the Li Keqiang index would suggest. On the export side, a model of global US$ imports from China regressed against extrapolated global industrial production growth has an extremely strong fit over the past several years, and implies that the underlying pace of Chinese export growth is closer to 10%. Chart 4 illustrates this estimate of underlying export growth (based on global imports from China) along with the impact of the proposed tariffs, and highlights that a 2% export growth shock would simply prevent the 2% acceleration in underlying growth that we would normally expect over the coming months given the recent pickup in our global LEI. Chart 4If Enacted, The Proposed Tariffs Will ##br##Prevent An Acceleration In Export Growth Bottom Line: The import tariffs proposed by the Trump administration, if applied as stated, would likely shave about 2% off of China's export growth over the coming 6-12 months. This would prevent an acceleration that we would have otherwise expected given the strength of the global economy. The Implications For Chinese Stock Prices A 2% deceleration in export growth is not a significantly negative event for China's economy, especially if underlying export growth was set to trend higher due to strong global activity. But it does have the strong potential to mute a source of positive economic momentum, at a time when the industrial sector is clearly slowing. We presented our decision tree for Chinese stocks (Chart 5) in our first report of the year,2 and referenced it again in our March 7th report. The decision tree lays out four key questions for investors to answer over the coming 6-12 months in order to decide on the ideal allocation to Chinese equities within a global portfolio: Is The Global Economy Slowing Significantly? Is Significant Further Monetary Policy Tightening Likely? Is The Pace Of Renewed Structural Reforms Likely To Be Too Aggressive? Is The Existing Slowdown In China's Growth Momentum Metastasizing? Chart 5The Chinese Equity 'Decision Tree' While the answer to questions 2 and 3 remains "no", Trump's shift towards protectionism certainly raises the risk of an eventual "yes" to the first question, especially given that our analysis has assumed no retaliation or counter-retaliation. Regarding the issue of China's industrial sector slowdown, the Li Keqiang index is not falling sharply, but it remains in a downtrend and is set to decline further according to our BCA Li Keqiang Leading Indicator (Chart 6). At best, the answer to question 4 is a lukewarm "no". We have previously noted that the uptrend in Chinese ex-tech stock prices vs their global peers over the past two years suggests that investors should have a high threshold for reducing exposure to China. We continue to agree with that assessment, but we must also acknowledge that the shift in U.S. protectionism from rhetoric to action and the continued decline in our leading indicators makes a tenuous case for a continued overweight stance towards Chinese stocks. We are not yet changing our investment recommendations, but we are putting Chinese ex-tech stocks on downgrade watch for Q2. An outright recommendation to cut exposure to neutral will likely occur in response to a technical breakdown which, for now, does not appear to be imminent (Chart 7). Chart 6China's Industrial Sector Is Set To Slow Further Chart 7Still In An Uptrend, For Now Bottom Line: A 2% deceleration in export growth is not in and of itself a significantly negative event for China's economy, but the shift in U.S. protectionism from rhetoric to action and the continued decline in our leading indicators makes a tenuous case for a continued overweight stance towards Chinese stocks. We recommend that investors put Chinese ex-tech stocks on downgrade watch over the course of Q2. An Update On The Hong Kong Dollar The Hong Kong dollar (HKD) has been weakening for the better part of a year, but recently it has fallen quite sharply relative to its history and now trades very close to the weak side of the peg (7.85 Hong Kong dollars to 1 U.S. dollar). The pace of recent weakness has caught the attention of investors and market participants, in part because it would be the first time in 12 years since the HKD threatened to decline below the lower end of the peg. In our view, both the HKD's weakness over the past year and the recent slide have been caused largely by technical factors, and are not in and of themselves signs of any major economic weakness or financial market instability that should concern investors. As highlighted in Chart 8, the significant rise in USD/HKD (a depreciation in the Hong Kong dollar) can be explained by a sizeable rise in the 3-month U.S. LIBOR / Hong Kong HIBOR spread. Panel 2 shows that the first portion of the rise in LIBOR vs HIBOR can be explained on the Hong Kong side. 3-month HIBOR itself has fallen quite substantially relative to the base rate, which has risen in lockstep with the Fed funds rate. This decline in 3-month HIBOR suggests that there is a supply-demand imbalance in the Hong Kong interbank market (in favor of excess supply), and that the Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA) is likely to reduce the aggregate balance maintained by commercial banks in the days and weeks ahead (after having reduced it by HKD 80 billion in the second half of 2017; Chart 9) in order to defend the peg. Chart 8HKD Weakness Caused By Factors##br## On Both Sides Of The Pacific Chart 9To Raise 3-Month HIBOR, ##br##The HKMA Has To Tighten Interbank Liquidity Panel 3 of Chart 8 highlights that the second portion of the LIBOR/HIBOR spike is due to events completely unconnected with Hong Kong's monetary policy or its banking system. As discussed in detail in last week's U.S. Bond Strategy,3 the sharp rise in 3-month LIBOR relative to the Fed funds rate (the opposite of what is occurring in Hong Kong) appears to be driven by the U.S. Treasury rebuilding its cash balance following the recent extension of the debt ceiling, the money market effect of U.S. corporations repatriating U.S. dollars, and the Fed's ongoing balance sheet contraction. The combination of these two factors has created incentives for investors to sell the Hong Kong dollar and buy the U.S. dollar, which explains the weakness of the former. While these factors are technical in nature and are likely to dissipate over time, they are both significantly rooted in the fact that the U.S. is tightening its monetary policy. This will be discussed in more depth in next week's report, as the combination of tighter monetary conditions, the ongoing slowdown in China's industrial sector, and the extremely high levels of leverage in Hong Kong's private sector legitimately raises the odds of a smashup over the coming 1-2 years. We will gauge how bearish investors should be on Hong Kong and will present a new indicator that investors can use to monitor whether tighter monetary policy is likely to tip the economy into a debt-driven downturn. Stay tuned. Bottom Line: The recent weakness in the Hong Kong dollar is not a sign of any major economic weakness or financial market instability that should concern investors. However, the prospect of tighter monetary policy is a potential threat to the Hong Kong economy that needs to be monitored. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA, Vice President Special Reports jonathanl@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China And The Risk Of Escalation," dated March 7, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The "Decision Tree" For Chinese Stocks," dated January 4, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report, "Profiting From A Higher LIBOR," dated March 20, 2018, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Special Report

Highlights China and Brazil are two extremes in regard to investment and savings - the former saves and invests a lot, the latter very little. The key difference between Brazil and China is neither the existing amount of deposits nor their propensity to save. Rather, it is their real economies' capacity to produce goods and services. Regardless of how capital expenditures are financed, when inputs for capital spending are procured domestically it is recorded as national "savings," but when they are imported there is no change in the level of national "savings." In China, policymakers are currently being forced to walk a very thin line between inflation and deflation. Brazilian consumers do not need to save more for companies to get financing for their investments. Instead, businesses - along with facilitation from the government - should build the supply side. Banks can finance the latter by originating loans "out of thin air." However, the natural consequence of this adjustment in Brazil will be considerable currency deprecation. Feature The Fallacy This is the fifth report in our series on money, credit, savings and investment. Its objective is to show that financing of investments is not constrained by national and foreign savings. This report argues against a postulate in mainstream economic literature which holds that in order to invest, nations with low savings rates need to either reduce consumption and boost national savings or to borrow foreign savings. Some examples of this economic thesis can be seen here: As Lindner neatly summarizes: "Many economists hold the position that "saving finances investment." They argue that saving - a reduction of consumption relative to income - is necessary for the provision of loans and the financing of investment." (Lindner 2015).1 Linder also provides other examples suggesting that this thesis is well entrenched in the economic theory and analysis. For example, he cites Gregory Mankiw's influential introductory macroeconomics textbook that upholds: "Saving is the supply of loans - individuals lend their saving to investors, or they deposit their saving in a bank that makes the loan for them. [. . . ] At the equilibrium interest rate, saving equals investment, and the supply of loans equals the demand." (1997, p. 63) (Lindner 2015).2 This mainstream economic thesis - that financing is constrained by savings - is intuitive, and not surprisingly many investors take it for granted. Yet this is a false proposition. This thesis is correct for barter economies but is not pertinent to modern economies with their own banking systems and national currencies. Further, Lindner (2015)3 argues: "The fallacies loanable funds theory commits might be explainable by the mis-application of some ideas and concepts of neoclassical growth models - especially the Ramsey (1928), Solow (1956) and Diamond (1965) models - to the sphere of money and finance... The Ramsey and Solow models are models of real investment only. Financial markets, financial assets and financial saving do not play any role in those models. There is only one good which, for simplicity, will be called "corn". Corn has three functions: it can be consumed, invested and used as a means of payment since wages and interest payments are made with it..." Clearly, modern economies with their fiat money systems are much more complicated than a barter economies with no banks and money. The Veracity: Financing Is Different From "Savings" This and previous reports4 clarify and elaborate on the following aspects of banking, money creation and financing as well as savings and investments: 1. Attributing the lack of investment in many emerging market (EM) economies to their low savings is a major fallacy. Borio (2015)5 argues: "Crucially, the provision of financing does not require someone to abstain from consuming. It is purely a financial transaction and hence distinct from saving... The equality of saving and investment is an accounting identity that always holds ex post and reveals nothing about financing patterns. In ex post terms, being simply the outcome of expenditures, saving does not represent a constraint on how much agents are able to spend ex ante. If we step back from comparative statics and consider the underlying dynamics, it is only once expenditures take place that income and investment, and hence saving, are generated." 2. Banks do not need deposits or "savings" to lend. They create money/deposits when they originate loans or buy assets from non-banks. To settle payments with their peers as well as the central bank, they require reserves at the central bank. Reserves at the central bank - not client deposits - constitute true liquidity for banks. For a more detailed discussion on loan origination and money creation in absence of new deposits entering into the banking system, please refer to Appendix 1 and 2 on pages 14 and 18. Certainly, there are several factors such as regulations and shareholder preferences that can curtail banks' ability to expand their balance sheets. However, households' or nations' "savings" do not constrain banks' ability to originate new loans/create deposits. 