Policy

Highlights Global stocks are very vulnerable to a correction. But cyclically the Fed is committed to an inflation overshoot and the global economy is recovering. China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse fell sharply, which leaves global cyclical stocks and commodities exposed to a pullback. Beyond the near term, China’s need for political stability should prevent excessive policy tightening. The risk is frontloaded. China’s population census underscores one of our mega-themes: China’s domestic politics are unstable and can bring negative surprises. India’s state elections, held amid a massive COVID-19 wave, suggest that the ruling party is still favored in 2024. This implies policy continuity. Stick with a bullish cyclical bias but be prepared to shift if China commits a policy mistake. Feature Chart 1Inflation Rears Its Head Inflation Rears Its Head Inflation Rears Its Head Global markets shuddered this week in the face of a strong core inflation print in the US as well as broader fears as inflation rears its head after a long slumber (Chart 1). Cyclically we still expect investors to rotate away from US stocks into international stocks and for the US dollar to fall as the global economy recovers (Chart 2). However, this view also entails that emerging market stocks should start outperforming their developed market peers, which has not panned out so far this year. Emerging markets are not only technology-heavy and vulnerable to rising US bond yields but also further challenged now by China’s stimulus having peaked. Chart 2Equity Market Trembles Equity Market Trembles Equity Market Trembles Chart 3Global Economy And Sentiment Recovering Global Economy And Sentiment Recovering Global Economy And Sentiment Recovering Chart 4Global Cyclicals Versus Defensives Wavering Global Cyclicals Versus Defensives Wavering Global Cyclicals Versus Defensives Wavering The one thing we can rely on is that the COVID-19 vaccine rollout will continue to enable a global growth recovery (Chart 3). The US dollar is signaling as much. The greenback bounced in the first quarter on US relative growth outperformance but it has since fallen back. A falling dollar is positive for cyclical stocks relative to defensives, although cyclicals are flagging that the reflation trade is overdone in the near term (Chart 4). China’s growth now becomes the critical focal point. A policy mistake in China would upset the bullish cyclical view. China’s tightening of monetary and fiscal policy is a major global policy risk that we have highlighted this year and it is now materializing. However, we have also highlighted the constraints to tightening. At present China is standing right on the threshold of overtightening according to our benchmarks. If China tightens further, we will take a fundamentally more defensive view. Also in this report we will review the results of China’s population census and the implications of India’s recent state elections in the face of the latest big wave of COVID-19 infections. We are not making any changes to our bullish view on India yet but we are putting it on watch. China: The Overtightening Risk China’s troubles stem from the ongoing change of its economic model from reliance on foreign trade to reliance on domestic demand. This was a strategic decision that the Communist Party made prior to the rise of President Xi Jinping. Xi also has come to embody it and reinforce it through his strategic vision and confrontation with the United States. Beijing’s goal was to manage a smooth and stable transition. The financial turmoil of 2015 and the trade war of 2018-19 jeopardized that goal but policymakers ultimately prevailed. Then COVID-19 broke out and caused the first real economic contraction since the 1970s. While China contained the virus and bounced back with another massive round of stimulus (13.8% of GDP from the onset of the trade war to the 2021 peak), it now faces an even more difficult transition. Chart 5China's Rising Propensity To Save China's Rising Propensity To Save China's Rising Propensity To Save The need to improve quality of life is more urgent given that potential GDP has slowed. The need to contain systemic financial risk is more urgent given the big new increase in debt. And the need to diversify the economy is more urgent given that the US is now creating a coalition of democracies to confront China over a range of policies. The spike in the “marginal propensity to save” among Chinese people and corporations – as measured by the ratio of long-term cash deposits to short-term deposits – is an indication that the country is beset by troubles and animal spirits are depressed (Chart 5). China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse is turning down after the large expansion in 2018-21. Policymakers have signaled since last year that they would withdraw emergency stimulus and now the impact is apparent in the hard data. China’s money, credit, and combined credit-and-fiscal impulses all correlate with economic growth after a six-to-nine-month lag. This is true regardless of which indicators one uses for China’s money and credit cycles and economic activity (Charts 6A and 6B). China’s economic momentum is peaking and will become a headwind for the global economy later this year and in 2022, even though the world is otherwise enjoying the tailwinds of vaccination and economic reopening. Chart 6AChina’s Fiscal-And-Credit Impulse Falls Sharply … China's Fiscal-And-Credit Impulse Falls Sharply... China's Fiscal-And-Credit Impulse Falls Sharply... Chart 6B… As Do Money-And-Credit Impulses ... As Do Money-And-Credit Impulses ... As Do Money-And-Credit Impulses The downshift in the fiscal-and-credit impulse portends a slowdown in demand for commodities, materials, and other goods that China imports, especially for domestic consumption. (Chinese imports of parts and inputs that go into its manufacturing exports to the rest of the world look healthier as the rest of the world recovers.) This shift will make it hard for high-flying metals prices and other China plays, such as Swedish stocks, to continue rising without a correction (Chart 7). Speculative positioning is heavily in favor of commodities at the moment. The divergence between China and the metals markets that it dominates looks untenable in the short run (Chart 8). Chart 7China Reflation Trades Near Peaks China Reflation Trades Near Peaks China Reflation Trades Near Peaks Chart 8Money Cycle And Commodity Prices Clash Money Cycle And Commodity Prices Clash Money Cycle And Commodity Prices Clash The global shift to green or renewable energy systems (i.e. de-carbonization) is bullish for metals, especially copper, but will not be able to make up for the fall in Chinese demand in the short run, as our Emerging Markets Strategy has shown. China’s domestic uses of copper for construction and industry make up about 56.5% of global copper demand while the green energy race – namely the production of solar panels, windmills, electric cars – makes up only about 3.5% of global demand. This number somewhat understates the green program since re-gearing and retrofitting existing systems and structures is also projected, such as with electricity grids. But the point is that a drop in China’s copper consumption will work against the big increase in American and European consumption – especially given that the US infrastructure program will not kick in until 2022 at the earliest. Hence global copper demand will slow over the next 12 months in response to China even though the rest of the world’s demand is rising. Chinese policymakers have not yet signaled that they are worried about overtightening policy or that they will ease policy anew. The Politburo meeting at the end of April did not contain a major policy change from the Central Economic Work Conference in December or the Government Work Report in March (Table 1). But if there was a significant difference, it lay in reducing last year’s sense of emergency further while projecting some kind of scheme to hold local government officials accountable for hidden debt. The implication is continued tight policy – and hence the risk of overtightening remains substantial. Table 1China’s Recent Macroeconomic Policy Statements: Removing Stimulus China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening Chart 9Benchmarks For China's Policy Tightening Benchmarks For China's Policy Tightening Benchmarks For China's Policy Tightening True, the tea leaves of the April meeting can be read in various ways. The April statement left out phrases about “maintaining necessary policy support” from the overarching macroeconomic policy guidance, which would imply less support for the economy. But it also left out the goal of keeping money supply (M2) and credit growth (total social financing) in line with nominal GDP growth, which could be seen as enabling a new uptick in credit growth. However, the People’s Bank of China did maintain this credit goal in its first quarter monetary policy report, so one cannot be sure. Notice that according to this rubric, China is right on the threshold of “overtightening” policy that we have utilized to measure the risk (Chart 9). Based on Chinese policymaking over the past two decades, we would expect any major inflection point to be announced at the July Politburo meeting, not the April one. We do not consider April a major change from the preceding meetings – nor does our China Investment Strategy. Therefore excessive policy tightening remains a genuine risk for the Chinese and global economy over the next 12 months. Our checklist for excessive tightening underscores this point (Table 2). Table 2Checklist For Chinese Policy Tightening China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening China’s fiscal-and-credit downshift is occurring in advance of the twentieth national party congress, which will take place throughout 2022 and culminate with the rotation of the top leadership (the Politburo Standing Committee) in the autumn. The economy is sufficiently stimulated for the Communist Party’s hundredth birthday on July 1 of this year, so policymakers are focused on preventing excesses. Financial risk prevention, anti-monopoly regulation, and tamping down on the property bubble are the orders of the day. The increase in corporate and government bond defaults and bankruptcies underscore the leadership’s willingness to push forward with economic restructuring and reform, which is well-attested in recent years (Chart 10). Chart 10Creative Destruction In China China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening Investors cannot assume that the party congress in 2022 is a reason for the leadership to ease policy. The contrary occurred in the lead-up to the 2017 party congress. However, investors also cannot assume that China will overtighten and sink its own economy ahead of such an important event. Stability will be the goal – as was the case in 2017 and previous party congresses – and this means that policy easing will occur at some point if the current round of tightening becomes too painful financially and economically. China-linked assets are vulnerable in the short run until policymakers reach their inflection point. Incidentally, the approach of the twentieth national party congress will be a magnet for political intrigue and shocking events. The top leader normally sacks a prominent rival ahead of a party congress as a show of force in the process of promoting his faction. The government also tightens media controls and cracks down on dissidents, who may speak up or protest around the event. But in 2022 the stakes are higher. President Xi was originally expected to step down in 2022 but now he will not, which will arouse at least some opposition. Moreover, under Xi, China has undertaken three historic policy revolutions: it is adopting a strongman leadership model, to the detriment of the collective leadership model under the two previous presidents; it is emphasizing economic self-sufficiency, at the expense of liberalization and openness; and it is emphasizing great power status, at the expense of cooperation with the United States and its allies. Bottom Line: Global equities, commodities, and “China plays” stand at risk of a substantial correction as a result of China’s policy tightening. Our base case is that China will avoid overtightening but the latest money and credit numbers run up against our threshold for changing that view. Another sharp drop in these indicators will necessitate a change. China’s Disappearing Workforce Ultimately one of the constraints on overtightening policy is the decline in China’s potential GDP growth as a result of its shrinking working-age population. China’s seventh population census came out this week and underscored the deep structural changes affecting the country and its economy. Population growth over the past ten years slowed to 5.4%, the lowest rate since the first census in 1953. The fertility rate fell to 1.3 in 2020, lower than the 2.1 replacement rate and the 1.8 target set when Chinese authorities relaxed the one-child policy in 2016. The fertility rate is also lower than the World Bank’s estimates (1.7 in 2019) and even Japan’s rate. The birthrate (births per 1,000 people) also fell, with the number of newborns in 2020 at the lowest point since 1961, the year of the Great Famine. The birth rate has converged to that of high-income countries, implying that economic development is having the same effect of discouraging childbearing in China, although China is less developed than these countries. Chart 11China’s Working Population Falling Faster Than Japan’s In 1990s China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening The youngest cohort rose from 16.6% to 17.95% of the population, the oldest cohort rose 8.9% in 2010 to 13.5% today, while the working-age cohort fell from 75.3% to 68.6%. The working-age population peaked in 2010 and fell by 6.79 percentage points over the past ten years. By contrast, Japan’s working-age population peaked in 1992 and fell 2.18 percentage points in the subsequent decade (Chart 11). In other words China is experiencing the demographic transition that hit Japan in the early 1990s – but China’s working-age population might fall even faster. The country is experiencing this tectonic socioeconomic shift at a lower level of per capita wealth than Japan had attained. The demographic challenge will put pressure on China’s socioeconomic and political system. The China miracle, like other Asian miracles, was premised on the use of export-manufacturing to generate large piles of savings that could be repurposed for national development. The decline in China’s working-age population coincides with economic development and a likely decline in the saving rate over the long run. This is shown in Chart 12, which shows two different pictures of China’s working population alongside the gross national saving rate. As China’s dependency ratio rises the saving rate will fall and fewer funds will be available for repurposing. The cost of capital will rise and economic restructuring will accelerate. In the case of Japan, the demographic shift coincided with the 1990 financial crisis and then a nationwide shift in economic behavior. The saving rate fell as the economy evolved but the savings that were generated still exceeded investment due to the shortfall in private demand and the pressure of large debt burdens. Companies focused on paying down debt rather than expanding investment and production (Chart 13). All of this occurred when the external environment was benign, whereas China faces a similar demographic challenge in the context of rising economic pressure due to geopolitical tensions. Chart 12Chinese Workers Getting Scarcer Chinese Workers Getting Scarcer Chinese Workers Getting Scarcer Chart 13High Savings Enable Debt Splurge Until Debt Overwhelms High Savings Enable Debt Splurge Until Debt Overwhelms High Savings Enable Debt Splurge Until Debt Overwhelms China has so far avoided a debilitating financial crisis and collapse in real estate prices that would saddle the country with a traumatizing liquidity trap. The Chinese authorities are painfully aware of the danger of the property bubble and are therefore eager to prevent financial excesses and curb bubble-like activity. This is what makes the risk of overtightening significant. But a mistake in either direction can lead to a slide into deflation. The Xi administration has stimulated the economy whenever activity slowed too much or financial instability threatened to get out of hand, as noted above, but this is a difficult balancing act, which is why we monitor the risk of excessive tightening so closely. A few other notable takeaways from China’s population census include: The two-child policy is not succeeding so far. COVID-19 might have had a negative effect on fertility but it could not have affected births very much due to the timing. So the trends cannot be distorted too much by the pandemic. Rapid urbanization continues, with the rate hitting 64% of the population, up 14 percentage points from 2010. Policy discussions are emphasizing lifting the retirement age; providing financial incentives for having babies; a range of price controls to make it more affordable to have babies, most notably by suppressing the property bubble; and measures to ensure that property prices do not fall too rapidly in smaller cities as migration from the country continues. China’s ethnic minority population, which