Labor Market

Highlights The ECB loaded a bazooka, and core Eurozone yields rose: The ECB surprised dovishly last Thursday, and European bond yields duly fell … for an hour. Then they began to back up as fast as they fell, and when Friday’s trading ended, only Greek and Italian yields were lower than where they started. The market action supports our contention that things are not so bad, assuming the worst-case trade scenarios do not materialize: Underpinned by a robust labor market, the U.S. should have little trouble growing at a trend pace over the next twelve months. Meanwhile, the global economy may be in the process of turning. Reversals within the U.S. equity market have gotten a lot of attention so far this month, but it’s too early to claim that a broad factor inflection is underway: If global growth prospects have bottomed, defensive sectors’ outperformance is due to reverse, which will cause havoc for momentum strategies. It is premature to call for a value revival, however. Feature Maybe long Treasury yields aren’t going to zero after all. After bottoming just below 1.43% the day after Labor Day, the 10-year Treasury yield surged 45 basis points across eight sessions as of Friday’s lunchtime peak (Chart 1). The move has been enough to retrace better than three-fifths of its steep slide from mid-July to the beginning of September, but relative to the extended plunge from 3.24% that began last November, the bounce barely registers. Chart 1Up, Up And Away Here Comes The Cavalry (Again) Here Comes The Cavalry (Again) Chart 2Pulled Lower By Expected Rate Cuts... Pulled Lower By Expected Rate Cuts... Pulled Lower By Expected Rate Cuts... The takeaway is that it’s important to keep the moves in context. Just as the collapse in Treasury yields didn’t indicate that the U.S. economy was headed for an imminent recession, their modest, if rapid, recovery doesn’t indicate that all the dark clouds are gone from the horizon. From a purely domestic perspective, the 180-basis-point (“bps”) peak-to-trough decline in the 10-year Treasury yield unfolded nearly step-for-step with an equivalent decline in the expected fed funds rate twelve months out (Chart 2). Since a 1.25% target fed funds rate this time next year is incompatible with our view of the economy, we expect rates will move higher. The ECB committed itself to accommodation for longer than markets had expected; … Chart 3...And Other Sovereign Yields ...And Other Sovereign Yields ...And Other Sovereign Yields Chart 4Better Times Ahead? Better Times Ahead? Better Times Ahead? The Treasury market doesn’t exist in a vacuum, however. Yield moves in similarly-rated sovereign bonds have an effect on Treasuries, and declines in European sovereign yields have exerted a gravitational pull all year long (Chart 3). The backup in yields that followed the ECB’s dovish surprise on Thursday suggests that Eurozone sovereign bond markets may have bought the rumor and sold the news. If global growth is in the process of bottoming, as global leading indicators suggest, falling yields would run counter to the fundamental backdrop (Chart 4). You May Fire When Ready, Draghi To judge by the spate of columns urging helicopter-style accommodation measures, the expectations bar for the European Central Bank’s long-awaited September meeting had been set pretty high. The cut in the ECB’s deposit facility rate to -0.5% from -0.4%, with provisions to mitigate the pressure negative rates exert on banks, was in line with the market consensus, as was a resumption of quantitative easing. Investors did not foresee that the ECB would embark on open-ended bond purchases, however, a plan quickly labeled “QE Infinity.” The ECB also dumped its no-hikes-before-mid-2020 guidance – now it won’t move until the inflation outlook “robustly” moves toward its 2% target – and lengthened the maturities on TLTRO loans while lowering their rates.1 The surprise indicated that the ECB is taking the slowdown seriously, at home (most evident in Germany, which is flirting with recession after a quarter-over-quarter GDP contraction) and abroad. It is premature to declare the action a flop, as headline writers were quick to do, citing the evanescent decline in core bond yields and the euro, because QE impacts are subject to several factors. Sovereign yields can rise on QE announcements if markets judge the impact of relaxed inflation vigilance will outweigh the impact of the entry of a new, price-insensitive buyer to the marketplace. As long as real yields fall, the central bank will have achieved its goal. … if it develops that the incremental accommodation wasn’t necessary, equities and spread product should reap the benefits. U.S. investors are mostly concerned with the impact on global markets and the global economy. Even if nominal sovereign yields have bottomed and competitive devaluation has neutered the currency channel, incremental easing should boost risk assets’ prospects, via pushing incumbent sovereign holders into spread product (the portfolio balance effect), promoting business and consumer confidence, incentivizing bank lending, and nudging other central banks (like Denmark’s, which immediately cut its policy rate in response) to ease monetary conditions themselves (Figure 1). On those counts, we view the ECB’s surprise as modestly improving the prospects for risk assets. TINA is alive and well. Figure 1Monetary Policy And The Economy Here Comes The Cavalry (Again) Here Comes The Cavalry (Again) The Employment Situation We have repeatedly cited the robustness of the labor market as a reason for not giving up on the U.S. economy, or equities and spread product. If expanding payrolls and increasing compensation can keep consumption growing at just a 2% clip, the probability of a U.S. recession, and of an equity bear market and a new default cycle, is fairly slim. If the labor market isn’t as strong as we’ve judged, more defensive portfolio positioning may be in order. Since the beginning of the second quarter, the monthly employment situation reports have revealed a slowing in hiring activity, halting the quickening that stretched from last year through the end of the first quarter (Chart 5). The slowing trend is less concerning than it might appear to be on its face. The current expansion, 122 months old and counting, is the longest on record, and now that it has already drawn considerable numbers of people back into the labor force and back to work, it has become increasingly difficult to find and attract new workers. Even the current monthly pace of job gains, 156,000 over the last three months, still puts downward pressure on the unemployment rate, as it takes less than 110,000 new jobs to maintain the status quo. With net job gains outpacing new entrants into the labor force, wages should rise. Average hourly earnings rose 3.2% in August on a year-over-year basis, though the 0.4% month-over-month gain suggests they may be about to challenge the top end of the tight 3.1-3.2% range that’s prevailed all year. Investors’ and economists’ patience with the Phillips Curve is increasingly wearing thin, as they wait for the decline in the unemployment rate to show up in wage gains, but we consider the underlying supply-demand relationship to be immutable. The prime-age employment-to-population ratio hit an 11-year high in August, and is solidly back in the middle of the range that has prevailed over the 30 years that female participation gains have stabilized (Chart 6). Chart 5Slower Payroll Gains... Slower Payroll Gains... Slower Payroll Gains... Chart 6...Will Still Tighten The Labor Market ...Will Still Tighten The Labor Market ...Will Still Tighten The Labor Market Chart 7The Unkinked Phillips Curve Here Comes The Cavalry (Again) Here Comes The Cavalry (Again) The prime-age employment-to-population ratio is an important measure for the Phillips Curve because it exhibits a consistent linear relationship with wage gains. The fit between the non-employment-to-population ratio (1 minus the employment-to-population ratio) and the employment cost index (Chart 7, top panel) is a little tighter than the fit with average hourly earnings (Chart 7, bottom panel), but both regression equations project an annual increase in wages of 3.3% at the current 20% (1-80%) level, and a 7-bps gain for every 20-bps decline in the prime-age non-employment-to-population ratio. Given that our payrolls model projects a pickup in the pace of hiring (Chart 8, top panel), and the quits rate just moved off of its extended plateau (Chart 9), upward pressure on wages will continue to build.   Chart 8Demand For Workers Is Still Solid Demand For Workers Is Still Solid Demand For Workers Is Still Solid Chart 9Movin' On Up Movin' On Up Movin' On Up Bottom Line: Payroll gains are slowing, but they remain robust enough to push the key prime-age employment-to-population ratio higher, and exert upward pressure on wages.   Factor Rotation Chart 10Momentum Hits The Wall,... Momentum Hits The Wall,... Momentum Hits The Wall,... Reversals within the U.S. equity market have been drawing increasing amounts of attention, as momentum stocks have hit a wall while long-suffering value stocks have begun to peel themselves off the canvas (Chart 10). We can easily see a scenario in which the momentum factor has a very difficult time, if relative performance shifts from defensive sectors to cyclical sectors as investors begin to perceive that they have been overly pessimistic about the domestic and global business cycle, and cease to hide in bond proxies like Utilities and REITs. Given the defensives’ run of outperformance over the last year, momentum indexes disproportionately favor them over cyclicals. The S&P 500, MidCap 400 and SmallCap 600 Momentum Indexes all show a pronounced defensives bias, with Health Care, Utilities and Real Estate all commanding double their baseline weight in at least one index (Table 1), making S&P’s momentum indexes vulnerable to a defensives-to-cyclicals rotation. Table 1The Dullest Stocks Have Been The Hottest Here Comes The Cavalry (Again) Here Comes The Cavalry (Again) Over the last three years, we have thought a lot about the value factor, asking how it should be defined, which financial statement metrics indicate its presence, and the business and monetary policy cycle backdrops that are most conducive to its outperformance. Low-priced stocks have been in a punishing extended slump versus high-priced stocks since early 2007 (Chart 11), and we think they have yet to bottom. The recent value stock rally has been a function of higher 10-year Treasury yields, and banks’ (which account for an outsized share of popular value benchmarks) recent tendency to trade in lockstep with them. We do not think a two-week backup in yields is the stuff that a genuine value factor inflection point is made of. Chart 11...But The Value Factor Has Yet To Turn ...But The Value Factor Has Yet To Turn ...But The Value Factor Has Yet To Turn A detailed explanation of our rationale is beyond the scope of this report,2 but the following points summarize our take: The value factor has gotten killed since the crisis, but we doubt that it’s dead. Value has historically treaded water during bull markets, and shined in bear markets. The fed funds rate cycle is the best predictor of value’s relative performance. Value has historically crushed the overall market when monetary policy is restrictive. The most popular style indexes have barely any factor merit. The S&P 500’s Growth and Value indexes are little more than Tech and Financials proxies. Value will shine again, but not until monetary policy is restrictive. If the Fed doesn’t hike the fed funds rate above the equilibrium fed funds rate until 2021, value investors will have to gut out another year-plus of underperformance. Bottom Line: The momentum factor could suffer in the near term if cyclicals reassert primacy over formerly hot defensives. The value factor’s fortunes will not turn for at least another year. Investment Implications We understand the discomfort of investors who feel like ZIRP, NIRP and QE have obliterated normal investing relationships. Disorienting as it has been to see nominal Treasury returns shrivel, the rising tide of negative-yielding bonds is like a surreal detail from a David Lynch movie. The investment world has indeed turned upside-down when investors buy bonds for capital gains to offset the interest they have to pay for the privilege of lending. Austrian School advocates are surely not the only dearly departed investing veterans rolling in their graves. It’s not the environment we wanted, but it’s the environment we got, so we’re going to buck up and do our best to squeeze excess returns out of it. We have to invest in the markets we have, however, not the markets we want. It does neither ourselves nor our clients any good to throw up our hands, bitterly lament our fate and wish ill upon the exponents of the activist, ultra-accommodative approach to central banking that is now in fashion. Some old relationships still apply, and the combination of a quietly improving global economic backdrop with incremental monetary accommodation everywhere one turns is good for risk assets. We continue to recommend that investors resist the urge to get defensive before the excess-return window closes for this cycle. We are not advocating that investors let their guard down, and assume that central banks will be able to keep the plates spinning indefinitely. They will not – monetary interventions are a poor substitute for organic growth in productivity or the size of the working-age population, and so are inefficiently directed fiscal spending programs – but we bet they can through the next quarterly or annual period over which an institutional manager is going to be evaluated. The upshot is that investors should remain especially vigilant for signs of trouble, and be prepared to act more tactically than normal to adjust their portfolios, but shouldn’t de-risk them yet, lest they miss the last of the fat-year returns they’ll need to tide themselves over during the coming lean years.   Doug Peta, CFA Chief U.S. Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Targeted longer-term refinancing operations (TLTROs) are ECB loans to banks intended to encourage lending to households and non-financial corporations. 2 Interested readers should see the May 16, 2018 Global ETF Strategy/Equity Trading Strategy Special Report, “Smart-Beta ETF Selection Update – Is Value Still Worth It?,” the October 2018 Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, “Is It Time To Buy Value Stocks?,” and the October 2, 2018 U.S. Investment Strategy Special Report, “When Will Value Work Again?,” available at etf.bcaresearch.com, www.bcaresearch.com and usis.bcaresearch.com, respectively.