3. In an economy where banks exist, "savings" and financing are very different things. Many investors use the term "savings" to refer to bank deposits. Yet, in macroeconomics, national and household "savings" are not related to deposits or money in the banking system at all. Chart I-1 demonstrates that there is no relationship between the savings and changes in the amount of money in the banking system. Chart I-1Savings And New Money ##br##Creation Do Not Correlate The confusion between national "savings" and financing creation is dealt with nicely again by Fabian Lindner. Having modelled it, Lindner argues: "... the aggregate economy's saving is equal to the newly produced tangible assets and inventories. That total saving is equal to just the increase in tangible assets ... (because) all changes in net financial assets in the economy add up to zero... Thus, for every economic agent increasing her net financial assets, there is a corresponding decrease in net financial assets of all other economic agents in the economy (Lindner 2015).6 Put in more general terms: An economic agent can only save financially if other agents dis-save financially by the same amount... That is why in the entire economy (that is the world economy or a closed economy) only the increase in tangible assets, thus investment, is saving...." In another paper, Lindner asserts: "Investment is the production of any non-financial asset in an economy and thus is always directly and unambiguously savings: it increases the economy's net worth... The economy as a whole cannot change its net financial wealth since it always equals zero. The aggregate economy can only save in the form of non-financial assets...The only way an economy can save is by increasing its non-financial wealth, i.e., its physical capital stock" (Lindner 2012).7 On the whole, deposits are a monetary concept; they represent money savings. Deposits are created by banks "out of thin air," as illustrated in Appendix 1 on page 14. Meanwhile, "savings" are a net addition to capital stock. Not surprisingly, there is no relationship between "real savings" and money savings, as illustrated in Chart I-1. In a nutshell, "savings" is an addition to the capital stock of a nation, which is the same as investment. Hence, the Savings = Investment identity for a closed economy is nothing other than a tautology as it de-facto means Investment = Investment. That is why in this report we use "savings" in quotations whenever we refer to it in the traditional sense of economic theory. 4. Households' (or businesses') propensity to save alters the velocity of money, not the amount of deposits/money in the banking system. A decision by a household to spend more rather than save does not change the amount of deposits in the banking system and does not affect the banking system's ability to provide more financing. When households or companies decide to spend their deposits, the velocity of money rises. Conversely, when households and companies decide to save (retain) their deposits, the velocity of money drops. The amount of deposits in the banking system stays constant. In turn, the amount of deposits and hence broad money supply in any banking system equals the cumulative net money creation by banks and the central bank over the course of their history. This has nothing to do with household and national "savings," which form the country's capital stock. 5. In a country with its own national currency, the true macro constraint on commercial banks' ability to expand financing infinitely are inflation and currency depreciation - not "savings." This is of course apart from demand for loans, regulations and shareholder preferences that can limit commercial banks' capacity to expand their balance sheets. Bottom Line: In an economy with banks, one does not need to save in the form of a deposit in a bank for the latter to lend money to another entity. Tales Of Brazil And China Chart I-2Two Extremes Of Investment ##br##And Savings: China And Brazil We use China and Brazil solely for illustrative purposes. One can use any country with a low savings rate instead of Brazil or a high savings rate economy such as Korea, Taiwan or Singapore in place of China. China has enjoyed a very high national savings rate and has been investing substantially (Chart I-2). In contrast, both the national savings rate and the investment-to-GDP ratio in Brazil have been depressed. It is very tempting to argue that Brazil has been experiencing very low investment because it saves so little. The narrative goes like this: Brazil's national savings rate is low because households save so little and the public sector dis-saves a lot - i.e., the government runs enormous fiscal deficits. This constrains the pool of available "savings" to finance private capital expenditures. This typical analysis concludes that Brazil needs to boost its "savings" - i.e., reduce its spending. This will allegedly enlarge the pool of available "savings" for investment and allow the country to invest, and consequently boost productivity and its potential growth rate. This narrative is misplaced in our view, because as we have shown in the past and in this report, banks do not need households, businesses or the government to save in order to provide financing. Banks can provide financing by simply expanding the money multiplier, among other things (see a more detailed discussion about the money multiplier below). So what is the true difference between Brazil and China? How has the latter achieved such high savings and investment rates, while the former has failed to finance its capital spending? Why have Brazilian banks not expanded their balance sheets more rapidly to finance investment (Chart I-3)? Chart I-3Snapshot Of Bank Assets-To-GDP Ratios Let's consider a hypothetical example. For simplicity and illustrative purposes, we assume there are two economies of equal size and have the same level of investment: savings and net exports. In short, they have identical starting points. We refer to these economies as Brazil and China. Now, commercial banks in both countries provide new financing of $50 - or equal to 5% of their respective GDP - to businesses for infrastructure building. This is new purchasing power created by commercial banks "out of thin air" in both economies. We assume that the only difference between these two countries is that in China, 100% of inputs for infrastructure (materials, machinery/equipment and so on) are produced/purchased domestically. In contrast, in Brazil, 100% of the inputs for infrastructure construction are imported, because this economy lacks production capacity. Table I-1 illustrates this hypothetical numerical example. As this infrastructure project is implemented, Brazil's imports will surge, and its net exports will deteriorate. Chart I-4 shows that this indeed is the case in Brazil - when capital spending expands, its current accounts deficit widens, entailing that Brazil imports a considerable portion of inputs for its investments. Table I-1A Hypothetical Example Of Investment - Saving Dynamics Chart I-4Foreign Content Of Brazil's ##br##Capital Spending Is High If there is no matching rise in foreign investor demand for Brazilian assets, the nation's currency will depreciate. Consequently, to support the plunging currency, Brazilian interest rates would have to rise. As a result, higher borrowing costs short-circuit the credit cycle. In China, because inputs for infrastructure are sourced and procured locally, there is no impact on its exchange rate or interest rates. If there is excess capacity in China to produce these inputs for infrastructure building, this new purchasing power will not lift inflation. A caveat is in order: Similar dynamics in trade balance deterioration, currency depreciation and inflation will prevail if there is a rise in consumer spending instead of capital expenditures. Importantly, the outcome will be the same in both economies if investment spending is done using existing money savings (deposits), not new credit. This example illustrates that a similar amount of capital expenditures financing via money creation "out of thin air" in both economies has increased national savings in China from $250 to $300, yet Brazilian savings stayed at $250 (Table I-1). In terms of savings rate, China will record a rise in its national savings rate from 25% to 28.6% of GDP (Table I-1). In Brazil, however, the national savings rate will remain at 25% of GDP, even though its banks, like Chinese ones, originated money "out of thin air" to finance infrastructure spending. The starting-point difference between China and Brazil is neither their banking systems' ability to expand their balance sheets nor the existing amount of deposits and assets. Rather, it is their real economies' capacity to produce goods and services. Therefore, we conclude: Regardless of how capital expenditures are financed - via new borrowing from banks or non-banks or using the investing company's own financial resources - when inputs for capital spending are procured domestically it is recorded as an increase in national "savings" level, but when they are imported there is no change in the level of national "savings." Over the decades, China, Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Japan have all aggressively expanded their capacity to produce goods and services. They funded this capacity build-up via both money creation "out of thin air" and by attracting foreign capital. In the meantime, their large exports shielded their currencies from abrupt depreciation - as and when local bank financing was used to acquire foreign inputs. In the past decade, in China, loans - which banks have originated to build infrastructure - were largely spent on domestic inputs: cement, steel, chemicals, machinery and equipment all produced in the mainland. Even though some of that money/loans was used to purchase foreign inputs (commodities and equipment), China had large U.S. dollar revenues from exports that acted as an offset in its balance of payments. In short, Brazil and other low "savings" rate nations do not need to raise interest rates to curtail consumption and boost savings in order to release funds for financing capital expenditures. Chart I-5 demonstrates that there has been no positive relationship between real interest rates and the national savings rate in Brazil. Remarkably, real interest rates in this nation were often very high but that still did not lead to high "savings." Chart I-5Real Interest Rates And Savings Are Not Positively Correlated As They Are Supposed To Be What Brazil and other low "savings" rate economies need is to build efficient and competitive productive capacity - i.e., they need changes in the supply side of their economies. Only then can their banks expand their balance sheets and provide financing similar to how banks in high "savings" countries do. However, to shield the exchange rate from depreciation, these nations need to boost their exports first. This can be done by depreciating the currency and developing their global competitiveness. This is in effect what China has done in the past 25-30 years. Bottom Line: The key difference between Brazil and China is not their propensity to consume versus save, but their ability to produce goods and services domestically. So long as a nation builds and maintains excess productive capacity, its banks can originate loans "out of thin air" and finance capital and consumer expenditures. Money Multiplier Versus "Savings" Redundancy of the mainstream economic view that a pool of "savings" represents a constraint on financing investments becomes apparent when one applies the money multiplier concept, which is in fact accepted by mainstream economic theory. The money multiplier is the ratio of broad money relative to excess reserves. A rise in the money multiplier will lead to more money creation and financing in an economy per one unit of excess reserves (liquidity provided by the central bank), everything else held constant. In brief, money supply/the amount of deposits in the banking system will change regardless of the level of national or household "savings." Let's assume two countries with the same level of income per capita and GDP have identical national savings and investment rates as well as money supply and excess reserves. In short, they have indistinguishable macro parameters. Now suppose their banking systems in the past year had different money multipliers. The monetary authorities in both countries maintain the banking system's excess reserves at 10 units. If the money multiplier were to remain constant, say at 15, the money supply/deposits in both banking systems would remain at 150 units (10x15). Let's assume the money multiplier increased to 20 in Country A while held constant at 15 in Country B. In such a case, broad money supply would have risen to 200 units (10x20) in Country A and would stay at 150 (10x15) units in Country B. This entails that banks in Country A increased their funding yet those in Country B did not. That is despite the fact that the savings rates (and amount of savings) were identical before the change in the money multipliers occurred. This is one way to prove that a nation does not need to cut consumption for its banks to provide financing. The reason why the money multipliers could vary in these two countries with otherwise similar macro-economic parameters is due to animal spirits: In Country A, banks may have felt increasingly confident to lend more per one unit of their excess reserves, and there was demand for credit from borrowers. In the meantime, the money multiplier remained the same in Country B. In China, the money multiplier - the ratio of broad money to excess reserves - has risen dramatically since 2013 (Chart I-6). Interestingly, the amount of excess reserves at the People's Bank of China has been broadly the same over the past five years, yet broad money has grown by an enormous 75% (Chart I-6, middle and bottom panel). The exponential money/credit creation in China since 2009 has to a large extent been due to the rising money multiplier - wild animal spirits among bankers and borrowers - rather than high national "savings." Bottom Line: In any country, banks can provide more financing simply by expanding the money multiplier. This can happen regardless of the country's savings rate. Investment Relevance Why is this analysis pertinent to investors? First, this issue is critical to assess whether China's excessive credit expansion is an outcome of the nation's high savings - like many economists and investors claim - or due to the enormous amount of money/deposits and credit originated by the mainland's banks "out of thin air." If it is the former, investors have no need to worry about China's money