consists of 9% of the total population, grew much faster (10% rate) over the past decade than the Han majority, which makes up 91% of the population (growing at a 5% rate). Minorities are exempt from the one-child (and two-child) policy. Yet ethnic tensions have arisen, particularly in autonomous regions like Xinjiang, prompting greater international scrutiny of China’s policies toward minorities. China’s demographic challenge is widely known but the latest census reinforces the magnitude of the challenge. China’s potential growth is falling while the rising dependency ratio underscores social changes that will make greater demands of government. Greater fiscal and social spending needs will require difficult economic tradeoffs and unpopular political decisions. Economic change and the movement of people will also deepen regional and wealth disparities. All of these points underscore one of our consistent Geopolitical Strategy mega-themes: China’s domestic political risks are underrated. Bottom Line: China’s 2020 census reinforces the demographic decline that lies at the root of China’s rising socioeconomic and political challenges. While China has a strong central government with power consolidated under a single ruling party, and a track record of managing its various challenges successfully in recent decades, nevertheless the magnitude of the changes happening are overwhelming and will bring negative economic and political surprises. India: State Elections Not A Turning Point Against Modi At the height of the second COVID-19 wave in India, elections were held in five Indian states. Results for the state of West Bengal were most important. West Bengal is a large state, accounting for nearly a-tenth of legislators at India’s national assembly, and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of Prime Minister Narendra Modi had declared that it would win nearly 70% of the 294 seats there. In the event West Bengal delivered a landslide victory for the All India Trinamool Congress (AITMC), a regional party. Despite the fact that the AITMC was facing a two term anti-incumbency, the AITMC seat count hit an all-time high. Few had seen this coming as evinced by the fact that AITMC’s performance exceeded forecasts made by most pollsters. What should investors make of the BJP’s loss in this key state? Was it a backlash against Modi’s handling of the pandemic? Does it portend a change of government and national policy in the general elections in 2024? Not really. Here we highlight three key takeaways: Takeaway #1: The BJP’s performance was noteworthy Chart 14India: BJP Gets Foot In Door In West Bengal China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening Whilst the BJP fell short of its goals in West Bengal, the state is not a BJP stronghold. The BJP is known to have natural traction in Hindi-speaking regions of India and West Bengal is a non-Hindi speaking state where the BJP was traditionally seen as an outsider. Also, this state is known to be unusually unwilling to accept change. For instance, before AITMC, the Left was in power for a record spell of 34 years in this state. In such a setting, the BJP’s performance in 2021 in West Bengal is noteworthy: the party increased its seat count to 77 seats, compared to only 3 seats in 2016 (Chart 14). This performance now catapults the BJP into becoming the key opposition party in West Bengal. It also indicates that the BJP may take time but has what it takes to build traction in states that are not traditional strongholds. Given that it achieved this feat in a state where it has little historic strength, its performance is noteworthy as a sign that the BJP remains a force to be reckoned with. Takeaway #2: The BJP’s popularity slipped but it is still favored to retain power in 2024 Whilst discontent against the BJP is rising on account of its poor handling of COVID-19 and the accompanying economic distress, there remains no viable alternative to the BJP at the national level. The recent state elections, not only in West Bengal, confirm that the opposition Indian National Congress (INC) is yet to get its act in order. The Congress party collapsed from 44 seats in Bengal to 0 seats. More importantly, the Congress is yet to resolve two critical issues, i.e. the need to appoint or elect an internal leader with mass appeal, and the need to develop an identifiable policy agenda. The weakness of the Congress means that while the BJP’s seat count could diminish as against its 2019 peak performance, nevertheless our base-case scenario for 2024 remains that of a BJP-led government maintaining power in India. Policy continuity and the chance of some structural reform are still the base case. Takeaway #3: The rise and rise of India’s regional parties The rise of the BJP over the last decade has coincided with losses in seats by both the Congress party and India’s regional parties. However, the most recent round of state elections signals that the BJP cannot compress regional parties’ seat share drastically. For instance, in West Bengal, it managed to win 77 seats by itself but this was not at the expense of the AITMC, which is the dominant player in this state. In another large state where elections were held earlier this month, i.e. Tamil Nadu, control continues to fluctuate between two well-entrenched regional parties. Chart 15India: BJP Peaked In 2019 But Still Favored 2024 China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening The 2019 general elections saw the share of regional parties (defined as all parties excluding the BJP and Congress) fall to 35% from the near 40% levels seen at the general elections of 2014 (Chart 15). The 2024 elections could in fact see regional parties’ seat share move up a notch as the BJP’s peak seat count could diminish from the highs of 2019. The coming rise of India’s regional parties is a trend rooted in a simple dynamic. With the BJP as a two-term incumbent in the 2024 elections, voters could choose to gratify regional parties at the margin, in the absence of any alternative to the BJP at the national level. The BJP remains in a position to be the single largest party in India in 2024 with a seat count in excess of the half-way mark. But could a situation arise where the ruling party pulls in a regional party to stay ahead of the half-way mark with a large buffer? Absolutely. But of course 2024 is a long way away. Managing COVID-19 and its economic fallout will make it harder than otherwise for the BJP to beat its 2019 performance. The next bout of key state elections in India are due in February 2022 and India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh, will see elections. With the BJP currently in power in this Hindi-speaking state, the February 2022 elections will shed more light on BJP’s ability to mitigate the anti-incumbency effect of the pandemic and economic shock. Bottom-Line: BJP’s popularity in India has been shaken but not dramatically so. The BJP remains firmly in a position to be the single largest party in India with a seat count that should cross the half-way mark in 2024. So government stability is not a concern in this emerging market for now. In light of China’s domestic political risks, and India’s political continuity, we will maintain our India trades for the time being (Charts 16A and 16B). However, we are undertaking a review of India as a whole and will update clients with our conclusions in a forthcoming special report. Chart 16AStay Long Indian Bonds Versus EM Stay Long Indian Bonds Versus EM Stay Long Indian Bonds Versus EM Chart 16BStick To Long India / Short China Stick To Long India / Short China Stick To Long India / Short China Investment Takeaways Maintain near-term safe-haven trades. Close long natural gas futures for a 19.8% gain. Maintain cyclical (12-month) bullish positioning with a preference for value over growth stocks. Maintain long positions in commodities, including rare earth metals, and emerging markets. But be prepared to cut these trades if China overtightens policy according to our benchmarks. For now, continue to overweight Indian local currency bonds relative to emerging market peers and Indian stocks relative to Chinese stocks. But we are reviewing our bullish stance on India. Chart 17Cyber Security Stocks Perk Up Amid Tech Rout Cyber Security Stocks Perk Up Amid Tech Rout Cyber Security Stocks Perk Up Amid Tech Rout Stay long cyber security stocks – though continue to prefer aerospace and defense over cyber security as a geopolitical “back to work” trade. Cyber security stocks perked up relative to the tech sector during the general tech selloff over the past week. The large-scale Colonial Pipeline ransomware cyber attack in the US temporarily shuttered a major network that supplies about 45% of the East Coast’s fuel (Chart 17). Nevertheless the attack on critical infrastructure highlights that cyber security is a secular theme and investors should maintain exposure. Cyber stocks have outperformed tech in general since the vaccine discovery (Chart 18). Chart 18Cyber Security Is A Secular Theme Cyber Security Is A Secular Theme Cyber Security Is A Secular Theme Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Associate yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist Ritika.Mankar@bcaresearch.com

Highlights Over the 2021-22 period, renewable capacity will account for 90% of global electricity-generation additions, per the IEA's latest forecast. This will follow the 45% surge (y/y) in renewable generation capacity added last year, which occurred despite the COVID-19 pandemic (Chart of the Week). Continued investment in renewables and EVs – along with a global economic rebound – are pushing forecasts at banks and trading companies to a $13k - $20k/MT range for copper, vs. ~ $10.6k/Mt (~ $4.80/lb) at present. Should these stronger metals forecasts prove out, investments that extend low-carbon use of fossil fuels via carbon-capture and circular-use technologies will become more attractive. Investment in these technologies has been limited because there is no explicit global reference price to assess investments against. A carbon market or tax would provide such a bogey and accelerate investment. It could be monitored via a Carbon Market Club, which would limit trade to states posting and collecting the tax.1 Feature At almost 280GW, renewable energy capacity additions last year increased 45% y/y, the most since 1999, according to the IEA's most recent update on renewable energy.2 For this year and next, renewables are expected to account for 90% of capacity additions, led by solar PV investment increasing ~ 50% to 162GW. Wind capacity grew 90% last year, increasing to 114GW, and is expected to increase ~ 50% to end-2022. As renewables generation – and EV investment – continues to grow, demand for bulks (steel and iron ore) and base metals, led by copper, will pull prices higher. This is occurring against a backdrop of flat supply growth and physical deficits over the four years ended 2020 (Chart 2). According to the IEA, a 40% increase in steel and copper prices over the September 2020 to March 2021 period played a role in higher solar PV module prices. Chart of the WeekRenewables Capacity Surges Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture The supply side of the copper market will remain in deficit this year and next, in our assessment, and may continue on that trajectory if, as Wood Mackenzie expects, demand grows at a 2% p.a. rate over the next 20 years and miners remain reluctant to commit to the capex required to keep up with demand.3 Chart 2Physical Deficits Will Draw Copper Stocks... Physical Deficits Will Draw Copper Stocks... Physical Deficits Will Draw Copper Stocks... ESG risk for copper – and other metals required to build the generation and infrastructure required in the renewables buildout – will increase as prices rise, which also will add to cost.4 Cost increases coupled with increasing ESG risks in this buildout will increase the attractiveness of carbon-capture and circular-economy technology investment, in our view. This would extend the use of low-carbon fossil fuels if the technology can move the world closer to a net-zero carbon future. However, unless and until policy catalyzes this investment, – e.g., via a global carbon trading price or tax – investment in these technologies likely will continue to languish. Carbon-Capture Tech's Unfulfilled Promise The history of Carbon Capture, Utilization and Storage (CCUS) has been one of high hopes and unmet expectations. It is generally recognized as a route to mitigate climate change; however, its deployment has been slower than expected. Low-carbon technology requires more critical metals than its fossil-fuel counterpart (Chart 3). Apart from the issue of cost, the ESG risks of mining metals for the renewable energy transition will increase as more metals are demanded, which we discussed in previous research.5 According to Wood Mackenzie, mining companies will need to invest nearly $1.7 trillion in the next 15 years to help supply enough metals to transition to a low carbon world.6 Chart 3Low-Carbon Tech Is Metals Intensive Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Given these looming physical requirements for metals, fossil fuels most likely will need to be used for longer than markets currently anticipate, as a bridge to the low-carbon future, or as part of that future, depending on how successfully carbon is removed from the hydrocarbons used to power modern society. If so, using fossil fuels while mitigating their environmental impact will require highly focused technology to lower CO2 and other green-house gas (GHG) emissions during the transition to a low-carbon future. Enter CCUS technology: This technology traps CO2 from sources that use fossil fuels or biomass to make the energy required to run modern societies. In the current iterations of this technology, CO2 can either be compressed and transported, or stored in geological or oceanic reservoirs. This can then be used for Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR) to extract harder-to-reach oil by injecting CO2 into the reservoirs holding the hydrocarbons.7 The Scope For CCUS Investment CCUS investment spending is increasing, as are the number of planned facilities using or demonstrating this technology. In the 2020 edition of its Energy Technology Perspectives, the IEA noted 30 new integrated CCUS facilities have been announced since 2017, mostly in advanced economies such as US and Europe, but also in some EM nations. As of 2020, projects at advanced stages of planning represented a total of $27  billion, more than double the investment planned in 2017 (Chart 4). Among its many goals, the Paris Agreement seeks a balance between emissions by man-made sources and removal by greenhouse gas (GHGs) sinks (absorption of the gases) in the second half of the 21st century. Practically, many countries – especially EM economies – will still need to use fossil fuels to develop during this period (Chart 5).8 Chart 4Carbon-Capture Projects To Date Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Chart 5EM Development Will Require Fossil-Fuel Energy Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture CCUS In The Energy Sector As a fuel that emits fewer GHGs than coal – i.e., half the CO2 of coal – natural gas can be used effectively as a bridge to green-power generation (Chart 6). Chart 6Natural Gas Will Remain Attractive As A Bridge Fuel Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture The CO2 in natgas needs to be removed before dry gas is sold as pipeline-quality gas or LNG. This CO2 is normally vented to the atmosphere; however, by using CCUS technology, it can be reinjected into geological formations and used for EOR. For this reason, LNG companies in the US, the world’s largest LNG exporter, have been looking into investing in CCUS technology in a bid to become greener.9 CCUS can also be used to produce low-cost hydrogen – so-called blue hydrogen – using natural gas and coal, as opposed to the more expensive electrolysis process, which uses renewables-based electricity to produce "green" hydrogen. The lower blue-hydrogen costs will make clean hydrogen more accessible to emerging nations, opening new avenues for the world to use the energy carrier in its decarbonization effort. The Value Of Ccus In Other Industries CCUS technology can be retrofitted to existing power and industrial plants, which, according to the IEA, could otherwise still emit 8 billion tons of CO2 in 2050, around one-quarter of annual energy-sector emissions in 2020. Of the fossil fuel generators, coal-fired power generation presents the biggest CO2 challenge, with most of the emissions coming from China and other EM Asia nations, where the average plant age is less than 20 years. Since the average age of a coal fired power plant is 40 years, according to the US National Association of Regulatory Commissioners, this implies that these plants have a long remaining life and could still be operating until 2050. CCUS is the only alternative to retiring or repurposing existing power and industrial plants. The IEA believes that CCUS is imperative to reach net-zero carbon emissions. In its Sustainable Development Scenario - in which global CO2 emissions from the energy sector decline to net-zero by 2070 – CCUS accounts for 15% of the cumulative reduction in emissions. If the world needs to reach net-zero by 2050 instead, it will need almost 50% more CCUS deployment.10 Properly implemented and scaled, CCUS can allow