Highlights Our cyclical view is unchanged, … : Despite the evident risks from escalating trade tensions, soft global economic data, and widespread recession concerns, we expect the expansion and the bull markets in spread product and equities will remain intact. … as fiscal largesse has provided the U.S. economy with ample cushion: Per the IMF’s estimates, the fiscal stimulus package centered on the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 amounted to about 70 basis points (“bps”) of fiscal thrust in 2018 and another 40 bps in 2019. But how is Congress’ unprecedented experiment shaping up beyond 2019?: The first-order impact of the tax cuts on government revenues is straightforward. The ultimate net effect turns on how lower taxes alter the course of corporate investment and work force participation. The CBO’s latest projections have the federal deficit widening by an additional $1 trillion over the next decade: Supply-side benefits from the 2017 Act have underwhelmed so far, and the fate of the federal budget depends on lawmakers’ restraint. We are long-run bearish on Treasuries and the dollar. Feature The fundamental backdrop remains mixed in the United States and the rest of the world. Global trade has slowed, and the world is experiencing a sharp manufacturing slowdown. The consensus of BCA researchers expects that manufacturing will soon find a footing, and the global economy will revive, helped along by easier monetary policy. A fiscal pick-me-up is long overdue, and would be especially welcome, but we are not holding our breath, especially when Japan finally seems prepared to impose its repeatedly-postponed VAT increase. Opinion within BCA is notably split, and the glass-half-full and glass-half-empty camps remain far apart. The mixed tone of the macro data offers something for bulls and bears, and contributed to the sharp single-day moves that characterized August’s equity action. Although the S&P 500 moved at least 1% in half of its sessions, however, it was down less than 2% for the month through Thursday. After slipping from its 3,000 perch amidst a 5% decline across August’s first three sessions on renewed trade hostilities, it traded in a narrow range between 2,825 and 2,945 the rest of the way (Chart 1). Chart 1Big Daily Swings, But A Tight Monthly Range The Longer Run The Longer Run The Fed is caught in a loop of responding to inorganic shocks. It tightened policy in 2018 while nervously looking over its shoulder at a sizable injection of procyclical fiscal stimulus that wound up exerting less overheating pressure than it had feared. Now it finds itself uncomfortably drawn into the vortex of the trade war, cutting rates to keep the expansion from being snuffed out prematurely by self-inflicted wounds. Various Fed officials seem to be chafing under the burden of serving as a bulwark against the drag from the tariff fights. As Chair Powell admonished in his Jackson Hole address, “[M]onetary policy … cannot provide a settled rulebook for international trade.” Like it or not, the Fed is stuck cleaning up other policymakers’ messes. Jackson Hole would normally have brought down the curtain on any meaningful market news until after Labor Day. But Bill Dudley, the head of the New York Fed from 2009 to 2018, had other ideas. He argued in a Bloomberg opinion column that the Fed should refuse to abet foolhardy trade policy with rate cuts that offset its ill effects. He went on to posit that it is within the Fed’s remit to set policy with an eye toward influencing the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. Dudley’s grenade enlivened a slow news day and had the effect of unifying the economics community in condemnation of his polemic. The Fed swiftly distanced itself from the comments, reiterating that its “decisions are guided solely by its congressional mandate,” and that “political considerations play absolutely no role.” It is hard to know what Dr. Dudley intended to accomplish, but he ensured that we will be at BCA’s 40th Annual Investment Conference bright and early on Friday, September 27th when he kicks off its second day. Initial Estimates Soon after the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act was passed, the Congressional Budget Office (“CBO”) assessed how its provisions would affect the U.S. economy. Although calculating the components involves myriad complex estimates, the budget equation is quite simple: Budget Surplus/(Deficit) = Revenues – Outlays. Cutting taxes clearly reduces revenues, and the reductions in individual tax rates, partially offset by limits on deductions, were estimated to cost the federal government roughly $300 billion over the next decade. The 10-year tab for lower corporate rates, and immediate expensing of business investments through 2022, was estimated to run about $1 trillion. Relief from some spending constraints brought the total estimated cost to $1.7 trillion. A trillion here, and a trillion there, and pretty soon you’re talking real money. Though the Act was sure to worsen the deficit, it contained provisions meant to encourage investment and labor supply. Corporate tax cuts and the full immediate expensing of investments in software and eligible equipment were expected to permanently increase the nation’s capital stock, thereby boosting the trend pace of productivity growth. A reduced individual income tax burden was expected to encourage more people to enter the workforce and incumbents to work longer hours. Ultimately, the CBO projected that the Act would boost the level of real potential GDP by 0.7%, on average, through 2029.  Six Quarters On It follows that people might work more if they are able to keep more of what they earn, but the data since individual income tax rates were reduced at the beginning of 2018 are inconclusive. The labor force participation rate has been treading water for several years (Chart 2, solid line), as it battles against the drag from baby boomer aging (Chart 2, dashed line). Prime-age labor force participation has risen very slowly off of its 2015 bottom, and has spent 2019 unwinding its gains from late last year (Chart 3). Average weekly hours worked remain locked in the narrow range that has prevailed since 2012 (Chart 4). Though it is difficult to isolate the drivers of participation gains, the part rate’s erratic 2018-9 course suggests that the Act has not yet had a discernible work force impact. Chart 2The Baby Boomers Have Become A Demographic Headwind The Baby Boomers Have Become A Demographic Headwind The Baby Boomers Have Become A Demographic Headwind Chart 3Labor Supply ##br##Gains ... Labor Supply Gains ... Labor Supply Gains ... Chart 4... Have Yet To Materialize ... Have Yet To Materialize ... Have Yet To Materialize Residential investment, which lost some tax subsidies via the Act’s limits on mortgage interest and state and local tax deductions, has declined in every quarter since it was passed, and we back it out of fixed investment to assess the Act’s impact on corporate investment. As with labor supply, the record so far is mixed. Fixed investment (ex-residential investment) built on its 4Q17 acceleration over the first three quarters of 2018 only to slide in the three subsequent quarters (Chart 5). Publicly traded corporations have proven more eager to share their cash windfall with shareholders than they have been to invest it. Chart 5Investment Stimulus? What Investment Stimulus? Investment Stimulus? What Investment Stimulus? Investment Stimulus? What Investment Stimulus? Looking Ahead – Activity Effects We accept that lower individual income tax rates make work more attractive. People respond to incentives, and more after-tax pay, all else equal, should encourage some discouraged workers to rejoin the labor market and push some of the currently employed to want to work more. The changes are modest, though, with take-home pay increasing $324, or 2%, for someone earning $20,000, and $1,299, or 3%, for someone earning $50,000 (Table 1). We see the Act as having no more than a modest marginal effect on labor supply, though it should help boost consumption until households begin to factor in seemingly inevitable future tax hikes. Table 1Take-Home Pay Is Up, But Not By Much The Longer Run The Longer Run If the 2017 Act really is going to boost the potential trend rate of growth, it will have to do so by pushing the rate of productivity growth higher.1 Workers are able to produce more in a given block of time when they’re endowed with more and better tools, and new tools require investment. If fixed investment doesn’t accelerate, there’s no reason to expect that productivity will (Chart 6). The capex outlook from the NFIB survey and the various Fed regional manufacturing surveys is iffy, and BCA has previously noted how an aging population and a shift to more capital-light businesses may restrain investment. Chart 6Investment Drives Productivity Investment Drives Productivity Investment Drives Productivity It will not be an easy matter to boost productivity by boosting capex, though some of businesses’ after-tax cash will likely find its way to investment. To help the process along, Congress incorporated a familiar provision: accelerated depreciation. Accelerated depreciation’s empirical record as an investment catalyst is hardly clear (Box), and we don’t find its theoretical basis terribly compelling. We think the Act’s trend growth impacts are more likely to disappoint the CBO’s expectations than exceed them. Investment confronts demographic headwinds, too. Pushing trend growth higher will not be easy. Box - An Anodyne Prescription A celebrated provision of the Act allows for the immediate expensing of qualified investments until 2022. Accelerated depreciation programs, which allow for more rapid expensing of investments in property, equipment and other depreciable assets in an attempt to stimulate investment, are a stock measure in lawmakers’ stimulus toolkit, but their effectiveness is hardly assured. For one thing, they’re not new, and businesses may have built up an immunity to them, as they have been a continuous feature of the tax code since 1981. The immediate expensing allowed under the 2017 Act is a form of bonus depreciation, which was initially introduced in the wake of the September 11th attacks. It has remained in place for all but one subsequent year, and though investment peaked during the other stretch that provided for immediate write-offs (September 2010 - December 2011), we are skeptical that it will materially increase the size of the capital stock going forward. Accelerated depreciation schemes encourage investment via the time value of money. They do not increase the depreciation benefit provided by a particular investment, they simply speed up its recognition. Savvy businesses may adjust the timing of their investments to take advantage of temporary bonus periods, but they will not necessarily invest more.2 With rock-bottom interest rates squeezing the time value of money, it’s possible that bonus depreciation’s impact may be especially muted this time. Looking Ahead – The Budget Deficit The CBO’s updated projections through 2029, released two weeks ago, call for the budget shortfall to widen by $800 billion more than previously estimated in January. Despite a downward revision of over $1 trillion in projected interest expense, additional spending has weakened the deficit outlook. It appears that elected officials