and credit dynamics. If it is the latter, we are facing a typical banking and money/credit bubble. This report corroborates that it is the latter. Chart I-7 shows that China's broad money has grown 4-fold since January 2009 and has reached RMB 200 trillion, or the equivalent of $30 trillion. Chart I-6China: Money Multiplier Has Risen A Lot Chart I-7A Money Bubble In China? Does this enormous quantity of RMBs pose an inflation and/or currency depreciation risk? Or will the ongoing policy tightening cause another deflationary slump in China? It is clear that Chinese policymakers are currently being forced to walk a very thin line: On the one hand, the immense amount of money created "out of thin air" could stoke inflation or currency depreciation. It may not take much of a rise in the velocity of money for inflation to become a problem. On the other, tightening policy amid high leverage in an economy that is addicted to money and credit could push it into a growth slump and deflation. There is always a chance that policymakers will get it right and manage it perfectly so that neither inflation/currency depreciation nor a growth slump transpire. We would assign a 25-30% probability to this benign outcome. Hence, in our opinion there are 70-75% odds of either inflation or deflation in China in the next 12-24 months. Given these odds, we have been and remain reluctant to chase the rally in EM and China-related plays. In particular, the Chinese authorities have been tightening liquidity and banking/shadow banking regulation as well as projecting the ongoing anti-corruption campaign into the financial industry. This poses a meaningful risk given the existing macro imbalances. Second, this analysis re-shapes how investors should think about economic development and understand how nations with low savings can grow without relying on foreign funding. This provides us with a framework to assess the developmental path and the sustainability of growth in various developing economies. These include but are not limited to nations with low national savings rates such as Brazil, South Africa, Turkey, Russia, Colombia and many others. Finally, this analysis leads us to argue that Brazil does not need to maintain high real interest rates as a way to force consumers to cut spending and boost savings. In fact, this is the wrong prescription for Brazil. The most optimal macro adjustment path for Brazil is to reduce interest rates much further and encourage banks to finance private investment. Brazil needs to build an efficient supply side, and banks can provide funding by originating loans "out of thin air." Brazilian consumers do not need to save more for companies to get financing for their projects and invest. The natural causality of this adjustment will be considerable currency deprecation. However, Brazil is currently suffering from low inflation and high real interest rates (Chart I-8). Hence, reflationary policies are the right policy prescription. Chart I-8Brazil Needs To Reduce ##br##Interest Rates Much Further Foreign investors are therefore at risk due to potential currency depreciation. The new leaders to be elected in the October presidential elections may well adopt such a macro policy mix. Markets will front run this by pushing the real down and this will be negative for foreign investors. However, there will be a buying opportunity after the currency finds a floor. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Appendix 1: Loan Origination, Deposits/Money Creation And Settlement The amount of deposits is not a constraint on a banking system's ability to make loans and buy assets from non-banks. Figure I-1 and I-2 present stylized cases of how commercial banks can originate new loans without requiring a new deposit or extra excess reserves entering the banking system. Specifically Figure I-1 illustrates how commercial banks can originate loans with the subsequent net settlements among themselves taking place via inter-bank borrowing/lending. In this stylized example, the banking system is comprised of three commercial banks. These commercial banks hold all deposits in the system. Cash does not exist and all payments are done via wire transfers. Figure I-1Money Creation By Banks With Net Settlement Among Banks Via Inter-Bank Lending/Borrowing Figure I-2Money Creation By Banks With Net Settlement Between Banks & Central Bank 1. Loan Origination/Money Creation In the morning, Bank 1 originates a new loan worth $100 for Client 1. This transaction creates a new asset and, for the balance sheet to balance, Bank 1 should also increase the liabilities side of its balance sheet. Therefore, it simultaneously credits Client 1's chequing account by $100. Bank 1 does not transfer other depositors' money to Client 1's chequing account; it creates a new $100 deposit. The rest of the bank's depositors still have their full deposits, which they can draw on. In a nutshell, both assets and liabilities of Bank 1 rose by $100 - this was done "out of thin air" by just pressing the enter button on the computer. That also means that a $100 of new money was created by Bank 1 which increases the overall money stock in the banking system. Meanwhile, Bank 2 lends $200 to Client 2 and Bank 3 lends $300 to Client 3. Let's assume these were the only lending transactions during that day. In aggregate, the three banks originated $600 of new loans, and consequent new deposits/money "out of thin air." 2. Money Transfer / Payments Debtors do not borrow money and leave it sitting idle. They borrow money to pay their suppliers and others they owe. Even though Clients 1, 2 and 3 wire their payments to their respective suppliers on the same day, the total amount of deposits in the banking system does not change: Deposits simply move from one bank to another or from one bank client to another. In Figure I-1, Client 1 wires its $100 from Bank 1 to Supplier B that has an account at Bank 2; Client 2 pays its $200 invoice to Supplier C which in turn has an account at Bank 3; and finally Client 3 transfers $300 to Supplier A, who holds an account at Bank 1. The amount of money/deposits in the overall banking system has not changed as a result of these wire transfers. 3. Multilateral Net Settlement At the end of the day, banks should settle with other banks. Many countries employ a multilateral net settlement system typically operated by the central bank. In a multilateral net settlement system, at the end of the day, each bank pays (receives from) the system only the net amount they are due to pay to (receive from) other banks combined. Importantly, banks settle their payments with other banks using their excess reserves (herein called reserves) at the central bank, not the deposits of their clients. This entails that banks do not need deposits to pay their dues to other banks or the central bank. Figure I-1 illustrates the impacts on the banks' reserves under the multilateral net settlement system: Bank 1's reserves at the central bank change as follows: -$100 (Client 1's wire transfer out) + $300 (this is the amount that Supplier A with an account in Bank 1 gets from Client 3) = $200. The impact on Bank 2's reserves is as follows: -$200 (Client 2's wire transfer out) + $100 (this is the amount that Supplier B with an account in Bank 2 gets from Client 1) = -$100. The net change in Bank 3's reserves is: -$300 (Client 3's wire transfer out) + $200 (this is the amount that Supplier C with an account in Bank 3 gets from Client 2) = -$100. If we assume that all banks had no excess reserves before this day, then how do they settle their accounts? There are various alternatives, but we highlight two: Figure I-1 demonstrates the case of interbank lending. As a result of the settlements, Bank 1 has $200 in extra reserves, while Bank 2 and Bank 3 each have a $100 deficit in reserves. As such, Bank 1 lends $100 to each of Bank 2 and Bank 3. Why does it lend to other banks rather than keeping these reserves at the central bank? Because interbank rates are typically slightly above the central bank's rate - the rate Bank 1 would get if it were to lend the $200 to the central bank. Figure I-2 portends the same transactions with the sole difference being the reserves flow. Unlike Figure I-1, here banks do not lend to/borrow from each other. Banks lend excess reserves to the central bank as well as borrow deficient reserves from the central bank. This is done to settle their payments with other banks. Bank 1 lends its free reserves of $200 to the central bank. Bank 2 and Bank 3 each borrow $100 reserves from the central bank to settle with the system at the end of the day. As a result, the aggregate amount of reserves at the central bank does not change. On the whole, banks created $600 of new deposits/money/loans during the day without requiring savings from households, companies, the government or foreigners. Thereby, the money supply was expanded and new financing in the amount of $600 was provided "out of thin air." Appendix 2: Deposits Versus Liquidity Below are additional questions that we seek to answer to provide further elaboration on the issues of banks creating money and the difference between deposits and liquidity: 1. Why would central banks provide reserves to banks? When a central bank targets interest rates, which is nowadays the most common policy framework in both advanced and developing countries, it must provide liquidity to banks: the latter is required to preclude interbank rates from deviating from the policy rate. Under an interest rate targeting regime, the central bank does not have complete control over banks' reserves nor broad money supply. A central bank can control either the quantity of money or the price of money (interest rates), but not both simultaneously. The following two quotes from the New York Federal Reserve Chairman William Dudley and the European Central Bank confirm that central banks nowadays provide banks with reserves on demand - i.e., the amount of reserves is determined by demand from banks. "The Federal Reserve has committed itself to supply sufficient reserves to keep the fed funds rate at its target. If banks want to expand credit and that drives up the demand for reserves, the Fed automatically meets that demand in its conduct of monetary policy. In terms of the ability to expand credit rapidly, it makes no difference whether the banks have lots of excess reserves or not." (Dudley, 2009) European Central Bank (2012), May 2012 Monthly Bulletin: "The Eurosystem ... always provides the banking system with the liquidity required to meet the aggregate reserve requirement. In fact, the ECB's reserve requirements are backward-looking, i.e. they depend on the stock of deposits (and other liabilities of credit institutions) subject to reserve requirements as it stood in the previous period, and thus after banks have extended the credit demanded by their customers." 2. Why do banks compete for deposits if they create deposits themselves? The true reason banks compete for deposits is not that they require more deposits, but because they require more reserves. When a bank attracts a deposit from another bank, the latter must transmit to the former reserves equal to the amount of the deposit transferred. When a bank is experiencing a liquidity shortage, more deposits are of no help. Banks can always create more deposits themselves, but they cannot create reserves at the central bank. The true liquidity for banks is their reserves at the central bank - not deposits. Reserves are solely created by central banks "out of thin air." A central bank may decide not to provide funding to certain banks in some cases when the authorities deem these banks insolvent and/or in breach of regulations. Otherwise, if the central bank wants to keep policy rates stable, it must provide all liquidity (reserves) banks require. 3. Why do banks attract deposits if the central bank provides liquidity on demand? The primary reason why banks seek to attract deposits instead of borrowing from the central bank is due to the cost of funding and duration of liabilities as well as regulatory requirements. Deposits may be cheaper and have longer duration than short-term funding from the central bank. 1 Lindner, F. (2015), "Does Savings Increase the Supply of Credit? A Critique of Loanable Funds Theory", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, World Economic Review 4, 2015. 2 Lindner, F. (2015), "Did Scarce Global Savings Finance the US Real Estate Bubble? The Global Saving Glut thesis from a stock flow Consistent Perspective", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, Working Paper 155, July 2015. 3 Lindner, F. (2015), "Does Savings Increase the Supply of Credit? A Critique of Loanable Funds Theory", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, World Economic Review 4, 2015. 4 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Special Reports from October 26, 2016, November 23, 2016, January 18, 2017 and December 20, 2017; available on ems.bcaresearch.com 5 Borio, C. and Disyatat, P. (2015), "Capital flows and the current account: Taking financing (more) seriously", BIS Working Papers, No. 525, October 2015. 6 Lindner, F. (2015), "Did Scarce Global Savings Finance the US Real Estate Bubble? The Global Saving Glut thesis from a stock flow Consistent Perspective", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, Working Paper 155, July 2015. 7 Lindner, F. (2012), "Savings does not finance Investment: Accounting as an indispensable guide to economic theory", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, Working Paper 100, October 2012. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Special Report