industries to continue using oil, gas and coal and to attain net-zero carbon emission targets, boosting demand for fossil fuels in the medium term. This is especially important to EM development. Why Aren’t We Further Along In CCUS? What Can Be Done? The main reason CCUS isn’t used more widely is because of its cost. Currently, the cost of capturing carbon varies, based on the amount of CO2 concentration, with Direct Air Capture being most expensive (Chart 7). Given the prohibitive costs, CCUS has not been commercially viable. However, the same argument could have been used against implementing renewable sources of energy. While at one point the Levelized Cost of Energy from renewable sources was high, as these sources have been scaled up – aided in no small part by government subsidies – costs have fallen, following something akin to a Moore’s Law cost-decay curve. A Levelized Cost of Energy for solar generation reported by Lazard Ltd., which allows for comparisons across technologies (e.g., fossil-fuel vs renewable), shows generation costs fell by 89% to $40/MWh from $359/MWh from 2009-2019 (Chart 8). This learning curve was able to take place because of government subsidies, which promoted the deployment of solar technology. Chart 7CCUS Can Be Expensive Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Surging Metals Prices And The Case For Carbon-Capture Chart 8Subsides Could Support CCUS, Just As Was Done For Solar Subsides Could Support CCUS, Just As Was Done For Solar Subsides Could Support CCUS, Just As Was Done For Solar The cost of CCUS technology is falling. For example, in 2019 the Global CCS Institute reported it cost $100/ton to capture carbon from the Canada-based Boundary Dam using a CCS unit built in 2014. The cost of carbon captured at the US-based Petra Nova plant – built three years later – using improved technology was $65/ton. Both are coal-powered electricity plants. The report also noted coal-fired power plants planning to commence operations in 2024-28 using the same CCS technology as those at Boundary Dam and Petra Nova expect carbon costs to be ~ $43/ton, due to steeper learning curves, research, lower capital costs due to economies of scale, and digitalization. One commonality amongst these sources of cost reductions is that companies need to invest more into CCUS and familiarize themselves with this technology. As was the case with renewables, government subsidies would reduce the prohibitive costs of operating CCUS technology, and draw more participation to refining this technology. Early, first-of-its-kind CCUS will be expensive, however subsidies in the form of capital support or tax credits will increase CCUS implementation and research. Boundary Dam and Petra Nova are examples of facilities that benefitted from government subsidies. The facilities received $170 million and $200 million respectively from Canadian and US Government agencies at the time of the CCS units’ construction. The US has also implemented a 45Q tax credit system which pays facilities $50/ton of CO2 stored and $35/ton of CO2 if it is used in applications like Enhanced Oil Recovery. According to the Global CCS Institute, in late-2019, of the eight new CCUS projects that were added in the US, four cited the presence of 45Q as the key driver. Putting Carbon Markets And Taxes To Work The EU’s Emissions Trading System (ETS) market, which was implemented in 2005, is an example of innovative policy which incentivizes companies to curb emissions, using market forces. The price of carbon measured in these markets puts a tangible value on a negative externality, which before this went unrecorded. The downside of this ETS is its reliance on the EU's environmental policy implementation, which is subject to policy changes that complicate supply-demand analysis for longer-term planning – e.g., the recent increase in its emissions target to a minimum of 55% net reduction in GHG emissions by 2030. An alternative to policy-driven trading of emissions rights is a per-ton tax on emissions, which governments would impose and collect. This would raise costs of technologies using fossil fuels – including those used in the mining industry to increase supply of critical bulks and base metals needed for the renewables transition. At the same time, such a tax would give firms supplying and using technologies that raise CO2 levels an incentive to lower CO2 output using CCUS technologies. ETS markets and governments imposing CO2 taxes could form Carbon Market Clubs – a technology developed by William Nordhaus, the 2018 Nobel Laureate in Economics – that restrict trading to states that can demonstrate their participation and support of actual carbon-reduction detailed in the Paris Agreement via trading or tax schemes.11 As the green energy transition gains traction and governments implement more net-zero emissions policies, the price of carbon will rise. As the price of carbon rises, the price tag associated with companies’ carbon emissions will increase with it. With market participants expecting the price of carbon to continue to rise after hitting record values, the incentive for companies operating in the EU to use CCUS technology will rise, as would the incentive for firms facing a carbon tax.12 Bottom Line: Given the meteoric price rise of green metals, underfunded capex, and the ESG risks associated with mining metals for the low carbon future, we expect fossil fuels to play a larger role in the transition to a low-carbon society than markets are currently expecting. For countries to be able to use fossil fuels while ensuring they achieve their climate goals, the use of CCUS technology is important. To increase CCUS uptake, governments will need to subsidize this technology until demand for it gains traction, just like in the case of renewables. Encouraging ETS and carbon-tax schemes also will be required to catalyze action.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com     Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish Brent prices were knocking against the $70/bbl door going to press, following the IEA's assessment of a robust demand recovery in 2H21 (Chart 9). The IEA took its 1H21 demand growth down 270k b/d, owing to COVID-19-induced demand destruction in India, OECD Americas and Europe, but left its 2H21 estimate intact, making overall demand growth for this year 5.4mm b/d. The EIA also expects 5.4mm b/d demand growth for this year, and growth of 3.7mm b/d next year. OPEC left its full-year 2021 demand growth estimate at 6mm b/d. OPEC 2.0 meets again on June 1 and will look to return more of its sidelined production to the market, in our estimation. We will be updating our supply-demand balances and price forecasts in next week's report. Base Metals: Bullish Spot copper prices traded on either side of $4.80/lb on the CME/COMEX market this week as we went to press. Threats of a tax increase in Chile, where a bill calling for such a measure is making its way through Congress; a potential strike by mine workers; and a shortage of sulfuric acid used in the extraction of ore brought about, according to Bloomberg, by reduced global sulfur supplies due to lower refinery runs during the pandemic all are keeping copper well bid. Our target for Dec21 COMEX copper remains $5/lb (~ $11k/ton on the LME). We remain long calendar 2022 COMEX copper vs short 2023 COMEX copper expecting physical supply deficits to continue to force storage draws, which will backwardate the metal's forward curve. Precious Metals: Bullish US CPI data on Wednesday showed that headline inflation rose by 4.2% for the month of April compared to the previous year. While this increase is the highest since 2008, this jump could also be fueled by a low base effect – Inflation levels were falling this time last year as the pandemic picked up. While rising prices increases demand for gold as an inflation hedge, if the Federal Reserve increases interest rates on the back of this data, the US dollar will rise, negatively affecting gold prices (Chart 10). However, we do not expect the Fed to abruptly change its guidance on this report, and therefore expect the central bank will treat this blip as transitory. As of yesterday’s close, COMEX gold was trading at $1,835.9/oz. Ags/Softs: Neutral Going to press, the Chicago soybean market was surging ahead of the scheduled World Agriculture Supply and Demand Estimates (WASDE) report due out later Wednesday. Front-month beans were trading ~ $16.70/bu, up 2% on the day. This month's WASDE will contain the USDA's first estimate for demand in ag markets for the 2021/22 crop year. Markets are expecting supplies to tighten as demand strengthens. Chart 9 Brent Prices Going Up Brent Prices Going Up Chart 10 Covid Uncertainty Could Push Up Gold Demand Covid Uncertainty Could Push Up Gold Demand   Footnotes 1     Please see Carbon Market Clubs and the New Paris Regime published by the World Bank in July 2016.  The intellectual and computational framework for such technology was developed by William Nordhaus, the 2018 Nobel Laureate in Economics. 2     Please see Renewable Energy Market Update, Outlook for 2021 and 2022.pdf, published by the IEA this week. 3    WoodMac notes, "without additional substantial investment, production will decline from 2024 onwards. Coupled with demand growth, this decline in output will lead to a theoretical shortfall of around 16 Mt by 2040."  The consultancy estimates an additional $325 - $500+ billion will be needed to meet copper demand over this period.  Please see Will a lack of supply growth come back to bite the copper industry? Published 23 March 2021 by woodmac.com. 4    Please see Renewables ESG Risks Grow With Demand, which we published 29 April 2021.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 5    Refer to footnote 4. 6    Please see Low carbon world needs $1.7 trillion in mining investment, published by Reuters. 7     This method is used to increase oil production. It changes the properties of the hydrocarbons, restores formation pressure and enhances oil displacement in the reservoir. Using EOR, oil companies can recover 30% to 60% of the original oil level in the reservoir.  Please see Enhanced Oil Recovery published by the US Department of Energy. 8    Please see the Reuter’s column CO2 emission limits and economic development. 9    Please see World Oil’s U.S. LNG players tout carbon capture in bid to boost green image. 10   Please see IEA’s Special Report on Carbon Capture Utilisation and Storage, published as a part of the Energy   Technology Perspective 2020.  11    See footnote 1 above. 12    Please see Cost of polluting in EU soars as carbon price hits record €50 by the Financial Times. Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2021 Summary of Closed Trades Higher Inflation On The Way Higher Inflation On The Way

Highlights The US is only one deflationary shock away from a European level of bond yields. On a multi-year horizon, a deflationary shock is a near-certainty. The shock will be deflationary, because even if it starts inflationary, it will quickly morph into deflationary. The reason is that the sharp backup in bond yields resulting from an inflationary shock would undermine the value of $300 trillion worth of global real estate, and thereby unleash a massive deflationary impulse. Hence, the US 30-year bond will ultimately deliver an absolute return approaching 100 percent, in absolute terms… …and relative to core European and Japanese bonds. Fractal trade shortlist: Stocks to consolidate versus bonds; Commodities look dangerously frothy; Buy USD/CAD. Feature Chart of The WeekThe Structural Level Of Bond Yields Depends On The Number Of Lasting Deflationary Shocks The Structural Level Of Bond Yields Depends On The Number Of Lasting Deflationary Shocks The Structural Level Of Bond Yields Depends On The Number Of Lasting Deflationary Shocks Ten years ago, 30-year bond yields in the US, UK and Germany stood at near-identical levels, around 3 percent. Today though, those yields are widely dispersed: the US at 2.3 percent, the UK at 1.3 percent, and Germany at 0.3 percent. What happened? In 2012, the German bond yield decoupled from the UK and the US, because the deflationary shock from the euro debt crisis was focussed in the euro area. Then, in 2016, the UK bond yield decoupled from the US, because the deflationary shock from Brexit was focussed in the UK and EU27 (Chart Of The Week). The ‘Shock Theory’ Of Bond Yields Welcome to a new concept – the ‘shock theory’ of bond yields. According to this theory, the structural level of high-quality government bond yields is simply a function of the number of lasting deflationary shocks that the economy has suffered. Each successive deflationary shock takes the bond yield to a lower structural level until it can go no lower (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Each Successive Deflationary Shock Takes The Bond Yield To A Lower Structural Level, Until It Can Go No Lower Each Successive Deflationary Shock Takes The Bond Yield To A Lower Structural Level, Until It Can Go No Lower Each Successive Deflationary Shock Takes The Bond Yield To A Lower Structural Level, Until It Can Go No Lower Since 2011, US, UK and German bond yields have decoupled because the US has suffered the legacies of one fewer deflationary shock than the UK, and two fewer deflationary shocks than Germany. But the important corollary is that the US is only one deflationary shock away from a European level of bond yields. When that deflationary shock arrives and the US 30-year bond yield reaches the recent low achieved in the UK, it will equate to a price gain of over 50 percent. And if the yield reaches the recent low achieved in Germany, it will equate to a price gain of well over 100 percent. Many people say that such gains are impossible. Yet ten years ago these same people were saying that UK and German long-duration bonds could never reach near-zero yields, and look what happened! Our high-conviction view is that the long-duration US bond will ultimately deliver a stellar absolute return, and a stellar relative return versus core European and Japanese bonds. The simple reason is that another deflationary shock is just a matter of time away. Long-Term Investors Must Always Plan For A Shock Most strategists and investors claim that shocks, such as the pandemic, are inherently unpredictable, and therefore that you cannot plan for them. We disagree. Yes, the timing and nature of individual shocks are inherently unpredictable. But as we explained in How To Predict Shocks, the statistical distribution of shocks is highly predictable. What constitutes a shock? There is no established definition, so our definition is any event that causes the long-duration bond price in a major economy to rally or slump by at least 25 percent.1 (Chart I-3) Using this definition through the last 50 years, we can say that the statistical distribution of the number of shocks in any ten-year period is Poisson (3.33) and the statistical distribution of the time between shocks is Exponential (3.33). Chart I-3A Shock Is A 25 Percent Move In The Long Duration Bond Price, And A Shock Tends To Come Every 3 Years A Shock Is A 25 Percent Move In The Long Duration Bond Price, And A Shock Tends To Come Every 3 Years A Shock Is A 25 Percent Move In The Long Duration Bond Price, And A Shock Tends To Come Every 3 Years It follows that in any ten-year period, the likelihood of suffering a shock is a near-certain 96 percent (Chart I-4). And even in any five-year period, the likelihood of a shock is an extremely high 81 percent. Chart I-4On A Multi-Year Horizon, A Shock Is A Near-Certainty The 'Shock Theory' Of Bond Yields The 'Shock Theory' Of Bond Yields For many people, this creates a cognitive dissonance. Even though a shock is a near-certainty, they cannot visualise its exact nature or timing, so they resist planning for it. Yet long-term investors must always plan for shocks. Not to do so is unforgiveable. An Inflationary Shock Will Quickly Morph Into A Deflationary Shock The crucial question is, will the next shock be deflationary, or inflationary? Our high-conviction view is that it will be net deflationary. Meaning that even if the shock starts as inflationary, it will quickly morph into deflationary. The simple reason is that the sharp backup in bond yields that would come from an inflationary shock would undermine the value of $300 trillion worth of global real estate, and thereby unleash a massive deflationary impulse. The 2010s housing boom was unprecedented in its penetration and regional breadth, simultaneously encompassing cities, suburbs, and rural areas across North America, Europe, Asia and Australasia. As prices doubled almost everywhere, the value of global real estate surged by $150 trillion (Chart I-5), of which $75 trillion was due to the valuation uplift from lower bond yields (Chart I-6). To put this into context, lower bond yields have boosted the value of global real estate by the equivalent of world GDP! Chart I-5In The 2010s Housing Boom, The Value Of Global Real Estate Surged By $150 Trillion… In The 2010s Housing Boom, The Value Of Global Real Estate Has Surged By $150 Trillion... In The 2010s Housing Boom, The Value Of Global Real Estate Has Surged By $150 Trillion... Chart I-6…Of Which $75 Trillion Was Due To Lower Bond Yields ...Of Which $75 Trillion Is Due To Lower Bond Yields ...Of Which $75 Trillion Is Due To Lower Bond Yields Many people believe that real assets, such as real estate and equities, perform well in an inflationary shock, but this is a misunderstanding. Granted, the income generated by real assets should keep pace with nominal GDP. But the valuation paid for that income will collapse if it starts off at an elevated level, such as now. The starting valuation needed to generate a given real return during an inflationary shock is much lower than during price stability. For example, for equities in the low-inflation 1990s and 2000s, a starting price to earnings multiple of 15 consistently generated a prospective 10-year real return of 10 percent. But in the inflation shock of the 1970s, the same starting multiple of 15 generated a real return of zero. To generate a real return of 10 percent, the starting multiple had to halve to 7 (Chart I-7). Chart I-7In The 1970s Inflationary Shock, Valuations Collapsed In The 1970s Inflationary Shock, Valuations Collapsed In The 1970s Inflationary Shock, Valuations Collapsed How much can bond yields rise before undermining the value of global real estate? Over the past decade the global rental yield has not been able to deviate from the global long-duration bond yield by more than 100 bps.2 Given that the bond yield is already around 25 bps above the rental yield, we deduce that the long-duration bond yield can rise by no more than 75 bps before global real estate prices start getting hurt (Chart I-8).  