simply can’t help themselves. In a climate in which neither Congress nor voters evince any desire to rein in the deficit, it seems foolishly naïve to assume that future sessions of Congress will abide by built-in expenditure limits like sunset provisions and spending caps. Although the CBO projects that federal revenues will rise across its 10-year forecasting horizon, they will not do so fast enough to keep up with outlays swollen by interest payments on the growing pile of Treasuries (Chart 7). The CBO sees debt as a share of GDP rising to 95% by 2029, within reach of the all-time high recorded after World War II (Chart 8). Financial markets don’t care now, and we don’t think they will any time in the near future, but the CBO’s baseline projections, which assume future Congresses abide by their stated commitments, probably represent an optimistic scenario. We are more inclined to expect the alternative scenarios, in which sunset provisions are ignored, and pre-set spending caps are set aside, to come to pass. Chart 7A Widening Budget Gap ... A Widening Budget Gap ... A Widening Budget Gap ... Chart 8... Leads To An Increased Debt Burden ... Leads To An Increased Debt Burden ... Leads To An Increased Debt Burden Investment Implications Chart 9The Dollar's Long-Run Direction Is Down The Dollar's Long-Run Direction Is Down The Dollar's Long-Run Direction Is Down Treasury yields are currently within sight of their July 2016 Brexit-inspired lows, and may well revisit them. Negative yields are a common feature well out the maturity curve in core Europe and Japan. A sustained move higher is not in the cards in the near term, and though we do expect yields to rise as the global economy gains some traction later this year, we do not foresee a disruptive move higher even over the next couple of years. The very long-term outlook for Treasuries is lousy, however, and the dollar also faces secular pressures (Chart 9). The U.S. is not likely to turn into Japan, but the next decade’s returns will likely pale beside those earned since 1982. We are congenitally optimistic about humanity, and Americans seem to have a particular knack for pulling rabbits out of hats. We do not see the U.S. turning into Argentina, Greece or even Japan. The debt burden will weigh on potential growth down the road, however, as debt service will limit Congress’ ability to deploy countercyclical adjustments and longer-term investments, and debt issuance will eventually crimp private entities’ access to capital. All of these factors will limit potential economic growth and contribute to softening returns on equity and credit. We continue to foresee tepid returns over the next ten years relative to the returns investors have grown accustomed to over the last four decades, and we would much rather borrow at current rates for the next 20 or 30 years than lend at them.   Doug Peta, CFA Chief U.S. Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Economic growth is the sum of growth in productivity and growth in the size of the labor force. Since the Act does not bear on immigration or birthrates, productivity represents its best shot at moving the growth needle. 2 Congressional Research Service Report RL31852, The Section 179 and Section 168(k) Expensing Allowances: Current Law and Economic Effects, by Gary Guenther, May 1, 2018.  

Feature Introduction Chart 1Japanese Equities: ##br##Buying Opportunity Or Value Trap? Japanese Equities: Buying Opportunity Or Value Trap? Japanese Equities: Buying Opportunity Or Value Trap? Clients have recently been asking us a lot about Japan. The reason seems clear. With the consistent outperformance of U.S. equities over the past decade, and their rather high valuations now, asset allocators are looking for an alternative. Emerging Markets and the euro zone have major structural concerns which suggest they are unlikely to outperform over any prolonged period (even if they might have a short-lived cyclical pop). Maybe Japan – whose own structural problems are well known and so surely priced in by now – could be a candidate for outperformance and a structural rerating over the next three to five years. Indeed, since the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), Japanese equities have not performed as badly as you might have imagined: they have performed in line with all their global peers – except for the U.S. (Chart 1). In this Special Report, we answer the most common questions that clients have asked us about the long-term (three to five year) outlook for Japan, and try to address the key issue: Are Japanese equities now a buying opportunity, or still a value trap? Our conclusions are as follows: The Japanese economy is still weighed down by structural problems – stubborn disinflation, and a shrinking and aging population – which means consumption growth will remain weak over the coming years. Japan’s structural problems will not easily be solved, and will continue to dampen the economy’s growth. We think it is unlikely, therefore, that Japanese equities will outperform in the long run. In that sense, Japan probably is a value trap, not a buying opportunity. In the past, Japanese equities benefited from bouts of Chinese reflationary stimulus – which we expect will be ramped up in the coming months – but the effect was usually short-lived and muted. The clash between accommodative monetary policy and contractionary fiscal policy, particularly October’s tax hike, is likely to dampen any revival in the Japanese economy. Global Asset Allocation downgraded Japanese equities to underweight over a six-to-12 month investment horizon in our most recent Quarterly Outlook.1 We find it hard to make a strong “rerating” case for Japan, and so, do not expect Japanese equities to outperform other major developed markets in the long run. Why Isn’t Inflation Rising? Chart 2Domestic Drivers Muted Japanese Inflation Domestic Drivers Muted Japanese Inflation Domestic Drivers Muted Japanese Inflation The market clearly does not believe that Bank of Japan (BoJ) Governor Haruhiko Kuroda can raise inflation to the BoJ’s target of 2%, despite negative interest rates and massive quantitative easing. The 5-year/5-year forward CPI swap rate, a proxy for inflation expectations, is currently at 0.1% (Chart 2, panel 1). Japan’s ultra-accommodative monetary policy has failed to push recorded inflation higher, with the core and core core measures2 both at 0.6% as of June (Chart 2, panel 2). In its recent outlook, the BoJ revised down its inflation forecasts in fiscal years 2019, 2020, and 2021 to 1.0%, 1.3%, and 1.6% respectively, implying that it does not expect to get even close to 2% over the forecast horizon.3  Prior to the bursting of Japan’s bubble in 1990, a big percentage of Japanese inflation came from domestic factors: housing, culture and recreation, and health care. By contrast, prices of items manufactured overseas, mainly in China, and imported goods – especially furniture and clothing – did not rise much. The same was true for other developed economies such as the U.S. and the euro area. However, since the 1990s, domestically-produced items in Japan have failed to rise in price, unlike the situation in the U.S. This kept a lid on Japanese inflation. Housing in particular, which represents about 20% of the inflation basket, now contributes only 0.02% to Japanese core core inflation (Chart 2, panels 3 & 4). Chart 3Deregulation = Low Inflation Deregulation = Low Inflation Deregulation = Low Inflation There are three main reasons for this difference: Stagnant wages Unfavorable demographics Deregulation The first two causes are discussed in detail below. Gradual deregulation of various industries has also been disinflationary. In the 1980s, Japan remained a highly regulated economy, with the government fixing many prices and limiting entry into many sectors. Although change has been slow, deregulation and the introduction of competition have caused structural downward pressure on prices in a number of industries, notably telecommunications and utilities. For example, deregulation of electric power companies in 2016 allowed increased competition and new entrants into the market.4 As a result, electricity prices in Japan dropped from an average of 11.4 JPY/Kwh prior to full deregulation to 9.3 JPY/Kwh (Chart 3). But there are still many industries which are more tightly regulated in Japan than in other advanced economies (the near-ban on car-sharing services such as Uber, and tight restrictions on AirBnB are just the most newsworthy examples). This suggests that structural disinflationary pressures are likely to persist on any further deregulation. Why Is Wage Growth Stagnant, Despite A Tight Labor Market? Chart 4Wages Have Been Beaten Down... bca.gaa_sr_2019_08_09_c4 bca.gaa_sr_2019_08_09_c4 Japan’s labor market appears very tight. The unemployment rate is 2.3%, the lowest since the early 1990s, and the jobs-to-applications ratio is 1.61, the highest since the 1970s. And yet wage growth has remained stagnant, averaging only 0.5% over the past five years. (Chart 4).5  There are a number of structural reasons why wages have failed to respond to the tight labor market situation. One major contributory factor is the social norm of “lifetime employment,” whereby many employees, especially at large companies, tend to stay with their initial employer through their careers, being rotated from one department to another, without becoming specialists in any particular field. This means they have little pricing power – and few transferable skills – when it comes to seeking a mid-career change. This social norm is also reflected in Japan’s typical salary schemes, which are based on employment length (Chart 5, panel 1). Wages tend to rise with age, while in other developed economies they peak around the age of 50. Another factor is the big increase in recent years in part-time and temporary positions, which typically pay lower wages than full-time positions. Because employment law makes it hard (if not impossible) to fire workers, companies have tended to prefer hiring non-permanent staff, who are easier to replace. Part-time workers have increased by 11 million over the past three decades, compared to an increase of two million in full-time workers (Chart 5, panel 2). A substantial part of this increase in part-time employment came from both the elderly and women joining the labor market – groups that have little wage bargaining power (Chart 5, panel 3). Part-time wage growth has also turned negative this year (Chart 5, panel 4). Bonuses are a significant portion of wages, and tend to be rather volatile, moving in line with corporate profits, which have weakened this year (Chart 5, panel 5). Japan’s structural problems will not easily be solved, and will continue to dampen the economy’s growth. Nonetheless, there are some tentative signs of a change in this social norm. The number of employees changing jobs has been rising over the past few years. This is mostly evident among employees aged over 45, signaling the need for experienced personnel (Chart 6, panel 1). The percentage of unemployed who had voluntarily quit their jobs, rather than being let go, has also reached an all-time high (Chart 6, panel 2). This evidence suggests that employees are increasingly willing to leave their jobs in search of a more interesting or a better-paid one. Given such a tight labor market, it seems only a matter of time