Highlights Malaysian elections are likely in April or May and we expect will return the ruling BN coalition to power; Malaysia's banking system is vulnerable and economy is highly exposed to a relapse in Chinese growth and/or commodity prices; Thailand's military junta has delayed elections until February 2019 and may delay again, but that is not cause for a selloff; Transitions from military to civilian rule are historically positive for Thai assets relative to emerging markets; Favor Thai currency, equities, and bonds within the EM space; go long Thai local bonds versus Malaysian, currency unhedged. Feature The word is out that Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak will call elections ahead of Ramadan in late April or early May. The timing makes sense, as Malaysia's economy has recovered from the turmoil of 2015 and Najib has survived the political scandals that threatened to topple him (Chart 1). We expect the long-ruling Barisan Nasional coalition to emerge victorious from the vote.1 Chart 1Call Elections While Growth Is Strong Meanwhile, to the north, Thailand's military junta has delayed elections for the third time, pushing them from November 2018 to February 2019. Having revised the constitution and guided the country through the royal succession,2 the military is running out of excuses to cling to power. It is likely to hand the reins partially back to civilian politicians within the next 24 months, if not next February. The first election since the 2014 coup is likely (though not guaranteed) to favor military-backed parties. In both countries, the political status quo is familiar, and likely to persist for some time. What does this mean for investors? First, it means a degree of certainty. Second, it means mixed prospects for pro-market policies. Both BCA's Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy favor Thai assets over Malaysian within the EM universe. Malaysia: Election Is Tactically Bullish At Best On the political front, there is a 45% subjective probability that the election impact will be genuinely market-positive and a 55% probability that it will be neutral or status quo. To understand this, investors need to understand how unlucky Malaysia's political opposition is. The twenty-first century was supposed to be the opposition's moment in the sun, when it would defeat the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition for the first time since the country's independence in 1957. A large and ambitious middle class was emerging on the back of export-led industrialization and a commodity bull market (Chart 2). The time seemed ripe for an unlikely coalition of middle-class progressive Malays, ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs, and rural Islamists to take power in the name of change. Unfortunately for the opposition, the 2008 election came before the global financial crisis struck and the 2013 election came before the oil price plunge of 2014 (Chart 3). The opposition made a valiant showing nonetheless. In the first case it deprived the BN of a supermajority for the first time since 1969; in the second case, it won the popular vote. But in neither case was the opposition able to win a majority of seats in parliament, as its victories were confined to a few small regions (Chart 4). Chart 2Middle Class Angst In Malaysia Chart 3Opposition Timing Unlucky... Chart 4... Can It Keep Gaining Seats? Today the opposition's bad luck continues. The Pakatan Harapan coalition, as it is now called, is headed into the yet-to-be-scheduled 2018 elections at a time when Malaysia's economy and exports have recovered along with global demand and commodity prices (Chart 5). Consumer sentiment and employment have improved, albeit from a low point. Chart 5Economy Recovers Ahead Of Vote Moreover, Prime Minister Najib, who became embroiled in scandals almost immediately after winning the 2013 election, has been cleared of wrongdoing by various authorities. What little opinion polling exists suggests that the majority of the populace still disapproves of him, but apathy is widespread.3 Needless to say it is Najib's advantage as prime minister that he gets to decide the timing of the elections. The opposition has also lost a critical partner, the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS). Najib has lured PAS into joining BN, giving it a larger majority and putting the remaining opposition forces even farther from the 112 seats needed for a majority in the lower house (the Dewan Rakyat) (Chart 6). At the same time, Pakatan Harapan has no platform other than opposition to Najib's government. Malaysia's chief opposition leader and advocate of structural reform, Anwar Ibrahim, has entered into an unholy alliance with his former boss and arch-enemy, the long-ruling strongman Mahathir Mohamad, who will soon turn 93 years old. This alliance is manifestly self-interested and unstable. There is a scenario in which the opposition could take power - but it is the least probable. In Chart 7 we present three scenarios: the first is the best case for the opposition, the second is the best case for BN, and the third is the status quo. To these scenarios we assign subjective probabilities: Scenario 1: Opposition Takes Power (20% probability): For the opposition to win, it needs to retain all of its current 71 seats and stage a historic upset by winning all the seats in Kedah and Johor. It then needs to convince PAS to return to its fold through coalition-building. Winning every seat in Kedah and Johor is a stretch. And PAS has learned how to wield power without the opposition, so why would it rejoin? BN has granted it concessions on its Islamist agenda that the more secular opposition parties would be loath to adopt. Scenario 2: BN Wins Supermajority (25% probability): The real question is whether the BN coalition will retake the supermajority that it lost in 2008. This would require BN to win an additional 19 seats on top of retaining its current 129 seats. If BN retains its current seats and the alliance with PAS, and wins half or more of the 37 seats in Malay-dominant, or mixed-Malay, constituencies currently held by the opposition, then it will achieve this supermajority. In Chart 7 above we illustrate this scenario as an even bigger sweep in which the BN also picks up some seats that it lost in ethnic Chinese and other constituencies. Scenario 3: BN Preserves Status Quo (55% probability): In this scenario, both BN and PAS retain their seats and remain allied, but make zero gains. Najib and his government are relatively unpopular and tainted by scandal, Malaysian governance has worsened, and winning back non-Malay and mixed-Malay seats could be very difficult in practice. What would be the likely market responses to these outcomes? In Scenario 1, an opposition victory would be the most market-friendly outcome in light of Malaysia's poor governance, flagging productivity, and lackluster economy in recent years. It would demonstrate to the world that although Malaysia's demographic trajectory strongly favors the majority Malay population (Chart 8), that trajectory need not condemn the country to a future of ethnic nationalism and communal tensions. Chart 6Defection Helps Ruling Coalition Chart 7Malaysia 2018 Election Scenarios Chart 8Demographics Favor Malay Majority True, the untested Pakatan Harapan coalition would bring a great deal of uncertainty. But the authority of Mahathir, the reformist bent of Anwar, the fact that the Islamist members of the coalition are progressive, and the increased political inclusion of the ethnic Chinese, would all be seen as positives. Moreover a vote against the long-ruling BN, and the BN's expected acceptance of the vote, would show that the country is flexible enough to handle real political change, unlike many EMs. Nevertheless, this is a low probability outcome. In Scenario 2, a BN supermajority would be cheered by markets (less enthusiastically than Scenario 1) for providing a clear sense of direction. It would reaffirm the United Malay National Organization's (UMNO's) status as the institutional ruling party (the core of the BN) after a decade of apparent decay. And it would remove the uncertainty of recent government scandals and mistakes. It would also give Najib enough political capital to press forward with structural reforms (Chart 9), which he has pursued under less ideal conditions. However, the downside of Scenario 2 is that, over the long run, Malaysia's governance would likely deteriorate (Chart 10). BN would regain the ability to pass constitutional amendments on its own and would use this power to reinforce Malay nationalism and authoritarianism, which would exacerbate tensions with the pro-business Chinese community. Chart 9Najib Has Done Some Reforms Chart 10Governance Could Fall Further The third scenario - a status quo BN simple majority - is the most likely yet least market-friendly outcome. This electoral result would leave Najib only able to do piecemeal reforms and more dependent on his Islamist coalition partner, PAS. The risk is not that radical Islamism would spiral out of control - Malaysia is a moderate Muslim country - but rather that in this scenario both governance and economic orthodoxy could continue to suffer.4 Economic conditions would be better than just after the 2014 commodity bust, but would remain lackluster. The crux of the matter is whether the election enables the government to take a more proactive stance in grappling with Malaysia's latent financial risks and external vulnerabilities. The latter are significant. Indeed, BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy is underweight Malaysian assets versus their EM peers, and argues that Malaysia needs to see the following developments for investors to upgrade this bourse: Progress in recognition of non-performing loans (NPLs) and increased bank provisions. NPLs are too low given the credit boom over the past nine years, and provisions are also extremely inadequate (Chart 11, panels 1 and 2). Further, Malaysian commercial banks have artificially boosted their earnings because they have lowered their provisions for bad loans. Given that global growth and Malaysian exports are likely at or near their peak, Malaysian commercial banks will soon face rising NPLs and will be forced to increase their provisions for bad loans, putting their profit growth at risk. In a scenario where banks raise provisions by 35%, banks' operating profits would fall from 11% to zero. This presents a major risk to bank share prices (Chart 12). Chart 11Bad Loans Are Under-Recognized Chart 12If Provisions Go Up, Profits Will Fall Crucially, commercial bank share prices are extremely important for Malaysia's stock market, as they account for 35% of the country's total MSCI market cap and 38% of the index's total earnings. Commercial banks also have been largely responsible for the recent rally in Malaysian stocks. An outlook of stable demand growth in China and stable-to-higher commodities prices, so that Malaysia's economy would be able to grow without too much reliance on credit and fiscal stimulus. Currently, exports to China comprise 9% of GDP and commodities exports make up 30% of exports and 20% of GDP. An outlook for stable-to-strong currency that would lower the external debt burden and lower debt-servicing costs, which are among the highest in the EM world. In turn, the exchange rate outlook is contingent on commodities prices and the EM carry trade. Importantly, these adjustments may only take place once Chinese growth has slowed and Malaysia's external vulnerabilities have become painfully apparent to investors and discounted in financial markets. Only an opposition victory or a BN supermajority would increase the probability that Malaysia will start trying to reduce these vulnerabilities preemptively, allowing investors to look beyond the valley and price in a better structural outlook. Given that the combined subjective probability of the two scenarios is 45%, we are neutral on Malaysian politics in the near term. Our conviction level on pro-market policies is low, given that the status quo outcome offers only piecemeal reforms, while a transition to opposition rule for the first time or a return to a traditional BN supermajority would be fraught with uncertainty. Bottom Line: The current rally in Malaysian assets can continue as long as the global bull market persists and China's slowdown remains benign. However, there is no guarantee that China will remain benign, and Malaysia is poorly positioned among EMs to deal with external shocks. Thus while there is space for a tactical play on the election, the prudent long-term position is to be underweight Malaysian stocks, local bonds, and currency relative to their EM counterparts. Thailand: Stay Bullish At Least Until Elections While Malaysia prepares to hold elections, Thailand's military junta has delayed them for at least the third time. They are expected by February 2019. While we would not be surprised to see another delay, this period of military rule is getting long in the tooth, by Thai standards, and we would expect the transition to civilian rule to occur within the next year or two.5 The election delay is mildly positive for Thai risk assets, as investors have broadly approved of the junta or at least grown accustomed to it. During previous periods of military rule, such as 1991-92 and 2006-07, Thai stocks have typically underperformed the EM benchmark, both in USD and local currency terms (Chart 13). But the 2014 coup proved to be different. The government of General Prayuth Chan-Ocha has provided three fundamentally stabilizing factors: Banishing the Shinawatras: The junta forced a conclusion (for the time being at least) to the domestic political struggle that has raged in the country since 2001. It did so by ousting Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and sending her to join her brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, in exile, and by suppressing their rural, populist