Chart I-8The Bond Yield Can Rise By No More Than 75 Bps Before Global Real Estate Prices Get Hurt The Bond Yield Can Rise By No More Than 75 Bps Before Global Real Estate Prices Get Hurt The Bond Yield Can Rise By No More Than 75 Bps Before Global Real Estate Prices Get Hurt To repeat our key structural recommendation, the long-duration US bond will ultimately deliver a stellar absolute return, and a stellar relative return versus core European and Japanese bonds. Candidates For Countertrend Reversal This week we note that the rally in stocks versus bonds (MSCI All Country World versus 30-year T-bond) is likely to consolidate in the coming months – given the fragility in the 260-day fractal structure similar to previous turning points in 2008, 2010, 2013, and 2020 (Chart I-9). Chart I-9The Rally In Stocks Versus Bonds Is Likely To Consolidate In The Coming Months The Rally In Stocks Versus Bonds Is Likely To Consolidate In The Coming Months The Rally In Stocks Versus Bonds Is Likely To Consolidate In The Coming Months We also repeat our warning to steer clear of commodities. The rally in all commodities is becoming dangerously frothy, displaying the extremes of fractal fragility seen in 2008. (Chart I-10and Chart I-11). Chart I-10The Rally In Commodities Is Becoming Dangerously Frothy... The Rally In Commodities Is Becoming Dangerously Frothy... The Rally In Commodities Is Becoming Dangerously Frothy... Chart I-11...Displaying The Extremes Of Fractal Fragility Seen In 2008 ...Displaying The Extremes Of Fractal Fragility Seen In 2008 ...Displaying The Extremes Of Fractal Fragility Seen In 2008 A good trade right now is to short the Canadian dollar. Based on the loonie’s composite fractal structure, a lot of good news is already priced in, including the dangerously frothy commodity markets and the Bank of Canada’s (hawkish) taper of asset purchases. As such we expect the Canadian dollar to reverse in the coming months (Chart I-12). Chart I-12Short The Canadian Dollar Short The Canadian Dollar Short The Canadian Dollar Go long USD/CAD, setting a profit-target and symmetrical stop-loss at 3.7 percent. Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist Footnotes 1 As bond yields approach their lower limit, this definition of a shock will need to change as it will become impossible for long-duration bond prices to rally by 25 percent. 2 Here, the global long-duration bond yield is defined as the average of the 30-year yields in the US and China. Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Equity Market Performance   Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area     Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed     Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations     Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations    

Highlights Global Tapering: The Bank of England has joined the Bank of Canada as central banks tapering the pace of bond buying. Markets are now trying to sort out who is next and concluding that it will not be the Federal Reserve, with US employment still well below the pre-pandemic peak. US Treasury yields will continue trading sideways until there is greater clarity on the pace of US labor market improvement, especially after the big downside miss in the April jobs report. US Treasury Curve: We are adding a new recommended US butterfly trade to our Tactical Overlay portfolio, going long the 5-year bullet and short the 2/30 barbell using US Treasury futures. This trade should benefit with US Treasury curve steepening overshooting the pace of past cycles, while offering attractive carry if persistent Fed dovishness slows the cyclical transition to a bear-flattening curve regime. Feature Heading into 2021, one of our key investment themes for the year was that no major central bank would shift to a less dovish monetary policy stance before the Fed. Not even five months into the year, our theme has already been proven incorrect. Last week, the Bank of England (BoE) announced a slower pace of its asset purchases, following a similar tapering decision by the Bank of Canada (BoC) last month. Chart of the WeekUS Jobs Recovery Lagging, Despite Vaccine Success Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? We had assumed that no central bank could tolerate the currency strength that would inevitably occur by tapering ahead of the Fed. That was clearly not the case in Canada, and the Canadian dollar has already appreciated 4.6% versus the greenback since the BoC taper announcement April 21. The British pound also rallied solidly against both the US dollar and euro immediately after the BoE taper announcement last week. Markets are beginning to speculate on future taper candidates, like the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ), with the New Zealand dollar being one of the strongest currencies in the G10 versus the US dollar since the end of March (+4.4%). Investors had been debating the possibility that the Fed could begin tapering sometime in the second half of 2020, largely based on what has to date been a successful US vaccination campaign. Yet while that led to optimism that the US economy can quickly reopen and return to normal, the fact remains that the recovery in US employment from the COVID shock has lagged other major economies (Chart of the Week). The big downside miss on the April US payrolls report highlights how the Fed can be patient before joining the tapering club. US Treasury yields are likely to continue trading sideways, and the US dollar will trade soft, until markets can sort out the true state of US labor demand versus supply. Which Central Bank Could Follow The BoC And BoE? Back in March, we published a report that discussed what we called the “pecking order of global liftoff”.1 We looked at how interest rate markets were pricing in an increasingly diverse path out of the coordinated global monetary easing enacted last year during the COVID recession (Chart 2). We looked at both the timing of “liftoff” (the first rate hike) and the pace of hikes afterward to the end of 2024. We then ranked the countries by the market-implied timing of liftoff. Chart 2Sorting Out The Relative Hawks & Doves Among Global CBs Sorting Out The Relative Hawks & Doves Among Global CBs Sorting Out The Relative Hawks & Doves Among Global CBs At the time, overnight index swap (OIS) curves were discounting the earliest liftoff from the RBNZ (June 2022) and BoC (August 2022). The Fed was expected to hike in January 2023, followed by the BoE in June 2023 and Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) in July 2023. The European Central Bank (ECB) and Bank of Japan (BoJ) were the laggards, with no rate hiked discounted until September 2023 and February 2025, respectively. In terms of the pace of rate hikes after liftoff through 2024, our list was broken into two groups. The more aggressive central banks were expected to be the BoC (+175bps), RBA (+156bps), RBNZ (+140bps) and the Fed (+139bps). Much smaller amounts of rate hikes were anticipated from the BoE (+63bps), ECB (+25bps) and BoJ (+9bps). In the two months since our March report, the market timing of liftoff, and the pace of subsequent hikes, has shifted for all those countries (Table 1). The BoC is now expected to move in September 2022, ahead of the RBNZ (October 2022). In 2023, the Fed is now priced for liftoff in March 2023, followed by the BoE and RBA (both in July 2023). The ECB liftoff date is little changed (now August 2023), while the market has dramatically pushed out the timing of any BoJ hike (now November 2025). The cumulative rate hikes through 2024 are moderately lower for all countries except Australia (a reduction in total tightening of 56bps). Table 1The Fed Is Sliding Down The “Pecking Order Of Liftoff” List Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? What is interesting about these changes is that the market has pulled forward the timing of liftoff for the BoE and RBA, while pushing it out for the BoC, RBNZ, BoJ and, most importantly, the Fed. The Fed is now drifting down the “pecking order” for liftoff, expected to lift rates only a couple of months before the BoE or RBA. This is a major change from previous monetary policy cycles, when the Fed would typically be a first mover when it comes to tightening policy. Chart 3The Momentum Of Global QE Has Already Been Slowing The Momentum Of Global QE Has Already Been Slowing The Momentum Of Global QE Has Already Been Slowing While the BoC and BoE decisions to taper quantitative easing (QE) have garnered the headlines, the pace of global central bank balance sheet expansion had already peaked at the start of 2021 (Chart 3). The pace has slowed most dramatically in Canada and the US, but this was a result of certain emergency programs expiring – most notably the Fed’s corporate bond buying vehicles late last year and the BoC’s short-term repo facilities more recently. Greater financial market stability was the reason cited to end those programs, while still leaving government bond QE buying in place unchanged. The year-over-year pace of global QE was set to slow, simply from less favorable comparisons to 2020 after the surge in central bank balance sheet expansion last year. Yet now we are starting to see actual tapering of government bond purchases from some central banks. Is such “early tightening” warranted? Back in that same March report where we discussed the order of global liftoff, we gave our assessment of the most important factors that could drive central banks to consider a shift to a less dovish stance (like tapering). For the BoC, we cited booming house prices and robust business confidence as reasons the BoC could turn less dovish sooner (Chart 4). For the BoE, we noted a sharper-than-expected recovery in domestic investment and consumer spending, as the locked-down UK economy reopens, as reasons why the BoE could begin to tweak its policy settings. For both central banks, all those indicators were mentioned as factors leading to their decision to taper. For the Fed, we determined that rising inflation expectations and increasing labor market tightness would both be required for the Fed to turn less dovish. Only inflation expectations have reached that goal, with the US Employment/Population ratio still well below the pre-pandemic peak (Chart 5). For the RBA, we looked solely at realized inflation measures, as the RBA has explicitly noted that Australian wage growth must rise sustainably towards 3% - nearly double current levels - before realized CPI inflation could return to the 2-3% target range. For both the Fed and RBA, the necessary conditions for a change in current policy settings have not yet been met. Chart 4What The More Hawkish CBs Are Watching What The More Hawkish CBs Are Watching What The More Hawkish CBs Are Watching Chart 5What The More Dovish CBs Are Watching What The More Dovish CBs Are Watching What The More Dovish CBs Are Watching For the ECB, we noted that realized inflation (and the ECB’s inflation forecasts), along with the Italy-Germany government bond spread as a measure of financial conditions, were the most important indicators to watch before the ECB could consider any move to taper its QE programs (Chart 6). Italian spreads have widened a bit in recent months, while the latest set of ECB economic forecasts still call for headline euro area inflation to remain well south of the 2% target out to 2023. For the BoJ, we simply cited a rise in realized inflation as the only possible development that could lead to a BoJ taper. The BoJ now forecasts that Japanese inflation will not reach the 2% central bank target until at least 2024. So for both the ECB and BoJ, the conditions do not warrant any imminent tapering of bond buying. Chart 6What The Most Dovish CBs Are Watching What The Most Dovish CBs Are Watching What The Most Dovish CBs Are Watching As another way to determine who could taper next, we turn to our Central Bank Monitors, which are designed to measure the pressure on policymakers to ease or tighten monetary setting. All the Monitors have responded to the recovery in global growth and inflation, along with the easing of financial conditions implied by booming markets, over the past year. Yet only the RBA Monitor is calling for tightening (Chart 7), indicating that the RBA’s current focus on only wages and realized inflation is a departure from their behavior in the past. The Fed and BoE Monitors have risen to the zero line, suggesting no further pressure to ease policy but no tightening is needed either. The ECB, BoJ and RBNZ Monitors are all close, but just below, the zero line, suggesting diminishing need for more monetary stimulus (Chart 8). Chart 7Bond Yields Have Moved Ahead Of Our CB Monitors Bond Yields Have Moved Ahead Of Our CB Monitors Bond Yields Have Moved Ahead Of Our CB Monitors Chart 8Yields Overshooting Tightening Pressures Here Too Yields Overshooting Tightening Pressures Here Too Yields Overshooting Tightening Pressures Here Too Based on our assessment of the above indicators, we judge the RBNZ to be the next central bank most likely to taper, sometime in the 2nd half of 2021. We still see the Fed starting to signal tapering later this year, but with actual slowing of US Treasury (and Agency MBS) purchases not occurring until early 2022. The year-over-year momentum of bond yields correlates strongly with the Central Bank Monitors. The rise in global bond yields seen over the past year has exceeded the pace implied by the Monitors. This is unsurprising given how rapidly the global economy has recovered from pandemic-fueled recession in 2020. Supply chain disruptions and surging commodity prices have also given a lift to bond yields via rising inflation expectations, even as central banks have promised to keep rates on hold for at least the next couple of years. Yet purely from a monetary policy perspective, the surge in global bond yields looks to have gone a bit too far, too fast. Bottom Line: Markets are now trying to sort out who will taper next after the BoC and BoE, and have concluded that it will not be the Federal Reserve, with US employment still well below the pre-pandemic peak. US Treasury yields will continue trading sideways until there is greater clarity on the pace of US labor market improvement, especially after the big downside miss in the April jobs report. Bond yields in other developed markets appear to have overshot economic momentum, and a period of consolidation is needed before yields can begin moving higher again. US Treasury Curve: How Much Steepening Left? Chart 9A Pause In The UST Bear-Steepening Trend A Pause In The UST Bear-Steepening Trend A Pause In The UST Bear-Steepening Trend For most of the past year, the primary trend in the US Treasury curve has been one of bear steepening. Longer maturity yields have borne the brunt of the upward pressure stemming from the rapid recovery in US (and global) economic growth from the depths of the 2020 COVID-19 recession. In recent weeks, however, the surge in longer-maturity Treasury yields has stalled, as have the immediate steepening pressures (Chart 9). Purely from a fundamental economic perspective, a steepening Treasury curve is an expected result of the reflationary mix of growth, inflation and monetary policy currently at work in the US. For example, since the 2020 lows, 5-year/5-year forward inflation expectations from the TIPS market have risen 143bps while the ISM manufacturing index surged from a low of 41 to a high of 65 in March of this year (Chart 10). Combine that with the Fed cutting rates to 0% last year, while promising to keep rates unchanged through 2023 and reinforcing that commitment through QE, and it is no surprise to see a steeper US Treasury curve. Chart 10UST Curve Steepening Has Been Driven By Reflation UST Curve Steepening Has Been Driven By Reflation UST Curve Steepening Has Been Driven By Reflation Yet even despite these obvious steepening pressures, the pace of the Treasury curve steepening does seem to be a bit rapid compared to history. In Chart 11, we show a “cycle-on-cycle” analysis, comparing the slope of various US Treasury curve segments (2-year versus 5-year, 5-year versus 10-year, 10-year