before there is some pressure on employers to increase salaries in order to attract talent. Chart 5...Mainy Due To Part-Time Employment ...Mainy Due To Part-Time Employment ...Mainy Due To Part-Time Employment Chart 6Changing The Norm Changing The Norm Changing The Norm   Is There An Answer To Japan’s Demographic Problem? Chart 7Japanese Population: Shrinking And Aging Japanese Population: Shrinking And Aging Japanese Population: Shrinking And Aging Deteriorating demographics is a key reason why inflation has remained subdued. The Japanese population peaked in 2009 and, over the past eight years, has shrunk on average by 0.2%, or 220,000 people, a year. Furthermore, the working-age population (25-64) has shrunk by 6 million, or 10%, since its peak in 2005. With marital rates continuing to fall, and fertility rates doing no more than stabilizing, there is no sign of a quick turnaround in this situation (Chart 7, panels 1 & 2). Prime Minister Abe has eased immigration laws to try to put a stop to the population decline. Late last year, the Diet passed a law that will allow more foreign workers into the country. The law will provide long-term work visas for immigrants in various blue-collar sectors, whereas the previous regulation allowed in only highly skilled workers. It will also enable foreign workers to upgrade to a higher-tier visa category, giving them a path to permanent residency, and allowing them to bring their families along.6  However, Japan’s closed culture raises the question of how successful Prime Minister Abe’s immigration reforms will be. The number of foreign residents has risen over the past few years, reaching a cumulative 2.73 million people, but this has been insufficient to reverse the decline in the population. In addition, without implementing effective measures to integrate new immigrants and support their efforts to become long-term residents, these reforms are likely to be minor in their impact (Chart 7, panel 3). Chart 8Aging Population = Slowing Productivity Aging Population = Slowing Productivity Aging Population = Slowing Productivity Japan’s population is not just shrinking but also aging. People aged 65 and older comprise 28% of the total population (Chart 7, panel 4). That figure is projected to reach 40% within the next 40 years. The dependency ratio – those younger than 15 years and older than 64, as a ratio of the working-age population – continues to rise rapidly (Chart 7, panel 5). Moreover, older people tend to be less productive. Because of this, Japan’s productivity may continue to decline from its current level, which is already low compared to other developed countries (Chart 8). The combination of a shrinking working-age population and poor productivity growth means that Japan’s trend real GDP growth over the next decade – absent an increase in capital expenditure or improvement in technology – is unlikely to be above zero.7   Some argue that Japan’s aging population could be the trigger to overcoming its disinflation problem. They argue that, as the share of the elderly-to-total-population increases, public expenditure on health care will balloon. The United Nations projects the median age in Japan to be 53 years, 10 and 5 years older than in the U.S. and China, respectively, by 2060 (Chart 9). This implies that the Japanese government, which currently pays about 80% of total health care expenditure, will face an increasing burden from medical spending, elderly care, and public pension payments. These expenditures are projected to increase from 19% to 25% of GDP (Chart 9, panel 2). The government, therefore, may have no alternative but to resort to monetizing its debt to pay these bills, which would ultimately prove to be inflationary. Chart 9Aging Population = Higher Fiscal Burden Aging Population = Higher Fiscal Burden Aging Population = Higher Fiscal Burden Chart 10 In some countries, BCA has argued, an aging population is inflationary because retirees’ incomes fall almost to zero after retirement, but expenditure rises, particularly towards at the end of life as they spend more on health care.8 The resulting dissaving, and disparity between the demand and supply of goods, should have inflationary effects. But this rationale does not hold for Japanese households. Older people in Japan tend to maintain their level of savings (Chart 10). This phenomenon might change as a new generation, keener on leisure activities and less culturally attuned to maximizing savings, retires. But to date, at least, Japan’s aging process has been disinflationary. It is likely, then, that a combination of subdued wage growth, decreased spending by the elderly, low demand for housing, and the ineffectiveness of an ultra-accommodative monetary policy is likely to keep inflation low. Moreover, to reduce the burden on its budget, the government will continue its efforts to keep down health care costs, which have a 5% weight in the core core inflation measure. We find it unlikely, therefore, that the BoJ will achieve its 2% inflation target over the next few years. So, What Else Could The BoJ Do? Chart 11The BoJ's Ammunition Is Running Out The BoJ's Ammunition Is Running Out The BoJ's Ammunition Is Running Out Over the past six years, since Kuroda became governor in 2013, the Bank of Japan has rolled out aggressive monetary easing. It has cut rates to -0.1% and introduced a policy of “yield curve control,” which aims to keep the yield on 10-year JGBs at 0%, plus or minus 20 basis points. As a result, it now holds JPY479 trillion of JGBs, or 46% of the total outstanding amount (and equivalent to 89% of Japan’s GDP). It has also bought an average of JPY6 trillion of equity ETFs a year over the past three years (Chart 11, panels 1 & 2), to bring its total equity ETF holdings to JPY28 trillion, almost 5% of Japan's equity market cap. However, as noted above, these policies have had little impact on inflation, or on inflation expectations. BCA’s Central Bank Monitor indicates that Japan needs to ease monetary conditions further (Chart 11, panel 3). What alternative tools could the BoJ use to spur inflation? The BoJ could cut rates further, and indeed the futures market is discounting a 10 basis points cut over the next 12 months (Chart 11, panel 4). In its July Monetary Policy Committee meeting, the bank committed to keeping policy easy “at least through around spring 2020.” But it seems reluctant to cut rates, given that this would further damage the profitability of Japan’s banks, particularly the rather fragile regional banks. Indeed, one can argue that a small rate cut would be unlikely to have much effect, given the impotence of previous such moves. The BoJ might be inclined to emulate the ECB and extend its asset purchase program. It owns only JPY3 trillion of corporate bonds, and has bought almost no new ones since 2013 (Chart 11, panel 5), although the small size of the Japanese corporate bond market would give it limited scope to increase these purchases. It could also increase its purchases of REITs, of which it currently owns JPY26 trillion. It could even consider buying foreign assets (as does the Swiss National Bank), though this would annoy the U.S. authorities, who would consider it currency manipulation. Some economists argue in favor of a Japanese equivalent of the ECB’s Targeted Long-Term Refinancing Operations (TLTRO). In other words, the BoJ should provide funds to banks at rates significantly below zero, provided they use the proceeds to give out loans to households and corporations.9 This would not only increase credit in the economy, but also bolster banks’ declining profitability. Some academics consider Japan, which appears stuck in a liquidity trap, as the perfect setting to try out Modern Monetary Theory (MMT).10,11 However, the Ministry of Finance remains fixated on reducing Japan’s excessive pile of outstanding government debt, which is currently 238% of GDP. When MMT was debated in the Japanese Diet this June, Finance Minister Taro Aso dismissed it, saying “I’m not sure I should even call it a theory, it’s a line of argument,” and insisted that tax hikes are necessary to secure Japan’s welfare system. The Ministry’s current plan is to close the primary budget deficit by 2027.  Moreover, the Bank of Japan Law bans the central bank from underwriting government debt, due to the abuses of this in the 1930s, when it funded Japan’s militarist expansion12 – though there are no limits on how much the BoJ can buy in the secondary market.  Our conclusion is that negative rates and quantitative easing have reached the limit of their effectiveness. Even if the BoJ ramps up the measures it has taken up until now, this will have little impact on inflation. It will be only when the government finally understands that a combination of easy fiscal and monetary policy is single effective tool left that the situation can change. There is little sign of this happening soon. It will probably take a crisis before this mindset shifts. Are There Any Signs Of Improvement In Japan’s Banking Sector? Japan’s financial sector is also one of its longstanding problems. After Japan’s 1980s bubble burst, the BoJ aggressively cut rates from 6% to 0.5% over the span of eight years. Long-term rates also fell. Falling interest rates reduced Japanese banks’ net interest margins. The banks spent the 1990s cleaning up their balance sheets and recapitalizing themselves. In the end, the banks’ cumulative losses (including write-offs and increased provisioning) during the 1992-2004 period reached the equivalent of 20% of Japanese GDP.13 Japanese bank stocks have consistently underperformed the aggregate index since the late 1980s (with the exception of a short period in the mid-2000s) – and by 75% since 1995 (Chart 12, panel 1). It now seems like banks' relative performance is bound by the policy rate. It is likely, then, that a combination of subdued wage growth, decreased spending by the elderly, low demand for housing, and the ineffectiveness of an ultra-accommodative monetary policy is likely to keep inflation low. Bank loan growth throughout the period of 1995-2006 was weak or negative, as banks became more risk averse and borrowers focused on repairing their balance sheets (Chart 12, panel 2). It has picked up a little over the past decade, but remains low at around 2%-4%. This has been a drag on economic activity since both Japan’s corporate and household sectors rely much more heavily on banks for funding compared to the U.S. or the euro area (Chart 12, panels 3 & 4). As a result of stagnant loan growth at home, Japanese banks have in recent years expanded their activities overseas, particularly in south-east Asia. Foreign lending for Japan’s three largest banks comprises 29.7% of total loans, 33% of which is to Asia.14 This represents a risk for future stability since these assets could easily become non-performing in the event of an Emerging Markets crisis in the next recession. Chart 12Bank Stocks Have Consistently Underperformed... Bank Stocks Have Consistently Underperformed... Bank Stocks Have Consistently Underperformed... Chart 13...Because Of Weak Loan Growth ##br##And Poor Profits ...Because Of Weak Loan Growth And Poor Profits ...Because Of Weak Loan Growth And Poor Profits By the mid-2000s, Japanese banks had finished cleaning up from the 1980s bubble and the non-performing loan ratio is now low. But measures of profitability such as return on assets and