political coalition. Shepherding the royal succession: The junta's decision to throw a coup in 2014 was heavily influenced by the desire to ensure that a stable royal succession would occur upon the death of the widely revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Bhumibol had played a calming role in Thai politics since 1946 and was a major source of authority for the political elite. When the king's death actually occurred in October 2016, the junta was exercising strict control over the country and the succession did not occasion any significant instability. Managing the post-GFC economy: The junta brought relatively competent and stable economic management during the turbulent period in which emerging markets climbed down from the massive DM and EM stimulus policies enacted during the Great Recession. Thailand's uneventful politics differed markedly from those of Malaysia, South Korea, Turkey, Brazil and others that have seen severe considerable political upheaval since 2013. As a result, Thailand has enjoyed greater policy "certainty" over the past four years than would otherwise have been the case. Credit default swaps, for example, have collapsed from the levels witnessed during the Thai political unrest and natural disasters in 2006-13. No surprise, then, that over the past three years, financial markets have cheered any sign that the junta will stay in power for longer (Chart 14). Chart 13Thai Equities Underperform EM Peers And Long-Term Average During Military Rule Chart 14Market Content With Postponed Elections To be sure, the Thai economy faces immediate, cyclical challenges. Thailand's frequent military coups have always had a deflationary impact due to austere policies and dampened animal spirits (Chart 15). The latest coup specifically initiated a period of macroeconomic deleveraging (Chart 16), and all indications suggest that the deleveraging has farther to go. Banks are repairing their balance sheets and less ready to extend credit. Capital formation is weak and construction is subdued (Chart 17). Chart 15Thai Coups Are Deflationary Chart 16Junta Imposed Deleveraging... This is not even to mention more structural challenges: A shrinking labor force (Chart 18, top panel; High household debt levels (Chart 18, bottom panel); Chart 17...So Economy Is Subdued Chart 18Structural Headwinds A stark deterioration in governance due to frequent coups and mass protests that are violently suppressed (see Chart 10 above). Furthermore, the impending transition to civilian rule will initiate a new round of political instability. Whenever "free and fair" elections are held in Thailand (i.e. elections not stage-managed by the military), the populace almost always returns the provincial, "democratic" parties to power (the so-called "Red Shirts"), as opposed to urban, royalist parties (the "Yellow Shirts"). This was the case in 2001, 2005, 2006, 2011, and 2014. The military has adjusted the constitution and electoral system to prevent this outcome, and it may succeed in arranging the first post-coup civilian government to come to power in 2019 or 2020. But these periodic constitutional and electoral rewrites have repeatedly failed to prevent the majority of the population from winning elections and forming governments. Even if the military succeeds in rigging the first post-junta election, the return to the democratic process itself will empower the rural populists and trigger a new cycle of conflict with the royalist establishment. After all, the military junta has not resolved the fundamental grievances of the Thai population, particularly in the restive north and northeast regions, where about 51% of the population lives. While poverty has declined rapidly, a hallmark of economic development, this trend has supported the ambitions of the countryside. Meanwhile the share of the population making over $20 per day has only slightly risen (Chart 19). The mean-to-median household wealth ratio is rising sharply, as wealthy households are lifting the national average while the median family's wealth has been virtually flat in absolute terms (Chart 20). Chart 19Lower Middle Class Is Large... Chart 20...And Inequality Is Rising The stark disparity between Bangkok, the home of the civil bureaucracy, and the rest of the country is apparent in the fact that public sector wages are almost twice as high as private sector wages. And since the coup, the wages of bureaucrats and soldiers have risen faster than the wages of farmers (Chart 21). It is the latter who in great part fuel the rural opposition movement. All of this suggests that a new cycle of instability will begin in Thailand once civilian government resumes. The good news for investors is that this instability will creep in only gradually. The military will try to orchestrate the initial elections and civilian government (February 2019 at earliest), which means that policy will remain continuous at first. Chart 22 shows what happens to the THB/USD exchange rate, and Thai equity returns (both in absolute and relative to EM), in the months following three key phases in the Thai political cycle: (1) coups and military rule (2) military-arranged governments and initial post-coup elections (3) free and fair elections. Chart 21Stark Economic Disparities Chart 22Return To Civilian Rule Good For Stocks The first and third phases bring mixed results: coups are bad for the baht and good for equities in the short term, while free elections are good for the baht and mixed for equities. The second phase - the transition to civilian government - is the only one that produces all positive returns. Of course, the external environment will be an overwhelming factor. The THB/USD and equity performances after the 2007 post-coup election and the 2008 military-arranged government were all distorted by the global financial crisis and the V-shaped recovery in 2009. We cannot predict the external environment after Thailand's upcoming transition to civilian rule other than to say that it will likely be worse than today's (as globally synchronized growth is very strong today). What we can say is that Thai equities outperformed EM equities in all three cases of pseudo-civilian government that we observed (1992, 2007, 2008). While history may not repeat itself, the key point is that Thailand's junta has overseen relatively orthodox economic management that makes Thailand relatively well positioned to deal with external volatility and shocks - quite unlike Malaysia. The country runs a massive current account surplus of 10% of GDP. Public debt and external debt are low, as is the share of bonds owned by foreigners who could sell in a fit of volatility. The junta has also capitalized on the strong external backdrop to rebuild Thailand's foreign exchange reserves (Chart 23). And the deflationary and deleveraging tendencies of the junta period mean that Thailand does not face a significant inflation constraint, allowing the Bank of Thailand to cut interest rates if it should need to (Chart 24). Chart 23Junta Knows How To Hoard Chart 24Room To Cut Rates Thus when China's slowdown hits emerging markets, Thailand is relatively well positioned to outperform. Certainly it is better fortified against any trade or commodity shock than its neighbor to the south, Malaysia. Bottom Line: The Thai junta is getting closer to relinquishing power to a civilian government. This will initiate a new cycle of political instability in Thailand, as low- and middle-class angst and regional disparities remain. Nevertheless the junta will be in power for another 12-24 months, and the initial transition is likely to maintain policy continuity at least at the beginning. Investors can benefit from Thailand's relative stability in this regard. Investment Conclusions BCA's Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy have different tactical approaches to Malaysia, with the political analysts more constructive in the short term due to the fact that the upcoming election will at least enable Najib to continue with piecemeal reforms. However, both strategy services agree that Malaysia remains highly vulnerable to the ongoing slowdown in China and any relapse in commodity prices. On Thailand, by contrast, both teams are clearly positive on this bourse, currency, and local bonds relative to their respective EM benchmarks. The macro context is stable if uninspiring. Politically, Thai politics are a liability in the long run, but not particularly so in the next 24 months. There will be a new bout of instability in two-to-five years, when the rural, populist movement elects a government that is at odds with the military and the Thai political establishment in Bangkok. Until that time, however, the junta's tight grip provides a continuation of the status quo, which has been positive for investors. Thailand stands on much more solid ground than Malaysia and many other EMs when it comes to external debt and foreign funding. It will be able to withstand considerable global/EM turmoil. Therefore Emerging Markets Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy recommend that investors go long Thai / short Malaysian local currency bonds currency unhedged: The Malaysian ringgit will depreciate versus the Thai baht in the next 12 months. The current account surplus is 10% of GDP in Thailand and 2.9% in Malaysia and will move in favor of Thailand as commodity prices slump. The outlook for foreign capital flows favors Thailand over Malaysia. Foreigners own 26% of domestic bonds in Malaysia but only 16% in Thailand. The ringgit depreciation will lead to some selling pressure in local bond markets. Thai local bonds are more immune to this risk. Thailand's public debt position is also smaller than in Malaysia especially when off-balance sheet liabilities are taken into account. That puts Malaysia's true public debt closer to 69% of GDP versus only 33% in Thailand. The Malaysian fiscal deficit is also wide (2.7% of GDP) and the government will face difficulties cutting spending and raising taxes at a time when global growth is slowing. One final word on geopolitics. In an increasingly multipolar world, certain states will be able to parlay their strategic relevance to get advantageous commercial, financial, and military deals from great powers. Both Malaysia and Thailand are well positioned to extract benefits from the U.S. and China in their great power competition. However, Thailand is unlikely to suffer from concentrated U.S. or Chinese antagonism anytime soon, whereas Malaysia faces a more complicated relationship with China due to its geographically strategic location, maritime sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea, tensions between the ethnic Malay and Chinese communities, and lack of mutual defense treaty with the United States.6 Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Update On Emerging Markets: Malaysia, Mexico, And The United States Of America," dated August 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "The EM Rally: Running Out Of Steam?" dated October 19, 2016, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see Hafiz Noor Shams, "Malaysia Power Shift Unlikely Despite Mahathir Factor," Financial Times, January 29, 2018, available at www.ft.com. 4 Please see footnote 1 above. 5 Thailand's current Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-Ocha has been in power since he launched the coup of May 2014. If elections are held in February 2019, this five-year period will be the third longest period of military rule since 1932. Prayuth himself is already ranked fourth out of thirteen military prime ministers in terms of his time in office. If he steps down in 2019-20 then his term would rival that of Prem Tinsulanonda in the 1980s and Plaek Phibunsongkhram in the 1950s. If he is elected and stays on as prime minister, he could rival Thanom Kittikachorn who ruled for ten years. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Does It Pay To Pivot To China?" dated July 5, 2017, "The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?" dated March 28, 2017, and Weekly Report "How To Play The Proxy Battles In Asia," dated March 1, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Special Report