versus 30-year) to the average of the previous five US business cycles, dating back to the 1970s. The curves are lined up to the start date of the previous recession, with the vertical line in the chart representing that date. Thus, this chart allows us to see how the Treasury curve evolved heading into, and coming out of, economic downturns. Chart 11 shows that the current 2-year/5-year curve, with a steepness of 63bps, is in line with past steepening moves coming out of recession. For the curve segments at longer maturities, the pace of steepening has been much more rapid than in the past. In fact, the current 5-year/10-year slope of 82bps is already above the average past peak level, as is the 10-year/30-year curve of 72bps. If we do the same cycle-on-cycle analysis for the three previous US recessions dating back to 1990, the current curve slopes are more in line with levels seen one year into the economic expansion (Chart 12). During those previous cycles, the curve steepening trend ended around two years into the expansion. This suggests that the current curve steepening could continue into 2022, except for one major difference – the Fed cut rates to 0% very rapidly last year, far faster than in the previous easing cycles. This suggests that additional curve steepening from current levels can only occur through a surge in US inflation. Chart 11Current UST Steepening Has Moved Fast Compared To Past Cycles Current UST Steepening Has Moved Fast Compared To Past Cycles Current UST Steepening Has Moved Fast Compared To Past Cycles Chart 12Can More UST Curve Steepening Occur With A 0% Funds Rate? Can More UST Curve Steepening Occur With A 0% Funds Rate? Can More UST Curve Steepening Occur With A 0% Funds Rate? The slope of the Treasury curve is typically correlated to the level of the nominal fed funds rate, but is even more strongly correlated to the funds rate minus actual inflation, or the real fed funds rate. When the real funds rate is below the natural real rate of interest, a.k.a. r-star, the Treasury curve has historically exhibited its strongest steepening trend. That can be seen in Chart 13, where we show the real fed funds rate (adjusted by US core CPI inflation) compared to the New York Fed’s estimate of r-star. The gap between the two series is shown in the bottom panel, correlating very strongly to the 2-year/30-year Treasury curve slope. Chart 13Curve Steepening Results When Real Rates Are Below R* Curve Steepening Results When Real Rates Are Below R* Curve Steepening Results When Real Rates Are Below R* With the nominal funds rate at zero, that gap between r-star and the real fed funds rate can only widen in a fashion that would support more curve steepening if a) realized US inflation moves higher or b) r-star moves higher. Both outcomes are possible as the US economic recovery, fueled by expanding vaccinations and fiscal stimulus. Both real rates and r-star are much lower in the current cycle than in previous economic recoveries, although the r-star/real funds rate gap appears to be following a more typical path that suggests potential additional steepening pressure (Chart 14). The wild card in this analysis is the Fed itself. If US economic growth and inflation evolve in way that makes it more likely the Fed would have to begin tapering QE and, eventually, signal future rate hikes, the Treasury curve may shift to a more typical bear-flattening trend seen during tightening cycles. We saw an example of that after the release of the March US employment report, where over a million jobs were created in a single month, causing 5-year Treasury yields to jump higher than longer-maturity Treasuries (i.e. curve flattening). Looking ahead, it appears that the US yield curve is more likely to slowly transition to a bear-flattening/bull-steepening regime than continue the bear-steepening/bull-flattening: trend of the past twelve months. One way to position for this is to enter into butterfly curve trades that offer attractive carry or valuation. For that, we turn to our Treasury curve valuation models. We have been recommending a Treasury yield curve trade in our Tactical Overlay portfolio on page 19, going long a 7-year bullet versus going short a 5-year/10-year barbell (Chart 15). This barbell is now very cheap on our models, which measure value by regressing the butterfly spread on the underlying slope of the curve. In this case, the spread between the 5/7/10 butterfly is unusually wide compared to the slope of the 5/10 Treasury curve. According to our model, this butterfly spread discounts nearly 100bps of additional 5/10 steepening, an excessive amount compared to past cycles. Chart 14R* - Real Funds Rate Gap Below Previous Cyclical Peaks R* - Real Funds Rate Gap Below Previous Cyclical Peaks R* - Real Funds Rate Gap Below Previous Cyclical Peaks Chart 15Maintain Our Current 5/7/10 UST Butterfly Trade Maintain Our Current 5/7/10 UST Butterfly Trade Maintain Our Current 5/7/10 UST Butterfly Trade While the valuation is attractive on the 5/7/10 butterfly (Table 2), the carry on this position is a modest 12bps. A butterfly with more attractive carry is the 2/5/30 butterfly. Table 2US Butterfly Strategy Valuation: Standardized Residuals Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? Table 3US Butterfly Strategies: Carry Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? Chart 16Enter A New 2/5/30 UST Butterfly Trade Enter A New 2/5/30 UST Butterfly Trade Enter A New 2/5/30 UST Butterfly Trade This butterfly has a neutral valuation (Chart 16) on our model, but offers 35bps of carry - the most attractive among all butterflies involving a 5-year bullet (Table 3). With US Treasury yields, and the Treasury curve slope, likely to remain rangebound for the next few months, going for higher carry trades is an attractive strategy – particularly if used in conjunction with a below-benchmark duration stance, which we still advocate. The 2/5/30 butterfly represents an attractive near-term hedge to that more defensive duration posture. Bottom Line: We are adding a new recommended US Treasury butterfly trade to our Tactical Overlay portfolio, going long the 5-year bullet and short the 2/30 barbell. This trade should benefit with US Treasury curve steepening overshooting the pace of past cycles, while offering attractive carry if persistent Fed dovishness slows the cyclical transition to a bear-flattening curve regime.   Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy Report, "Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger", dated March 16, 2021, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. Recommendations The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? ​​​​​​​ Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Highlights Important leading indicators of Eurozone activity point to record growth in the coming quarters. Progress on the vaccination front, global pent-up demand, and easing fiscal policy will fuel the Euro Area recovery. Consensus growth expectations for the Eurozone do not reflect this upbeat outlook; hence, European economic surprises will remain firm. Robust economic surprises will help European stocks, especially small-cap ones. They will also allow for a stronger EUR/USD and rising German 10-year yields. The UK economy is strong, and the BoE will be among the first central banks to tighten policy meaningfully. However, investors understand the UK’s strength well. While the cyclical outlook for the pound is bright against both the USD and the EUR, the GBP is vulnerable to some near-term profit taking. Downgrade UK small-cap stocks to neutral on a tactical basis.  Feature The case for the Eurozone’s recovery is only growing stronger. However, consensus growth forecasts for the Euro Area remain modest. Faced with this dichotomy, the European economy has ample room to generate positive surprises in the coming months. This process will support European financial assets, small-cap stocks in particular. This contrasts with UK assets, where investors have already embedded generous growth assumptions in response to the country’s rapid pace of vaccination. A tactical downgrade of UK small-cap equities is appropriate. Surprise! Two indicators from outside the Eurozone point to an elevated likelihood that the European economy will generate some exceptionally strong growth numbers over the coming 12 months. First, the Swiss KOF Economic Barometer hit an all-time high in April. The KOF series is an excellent leading indicator of Switzerland’s economic activity, and it currently forecasts record GDP growth and PMIs for that country (Chart 1). This message of strength for Switzerland bodes well for the Eurozone. While the Swiss market is defensive, owing to its heavy exposure to healthcare and consumer staple stocks, the Swiss economy is pro-cyclical. Exports represent 60% of GDP, and exports to the Eurozone account for 40% of this total. Moreover, the growth-sensitive machinery, consumer goods, and chemicals categories account for almost 50% of shipments. Based on these observations, the KOF Economic Barometer forecasting ability unsurprisingly extends beyond Swiss economic variables; it also anticipates positive growth for the Global Manufacturing PMI, the Euro Area Manufacturing PMI, and the Eurozone’s forward earnings (Chart 2). Chart 1Climbing Swiss Peaks Climbing Swiss Peaks Climbing Swiss Peaks Chart 2A Good Sign For The Eurozone A Good Sign For The Eurozone A Good Sign For The Eurozone Second, an aggregation of Swedish economic data confirms the KOF indicator’s message and also calls for record economic activity in Europe. Our Swedish Economic Diffusion Index, which incorporates 14 data series from the Nordic country, points toward a further acceleration in the Euro Area PMIs relative to the US (Chart 3). It is also consistent with a pick-up in the performance of European equities relative to the US. These important indicators of the European economy reflect a variety of forces at play that increasingly point toward stronger growth. Among them, the improvement in the pace of vaccination is crucial to lifting the mood across the continent. As the top panel of Chart 4 illustrates, the number of daily vaccine doses administered across major Euro Area economies is accelerating sharply. While it took three months to inoculate 20% of the population, it only took one month to raise the vaccinated population to nearly 40% (Chart 4, bottom panel). Chart 3Sweden Leads The Eurozone Sweden Leads The Eurozone Sweden Leads The Eurozone Chart 4Accelerating Vaccinations Accelerating Vaccinations Accelerating Vaccinations Euro Area fiscal policy is also moving in a more growth-friendly direction. The Italian Budget announced on April 26 will add EUR248 billion in spending over the next six years. For the moment, Germany has abandoned its debt brake, and, as we wrote three weeks ago, the September election is likely to reify this outcome and further ease fiscal policy in Europe’s biggest economy. Spain is the second largest recipient of the NGEU funds, and it is expected to increase fiscal spending by EUR167 billion over the coming six years. In addition, France has yet to give clear hints about its plan, but next year’s elections are likely to result in further stimulus measures as well. Thus, fiscal easing in Europe will only increase from this point on (Chart 5). Chart 5The Expanding European Stimulus A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance Accumulated pent-up demand remains another potent fuel for growth in the Euro Area. Unlike in the US, spending on durable goods in the Eurozone has not overtaken its pre-pandemic levels (Chart 6). Furthermore, global inventory-to-sales ratio are low, which hints at a coming inventory restocking cycle. These two trends will benefit Euro Area economic activity. The service sector recovery has more to go. Despite some recent improvements, the Eurozone’s Service PMI remains depressed compared to that of the US (Chart 7, top panel). However, the acceleration in the European vaccination campaign and the continued injection of fiscal support at the same time as the lockdowns ebb should result in a significant catch up in service activity in the Euro Area. Thus, the double-dip recession is on the verge of ending and giving way to a robust GDP expansion (Chart 7, bottom panel). Chart 6Ample European Pent-up Demand Ample European Pent-up Demand Ample European Pent-up Demand Chart 7The Service Sector Recovery Is Paramount The Service Sector Recovery Is Paramount The Service Sector Recovery Is Paramount Even though the recovery in GDP growth will lead to strong positive economic surprises for the Euro Area, consensus growth expectations for the region remain conservative. According to Bloomberg, Eurozone annual GDP growth is expected to reach 12.6% in Q2 because of an extremely strong base effect. However, growth will decelerate suddenly and hit 2.3% in Q3 and 4.3% in Q4. Growth is anticipated to be 4.1% in 2022. These are low thresholds to beat, and thus, economic surprises will remain positive. Chart 8Decomposing The Surprises Decomposing The Surprises Decomposing The Surprises The source of positive economic surprises is likely to be broad-based. If the service sector recaptures some of its previous shine, the Surveys and Business Cycle component and the Labor Market component of the Bloomberg surprises index will improve and remain positive for many months (Chart 8). Moreover, the absorption of pent-up demand will allow the Retail and Wholesale as well the Personal/Household components to remain robust or firm up further. Finally, the strength of the global manufacturing sector and the elevated potential for a global inventory restocking will allow the Industrial component to firm up anew. Bottom Line: The European economy is in a good place to validate the upbeat message from the KOF Economic Barometer or the Swedish Economic Diffusion Index. Since expectations for European economic activity are still limited for the second half of 2021, this strong growth performance will result in positive economic surprises. Investment Implications The heightened odds that Europe will generate significant positive economic surprises for the coming quarters means that investors’ perspective of the Euro Area will gradually improve. While this process will ultimately curtail the ability of Europe to beat expectations, it will also lift Eurozone assets. If our forecast is correct that European economic surprises will largely be positive over the coming 6 to 12 months, then European equities are more likely to generate generous returns than otherwise. Table 1 highlights that positive changes in the Economic Surprise Index (ESI) on a 3-month, 6-month, and 12-month horizon coincide with returns of the Euro Area MSCI equity benchmarks that have positive batting averages of 72%, 70%, and 73%, respectively. Moreover, the average and median returns are significantly higher than when the ESI deteriorates. Table 1Forecasting Strong Surprises Means Forecasting Strong Equity Returns A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance The signal from the ESI is weaker if we do not make forecasts about its direction. The batting averages of subsequent 3-month and 6-month equity returns following an improving ESI are 63% and 69%, respectively, and the median subsequent returns are higher than if today’s ESI is deteriorating, but not to the same extent as when we make a forecast of the ESI. 12-month returns for the Eurozone MSCI index have a 58% chance of being positive, if the ESI increases over a 12-month window, which is lower than the 63% batting average if the ESI worsens. Moreover, average and median 12-month expected returns are somewhat higher if the ESI has been deteriorating rather than improving over the past 12-month period. European small cap equities will be prime beneficiaries of the coming growth outperformance. From an economic perspective, this makes sense because small-cap stocks are geared more toward domestic growth than large-cap equities, which are dominated by multinationals. Table 2 shows that 3-month, 6-month, and 12-month periods of improvement in the surprise index precede an outperformance of small-cap relative to large-cap stocks over similar windows of time. Thus, the current positive level of the European ESI and its ability to rise further should favor small-cap European equities. Table 2Favor Small-Cap Stocks A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance Table 3A Bullish Backdrop For EUR/USD A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance The same exercise shows that the outlook also favors the euro. European economic surprises should continue to outpace the US, because Eurozone growth will catch up to the US, but investors already have much loftier expectations for US activity than for the Euro Area. Table 3 illustrates that periods when the Eurozone’s ESI is greater than that of the US, EUR/USD generates a positive 3-month return 65% of the time, with a median gain of 1.3%. When the US ESI is higher, the EUR/USD depreciates 55% of the time, with a median loss of -0.5%. Chart 9Rising German Yields? Rising German Yields? Rising German Yields? Finally, the potential for stronger European ESI is negative for Bunds. Speeches by various members of the European Central Bank Governing Council indicate that the ECB will tolerate higher yields, if they reflect stronger economic activity. As the European vaccination campaign advances and the fiscal stimulus increases, the need to maintain depressed Bunds yields recedes. Hence, a continuation of positive ESI readings is now more likely to boost these yields. Additionally, the gap between the European ESI and the US one will remain positive, thus, a period of rising German yields relative to the US is more likely (Chart 9).  