net interest margin remain poor by international standards (Chart 13). Japanese financial institutions’ capital adequacy ratios have also deteriorated moderately over the past five years, according to the BoJ’s Financial System Report, as risk-weighted assets have increased more quickly than profits. The core capital adequacy ratio of just above 10% is significantly lower than in other major developed economies.15 How Should Investors Be Positioned In The Short-Term? There are two factors that will determine how Japanese equities perform over the next 12 months: Chinese stimulus, and the impact of the consumption tax hike in October. Can Chinese Reflation Help Boost Japanese Economic Activity? Chart 14Chinese Stimulus Boosts Japan's Activity... Chinese Stimulus Boosts Japan's Activity... Chinese Stimulus Boosts Japan's Activity... Chart 15...Yet Its Impact Is Short-Lived And Muted ...Yet Its Impact Is Short-Lived And Muted ...Yet Its Impact Is Short-Lived And Muted While Japan is not a particularly open economy – exports represent only 15% of GDP – its manufacturing sector is very exposed to global trade, and the swings in this sector (which is a lofty 20% of GDP) have a disproportionately large marginal impact on the overall economy. China accounts for 20% of Japan’s exports, roughly 3% of Japan’s GDP (Chart 14). China’s economic slowdown since 2017 has clearly weighed heavily on Japanese exports and the manufacturing sector. Japanese machine tool orders have contracted for nine months, in June reaching the lowest growth since the GFC, -38% year-on-year. Vehicle production growth has also been weak, rising only 1.8% year-to-date compared to 2018, and overall industrial production growth has turned negative, falling by 4.1% YoY in June. It seems that global growth data has not yet bottomed. The German manufacturing PMI remains well below the boom/bust line at 43.2. Korean export growth is also contracting at a double-digit rate. Nevertheless, we expect the global manufacturing downturn – which typically lasts about 18 months from peak-to-trough – to bottom towards the end of this year.16 This will be supported by the Chinese authorities accelerating their monetary and fiscal stimulus, although the magnitude of this might not be as big as it was in 2012 and 2015.17 Japanese economic activity has historically been closely correlated with Chinese credit growth, with a lag of six-to-nine months (Chart 15). What Will Be The Impact Of The Consumption Tax Hike? Japanese consumer demand has been sluggish for some time, mainly as a result of low wage growth. The planned rise in the consumption tax from 8% to 10% in October is likely to dampen consumption further. With the economy currently so weak, there seems little justification for a tax rise. But, having postponed it twice, it seems highly unlikely that Prime Minister Abe will do so again, particularly after his victory in last month’s Upper House election, which was a de facto referendum on the tax hike. Chart 16Previous Tax Hikes Hurt Sales Badly Previous Tax Hikes Hurt Sales Badly Previous Tax Hikes Hurt Sales Badly The OECD, based on Japanese government data, estimates the impact on households of the tax hike will be 5.7 trillion yen (about 1% of GDP).18 Consumers did not take previous tax rate hikes well. Spending was brought forward to the two to three months immediately before the hike. However, following the hike, not only did sales fall back, they also trended down for some time (Chart 16). The risk to the economy is that the same happens again.  The government, however, is planning several measures to mitigate the tax burden (Table 1). It will not apply the tax increase to food and beverages, which will stay at 8%. The government will implement a fiscal package including free early childhood education, support for low-income earners, and tax breaks on certain consumer durable goods, such as automobiles and housing. It will also introduce a rebate program, to encourage consumer spending at small retailers using non-cash payments (partly to reduce tax avoidance by these businesses).19 Based on the government’s estimates, these measures will be enough to fully offset the impact of the tax hike. However, the IMF’s Fiscal Monitor sees fiscal policy tightening due to the tax rate hike, although by less than in 2014. Its estimate is a drag of 0.6% of potential GDP in 2020 (Chart 17). Table 1Easing The Tax Hike Burden Japan: Frequently Asked Questions Japan: Frequently Asked Questions Chart 17Clash Of Policies: Fiscal Vs. Monetary Clash Of Policies: Fiscal Vs. Monetary Clash Of Policies: Fiscal Vs. Monetary   Previous sales tax hikes caused a short-lived jump in inflation, which trended lower afterwards. Assuming a full pass-through rate of price increases to consumers, the BoJ expects the hike to raise core inflation by +0.2% and +0.1% in fiscal years 2019 and 2020 respectively.20 Consumers did not take previous tax rate hikes well. As such, over the next 12 months, Global Asset Allocation recommends an underweight on Japanese equities. While a bottoming of the global manufacturing cycle and the impact of Chinese stimulus are positive factors, there are better markets in which to play this, given the risks surrounding Japanese consumption caused by the consumption tax rise. Are Improvements In Corporate Governance Enough To Make Japanese Equities A Long-Term Buy? Chart 18Corporate Governance Not Improving Enough Corporate Governance Not Improving Enough Corporate Governance Not Improving Enough Many investors believe that improved corporate governance could be the catalyst the stock market needs to outperform. It is true that there have been some improvements in recent years. Japanese companies have increased the share of independent directors on their boards, although this remains low by international standards (Chart 18, panel 1). Share buybacks have increased, and are on track to hit all-time high this year (Chart 18, panel 2). However, the improvements are still somewhat superficial. Cash holdings of Japanese companies are about 50% of GDP and 100% of market capitalization. The dividend payout ratio, at 30%, is significantly lower than in other developed markets, for example 40% in the U.S. and 50% in the euro area (Chart 18, panels 3 & 4). Why haven’t Japanese corporations returned their excess cash to shareholders? The answer is that many companies simply do not believe that they hold excess cash (Chart 19). The lack of a vibrant market for corporate control, and the general failure of activist foreign investment funds in Japan, means there is also less pressure on companies to use cash efficiently, and to raise leverage to improve their return on equity. The growing presence of the BoJ in the stock market is also a concern. The BoJ now holds over 70% of outstanding ETF equity assets, and is on track to become the single largest owner of Japanese stocks within a couple of years. With the BoJ not taking an active role as a shareholder, this risks undermining corporate governance reforms.21 It also suggests that, without the BoJ’s equity purchases over the past few years, Japanese equities might have performed even worse. Foreign investors have been the main buyers of Japanese equities over the past two decades, offsetting net selling by domestic households and most types of financial institutions. But foreign purchases have recently started to roll over, a trend that could be another catalyst for downward pressures on the stock market, if it were to continue (Chart 20). Chart 19 Chart 20Who Will Buy If Foreigners Don't? Who Will Buy If Foreigners Don't? Who Will Buy If Foreigners Don't?   We conclude, therefore, that signs of improvement in corporate governance are still sporadic and not sufficient to justify a major rerating of the Japanese corporate sector.   Bottom Line GAA recommends an underweight on Japan over a 12-month time horizon, since the drag on consumption from the tax hike will override any positive impact from a rebound in global growth caused by Chinese stimulus. In the longer term, a stubborn refusal to use fiscal policy as well as monetary easing, the limited improvement in corporate governance, and Japan’s intractable structural problems such as demographics, mean it is hard to make a strong rerating case for Japanese equities.   Amr Hanafy, Research Associate amrh@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Please see Global Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook, “Precautionary Dovishness – Or Looming Recession?” dated July 1, 2019, available on gaa.bcaresearch.com. 2      The BoJ calculates core inflation as headline inflation less fresh food, and core core inflation as headline inflation less fresh food and energy. 3      Please see “Outlook for Economic Activity and Prices (July 2019),” Bank Of Japan, July 2019. 4      Please see “Energy transition Japan: 'We have to disrupt ourselves,' says TEPCO,” Engerati, April 24, 2017.   5      Wage growth is total cash earnings, which includes regular/scheduled earnings plus overtime pay plus special earnings/bonuses. 6      Menju Toshihiro, “Japan’s Historic Immigration Reform: A Work in Progress,” nippon.com, February 6,2019. 7      Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report, “Return Assumptions – Refreshed And Refined,” dated June 25, 2019, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 8      Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report, “Investor’s Guide To Inflation Hedging: How To Invest When Inflation Rises,” dated May 22, 2019 available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 9      Takuji Okubo, “Japan’s dormant central bank may have to rouse itself once more,” Financial Times, May 27, 2019. 10     The core idea of MMT is that, since governments can print as much of their own currency as they require, they do not need to raise money in order to spend money. Japan could increase its fiscal spending and, as long as the BoJ bought the increased bond issuance, this would not raise interest rates. 11     Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “MMT And Me,” dated May 31 2019, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 12     Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report, “The Emperor’s Act Of Grace,” dated 8 June 2016, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 13     Mariko Fujii and Masahiro Kawai, “Lessons from Japan’s Banking Crisis 1991-2005,” ADB Institute Working Paper, No. 222, June 2010. 14     Mizuho, Mitsubishi UFJ and Sumitomo Mitsui. Data from March 2019 annual reports. 15     Please see “Financial System Report,” Bank of Japan, April 2019. 16       Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Three Cycles,” dated July 26, 2019, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 17       Please see GAA’s latest Monthly Portfolio Update, “Manufacturing Recession, Consumer Resilience, Dovish Central Banks,” dated 1 August 2019, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 18     Please see “OECD Economic Surveys: Japan,” OECDiLibrary, April 15, 2019. 19     Please see “Government plans 5% rebates for some cashless payments after 2019 tax hike,”The Japan Times, November 22, 2018. 20     Please see “Outlook For Economic Activity And Price (July 2019),” Bank Of Japan, July 30, 2019. 21     Andrew Whiffin, “BoJ’s dominance over ETFs raises concern on distorting influence,” Financial Times, March 31, 2019.