Dear Clients, This week we are re-publishing an excellent Special Report written by our geopolitical team that appeared in the January 2018 Bank Credit Analyst. The recent removal of term limits on the Chinese presidency, a move that was foreshadowed in the report, has refocused global investor attention on the country's secular outlook. The report explains why the long-run outlook for China hinges on Xi Jinping's willingness to use his immense personal authority and concentration of power for the purposes of good governance and market-oriented economic reform. Without concrete progress, investors will have to decide whether they want to invest in a China that is becoming less economically vibrant as well as more authoritarian. I trust you will find this report insightful. Best regards, Jonathan LaBerge, CFA, Vice President Special Report Highlights 2018 is a pivotal year for China, as it will set the trajectory for President Xi Jinping's second term ... and he may not step down in 2022. Poverty, inequality, and middle-class angst are structural and persistent threats to China's political stability. The new wave of the anti-corruption campaign is part of Xi's attempt to improve governance and mitigate political risks. Yet without institutional checks and balances, Xi's governance agenda will fail. Without pro-market reforms, investors will face a China that is both more authoritarian and less productive. Feature Hearts rectified, persons were cultivated; persons cultivated, families were regulated; families regulated, states were rightly governed; states rightly governed, the whole world was made tranquil and happy. - Confucius, The Great Learning Comparisons of modern Chinese politics with Confucian notions of political order have become cliché. Nevertheless, there is a distinctly Confucian element to Chinese President Xi Jinping's strategy. Xi's sweeping anti-corruption campaign, which will enter "phase two" in 2018, is essentially an attempt to rectify the hearts and regulate the families of Communist Party officials and civil servants. The same could be said for his use of censorship and strict ideological controls to ensure that the general public remains in line with the regime. Yet Xi is also using positive measures - like pollution curbs, social welfare, and other reforms - to win over hearts and minds. His purpose is ultimately the preservation of the Chinese state - namely, the prevention of a Soviet-style collapse. Only if the regime is stable at home can Xi hope to enhance the state's international security and erode American hegemony in East Asia. This would, from Beijing's vantage, make the whole world more tranquil and happy. Chart 1The New Normal Thus, for investors seeking a better understanding of China in the long run, it is necessary to look at what is happening to its governance as well as to its macroeconomic fundamentals and foreign relations.1 China's greatest vulnerability over the long run is its political system. Because Xi Jinping's willingness to relinquish power is now uncertain, his governance and reform agenda in his second term will have an outsized impact on China's long-run investment outlook. The Danger From Within From 1978-2008, the Communist Party's legitimacy rested on its ability to deliver rising incomes. Since the Great Recession, however, China has entered a "New Normal" of declining potential GDP growth as the society ages and productivity growth converges toward the emerging market average (Chart 1). In this context, Chinese policymakers are deathly afraid of getting caught in the "middle income trap," a loose concept used to explain why some middle-income economies get bogged down in slower growth rates that prevent them from reaching high-income status (Chart 2).2 Such a negative economic outcome would likely prompt a wave of popular discontent, which, in turn, could eventually jeopardize Communist Party rule. The quid pro quo between the Chinese government and its population is that the former delivers rising incomes in exchange for the latter's compliance with authoritarian rule. The party is not blind to the fate of other authoritarian states whose growth trajectory stalled. Chart 2Will China Get Caught In The Middle-Income Trap? The threat of popular unrest in China may seem remote today. The Communist Party is rallying around its leader, Xi Jinping; the economy rebounded from the turmoil of 2015 and its cyclical slowdown in recent months is so far benign; consumer sentiment is extremely buoyant; and the global economic backdrop is bright (Chart 3). Yet these positive political and economic developments are cyclical, whereas the underlying political risks are structural and persistent. China has made massive gains in lifting its population out of poverty, but it is still home to 559 million people, around 40% of the population, living on less than $6 per day, the living standard of Uzbekistan. It will be harder to continue improving these workers' quality of life as trend growth slows and the prospects for export-oriented manufacturing dry up. This is why the Xi administration has recently renewed its attention to poverty alleviation. The government is on target in lifting rural incomes, but behind target in lifting urban incomes, and urban-dwellers are now the majority of the nation (Chart 4). The plight of China's 200-250 million urban migrants, in particular, poses the risk of social discontent. Moreover, while China knows how to alleviate poverty, it has less experiencing coping with the greatest threat to the regime: the rapid growth of the middle class, with its high expectations, demands for meritocracy and social mobility, and potential for unrest if those expectations are spoiled (Chart 5). Chart 3China's Slowdown So Far Benign Chart 4Urban Income Targets At Risk Chart 5The Communist Party's Greatest Challenge Democracy is not necessarily a condition for reaching high-income status, but all of Asia's high-income countries are democracies. A higher level of wealth encourages household autonomy vis-à-vis the state. Today, China has reached the $8,000 GDP per capita range that often accompanies the overthrow of authoritarian regimes.3 The Chinese are above the level of income at which the Taiwanese replaced their military dictatorship in 1987; China's poorest provinces are now above South Korea's level in that same year, when it too cast off the yoke of authoritarianism (Chart 6). Chart 6China's Development Beyond Point At Which##br## Taiwan And Korea Overthrew Dictatorship This is not an argument for democracy in China. We are agnostic about whether China will become democratic in our lifetime. We are making a far more humble point: that political risk will mount as wealth is accumulated by the country's growing middle class. Several emerging markets - including Thailand, Malaysia, Turkey and Brazil - have witnessed substantial political tumult after their middle class reached half of the population and stalled (Chart 7). China is approaching this point and will eventually face similar challenges. Chart 7Middle Class Growth Troubles Other EMs The comparison reveals that an inflection point exists for a society where the country's political establishment faces difficulties in negotiating the growing demands of a wealthier population. As political scientists have shown empirically, the very norms of society evolve as wealth erodes the pull of Malthusian and traditional cultural variables.4 Political transformation can follow this process, often quite unexpectedly and radically.5 Clearly the Chinese public shows no sign of large-scale, revolutionary sentiment at the moment. And political opposition does not necessarily result in regime change. Nevertheless, it is empirically false that the Chinese people are naturally opposed to democracy or representative government. After all, Sun Yat Sen founded a Republic of China in 1912, well before many western democratic transformations! And more to the point, the best survey evidence shows that the Chinese are culturally most similar to their East Asian neighbors (as well as, surprisingly, the Baltic and eastern European states): this is not a neighborhood that inherently eschews democracy. Remarkably, recent surveys suggest that China's millennial generation, while not wildly enthusiastic about democracy, is nevertheless more enthusiastic than its peers in the western world's liberal democracies (Chart 8)! Chart 8Chinese People Not Less Fond Of Democracy Than Others China is also home to one of the most reliable predictors of political change: inequality. China's economic boom is coincident with the rise of extreme inequalities in income, wealth, region, and social status. True, judging by average household wealth, everyone appears to be a winner; but the average is misleading because it is pulled upward by very high net worth individuals - and China has created 528 billionaires in the past decade alone. Chart 9Inequality: A Severe Problem In China A better measure is the mean-to-median wealth ratio, as it demonstrates the gap that opens up between the average and the typical household. As Chart 9 demonstrates, China is witnessing a sharp increase in inequality relative to its neighbors and peers. More standard measures of inequality, such as the Gini coefficient, also show very high readings in China. And this trend has combined with social immobility: China has a very high degree of generational earnings elasticity, which is a measure of the responsiveness of one's income to one's parent's income. If elasticity is high, then social outcomes are largely predetermined by family and social mobility is low. On this measure, China is an extreme outlier - comparable to the U.S. and the U.K., which, while very different economies, have suffered recent political shocks as a result of this very predicament (Chart 10). "China does not have voters" unlike the U.S. and U.K., is the instant reply. Yet that statement entails that China has no pressure valve for releasing pent-up frustrations. Any political shock may be more, not less, destabilizing. In the U.S. and the U.K., voters could release their frustrations by electing an anti-establishment president or abrogating a trade relationship with Europe. In China, the only option may be to demand an "exit" from the political system altogether. Chart 10China An Outlier In Inequality And Social Immobility Note that there is already substantial evidence of social unrest in China over the past decade. From 2003 to 2007, China faced a worrisome increase in "mass incidents," at which point the National Bureau of Statistics stopped keeping track. The longer data on "public incidents" suggests that the level of unrest remains elevated, despite improvements under the Xi administration (Chart 11). Broader measures tell a similar story of a country facing severe tensions under the surface. For instance, China's public security spending outstrips its national defense spending (Chart 12). Chart 11Chinese Social Unrest Is Real Chart 12China Spends More On ##br##Domestic Security Than Defense In essence, Chinese political risk is understated. This conclusion may seem counterintuitive, given Xi's remarkable consolidation of power. But is ultimately structural factors, not individual leaders, that will carry the day. The Communist Party is in a good position now, but its leaders are all-too-aware of the volcanic frustrations that could be unleashed should they fail to deliver the "China Dream." This is why so much depends upon Xi's policy agenda in the second half of his term. To that question we will now turn. Bottom Line: The Communist Party is at a cyclical high point of above-trend economic growth and political consolidation under a strongman leader. However, political risk is understated: poverty, inequality, and middle-class angst are structural and persistent and the long-term potential growth rate is slowing. If we assume that China is not unique in its historical trajectory, then we can conclude that it is approaching one of the most politically volatile periods in its development. The Governance And Reform Agenda Since coming to office in 2012-13, President Xi has spearheaded an extraordinary anti-corruption campaign and purge of the Communist Party (Chart 13). The campaign has understandably drawn comparisons to Chairman Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution (1966-76). Yet these are not entirely fair, as Xi has tried to improve governance as well as eradicate his enemies. As Xi prepares for his "re-election" in March 2018, he has declared that he will expand the anti-corruption campaign further in his second term in office: details are scant, but the gist is that the campaign will branch out from the ruling party to the entire state bureaucracy, on a permanent basis, in the form of a new National Supervision Commission.6 There are three ways in which this agenda could prove positive for China's long-term outlook. First, the regime clearly hopes to convince the public that it is addressing the most burning social grievances. Corruption persistently ranks at the top of the list, insofar as public opinion can be known (Chart 14). Public opinion is hard to measure, but it is clear that consumer sentiment is soaring in the wake of the October party congress (see Chart 3 above). It is also worth noting that the Chinese public's optimism perked up in Xi's first year in office, when the policy agenda on offer was substantially the same and the economy had just experienced a sharp drop in growth rates (Chart 15). Reassuring the public over corruption will improve trust in the regime. Chart 13Xi's Anti-Corruption Campaign Chart 14Chinese Public Grievances Second, the anti-corruption campaign feeds into Xi's broader economic reform agenda. Productivity growth is harder to generate as a country's industrialization process matures. With the bulk of the big increases in labor, capital, and land supply now complete in China, the need to improve total factor productivity becomes more pressing (Chart 16). Unlike the early stages of growth, this requires reaching the hard-to-get economic conditions, such as property rights, human capital, financial deepening, entrepreneurship, innovation, education, technology, and social welfare. Chart 15Anti-Corruption Is Popular Chart 16Productivity Requires Institutional Change On this count, the Xi administration's anti-corruption campaign has been a net positive. The most widely accepted corruption indicators suggest that it has made a notable improvement to the country's governance. Yet the country remains far below its competitors in the absolute rankings, notably its most similar neighbor Taiwan (Chart 17 A&B). The institutionalization of the campaign could thus further improve the institutional framework and business environment. Chart 17AAnti-Corruption Campaign Is A Plus ... Chart 17B... But There's A Long Way To Go Third, the anti-corruption campaign can serve as a central government tool in enforcing other economic reforms. Pro-productivity reforms are harder to execute in the context of slowing growth because political resistance increases among established actors fighting to preserve their existing advantages. If the ruling party is to break through these vested interests, it needs a powerful set of tools. Recently, the central government in Beijing has been able to implement policy more effectively on the local level by paving the way through corruption probes that remove personnel and sharpen compliance. Case