Bottom Line: The ability of the European economy to continue to surprise positively should generate attractive equity returns on the continent. Moreover, this economic backdrop is consistent with an outperformance of small-cap equities, as well as an appreciating EUR/USD. Under these circumstances, Bunds yields should experience more upside. Country Focus: The UK’s Outlook Is Brightening, Unsurprisingly Last week, the Bank of England left the total size of its asset purchase program in place at GBP875 billion, even if the weekly pace of purchases was slowed to GBP3.4 billion from GBP4.4 billion. The BoE also raised its 2021 growth forecast to 7.5%, from 5% in February.  The BoE is joining the Bank of Canada as one of the first central banks to taper its asset purchase program. It will also be one of the first central banks to increase interest rates, after the Norges Bank, but ahead of the Fed. In a way, the UK shares many similarities with our recent positive depiction of the Swedish economy. Chart 10Support For Household Net Worth Support For Household Net Worth Support For Household Net Worth The rapid pace of vaccination in the UK allows for a vigorous economic recovery. In all likelihood, the UK economy will have contracted in Q1 2021 because of the severe lockdowns that prevailed then; however, these lockdowns are being eased and economic fundamentals point up. Our Global Fixed Income and Foreign Exchange strategists recently demonstrated that house prices are increasing on the back of rising mortgage approvals and falling household debt-servicing obligations (Chart 10). The robust readings of the RICS House Prices survey only confirm the positive outlook for housing prices. Expanding house prices will elevate consumption. An appreciating housing stock boosts the wealth of households and leads to higher UK consumer confidence. Moreover, business confidence is improving; the rise in capex intentions not only indicates that investments will increase, but is also a precursor to climbing job vacancies (Chart 11). Brighter labor market prospects often result in rising consumption, especially if wages firm up, as we argued seven weeks ago. The current bout of economic strength points to some upside in UK inflation as well. The elevated PMI readings and the rapid increase in construction activity are reliable forecasters of higher CPI prints (Chart 12). However, this not a uniquely British phenomenon, and it remains to be seen how durable this rising inflation will be. Chart 11UK Consumption Will Rise More UK Consumption Will Rise More UK Consumption Will Rise More Chart 12Accelerating UK Inflation Accelerating UK Inflation Accelerating UK Inflation   Despite this positive economic outlook, investors should adopt a more cautious tactical stance toward UK markets. The problem for British assets is that investors have understood UK’s vaccination strength so well that they embed much optimism in the price of financial instruments levered to domestic economic activity. In contrast to the Eurozone, Bloomberg consensus forecast anticipate Q2 year-on-year GDP growth of 20.7%, 6.1% for Q3 and 6.5% for Q4. Cable is particularly ripe for some near-term profit taking. Our Intermediate-Term Technical Indicator and the 52-week rate of change of GBP/USD, as well as net speculative positions and sentiment, all point to a correction in that pair (Chart 13). Moreover, the 13-week momentum measure for EUR/GBP shows that the rapid decline in this cross is also overdone. As a result, BCA’s Foreign Exchange strategists closed their short EUR/GBP position to book some gains.  It is also time to downgrade British mid- and small-cap stocks from our current overweight stance, at least on a tactical basis. Compared to large-cap UK stocks, small-cap names have moved in a parabolic fashion, and the ratio’s elevated 52-week rate-of-change measure warns of a pullback, especially in light of the deterioration in near-term momentum (Chart 14). The message from technical indicators is particularly concerning, because the forward earnings of small-cap stocks are plunging relative to large cap ones (Chart 15). Additionally, valuation multiples on UK small-cap stocks have vastly outpaced those of their larger counterparts, despite a rapid decline in relative RoE (Chart 16). Chart 13Cable Is Ripe For Some Near-Term Profit Taking Cable Is Ripe For Some Near-Term Profit Taking Cable Is Ripe For Some Near-Term Profit Taking Chart 14UK Small-Cap Stocks Are Technically Vulnerable UK Small-Cap Stocks Are Technically Vulnerable UK Small-Cap Stocks Are Technically Vulnerable Chart 15Deteriorating Profit Performance Deteriorating Profit Performance Deteriorating Profit Performance Chart 16Quite The Valuation Premium Quite The Valuation Premium Quite The Valuation Premium Ultimately, these cautious views are of a short-term nature. BCA’s Foreign Exchange strategists remain upbeat on the pound on a 12- to 24-month basis. Cable continues to trade at a deep discount to our purchasing-power parity estimate, which adjusts for the composition of price indexes in the UK and the US (Chart 17). Moreover, real short rate differentials still favor GBP/USD. The pound also trades at a discount to the euro based on long-term valuation metrics. Most importantly, real interest rates differentials at both the short- and long-end of the curve, as well as the outlook for the evolution of monetary policy in the UK relative to the Euro Area, indicate a significantly lower EUR/GBP (Chart 18). Chart 17Despite Nera-term risks, Cable's Cyclical Underpinning Is Strong Despite Nera-term risks, Cable's Cyclical Underpinning Is Strong Despite Nera-term risks, Cable's Cyclical Underpinning Is Strong Chart 18Lower EUR/GBP Ahead Lower EUR/GBP Ahead Lower EUR/GBP Ahead For small-cap equities, the cyclical picture is more complex. On the one hand, their domestic exposure and a higher pound over the coming 12 to 24 months should help them, unlike the large-cap UK stocks, which derive most of their income from abroad and are negatively affected by a higher GBP. On the other hand, UK small-cap stocks have become so expensive that we need to see how an appreciating pound will boost their earnings relative to large-cap stocks before adjusting our neutral stance. Bottom Line: The strong UK economy will allow the BoE to be one of the first major DM central banks to tighten policy. This will support a further appreciation of the pound against both the dollar and the euro over the coming 12 to 24 months. Nonetheless, the GBP has been overbought on a tactical basis and is vulnerable to a near-term pullback. Similarly, compared to large-cap equities, we are downgrading small-cap UK stocks from overweight to neutral on a tactical basis.   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Investment Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Jeremie Peloso, Associate Editor JeremieP@bcaresearch.com   Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations Trades Currency Performance A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance Fixed Income Performance Government Bonds A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance Corporate Bonds A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance Equity Performance Major Stock Indices A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance Geographic Performance A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance Sector Performance A Surprising Dance A Surprising Dance ​​​​​​​ Closed Trades

Highlights The Scottish parliamentary election does not present a near-term risk of a second referendum on Scottish independence. Independence is possible down the road but very unlikely due to a host of economic and geopolitical challenges still relevant in the twenty-first century. Book gains on long CHF-GBP. Go long FTSE 100 versus developed markets excluding the United States. Feature British equities have underperformed developed markets over the past decade – even if we exclude the market-leading United States (Chart 1). The British equity market is heavily concentrated in cyclical sectors like financials and materials and has a low concentration in information technology and communications services. As such the bourse has sprung to life since the advent of the COVID-19 vaccine and the prospect of a government-stimulated global growth recovery. In keeping with our strategic preference for value over growth we also look constructively at British equities. A potential source of geopolitical and political risk is Britain’s ongoing constitutional crisis, which flared up with the failed Scottish independence referendum in 2014 and the successful referendum to leave the EU in 2016. Tensions within the UK and between the UK and EU are part of the same problem – a loss of popular confidence and trust in the current nation-state and governing institutions in the aftermath of hyper-globalization.1 This constitutional crisis added insult to injury for UK stocks by jacking up policy uncertainty and undermining the attractiveness of domestic-oriented UK companies that suffered from trade disruptions with the European Union. Chart 1UK Referendums Added Insult To Injury UK Referendums Added Insult To Injury UK Referendums Added Insult To Injury Chart 2Post-Brexit Trading Range For GBP-EUR Post-Brexit Trading Range For GBP-EUR Post-Brexit Trading Range For GBP-EUR Now the COVID-19 pandemic and its aftermath have changed the global scene entirely and Brexit is no longer Britain’s chief concern. But there is still a lingering question over Scotland’s status. The Scottish question has recently weighed on the British pound and reinforced the new trading range for the GBP-EUR exchange rate in the aftermath of a “hard” exit from the European Union (Chart 2). Scotland voted for a new parliament on May 6 and the preliminary results are coming in as we go to press. The pro-independence Scottish National Party is still the most popular party and even if it falls short of a majority, as online betting markets expect, it has pro-independence allies with which it could form a coalition (Chart 3). Its leader, Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon, has promised to pursue a second popular referendum on seceding from the United Kingdom by 2023. Chart 3Betting Markets Doubt Single-Party Majority For SNP United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, backed by a strong Conservative Party parliamentary majority, has vowed not to allow a second referendum, arguing that the 2014 plebiscite was supposed to lay the question to rest for a while. Scottish opinion in favor of secession stands at 43.6% today, right near the 44.7% that nationalists achieved in 2014 (Chart 4). Chart 4Support For Independence Ticks Down, Still Shy Of Majority United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United Our takeaway is to fade the Scottish risk. Book gains on our long CHF-GBP tactical trade. Go long British equities relative to DM-ex-US on the expectation of global economic normalization, which is beneficially for the outwardly oriented British multinationals that dominate the British bourse. Does Scotland Have Grand Strategy? The history of Scotland is marked by internal differences that prevent it from achieving unity and independence. Even in the twenty-first century, when many factors have coalesced to make Scottish independence more likely than at any time since the eighteenth century, the 2014 referendum produced a 10% gap in favor of remaining in the United Kingdom. This majority is all the more compelling when viewed from the perspective of geography because cross-regional support for the union is clear (Map 1). Map 1Scottish Independence Referendum Result, 2014 United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United Why is Scotland always divided? Because it is trapped by the sea and adjacent to a greater power, England. England is usually strong enough to keep Scotland from consolidating power and asserting control over its maritime and land borders. Specifically, Scotland contains a small population (at 5.5 million today) and small economic base (GBP 155 billion in economic output at the end of 2022) dispersed over an inconvenient geography. The low-lying plains around the Firth of Forth that form the historic core of Scotland share a porous border with England. The highlands provide a retreat for Scottish forces during times of conflict, which makes it extremely difficult for southern forces, whether Roman or Anglo-Saxon, to conquer Scotland. But the highlands are equally hard for any standalone Scottish state to rule. Meanwhile the western isles are even more remote from the seat of Scottish power and vulnerable to foreign maritime powers. Since England could never conquer Scotland, its solution was to coopt the Scottish elite, who reciprocated, culminating in a merger of the two monarchies and then the two states in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The British empire provided Scotland with peace, prosperity, and access to the rest of the world. History and geopolitics do not imply that Scottish independence is impossible, i.e. that union with the rest of Britain is inevitable and permanent. The Anglo-Scots union is only 314 or 418 years old, whereas Scotland existed as a recognizable kingdom for roughly six centuries prior to the joining of the crowns in 1603. It is entirely possible for Scotland to secede and break up the union known as Great Britain. The principle of rule by consent and modern democratic ideology make it difficult for London and Westminster to force Scotland into subjection like in the old days. In particular, American hegemony over Europe since WWII and the rise of the European Union have created a pathway for Scottish independence. England is no longer the indispensable gateway to peace and prosperity. Scotland can exist independently under the EU’s economic umbrella and the American security umbrella.   Europe has always played a major role in Scotland’s political fate and has always held the key to independence. Independence usually failed because European powers failed to devote large and steady resources to supporting Scotland militarily and economically. France was Scotland’s greatest patron and would lend its support for Scottish rebellion. But France also consistently failed Scotland (and Ireland) at critical junctures when independence might have been obtained. This is because France’s interests lay in distracting England rather than adopting Scotland. Chart 5Scottish Energy Production In Decline United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United Today’s unified European continent could be a much greater patron than France ever was alone. The EU could assure Scotland of investment and access to markets even in the face of British resistance. However, the EU is still not politically unified: some members fear separatism in their own borders and therefore tend to oppose Scottish accession. It is possible that the EU could overcome this difficulty but only after a series of major events (on which more below). It took an American empire to clear the way for Irish independence. But Ireland has the moat of the Irish Sea – and the United Kingdom still retained Northern Ireland. Today the United States can be expected to keep its distance from quarrels within the UK or between the UK and EU. However, it does not have an interest in Scottish secession or any other disintegration of the UK, whether from a global security point of view (the West’s conflict with Russia) or even from the point of view of US grand strategy relative to Europe (prevention of a European empire that could challenge the US). An independent Scotland would struggle economically. Its declining base of fossil fuel reserves illustrates the problem of generating sufficient revenue to maintain the Scandinavian-style social welfare state that Scotland’s nationalists imagine (Chart 5). Scottish nationalists are keen to embrace renewable energy – and the Scottish Greens are pro-independence – yet Scotland is not a manufacturing powerhouse that will produce its own solar panels and windmills. In the face of economic difficulties, Scotland would become politically divided like it was for most of its history prior to union with England. England would revert to an obstructive or sabotaging role. It is telling that the Scottish voter turnout in the 2014 independence referendum was very strong – much stronger than in other recent elections and plebiscites, including the Brexit referendum in Scotland (Table 1). The implication is that it is much harder for Scotland to strike out on its own than it appears. Opinion polling cited above suggests that neither Brexit nor the COVID-19 pandemic has moved the needle decisively in the direction of independence. If anything it is the opposite. The Scottish National Party has lost momentum since 2014 and is losing momentum in advance of today’s local election, which has been pitched as the opportunity to make a second go at independence (Chart 6). Table 1Scotland: High Turnout In 2014 Independence Referendum Implies Firm Conclusion To Stay In UK United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United Chart 6Scottish National Party Losing Momentum Just Ahead Of