Highlights So What? Saudi Arabia’s geopolitical risks and still-elevated domestic risks reinforce our cyclically constructive view on oil prices. Why? Saudi Arabia is still in a “danger zone” of internal political risk due to the structural transformation of its economy and society. External risks arising from the Iran showdown threaten to cutoff oil production or transportation, adding to the oil risk premium. We expect oil price volatility to persist, but on a cyclical basis we are constructive on prices. We are maintaining our long EM oil producer equities trade versus the EM equity benchmark excluding China. This basket includes Saudi equities, although in the near term these equities face downside risks. Feature The pace of change in Saudi Arabia has been brisk. Women are driving, the IPO of Aramco is in the works, and the next monarch is likely to be a millennial. Changes to the global energy economy have raised the urgency for an economic transformation that will have political and social consequences, forcing a structural transformation. While the results thus far are attractive, the adjustment phase will be rocky. Saudi Arabia’s successful transition depends on its ability to navigate three main threats: Chart 1The Epic Shale Shake-Up Continues The Epic Shale Shake-Up Continues The Epic Shale Shake-Up Continues The growth of U.S. shale producers and the dilution of Saudi Arabia’s pricing power: Since the emergence of shale technology, Saudi Arabia faces a new reality in oil markets (Chart 1). Even in the current environment of supply disruptions from major producers such as Iran, Venezuela, and Libya, Brent prices have averaged just $66/bbl so far this year, weighed down by the global slowdown, and the macro context of rising U.S. production. Saudi Arabia has had to enlist the support of Russia in the production management agreement (OPEC 2.0) in effort to support oil prices. But continued oil production cuts come at the expense of the coalition’s market share, and crude exports are no longer a dependable source of revenue for Saudi Arabia. Domestic social and political uncertainties: The successful functioning of the political system has been dependent on the government’s ability to support the lifestyles of its citizens, who have grown accustomed to the generosity of their rulers. But economic challenges bring fiscal challenges. Moreover, shifting powers within the state raise the level of uncertainty and risks during the transition phase. Saber-rattling in the region: Heightened tensions with arch-enemy Iran are posing significant risks of instability and armed conflict that could affect oil production and transportation. And as the war in Yemen enters its fifth year, it poses risks to Saudi finances and oil infrastructure – as highlighted by the multiple drone attacks on Saudi oil facilities in May. These structural risks now dominate Saudi Arabia’s policy-making. OPEC 2.0’s decision at the beginning of this month to extend output cuts into 2020 aims to smooth the economic transition by maintaining a floor under oil prices. Meanwhile Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman’s Vision 2030 is underway – it is a blueprint for a future Saudi Arabia less dependent on oil (Table 1). Table 1Vision 2030 Highlights Saudi Arabia: Changing In Fits And Starts Saudi Arabia: Changing In Fits And Starts Saudi leadership will struggle to minimize near term instability without jeopardizing necessary structural change. In addition to an acute phase of tensions with Iran that could lead to destabilizing surprises this year or next, Saudi Arabia’s economy has just bottomed and is not yet out of the woods. Saudi Arabia’s Economy And Global Oil Markets: Adapting To The New Normal The trajectory of Saudi Arabia’s economic performance has improved since the U-turn in its oil-price management. From 2014-16 Riyadh attempted to drive U.S. shale producers out of business by cranking up production and running prices down. Since then it has supported prices through OPEC 2.0’s production cuts (Chart 2). Export earnings have rebounded over the past two years, reversing the current account deficit (Chart 3). Although net inflows from trade in real terms contribute a much smaller share of overall economic output compared to the mid-2000s, the good news is that the trade balance is back in surplus. Chart 2Return To Cartel Tactics Boosted Economy Return To Cartel Tactics Boosted Economy Return To Cartel Tactics Boosted Economy Nevertheless, the external balance remains hostage to oil prices and may weaken anew over a longer time horizon. Chart 3Current Account Balance Has Improved Current Account Balance Has Improved Current Account Balance Has Improved Chart 4Oil Revenues Easing Budget Strain ... For Now Oil Revenues Easing Budget Strain ... For Now Oil Revenues Easing Budget Strain ... For Now Greater government revenues are helping to improve the budget (Chart 4), but it remains in deficit. Moreover, we do not expect Saudi Arabia to flip the budget to a surplus over the coming two years. Despite our Commodity & Energy Strategy team’s expectation of higher oil prices in 2019 and 2020,1 Saudi Arabia will struggle to balance its budget in the coming 18 months (Chart 5). Their average Brent projection of $73-$75/bbl over the next 18 months still falls short of Saudi’s fiscal breakeven oil price. Most importantly, the kingdom’s black gold is no longer a reliable source of income. Chart 5 Weak oil revenues create a “do-or-die” incentive for Saudi policymakers to diversify the economy. As Chart 1 above illustrates, Saudi Arabia is losing global oil influence to U.S. shale producers. While OPEC 2.0 restrains production, the U.S. will continue dominating production growth, with shale output expected to grow ~1.2mm b/d this year and ~1 mm b/d in 2020.2 Saudi Aramco has been the driving force behind the production cuts (Chart 6), yielding more and more of its market share to American producers. Chart 6 The bad news for Saudi Arabia is that shale producers are here to stay. The kingdom is poorly positioned for this loss of control over oil markets (Chart 7) and is being forced to adapt by diversifying its economy at long last. Chart 7A Long Way To Go In Diversifying Exports A Long Way To Go In Diversifying Exports A Long Way To Go In Diversifying Exports Little progress has been made on this front, despite the fanfare surrounding the Vision 2030 plan. 70% of government revenues were derived from the oil sector last year, an increase from the 64% share from two years prior, and Saudi Arabia’s dependence on oil trade has actually increased over the past year (Chart 8).3 This week’s announcement of Aramco’s plans to increase output capacity by 550k b/d does not support the diversification strategy. Nevertheless, the Saudis appear to be redoubling their efforts on Aramco’s delayed initial public offering. The IPO is an important aspect of the diversification process. It is also a driver of Saudi oil price management – other things equal, higher prices support the Saudis’ rosy assessments of the company’s total worth. While an excessively ambitious timeline and indecision over where to list the shares have been setbacks to the plan, last weekend’s meeting between King Salman and British finance minister Philip Hammond follows Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman’s reassertion last month that the IPO would take place in late 2020 or early 2021.4 On the non-oil front, given that Saudi Arabia’s fiscal policy is procyclical, activity in that sector is dependent on the performance of the oil sector. Strong oil sales not only improve liquidity, but also allow for greater government expenditures – both of which stimulate non-oil activity (Chart 9). This means the improvement in the non-oil sector is more a consequence of the rebound in oil revenues than an indication of successful diversification. Chart 8Saudi Reliance On Oil Not Falling Yet Saudi Reliance On Oil Not Falling Yet Saudi Reliance On Oil Not Falling Yet Yet the reform vision is not dead. Weak oil revenues may be a blessing in disguise, presenting Saudi policymakers with a “do-or-die” incentive to intensify diversification efforts. Chart 9Non-Oil Activity Still Depends On Oil Sales Non-Oil Activity Still Depends On Oil Sales Non-Oil Activity Still Depends On Oil Sales Bottom Line: By enlisting the support of Russia, Saudi Arabia has managed to maintain a floor beneath oil prices. However, this comes at the expense of falling market share. This leaves authorities with no choice but to diversify the economy – a feat yet to be performed. Domestic Instability Is A Potential Threat Political and social instability in Saudi Arabia is the second derivative of the new normal in global oil markets. So far instability has been limited, but the transition phase is ongoing and the government may not always manage the rapid pace of structural change as effectively as it has over the past two years. Traditionally, Saudi decision-making has comprised the interests of three main social actors: (1) the ruling al Saud family and Saudi elites (2) religious rulers, and (3) Saudi citizens. In the past, the royal family has been able to mitigate social dissent and maintain stability by ensuring that the financial interests of its citizens are satisfied while granting extensive authority to religious groups. The government has transferred profits amassed from oil to Saudi citizens in the form of subsidies for housing, fuel, water, and electricity; public services; and employment opportunities in bloated and inefficient bureaucracies. Going forward, pressure on Riyadh to reduce expenditures and adapt its budget to the changing oil landscape will persist. The authorities will have to continue to shake down elites for funds, or make cuts to these entitlements, or both. Hence policymakers are attempting to walk a thin line between near-term stability and long-term structural change. Several instances of official backtracking show that authorities fear the potential backlash. Following mass discontent in 2017, the Saudi government rolled back most of a series of cuts to public sector wages and benefits that would have led to massive fiscal savings. Instead, the government raised revenue by increasing prices of subsidized goods and services, including fuel, while doling out support to low-income families. The government also introduced a 5% value-added tax in January 2018. Unemployment – especially youth unemployment – is elevated. This is frightening for the authorities. What about the guarantee of cushy government jobs? 45% of employed Saudis work in the public sector. The consequence is an unproductive labor force lacking the skills necessary to succeed in the private sector. Declining oil revenues remove the luxury of supporting a large, unproductive labor force. Chart 