in point: the use of anti-corruption officials this year gave teeth to environmental inspection teams tasked with trimming overcapacity in the industrial sector (Chart 18). And there are already clear signs that this method will be replicated as financial regulators tackle the shadow banking sector.7 Chart 18Reforms Cut Steel Capacity, ##br##Reduced Need For Scrap These last examples - financial and environmental regulatory tightening - are policy priorities in 2018. The coercive aspect of the corruption probes should ensure that they are more effective than they would otherwise be. And reining in asset bubbles and reducing pollution are clear long-term positives for the regime. Ideally, then, Xi's anti-corruption campaign will deliver three substantial improvements to China's long-term outlook: greater public trust in the government, higher total factor productivity, and reduced systemic risks. The administration hopes that it can mitigate its governance deficit while improving economic sustainability. In this way it can buy both public support and precious time to continue adjusting to the new normal. The danger is that these policies will combine to increase downside risks to growth in the short term.8 Bottom Line: Xi's anti-corruption campaign is being expanded and institutionalized to cover the entire Chinese administrative state. This is a consequential campaign that will take up a large part of Xi's second term. It is the administration's major attempt to mitigate the socio-political challenges that await China as it rises up the income ladder. Absolute Power Corrupts Absolutely? The problem, however, is that Xi may merely use the anti-corruption campaign to accrue more power into his hands. As is clear from the above, Xi's governance agenda is far from impartial and professional. The anti-corruption campaign is being used not only to punish corrupt officials but also to achieve various other goals. Xi has even publicly linked the campaign to the downfall of his political rivals.9 In essence, the campaign highlights the core contradiction of the Xi administration: can Xi genuinely improve China's governance by means of the centralization and personalization of power? Over the long haul, the fundamental problem is the absence of checks and balances, i.e. accountability, from Xi's agenda. For instance, the National Supervision Commission will be granted immense powers to investigate and punish malefactors within the state - but who will inspect the inspectors? Xi's other governance reforms suffer the same problem. His attempt to create "rule of law" is lacking the critical ingredients of judicial independence and oversight. The courts are not likely to be able to bring cases against the party, central government, or powerful state-owned firms, and they will not be able to repeal government decisions. Thus, as many commentators have noted, Xi's notion of rule of law is more accurately described as "rule by law": the reformed legal system will in all probability remain an instrument in the hands of the Communist Party. Chart 19China's Governance Still Falls Far Behind Likewise, Xi's attempt to grant the People's Bank of China greater powers of oversight in order to combat systemic financial risk suffers from the fact that the central bank is not independent, and will remain subordinate to the State Council, and hence to the Politburo Standing Committee. This is not even to mention the lamentable fact that Xi's campaign for better governance has so far coincided with extensive repression of civil society, which does not mesh well with the desire to improve human capital and innovation.10 Thus it is of immense importance whether Xi sets up relatively durable anti-corruption, legal, and financial institutions that will maintain their legitimate functions beyond his term and political purposes. Otherwise, his actions will simply illustrate why China's governance indicators lag so far behind its peers in absolute terms. Corruption perceptions may improve further, but there will be virtually no progress in areas like "voice and accountability," "political stability and absence of violence," "rule of law," and "regulatory quality," each of which touches on the Communist Party's weak spots in various ways (Chart 19). Analysis of the Communist Party's shifting leadership characteristics reinforces a pessimistic view of the long run if Xi misses his current opportunity.11 The party's top leadership increasingly consists of career politicians from the poor, heavily populated interior provinces - i.e. the home base of the party. Their educational backgrounds are less scientific, i.e. more susceptible to party ideology. (Indeed, Xi Jinping's top young protégé, Chen Miner, is a propaganda chief.) And their work experience largely consists of ruling China's provinces, where they earned their spurs by crushing rebellions and redistributing funds to placate various interest groups (Chart 20). While one should be careful in drawing conclusions from such general statistics, the contrast with the leadership that oversaw China's boldest reforms in the 1990s is plain. Bottom Line: Xi's reform agenda is contradictory in its attempt to create better governance through centralizing and personalizing power. Unless he creates checks and balances in his reform of China's institutions, he is likely to fall short of long-lasting improvements. The character profiles of China's political elite do not suggest that the party will become more likely to pursue pro-market reforms in Xi's wake. Chart 20China's Leaders Becoming More 'Communist' Over Time Xi Jinping's Choice Xi is the pivotal player because of his rare consolidation of power, and 2018 is the pivotal year. It is pivotal because it will establish the policy trajectory of Xi's second term - which may or may not extend into additional terms after 2022. So far, the world has gained a few key takeaways from Xi's policy blueprint, which he delivered at the nineteenth National Party Congress on October 18: Xi has consolidated power: He and his faction reign supreme both within the Communist Party and the broader Chinese state; Xi's policy agenda is broadly continuous: Xi's speech built on his administration's stated aims in the first five years as well as the inherited long-term aims of previous administrations; China is coming out of its shell: In the international realm, Xi sees China "moving closer to center stage and making greater contributions to mankind"; The 2022 succession is in doubt: Xi refrained from promoting a successor to the Politburo Standing Committee, the unwritten norm since 1992. Chart 21Market Not Too Worried About##br## Party Congress Outcomes Markets have not reacted overly negatively to these developments (Chart 21), as the latter do not pose an immediate threat to the global rally in risk assets. The reasons are several: Maoism is overrated: While the Communist Party constitution now treats Xi Jinping as the sole peer of the disastrous ruler Mao Zedong, the market does not buy the Maoist rhetoric. Instead, it sees policy continuity, yet with more effective central leadership, which is a plus. Reforms are making gradual progress: Xi is treading carefully, but is still publicly committed to a reform agenda of rebalancing China's economic model toward consumption and services, improving governance and productivity, and maintaining trade openness. Whatever the shortcomings of the first five years, this agenda is at least reformist in intention. China's tactic of "seeking progress while maintaining stability" is certainly more reassuring than "progress at any cost" or "no progress at all"! Trump and Xi are getting along so far: Xi's promises to move China toward center stage threaten to increase geopolitical tensions with the United States in the long run, yet markets are not overly alarmed. China is imposing sanctions on North Korea to help resolve the nuclear missile standoff, negotiating a "Code of Conduct" in the South China Sea, and promoting the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which will marginally add to global development and growth. Trump is hurling threatening words rather than concrete tariffs. 2022 is a long way away: Markets are unconcerned with Xi's decision not to put a clear successor on the Politburo Standing Committee, even though it implies that Xi will not step down at the end of his term in five years. Investors are implicitly approving Xi's strongman behavior while blissfully ignoring the implication that the peaceful transition of power in China could become less secure. Are investors right to be so sanguine? Cyclically, BCA's China Investment Strategy is overweight Chinese investible equities relative to EM and global stocks.12 Geopolitical Strategy also recommends that clients follow this view and overweight China relative to EM. Beyond this 6-12 month period, it depends on how Xi uses his political capital. If Xi is serious about governance and economic reform, then long-term investors should tolerate the other political risks, and the volatility of reforms, and overweight China within their EM portfolio. After all, China's two greatest pro-market reformers, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, were also heavy-handed authoritarians who crushed domestic dissent, clashed with the United States from time to time, and hesitated to relinquish control to their successors. However, if Xi is not serious, then investors with a long time horizon should downgrade China/EM assets - as not only China but the world will have a serious problem on its hands. For Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin always reaffirmed China's pro-market orientation and desire to integrate into the global economic order. If Xi turns his back on this orientation, while imprisoning his rivals for corruption, concentrating power exclusively in his own person, and contesting U.S. leadership in the Asia Pacific, then the long-run outlook for China and the region should darken rather quickly. Domestic institutions will decay and trade and foreign investment will suffer. How and when will investors know the difference? As mentioned, we think 2018 is critical. Xi is flush with political capital and has a positive global economic backdrop. If he does not frontload serious efforts this year then it will become harder to gain traction as time goes by.13 If he demurs, the Chinese political system will not afford another opportunity like this for years to come. The country will approach the 2020s with additional layers of bureaucracy loyal to Xi, but no significant macro adjustments to its governance or productivity. It is not clear how long China's growth rate is sustainable without pro-productivity reforms. It is also not clear that the world will wait five years before responding to a China that, without a new reform push, will appear unabashedly mercantilist, neo-communist, and revisionist. Bottom Line: The long-run investment outlook for China hinges on Xi Jinping's willingness to use his immense personal authority and concentration of power for the purposes of good governance and market-oriented economic reform. Without concrete progress, investors will have to decide whether they want to invest in a China that is becoming less economically vibrant as well as more authoritarian. We think this would be a bad bet. Matt Gertken Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy Marko Papic Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist Geopolitical Strategy 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms", dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Chinese policymakers are expressly concerned about the middle-income trap. Please see the World Bank and China's Development Research Center of the State Council, "China 2030: Building A Modern, Harmonious, And Creative Society," 2013, available at www.worldbank.org. Liu He, who is perhaps Xi Jinping's top economic adviser, had a hand in drafting this report and is now a member of the Politburo and shortlisted to take charge of the newly established Financial Stability and Development Commission at the People's Bank of China. 3 Please see Indermit S. Gill and Homi Kharas, "The Middle-Income Trap Turns Ten," World Bank, Policy Research Working Paper 7403 (August, 2015), available at www.worldbank.org 4 Please see Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel, Modernization, Cultural Change and Democracy: the Human Development Sequence (Cambridge: CUP, 2005). 5 For example, the collaps of the Soviet Union and the Arab Spring, as well as the downfall of communist regimes writ large, were completely unanticipated. 6 Specifically, Xi is creating a National Supervision Commission that will group a range of existing anti-graft watchdogs under its roof at the local, provincial, and central levels of administration, while coordinating with the Communist Party's top anti-graft watchdog. More details are likely to be revealed at the March legislative session, but what matters is that the initiative is a significant attempt to institutionalize the anti-corruption campaign. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China's Party Congress Ends ... So What?" dated November 1, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 China has recently drafted top anti-graft officials, such as Zhou Liang, from the powerful Central Discipline and Inspection Commission and placed them in the China Banking Regulatory Commission, which is in charge of overseeing banks. Authorities have already imposed fines in nearly 3,000 cases in 2017 affecting various kinds of banks, including state-owned banks. On the broader use of anti-corruption teams for economic policy, please see Barry Naughton, "The General Secretary's Extended Reach: Xi Jinping Combines Economics And Politics," China Leadership Monitor 54 (Fall 2017), available at www.hoover.org. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Three Questions For 2018," dated December 13, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see Gao Shan et al, "China's President Xi Jinping Hits Out at 'Political Conspiracies' in Keynote Speech," Radio Free Asia, January 3, 2017, available at www.rfa.org 10 Xi has cranked up the state's propaganda organs, censorship of the media, public surveillance, and broader ideological and security controls (including an aggressive push for "cyber-sovereignty") to warn the public that there is no alternative to Communist Party rule. This tendency has raised alarms among civil rights defenders, lawyers, NGOs, and the western world to the effect that China's governance is actually regressing despite nominal improvement in standard indicators. This is the opposite of Confucius's bottom-up notion of order. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress", dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Investors should note that, since the publication of this report, BCA's China Investment Strategy service has closed its long MSCI China / short MSCI EM trade. We are now primarily expressing our cyclically positive stance towards Chinese stocks by being long MSCI China ex-technology versus MSCI All Country World (ACW) ex-tech. For more information please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "After The Selloff: A View From China", dated February 15, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 13 Xi faces politically sensitive deadlines in the 2020-22 period: the economic targets in the thirteenth Five Year Plan; the hundredth anniversary of the Communist Party in 2021; and Xi's possible retirement at the twentieth National Party Congress in 2022. At that point he will need to focus on demonstrating the Communist Party's all-around excellence and make careful preparations either to step down or cling to power. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights Portfolio Strategy Synchronized global growth, a soft U.S. dollar, our resurgent Boom/Bust Indicator and avoidance of a Chinese economic hard landing, are all signaling that it still pays to overweight cyclicals at the expense of defensives. Economically hyper-sensitive transports also benefit from synchronous global growth and capex. We expect a rerating phase in the coming months. Within transports, we reiterate our overweight stance in the key railroads sub-index as enticing macro tailwinds along with firming operating metrics underscore that profits will exit deflation in calendar 2018. Recent Changes There are no portfolio changes this week. Table 1 Feature The S&P 500 continued to consolidate last week, still digesting the early February tremor. Policy uncertainty is slowly returning and sustained Administration reshufflings are becoming slightly unnerving (bottom panel, Chart 1). Nevertheless, the dual themes of synchronized global growth and budding evidence of coordinated tightening in global monetary policy, i.e. rising interest rate backdrop, continue to dominate and remain intact. Importantly in the U.S., the latest non-farm payrolls (NFP) report was a goldilocks one. Month-over-month NFPs surpassed the 300K hurdle for the first time since late-2014, on an as-reported-basis, while wage inflation settled back down. The middle panel of Chart 2 shows that both in the 1980s and 1990s expansions, NFPs were growing briskly, easily clearing the 300K mark. The 2000s was the "jobless recovery" expansion and likely the exception to the rule. In all three business cycle expansions wage growth touched the 4%/annum rate before the recession hit. The yield curve slope also supports this empirical evidence, forecasting that wage inflation will likely attain 4%/annum before this cycle ends (wages shown inverted, Chart 3). Chart 1Watch Policy Uncertainty Chart 2Goldilocks NFP Report... Chart 3...But Wage Growth Pickup Looms One key element in the current cycle is that the government is easing fiscal policy to the point where both NFPs and wages will likely surge in the coming months as the fiscal thrust gains steam, likely extending the business cycle. This is an inherently inflationary environment, especially when the economy is at full employment and the Fed in slow and steady tightening mode. Last autumn, we showed that the SPX performs well in times of easy fiscal and tight money iterations, rising on average 16.7% with these episodes, lasting on average 16 months (Table 2).1 The latest flagship BCA monthly publication forecasts that the current fiscal impulse will last at least until year-end 2019, contributing positively to real GDP growth. Thus, if history at least rhymes, SPX returns will be positive and likely significant for the next couple of years (Chart 4). With regard to the composition of the equity market's return, we reiterate our view - backed by empirical evidence - that EPS will do the heavy lifting whereas the forward P/E multiple will continue to drift sideways to lower.2 Not only will rising fiscal deficits cause the Fed to remain vigilant and continue to raise interest rates and weigh on the equity market multiple (Chart 5), but also heightened volatility will likely suppress the forward P/E multiple. Table 2SPX Returns During Periods Of Loose##br## Fiscal And Tight Monetary Policy Chart 4Stimulative Fiscal Policy##br## Extends The Business Cycle... Chart 5...But Weighs On ##br##The Multiple This week we revisit our cyclical versus defensive portfolio bent and update the key transportation overweight view. Cyclicals Thrive When Global Growth Is Alive And Well... While retaliatory tariff wars are dominating the media headlines, global growth is still resilient. Our view remains that the odds of a generalized trade war engulfing the globe are low, and in that light we reiterate our cyclical over defensive portfolio positioning, in place since early October.3 Global growth is firing on all cylinders. Our Global Trade Indicator is probing levels last hit in 2008, underscoring that cyclicals will continue to have the upper hand versus defensives (Chart 6). Synonymous with global growth is the softness in the U.S. dollar. In fact, the two are in a self-feeding loop where synchronized global growth pushes the greenback lower, which in turn fuels further global output growth. Tack on the rising likelihood that the trade-weighted dollar has crested from a structural perspective, according to the 16-year peak-to-peak cycle4 (Chart 7) and the news is great for cyclicals versus defensives (Chart 8). Chart 6Global Trade Is Alright Chart 7Dollar The Great Reflator... Chart 8...Is A Boon For Cyclicals Vs. Defensives Related to the greenback's likely secular peak is the booming commodity complex, as the two are nearly perfectly inversely correlated. Commodity exposure is running very high in the deep cyclical sectors and thus any sustained commodity price inflation gains will continue to underpin the cyclicals/defensives share price ratio. BCA's Boom/Bust Indicator (BBI) corroborates this upbeat message for cyclicals versus defensives. The BBI is on the verge of hitting an all-time high and, while this could serve as a contrary signal, there are high odds of a breakout in the coming months if synchronized global growth stays intact as BCA expects, rekindling cyclicals/defensives share prices (Chart 9). Finally, if China avoids a hard landing, and barring an EM accident, the cyclicals/defensives ratio will remain upbeat. Chart 10 shows that China's LEI is recovering smartly from the late-2015/early-2016 manufacturing recession trough, and the roaring Chinese stock market - the ultimate leading indicator - confirms that the path of least resistance for the U.S. cyclicals/defensive share price ratio is higher still. Chart 9Boom/Bust indicator Is Flashing Green Chart 10China Is Also Stealthily Firming Bottom Line: Stick with a cyclical over defensive portfolio bent. ...As Do Transports, Thus... Transportation stocks have taken a breather recently on the back of escalating global trade war fears. But, we are looking through this soft-patch and reiterate our barbell portfolio approach: overweight the global growth-levered railroads and air freight & logistics stocks at the expense of airlines that are bogged down by rising capacity and deflating airfare prices (Chart 11). Leading indicators of transportation activity are all flashing green. Transportation relative share prices and manufacturing export expectations are joined at the hip, and the current message is to expect a reacceleration in the former (top panel, Chart 12). Similarly, capital expenditures, one of the key themes we are exploring this year, are as good as they can be according to the regional Fed surveys, and signal that transportation profits will rev up in the coming months (middle panel, Chart 12). The possibility of an infrastructure bill becoming law later this year or in 2019 would also represent a tailwind for transportation EPS. Not only is U.S. trade activity humming, but also global trade remains on a solid footing. The global manufacturing PMI is resilient and sustaining recent gains, suggesting that global export volumes will resume their ascent. This global manufacturing euphoria is welcome news for extremely economically sensitive transportation profits (Chart 13). All of this heralds an enticing transportation services end-demand outlook. In fact, industry pricing power is gaining steam of late and confirms that relative EPS will continue to expand (Chart 12). Under such a backdrop, a rerating phase looms in still depressed relative valuations (bottom panel, Chart 13). Chart 11Stick With Transports Exposure Chart 12Domestic... Chart 13...And Global Growth/Capex Beneficiary ...Stay On Board The Rails Railroad stocks have worked off the overbought conditions prevalent all of last year, and momentum is now back at zero. In addition, forward EPS have spiked, eliminating the valuation premium and now the rails are trading on par with the SPX on a forward P/E basis (Chart 14). The track is now clear and more gains are in store for relative share prices in the coming quarters. Despite trade war jitters, we are looking through the recent turbulence. If the synchronized global growth phase endures, as we expect, then rail profits will remain on track. In fact, BCA's measure of global industrial production (hard economic data) is confirming the euphoric message from the global manufacturing PMI (soft economic data) and suggests that rails profits will overwhelm (Chart 15). Our S&P rails profit model also corroborates this positive global trade message and forecasts that rail profit deflation will end in 2018 (bottom panel, Chart 15). Beyond these macro tailwinds, operating industry metrics also point to a profit resurgence this year. Importantly, our rails profit margin proxy (pricing power versus employment additions) has recently reaccelerated both because selling prices are expanding at a healthy clip and due to labor restraint (second panel, Chart 15). Demand for rail hauling remains upbeat and our rail diffusion indicator has surged to a level last seen in 2009, signaling that there is a broad based firming in rail carload shipments (second panel, Chart 16). Chart 14Unwound Both Overbought Conditions And Overvaluation Chart 15EPS On Track To Outperform Chart 16Intermodal Resilience The significant intermodal segment that comprises roughly half of all shipments is on the cusp of a breakout. The retail sales-to-inventories ratio is probing multi-year highs on the back of the increase in the consumer confidence impulse and both are harbingers of a reacceleration in intermodal shipments (Chart 16). Coal is another significant category that takes up just under a fifth of rail carload volumes and bears close attention. While natural gas prices have fallen near the lower part of the trading range in place since mid-2016 and momentum is back at neutral, any spike in nat gas prices will boost the allure of coal as a competing fuel for energy generation (middle panel, Chart 17). Keep in mind that coal usage is highly correlated with electricity demand and the industrial business cycle, and the current ISM manufacturing survey message is upbeat for coal demand. Tack on the whittling down in coal inventories at utilities and there is scope for a tick up in coal demand (third panel, Chart 18). Finally, the export relief valve has reopened for coal with the aid of the depreciating U.S. dollar, and momentum in net exports has soared to all-time highs, even surpassing the mid-1982 peak (bottom panel, Chart 18). Chart 17Key Coal Shipments Underpin Selling Prices Chart 18Upbeat Leading Indicators Of Coal Demand All of this suggests that coal shipments will make a comeback later in 2018, and continue to underpin industry pricing power, which in turn boost rail profit prospects (bottom panel, Chart 17). Bottom Line: Continue to overweight the broad S&P transportation index, and especially the heavyweight S&P railroads sub-index. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5RAIL - UNP, CSX, NSC, KSU. Anastasios Avgeriou, Vice President U.S. Equity Strategy anastasios@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, "Can Easy Fiscal Offset Tighter Monetary Policy?" dated October 9, 2017, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, "EPS And 'Nothing Else Matters'," dated December 18, 2017, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Special Report, "Top 5 Reasons To Favor Cyclicals Over Defensives," dated October 16, 2017, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "The Euro's Tricky Spot," dated February 2, 2018, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. Current Recommendations Current Trades Size And Style Views Favor value over growth. Stay neutral small over large caps (downgrade alert).