Holyrood Election Scottish National Party Losing Momentum Just Ahead Of Holyrood Election Scottish National Party Losing Momentum Just Ahead Of Holyrood Election Bottom Line: History suggests that the geopolitical and macroeconomic barriers to a unified and independent Scottish state are higher and stronger than they may appear at any given time, including the inevitable periods of tensions with England like today. The UK’s Saving Graces A fair question is whether the UK’s decision to leave the EU since 2016 has changed Scotland’s calculus. Brexit may also have affected the international context, reducing the EU’s willingness to intervene on the UK’s behalf and discourage Scottish ambitions. However, a handful of factors supports the continuation of the union despite Scotland’s grievances. The UK proved a boon amid COVID-19: While 62% of Scots voted against Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic and recession have supplanted Brexit as the nation’s chief cause of concern. The UK and Scotland saw a higher rate of deaths during the biggest waves of the pandemic but now the pandemic is effectively over in the UK and Scotland, in stark contrast with the European Union (Chart 7). The UK has provided a net benefit to Scotland by inventing the vaccine and distributing it effectively (Chart 8). Scottish voters would have been worse off had they left the UK in 2014. Of course, Scottish nationalism is apparent in the fact that voters give the credit to Edinburgh while blaming London over its handling of the pandemic (Chart 9). But the underlying material reality – that being part of the UK provided a net benefit – will discourage independence sentiment. The Scottish Conservative Party and Labour Party are both in favor of sustaining the union and have benefited in opinion polling since the pandemic peaked. Chart 7COVID Deaths Collapse In ##br##United Kingdom United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United Chart 8Scotland Benefited From UK Vaccine And Rollout United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United   Chart 9Scots Praise Edinburgh, Blame London On COVID Handling United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United Brexit is a cautionary economic tale: If Brexit is relevant to Scottish voters, it is not the source of grievance that it could have been. Prime Minister Boris Johnson achieved an exit and trade deal at the end of 2019-20 that largely preserves economic ties with the EU. True, the deal has problems that undermine the UK economy and enhance Scottish grievances. But these also serve as a warning to Scots who would attempt to exit the UK, highlighting the economic pitfalls of raising borders and barriers against one’s chief market. The UK’s trade is far more critical to Scotland’s economy than that of the EU (Chart 10).   Chart 10Major Constraint On Scottish Independence United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United Unlike in the case of the UK and EU, Scotland shares the same currency and central bank with the UK. Scotland’s large banking sector stands to suffer drastically if the Bank of England ceases to be a lender of last resort. This would become a major problem at least until Scotland could be assured of admission into the EU and Euro Area. Otherwise redenomination into a national currency would deal an even greater financial and economic blow. Scots  would face a far more painful economic divorce from the UK than the UK faced with the EU. The UK’s fiscal blowout helped Scotland: Since the bank run at Northern Rock in 2007, the UK and Scotland have suffered a series of crises. This instability should discourage risk appetite today when contrasted with the possibility of stimulus-fueled economic recovery. In particular, the UK government is no longer pursuing fiscal austerity – an economic policy that fanned the flames of Scottish secession back in 2012. Indeed, the UK tops the ranks of global fiscal stimulus, according to the change in government net lending and borrowing as reported by the IMF. The UK’s outlier status ensures that Scotland receives more fiscal support than it otherwise would have (Chart 11). A brief comparison with comparable countries – Ireland, Belgium, France, Norway, Portugal – reinforces the point. Chart 11Scotland Benefited From UK Fiscal Blowout United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United The UK’s aggressive policy of monetary and fiscal reflation is not a coincidence. It stems from the past two decades’ constitutional and political struggles – it is an outgrowth of domestic instability and populism. It includes an industrial policy, a green energy policy, and other rebuilding measures to combat the erosion of the state in the wake of hyper-globalization. Essentially the UK, even under a Tory government, is now about debt monetization and nation-building. While Scotland would have trouble bargaining for its share of EU resources, it benefits from the UK’s shift to government largesse and can use the threat of independence to receive greater funds from the United Kingdom. Geopolitics discourages a fledgling Scottish nation. Scotland hosts naval and air bases of considerable value to the UK, US, and broader NATO alliance. Former US President Trump’s punitive measures against the European allies and open doubts about the US’s commitment to NATO’s collective security illustrated the dangers of western divisions in the face of autocratic regimes like Russia and China. The US and EU are now recommitting to their economic and security bonds under the Biden administration. Scottish independence would undermine this recommitment and as such the small country would pit itself against the US, EU, and NATO. While the US and NATO would ultimately admit Scotland into collective security, for fear of cultivating a neutral Scotland that could eventually be exploited by Russia, they would likely discourage independence ahead of time to prevent a historic division within the UK and NATO. Chart 12No Urgency For A Second Referendum United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United As for the EU, the Spanish government has indicated that it would be willing to make an exception for Scottish independence if it were negotiated amicably with the United Kingdom.2 Such statements are doubtful, however, as any successful secession would lend ideological credibility to Spanish secessionism – not only in Catalonia but also in the Basque country and elsewhere. And Spain is not the only country that harbors deep hesitations over Scottish accession to the European Union. Belgium, Slovakia, and Cyprus could also oppose it. It only takes a single veto to halt the whole accession process. Ultimately the EU could accept Scotland, just as would NATO, to avoid the dangers of having a neutral state in a strategic location. But the point is that Scottish voters cannot be certain. For example, Scotland cannot secure EU accession prior to leaving the UK and yet to leave the UK and fail to achieve EU accession would render it a fledgling. This explains why Scottish voters are not eager to hold a new independence referendum (Chart 12). Bottom Line: The UK offers medical, economic, fiscal, and geopolitical advantages to Scotland that independence would revoke. The context of Great Power struggle with Russia and China means that an independent Scotland would probably ultimately be admitted into NATO and the EU – but Scottish voters cannot be certain, a factor that discourages independence at least in the short and medium run. Scottish Hurdles Table 2 highlights the historic results of Scottish elections according to political party, popular vote share, and share of seats in parliament. Early, tentative signs suggest that the Scottish National Party maxed out in 2011. The party has suffered from a leadership schism, offshoot parties, and a distraction of its key message since 2014. The implication is not only that Scottish independence is on ice for now but also that the tumultuous constitutional disagreements are subsiding and voters want to focus on economic recovery. Table 2Scottish National Party Hit High-Water Mark In 2011? United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United If the Scottish National Party manages to form a majority coalition capable of pushing forward a second referendum, it will face several hurdles. It will need a UK Supreme Court ruling on the legality of a referendum. If a referendum is declared legal (as it very likely will be), Scotland will need to forge an agreement with Prime Minister Boris Johnson to hold a referendum. If a referendum eventually is held and passes, an exit will need to be negotiated. In a post-Brexit world, investors cannot assume that any referendum will fail or that a referendum is a domestic political ploy that the ruling party has no serious intention of following through. Nevertheless it is true that the Scottish National Party could use the threat of a referendum to agree to negotiate a greater devolution of power from Westminster. The party could hold up England’s concessions as a victory while retaining the independence threat as leverage for a later date. Devolution in the past has strengthened the independence cause, as in the creation of the Scottish parliament in 1999. After all, a referendum loss would be devastating for the nationalists, whereas the threat of a referendum could yield victories without depriving the nationalists of their reason for being. It is notable that First Minister Nicola Sturgeon promised not to hold a “wildcat” referendum, in which Scotland holds a referendum regardless of what Westminster or the UK Supreme Court say. The implication is that Scottish nationalism is looking for a stable way to exit. But if stability is the hope then there is dubious support for independence in the first place. A wildcat referendum is theoretically still an option but a formal process with popular support is much more likely to result in a successful referendum than an informal process with dubious popular support. Chart 13Scotland’s Chronic Deficits Scotland's Chronic Deficits Scotland's Chronic Deficits If Scottish independence succeeded in any wildcat referendum, an extreme controversy would follow as Edinburgh tried to translate this result to the formal political and constitutional sphere. If the referendum were not recognized by the UK then Scotland would be forced to secede unilaterally at greater economic cost. Otherwise a third referendum (second formal referendum) would need to be held to confirm the results. Any third referendum would be irrevocable. As with Brexit, the secessionists would have to carry one or more subsequent elections to execute the political will in the event of secession. The point for investors is that volatility would be prolonged as was the case with Brexit. A major complication in Scottish independence remains the problem of public finances. Scotland’s fiscal standing is weak. Scotland ran a 9.4% of GDP budget deficit prior to COVID-19, excluding transfers from the UK, which compensates for a gap of about 6% of GDP (Chart 13).3 The country maintains generous social spending alongside a low-tax regime. There is no sign of correction as all Scottish parties are proposing more expansive social spending in the parliamentary election. The Scottish National Party is even proposing universal basic income. Scotland’s emergency COVID deficits are larger than the UK’s as well and projections over the coming years suggest that they will stay elevated. Historically economic growth keeps closely in line with the rest of the UK and there is no reason to believe independence would boost growth. The implication is that Scotland would have to curtail spending or raise taxes to come into line with UK-sized deficits, which are not small (Chart 14).4 Of course Scotland would not embrace austerity unless financial market pressure forced it to do so. Chart 14Scottish Deficit Projected Larger Than UK United Kingdom Stays United United Kingdom Stays United Scotland would become a high-debt economy. Its public debt-to-GDP ratio would be about 97%, on a back-of-the-envelope calculation. Back in 2013 estimates ranged around 80% of GDP.5 The Scottish National Party’s Sustainable Growth Commission projected in 2018 – before the pandemic blew an even wider hole in the budget deficit – that deficits would nearly have to be cut in half (i.e. capped at 5% of GDP and falling) to achieve a 50% debt-to-GDP ratio over 10 years.6 This is not going to happen. Scotland would also have to take on a portion of the UK’s national debt if it were to have an amicable divorce from the UK and retain the pound sterling. But then much of its newfound independence would be compromised from the beginning by legacy debt and monetary policy shackles. Similar restrictions would come with EU and euro membership. Any accession process after the pandemic would require conformity to the EU’s growth and stability pact, which limits deficits and debt. Redenomination into a national currency, as noted, would dilute domestic wealth, zap the financial industry, and self-impose austerity. Bottom Line: Even if the Scottish nationalists manage to put together a pro-independence majority in Edinburgh, they face a complex process in setting up a referendum. Its passage is doubtful based on the current evidence. But obviously in the wake of Brexit investors should not assume that a referendum attempt will fail or that a successful referendum will be thwarted by parliament after a “leave” vote. The timeline for a second referendum is not imminent – and Scottish independence is highly unlikely, albeit possible at some future date given that middle-aged Scots lean in favor of independence.   Investment Takeaways We will conclude with two market takeaways: Chart 15UK Stocks Recovering From Referendum Fever UK Stocks Recovering From Referendum Fever UK Stocks Recovering From Referendum Fever Chart 16Hindsight On How To Play A Constitutional Struggle Hindsight On How To Play A Constitutional Struggle Hindsight On How To Play A Constitutional Struggle The UK’s referendum fever has compounded political uncertainty and contributed to negative factors for the UK equity market over the past decade. A segmentation of the FTSE 100 according to country shows that Scottish-based companies’ share prices rolled over in the aftermath of the 2014 referendum, while the non-Scottish segment performed better (Chart 15). The implication is not that the referendum caused stocks to fall but that the 2014 independence push was the result of national exuberance supercharged by high commodity prices. Enthusiasm for independence has been flat since that time. What is clear is that financial markets look even less favorably upon Scottish equities than other British equities – another sign of the economic problems that will ultimately discourage Scottish voters from going it alone. In advance of the Scottish election, we went tactically long the Swiss franc relative to the British pound to capitalize on jitters that we expected to hit the currency. This trade was in keeping with the long fall of GBP-CHF over the past decade (Chart 16). But the stronger forces of global stimulus, vaccination, economic normalization, and recovery will soon provide a tailwind for sterling yet again. Therefore we are booking 1% gains and shifting to a more optimistic outlook on the pound. With the Brexit saga and the COVID crisis in the rear view mirror, and the tail risk of Scottish independence unlikely, the pound can resume its upward trajectory – at least relative to the Swiss franc. International equities and cyclicals are also poised to continue rising as the world recovers. We recommend investors go long the FTSE 100 relative to developed markets excluding the United States. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Jeremy Black, “The Legacy of the Scottish Referendum,” Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes, September 22, 2014, fpri.org. 2 See Akash Paun et al, "Scottish Independence: EU Membership And The Anglo-Scottish Border," Institute For Government, March 2021, instituteforgovernment.org.uk. 3 See Eve Hepburn, Michael Keating, and Nicola McEwen, "Scotland’s New Choice: Independence After Brexit," Centre on Constitutional Change, 2021, centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk. 4 See David Phillips, "Updated projections of Scotland’s fiscal position – and their implications," Institute for Fiscal Studies, April 29, 2021, ifs.org.uk. 5 Granting that the UK’s general government gross debt stood at GBP 1.88 trillion at the end of 2020, and assuming that Scotland takes on a share of this debt equivalent to Scotland’s share of the UK’s total population and output (roughly 8%), the Scottish debt would stand at GBP 150 billion out of a Scottish GDP at current market prices of GBP 156 billion, or 97% of GDP. For the 2013 estimate of at least 80% of GDP, see David Bell, "Scottish Independence: Debt And Assets," Centre on Constitutional Change, December 3, 2013, centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk.  6 Scottish National Party, "Part B: The Framework & Strategy for the Sustainable Public Finances of an Independent Scotland," Sustainable Growth Commission, May 2018, sustainablegrowthcommission.scot. The commission’s debt curbs will have to be revised in the wake of COVID-19. For discussion see Chris Giles and Murie Dickie, "Independent Scotland would face a large hole in its public finances," Financial Times, April 2, 2021, ft.com.  