10Youth And Woman Unemployment A Structural Constraint Youth And Woman Unemployment A Structural Constraint Youth And Woman Unemployment A Structural Constraint Against this backdrop, unemployment – especially youth unemployment – is elevated (Chart 10). This is frightening for the authorities as over half of Saudi citizens are below 30 years of age and the fertility rate is above replacement level implying continued rapid population growth. It will be a challenge to find employment for the rising number of young people. All the while, jobs in the private sector – which will need to take in the growing labor force – are dominated by expatriate workers. Saudi citizens hold only 20% of jobs in the private sector – but this sector makes up 60% of the country’s employment. Fixing these distortions is challenging. Overall, monthly salaries of nationals are more than double those of expatriates (Chart 11). High wage gaps also exist among comparably skilled workers, reducing the incentive to hire nationals. Chart 11 With non-Saudis holding over 75% of the jobs, the incentive to employ low-wage expatriate workers has also weighed on the current account balance through large remittance outflows (Chart 12). And while the share of jobs held by Saudi citizens increased, this is not on the back of an increase in the number of employed Saudis. Rather, while the number of nationals with jobs contracted by nearly 10% in 2018, jobs held by non-Saudis declined at a faster pace. The absolute number of employed Saudis is down 37% since 2015. “Saudization” efforts are aimed at reducing the wage gap – such as a monthly levy per worker on firms where the majority of workers are non-Saudi; wage subsidies for Saudi nationals working in the private sector; and quotas for hiring nationals. But these have mixed results. While Saudi employment has improved, the associated reduced productivity and higher costs have been damaging. Thus, these labor market challenges pose risks to both domestic stability, and the economy. Moreover, even though improved liquidity conditions have softened interbank rates, loans to government and quasi-government entities still outpace loans to the private sector (Chart 13). This “crowding out” effect is not conducive to a private sector revival. It is conducive to central government control, which the leadership is tightening. Chart 12Jobs For Expatriate Workers Have Declined Jobs For Expatriate Workers Have Declined Jobs For Expatriate Workers Have Declined Chart 13Monetary Conditions Ease But Private Credit Lags Monetary Conditions Ease But Private Credit Lags Monetary Conditions Ease But Private Credit Lags Facing these structural factors, authorities are attempting to appease the population through social change. There has been a marked relaxation in the ultra-conservative rules governing Saudi society. Permission for women to drive cars has been granted and the first cinemas and music venues opened their doors last year. Critically, religious rulers are seeing their wide-ranging powers curtailed. The hai’a or religious police are now only permitted to work during office hours. They no longer have the authority to detain or make arrests, and may only submit reports to civil authorities. While these changes appeal to the new generation, they also run the risk of provoking a “Wahhabi backlash.” This risk is still alive despite the past two years of policy change. The recently approved “public decency law” – which requires residents to adhere to dress codes and bans taking photos or using phrases deemed offensive – reveals the authorities’ need to mitigate this risk. Popular social reforms are occurring against a backdrop of an unprecedented centralization of power. Mohammad bin Salman will be the first Saudi ruler of his millennial generation. The evolving balance of power between the 15,000 members of the royal family will hurl the kingdom into the unknown. The concentration of power into the Sudairi faction of the ruling family, through events such as the 2017 Ritz Carlton detentions, is still capable of provoking a destabilizing backlash. Discontent among royal family members and Saudi elites may give rise to a new, fourth faction, resentful of the social and political changes. At the moment, the state’s policies have generated some momentum. A number of major hardline religious scholars and clerics have apologized for past extremism and differences over state policy and have endorsed MBS’s vision of a modern Saudi state and “moderate” Islam – the crackdown on radicalism has moved the dial within the religious establishment.5 But structural change is not quick and the social pressures being unleashed are momentous. Saudi Arabia’s oil production and transportation infrastructure are currently in danger from saber-rattling or conflict in the region. The government is guiding the process, but the consensus is correct that internal political risk remains extremely high. There has been a structural increase in that risk, as outlined in this report – and it is best to remain cautious even regarding the cyclical increase in political risk over the past two years. Bottom Line: Saudi Arabia’s new economic reality is ushering in social and political change at an unprecedented pace. Unless the interests of the three main social actors – the royal family, religious elites, and Saudi citizens – are successfully managed, a new faction comprised of disaffected elites may arise. A Dangerous Neighborhood Putting aside the longer term threat from U.S. energy independence, Saudi Arabia’s oil production and transportation infrastructure are currently in danger from saber-rattling or conflict in the region. Saudi officials originally expected the war in Yemen to last only a few weeks, but the conflict is now in its fifth year and still raging. The claim by the Iran-backed Houthi insurgents that a recent drone attack on Saudi oil installations was assisted by supporters in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern province – home to the majority of the country’s 10%-15% Shia population and oil production – is also troubling as it shows that the above domestic risks can readily combine with external, geopolitical risks. The U.S. is also joining Israel and Saudi Arabia in applying increasing pressure on Iran, which risks sparking a war. Our Iran-U.S. Tensions Decision Tree illustrates that the probability of war between the U.S. and Iran – which would involve the Saudis – is as high as 40% (Diagram 1). Diagram 1Iran-U.S. Tensions Decision Tree Saudi Arabia: Changing In Fits And Starts Saudi Arabia: Changing In Fits And Starts We are not downgrading this risk in the wake of President Trump’s decision not to conduct strikes on Iranian radars and missile launchers on June 20. President Trump claims he wants negotiations instead of war, but his administration’s pressure tactics have pushed Iran into a corner. The Iranian regime is capable of pushing the limits further (both in terms of its nuclear program as well as regional oil production and transport), which could easily lead to provocations or miscalculation. The Saudi-Iranian rivalry is structurally unstable as a result of Iran’s capitalization on major strategic movements of the past two decades. The Saudis have lost a Sunni-dominated buffer in Iraq, they have lost influence in Syria and Yemen, and their aggressive military efforts to counter these trends have failed.6 The Israelis are equally alarmed by these developments and trying to persuade the Americans to take a much more aggressive posture to contain Iran. As a result, the Trump administration reneged on the 2015 U.S.-Iran nuclear agreement and broader détente – intensifying a cycle of distrust with Iran that will be difficult to reverse even if the Democratic Party takes the White House in 2020. Hence there is a real possibility of attacks on Saudi oil production facilities, domestic pipelines, and tankers in transit in the near term. Moreover, the majority of Saudi Arabia’s exports transit through two major chokepoints making these barrels vulnerable to sabotage: The Strait of Hormuz, which Iran has resumed threatening to block; The Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, located between Yemen and East Africa, which was the site of an attack on two Saudi Aramco tankers last year, forcing a temporarily halt in shipments. Chart 14 Saudi Arabia is acutely aware of these risks. It is the top buyer of U.S. arms and, as a result of the dramatic strategic shifts since the American invasion of Iraq, it is the world’s leading spender on military equipment as a share of GDP (Chart 14). One of our key “Black Swan” risks of the year is that the Saudis may be emboldened by the Trump administration’s writing them a blank check. Bottom Line: In addition to the structural risks associated with Saudi Arabia’s economic, social and political transition, geopolitical tensions in the region are elevated. Warning shots are still being fired by Iran and their proxies (such as the Houthis), and oil supplies are at the mercy of additional escalation. Investment Implications Saudi Arabia’s equity market is halfway through the process of joining the benchmark MSCI EM index. The process will finish on August 29, 2019 with Saudi taking up a total 2.9% weighting in the index. Research by our colleague Ellen JingYuan He at BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy shows that in the case of the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Pakistan, inclusion into MSCI created a “buy the rumor, sell the news” phenomenon and suggested that a top of the market was at hand.7 Saudi equities have recently peaked in absolute terms and relative to the emerging market benchmark, supporting this thesis. Saudi equity volatility has especially spiked relative to the emerging market average, which is appropriate. We expect ongoing bouts of volatility due to the immediate, market-relevant political risks outlined above. The risk of a disruptive conflict stemming from the Saudi-Iran and U.S.-Iran confrontation is significant enough that investors should, at minimum, expect minor conflicts or incidents to disrupt oil markets in the immediate term. We expect oil price volatility to persist. Because Riyadh is maintaining OPEC 2.0 discipline in this environment, oil prices should experience underlying upward pressure. It is not that the Saudis are refusing to support the Trump administration’s maximum pressure against Iran but rather that they are calibrating their support in a way that hedges against the risk that Trump will change his mind, since that risk is quite high. This is the 55% chance of an uneasy status quo in U.S.