Biden’s first 100 days can be summed up as the return of Big Government, i.e. “the Leviathan.” But markets are not afraid of one-off corporate tax hikes that only partially reverse the previous administration’s tax cuts amid a brand new stimulus-charged economic cycle. Biden’s approval rating after his first 100 days is comparable to that of Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, suggesting that he can accomplish a major legislative achievement. The $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan will be watered down in Congress but not to a great extent. Green energy investments and funding for research and development will survive. Thus Biden’s plan will sow the seeds of a productivity mini-boom, if not a structural boom, in the 2020s. Republicans are favored to win the midterm elections in 2022 but investors should not make any decisions based on that expectation. The risk of Democrats keeping the House of Representatives – and therefore having a new chance to surprise with taxes in the second half of Biden’s term – is much greater than the historical pattern suggests. Stick with our long materials versus tech trade. Stick with short health care trades. Go long renewable energy stocks. Feature President Biden passed the 100 day mark at the end of April. The most striking characteristic of his administration is the giant deficit spending. Biden marks the symbolic return of the “leviathan,” i.e. the state, to American political economy. Normally the budget deficit tracks closely with the unemployment rate because rising unemployment causes tax revenue to fall and government spending to rise. The divergence between the deficit and unemployment became pronounced in 2016 and revealed the structural forces – e.g. slow growth, disinflation, high debt, inequality, populism – driving US policymakers to abandon fiscal discipline. But the 2016-20 political cycle combined with the pandemic broke the dam and the divergence is now gigantic (Chart 1). Chart 1Biden's First 100 Days: An Historic Divergence Biden's First 100 Days: An Historic Divergence Biden's First 100 Days: An Historic Divergence All else equal, the implication is inflationary, though inflation will respond to a range of factors on different time frames. Signs of inflation today may well be under control, as Federal Reserve Chairman Jay Powell and Secretary of Treasury Janet Yellen believe, but over the long run we take the inflation risk seriously as the policy elite has fundamentally shifted to be vigilant about deflation, not inflation. Biden’s Approval Is “Just Enough”  Biden’s popularity is “fair to middling” as his honeymoon comes to an end. His approval rating clocks in right between that of Presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump (Chart 2A). He is not as popular and charismatic as Obama and not as unpopular and controversial as Trump. His approval among Democratic voters is higher than that of Obama, similar to Trump among Republicans, due to the fact that the US has hit historic levels of political polarization (Chart 2A, second panel). His embrace of left-wing policy is keeping him in good standing among Democratic voters but may become a liability during the 2022 midterm election (more on that below). Chart 2ABiden’s Approval Rating: Fair-To-Middling Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Chart 2BBiden Close To Clinton, Bush At 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days American presidential approval ratings have fallen continuously for decades and they typically fall after inauguration. This is true of Biden but he looks more like Presidents Bill Clinton or George W. Bush than Trump. His approval is likely to stay over 50% for the foreseeable future due to a supercharged economic recovery (Chart 2B). Trump stands out conspicuously in this chart for his negative net approval, which implies that on a relative basis Biden will be more capable in conducting policy. And yet Trump got his signature piece of legislation – the Tax Cut and Jobs Act – through Congress, which has some bearing on Biden’s proposals.  Our political capital index (Appendix) shows that Biden will benefit from consumer confidence and wage growth shooting up, business sentiment strengthening, and polarization slightly abating due to a slight rise in Republican approval. While Biden’s Democratic Party has only the narrowest of majorities in the Senate, Biden’s signature legislative proposal – the American Jobs Plan – still has an 80% chance of passing in some form. Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky declared this week that Biden will not get any Republican votes for this package of infrastructure and corporate tax hikes but budget reconciliation is a ready way for the bill to pass on a partisan basis. Biden’s fiscal blowout should be seen as the culmination of a popular shift against fiscal discipline (or “austerity”) that took root in the middle of the last decade and was also expressed by Republican support for the big-spending President Trump. But it is more extravagant than what the Republicans proposed or would have been able to get had Trump been elected. Chart 3 highlights the difference between the Democratic and Republican spending proposals for the early 2021 COVID-19 relief bill and infrastructure plan. Chart 4 highlights the corporate tax increases Biden has proposed in excess of the Trump rate. Chart 3Biden’s Spending In Excess Of Republican Plans Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Chart 4Biden’s Taxes In Excess Of Republican Plans Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days From an investment point of view, now is the perfect time to raise corporate taxes as the early cyclical surge in economic activity will prevent the one-off hit to earnings, which should be around 5%-8% according to our Global Investment Strategy, from hindering the stock market for long. The output gap, apparent from still relatively low industrial capacity utilization, will rapidly be plugged regardless of the tax hikes, as is evident from the surge in retail sales and core capital goods new orders and the decline in fuel inventories (Chart 5). The hyper-stimulated economy has been a key reason for our argument that Biden will mostly get what he wants, in terms of corporate taxes, since growth will be fine. The public is positively crying out for taxing corporations, as we showed in our April 7 missive and other reports. Chart 5The Output Gap Will Close Quickly The Output Gap Will Close Quickly The Output Gap Will Close Quickly Given that Biden’s political capital is only “just enough,” and that it is falling over time, many investors believe that Biden’s major legislative proposals will be watered down beyond recognition. They will be watered down but the reconciliation process ensures that Democrats will pass at least one bill and that it will largely gratify the party’s preferences. And any watering down will affect tax hikes more so than spending, since tax hikes are the most controversial parts of the bill for moderate Senate Democrats. As Table 1 reveals, an infrastructure package with half the revenue increase is a $1.3 trillion addition to the budget deficit over the eight-to-15 year life-cycle of the bill, as opposed to a fictitious $341 billion in the event that all tax hikes pass Congress. Hence the paring back of Biden’s ambitions does not imply fiscal restraint and is not bullish for US Treasuries.  Table 1Watering Down Biden’s Proposals Not Good For Deficit Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days A Productivity Boomlet How can we benchmark the magnitude of the structural transformation taking place in the US as a result of Biden’s Leviathanic spending proposals? From the perspective of government spending as a contributor to economic output, the Leviathan shrank in the decades after President Lyndon B. Johnson’s “Great Society” and Vietnam debacle. But from the perspective of government accounts, Big Government never actually went away (Chart 6), as Reagan used spending to win the Cold War and Clinton only enjoyed the briefest hiatus from deficits in the 1990s. From these charts we can conclude that Biden’s administration will create unprecedented spending and deficits that, taken with an extremely accommodative Fed, will increase the risk of substantially higher inflation over the 2020s.  Chart 6Johnson’s ‘Great Society’ Versus Biden’s ‘Green Society’ Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Chart 7US Adds To Expansive Social Safety Net Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Biden is not fighting an economic depression and world war, like Franklin D. Roosevelt, although the US has experienced a Great Recession and is entering a new cold war with China. So the shift should be seen as a generational change in the role of government and not as an ephemeral, four-year trend. This is true notwithstanding the fact that the US already spends a lot on health and education (Chart 7) and not as an ephemeral, four-year trend. The element of international competition is critical to the unique components of Biden’s spending package. Biden jettisoned the health care debates of the Obama era – to our surprise – and instead inaugurated the American foray into the global green energy race. Looking at the OECD’s measure of the “greenness” of global fiscal stimulus – and supplementing it with Biden’s proposed jobs plan – the US compares favorably with the EU and China (Chart 8). Chart 8US Enters The Green Energy Race Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days True, climate policy is more controversial in the US, which means it may well be frozen after Biden’s major bill. The EU and China will spend more on renewable energy and environmental protection because they are net energy importers and manufacturing powers. But the US is highly unlikely to exit the green race in the future, as younger generations care about it more than their elders and it is connected to the US strategic imperative of technological leadership. Biden will have opened up a new field of national policy, regardless of where on the field the players will fight over the ball at any given time. Biden is also pumping federal money into research and development, another area of geopolitical competition (Chart 9).  The takeaway is that Biden’s first year in office – which may be his most consequential year in terms of legislation, particularly if he is a one-term president – is sowing the seeds for a productivity boom, or at least a mini-boom, in the coming years (Chart 10). The pace of productivity growth in the coming years is a matter of speculation and the long term trend is down. But the expected cyclical increase should be supplemented with the knowledge that the US is now aggressively monetizing debt, aggressively pursuing industrial policy and technological advancement, and aggressively competing with geopolitical rivals like China (and even allies like the EU). The likelihood of productivity breakthroughs may go up in such an extraordinary context. We cannot know but we cannot discount the possibility. Chart 9US Doubles Down On Tech Race Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Chart 10Productivity Will Rise Cyclically But What About Structurally? Productivity Will Rise Cyclically But What About Structurally? Productivity Will Rise Cyclically But What About Structurally? Vaccines And Immigration Elsewhere Biden’s first 100 days are less specific to his administration. The US is performing very well on the pandemic, both in innovating vaccines and distributing them, but an objective analysis will force Biden to share the credit with the Trump administration (Chart 11). On immigration, by comprehensively weakening enforcement and raising refugee allowances, all in the midst of a surging American economy, Biden will be vulnerable to Republican accusations of encouraging a humanitarian crisis on the border, vitiating rule of law, and making a cynical ploy to expand the Democratic voter base. The number of southwest border encounters by the Customs and Border Protection agency began to skyrocket over the past year – and as such it reflects structural factors that would have troubled a second Trump administration as well. But the election seems to have had an impact based on the inflection point in the data at the end of 2020 (Chart 12). Chart 11COVID-19 Vaccination Campaign On Track COVID-19 Vaccination Campaign On Track COVID-19 Vaccination Campaign On Track Chart 12Immigration: Biden's Fatal Flaw? Immigration: Biden's Fatal Flaw? Immigration: Biden's Fatal Flaw? Regardless, Biden has made the decision to cater to the pro-immigration side of his party and will now own this trend. It will be a unifying force for Republicans, although they remain deeply split over a range of issues and are not any closer to healing their wounds. The market impact is limited in the short run. In the medium run, if unchecked immigration feeds the nativist and populist elements of the Republican Party, then Biden’s decision could have a substantial impact on future US policy by generating a backlash. Our best guess at the moment is that Biden’s actions will reinforce the Republican Party’s embrace of Trump’s policy platform. Since Biden is not making major bipartisan legislative efforts to reform immigration comprehensively, the great immigration debate will return in 2024 or thereafter. Public opinion suggests Republican nativism is out of fashion but a large influx of immigrants could opinion over time as today’s issues fade. Thus Biden’s successes on economic recovery today are sowing the seeds of his party’s biggest vulnerability in domestic policy in future. But admittedly it is too soon to say whether this weakness will be effectively exploited by the opposition. In the meantime investors and corporations will cheer the prospect of cheap and abundant labor. An Overlooked Market Risk From The Midterm Elections This overview of Biden’s honeymoon period naturally refers to the 2022 midterm elections in several places. The Republicans will not be able to repeal Biden’s laws if they take the House of Representatives – or less likely the Senate – in the 2022 vote. But they will be able to grind proposals to a halt. The fate of Biden’s third major legislative proposal, the $1.8 trillion American Families Plan, will hang in the balance, as will green energy subsidies, the child tax credit, and various social initiatives. Much has been made about the 2020 US census and the reapportionment of seats in the House of Representatives according to the population. States that have a single party in control of the governor’s mansion and the legislature can gerrymander or redraw congressional districts as they please to favor their party. Table 2 shows that this partisan process could easily yield two Republican seats on a net basis. This is less than expected but Republicans only need a net of five seats to reclaim the House.  Table 2US Census And Reapportionment Favors Republicans Slightly Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Redistricting is an important theme because it perpetuates political polarization. But it is not important in determining who will win the House in 2022. The House has changed hands numerous times despite gerrymandered districts. Midterms almost always work against the president’s party. Only in 1934, during the Great Depression, and 2002, immediately after the Twin Towers were attacked, did voters strengthen a first-term president’s hold on Congress. Judging by Biden’s approval rating, Democrats would be lined up for a loss of far more than five seats on a net basis in 2022. They could lose 20 or more (Chart 13). As noted in the previous section, Republicans may find a rallying point on immigration. Chart 13Midterm Elections Dominated By Opposition Party – And Need For Checks And Balances Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Having said that, investors should not make any decisions based on the midterm election. While Republicans have a 95% chance of winning the House according to the modern historical pattern, they have a lower 73% chance according to the online political betting hub Predictit.org, and we would side with the latter or even lower, at this early stage in the political cycle.  The pandemic and social unrest of 2020, combined with the slow-growth 2010s and trade war, create a context of upheaval that is not entirely dissimilar to the exceptional midterm elections of 1932 and 2002. Biden’s rescue packages and the economic recovery will be a huge boon for the Democratic Party in 2024 and it is possible that they will reap some benefits even in 2022. This is especially the case because Trump and his allies will challenge establishment and elitist Republicans in the primary elections, which could result in Republicans losing five-to-nine seats. If they put up Trumpists in competitive, purple, or suburban districts, voters will swing toward moderate Democrats over populist Republicans in order to preserve the “bread and butter” gains of Biden’s agenda. The bottom line is that Republicans are favored to take the House in 2022 but the 75% odds are much more realistic than the 95% historical probability and possibly even too high. Gridlock would freeze Biden’s spend-and-tax agenda in place but the absence of gridlock would come as a surprise to investors who counted on a Republican victory. Tax hikes on wealthy individuals and capital gains – as projected in the American Families Plan – could still be on the table after the midterm. These tax hikes would still be unlikely to overturn the equity bull market but they could cause investors to reassess the overall policy setting for the worse. The implication would be that the 2020 political change marked a more lasting leftward shift in US policy. For example, taxes could go up beyond what Biden currently projects. Midterm risks should not trouble investors in the near term but they should be on the radar, particularly as the Republican primaries get underway next year and as investors get a better read on inflation in the wake of Biden’s mammoth spending. Investment Takeaways We would draw a few main investment takeaways from Biden’s first 100 days. In the short run, we would call attention to the “buy the rumor, sell the news” behavior exhibited by financial markets during President Trump’s first year in office with full party control of Congress. US equities stood to benefit from tax cuts, especially relative to the rest of the world, which would not receive tax cuts but could face trade tariffs. This expectation played out after Trump’s election but the market sold upon the news of his inauguration. It played out again after Republicans failed to repeal Obamacare, suggesting they might fail to cut taxes. The market correctly bid up US equities on the rumor that the GOP would then turn its full attention to cutting taxes. US equities outperformed until the end of the year when the tax cuts became a fait accompli, at which point the news was sold (Chart 14, top panel). The implication today is that US stocks, especially cyclical stocks and infrastructure-related plays, will continue generally to rally ahead of Biden signing the American Jobs Plan into law, likely around November. Obviously a correction could occur at any time but upon the signing of the law one should not be surprised to see some serious profit-taking. An analogy can also be drawn to renewable energy plays after the Democrats’ “Blue Sweep” in 2020. Markets have largely discounted the surge in renewable energy plays that occurred upon the recession in 2020 and the rising likelihood that Trump would lose reelection (Chart 14, bottom panel). This creates a buying opportunity for a long-term theme. Republicans will not be able to repeal Biden’s green projects and there is some risk that Democrats retain legislative control. And younger generations, even Republicans, are favorable toward the greening of society. Therefore we recommend going long US renewable energy stocks. It also follows that cyclical and value stocks have not yet exhausted their run against defensives and growth stocks. We will therefore hang onto our long materials / short Big Tech trade until we see more substantial signs that near-term disinflationary risks will derail this trade (Chart 15). We will also stick with our short managed health care trade – and our preference for health care equipment and facilities within the health care sector – despite the Democrats’ tentative decision to sideline the health care policies that would have hit the health insurers and Big Pharma. Chart 14Investment Takeaways: Buy The Green Hype (For Now) Investment Takeaways: Buy The Green Hype (For Now) Investment Takeaways: Buy The Green Hype (For Now) Chart 15Housekeeping: Stick With Materials Over Tech Housekeeping: Stick With Materials Over Tech Housekeeping: Stick With Materials Over Tech In the long run, we would point out that the shift away from Reaganism toward Johnsonianism – the return of Leviathan – is a lasting trend that will bring significant change to the US policy setting. These are mostly but not all inflationary. Larger immigration and a productivity boost are not inflationary. But large deficits, tax hikes, and wage pressures are inflationary. Therefore the risk of inflation has gone up in a historic way even though the magnitude of the risk can be overstated in the short term – when there is still slack in the economy – and there are still disinflationary factors that could work against the risk as events unfold. We remain cyclically bullish.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1USPS Trade Table Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Table A2Political Risk Matrix Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Table A3Political Capital Index Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Table A4APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Chart A4BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Table A4CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days Leviathan: Biden's First 100 Days