-Iran relations in Diagram 1, which requires at least secret U.S. relaxation of oil sanction enforcement. Moreover, the Saudis want to reduce the downside risk of weak global growth and support their national interest in pushing Brent prices toward $80/bbl for fiscal and strategic purposes. Our pessimistic assessment of the Osaka G20 tariff truce between the U.S. and China is more than offset by our expectation since February that China’s economic policy has shifted toward stimulus rather than the deleveraging of 2017-18. We assign a 68% probability to additional trade war escalation in Q4 this year or at least before November 2020. But since a dramatic trade war escalation would lead to even greater stimulus, we still share our Commodity & Energy Strategy’s cyclical view that the underlying trend for oil prices is up. We are maintaining our recommendation of being long EM oil producers’ equities relative to EM-ex-China. This trade includes Saudi Arabian equities, but as a whole it has upside in the near-term as Brent prices are below our expected average and Chinese equities are still down 10% from their April highs.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Our Commodity & Energy Strategy team expects Brent prices to average $73/bbl this year and $75/bbl in 2020. For their latest monthly balances assessment, please see “Supply-Demand Balances Consistent With Higher Oil Prices,” dated June 20, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report titled “Supply-Demand Balances Consistent With Higher Oil Prices,” dated June 20, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 The higher export dependence on oil reflects the rebound in oil prices in 2018, rather than a decline in non-oil exports. Given the strong relationship between activity in the oil and non-oil sectors, non-oil exports also increased in 2018. 4 Saudi Aramco’s purchase of a 70 percent stake in SABIC from the Saudi Public Investment Fund (PIF) earlier this year reportedly contributed to the IPO delay. The deal will capitalize the PIF, enabling it to diversify the economy. 5 See, for example, James M. Dorsey, “Clerics and Entertainers Seek to Bolster MBS’s Grip on Power,” BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1220, July 7, 2019, available at besacenter.org. 6 The U.S., Saudi Arabia, and their allies are trying to restore Iraq as a geopolitical buffer by cultivating an Iraq that is more independent of Iranian influence – and this is part of rising regional frictions. Iraqi Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi’s recently issued decree to reduce the power of Iraq’s Iran-backed milita, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) and integrate them into Iraq’s armed forces by forcing them to choose between either military or political activity. Just over a year ago, Iraq’s previous Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi issued a decree granting members of the PMF many of the same rights as members of the military. 7 Please see BCA Frontier Markets Strategy, “Pakistani Stocks: A Top Is At Hand,” March 13, 2017, available at fms.bcaresearch.com.

Productivity growth is experiencing a cyclical rebound, but remains structurally weak. The end of the deepening of globalization, statistical hurdles, and the possibility that today’s technological advances may not be as revolutionary as past ones all hamper productivity. On the back of rising market power and concentration, companies are increasing markups instead of production. This is depressing productivity and lowering the neutral rate of interest. For now, investors can generate alpha by focusing on consolidating industries. Growing market power cannot last forever and will meet a political wall. Structurally, this will hurt asset prices.   “We don’t have a free market; don’t kid yourself. (…) Businesspeople are enemies of free markets, not friends (…) businesspeople are all in favor of freedom for everybody else (…) but when it comes to their own business, they want to go to Washington to protect their businesses.” Milton Friedman, January 1991. Despite the explosion of applications of growing computing power, U.S. productivity growth has been lacking this cycle. This incapacity to do more with less has weighed on trend growth and on the neutral rate of interest, and has been a powerful force behind the low level of yields at home and abroad. In this report, we look at the different factors and theories advanced to explain the structural decline in productivity. Among them, a steady increase in corporate market power not only goes a long way in explaining the lack of productivity in the U.S., but also the high level of profit margins along with the depressed level of investment and real neutral rates. A Simple Cyclical Explanation The decline in productivity growth is both a structural and cyclical story. Historically, productivity growth has followed economic activity. When demand is strong, businesses can generate more revenue and therefore produce more. The historical correlation between U.S. nonfarm business productivity and the ISM manufacturing index illustrates this relationship (Chart II-1). Chart II-1The Cyclical Behavior Of Productivity The Cyclical Behavior Of Productivity The Cyclical Behavior Of Productivity Chart II-2Deleveraging Hurts Productivity Deleveraging Hurts Productivity Deleveraging Hurts Productivity Since 2008, as households worked off their previous over-indebtedness, the U.S. private sector has experienced its longest deleveraging period since the Great Depression. This frugality has depressed demand and contributed to lower growth this cycle. Since productivity is measured as output generated by unit of input, weak demand growth has depressed productivity statistics. On this dimension, the brief deleveraging experience of the early 1990s is instructive: productivity picked up only after 1993, once the private sector began to accumulate debt faster than the pace of GDP growth (Chart II-2). The recent pick-up in productivity reflects these debt dynamics. Since 2009, the U.S. non-financial private sector has stopped deleveraging, removing one anchor on demand, allowing productivity to blossom. Moreover, the pick-up in capex from 2017 to present is also helping productivity by raising the capital-to-workers ratio. While this is a positive development for the U.S. economy, the decline in productivity nonetheless seems structural, as the five-year moving average of labor productivity growth remains near its early 1980s nadir (Chart II-3). Something else is at play. Chart II-3 The Usual Suspects Three major forces are often used to explain why observed productivity growth is currently in decline: A slowdown in global trade penetration, the fact that statisticians do not have a good grasp on productivity growth in a service-based economy, and innovation that simply isn’t what it used to be. Slowdown In Global Trade Penetration Two hundred years ago, David Ricardo argued that due to competitive advantages, countries should always engage in trade to increase their economic welfare. This insight has laid the foundation of the argument that exchanges between nations maximizes the utilization of resources domestically and around the world. The collapse in new business formation in the U.S. is another fascinating development. Rarely was this argument more relevant than over the past 40 years. On the heels of the supply-side revolution of the early 1980s and the fall of the Berlin Wall, globalization took off. The share of the world's population participating in the global capitalist system rose from 30% in 1985 to nearly 100% today. Generating elevated productivity gains is simpler when a country’s capital stock is underdeveloped: each unit of investment grows the capital-to-labor ratio by a greater proportion. As a result, productivity – which reflects the capital-to-worker ratio – can grow quickly. As more poor countries have joined the global economy and benefitted from FDI and other capital inflows, their productivity has flourished. Consequently, even if productivity growth has been poor in advanced economies over the past 10 years, global productivity has remained high and has tracked the share of exports in global GDP (Chart II-4). Chart II-4The Apex Of Globalization Represented The Summit Of Global Productivity Growth The Apex Of Globalization Represented The Summit Of Global Productivity Growth The Apex Of Globalization Represented The Summit Of Global Productivity Growth This globalization tailwind to global productivity growth is dissipating. First, following an investment boom where poor decisions were made, EM productivity growth has been declining. Second, with nearly 100% of the world’s labor supply already participating in the global economy, it is increasingly difficult to expand the share of global trade in global GDP and increase the benefit of cross-border specialization. Finally, the popular backlash in advanced economies against globalization could force global trade into reverse. As economic nationalism takes hold, cross-border investments could decline, moving the world economy further away from an optimal allocation of capital. These forces may explain why global productivity peaked earlier this decade. Productivity Is Mismeasured Recently deceased luminary Martin Feldstein argued that the structural decline in productivity is an illusion. As the argument goes, productivity is not weak; it is only underestimated. A parallel with the introduction of electricity in the late 19th century often comes to mind. Back then, U.S. statistical agencies found it difficult to disentangle price changes from quantity changes in the quickly growing revenues of electrical utilities. As a result, the Bureau Of Labor Statistics overestimated price changes in the early 20th century, which depressed the estimated output growth of utilities by a similar factor. Since productivity is measured as output per unit of labor, this also understated actual productivity growth – not just for utilities but for the economy as a whole. Ultimately, overall productivity growth was revised upward. Chart II-5Plenty Of Room To Mismeasure Real Output Growth Plenty Of Room To Mismeasure Real Output Growth Plenty Of Room To Mismeasure Real Output Growth In today’s economy, this could be a larger problem, as 70% of output is generated in the service sector. Estimating productivity growth is much harder in the service sector than in the manufacturing sector, as there is no actual countable output to measure. Thus, distinguishing price increases from quantity or quality improvements is challenging. Adding to this difficulty, the service sector is one of the main beneficiaries of the increase in computational power currently disrupting industries around the world. The growing share of components of the consumer price index subject to hedonic adjustments highlight this challenge (Chart II-5). Estimating quality changes is hard and may bias the increase in prices in the economy. If prices are unreliably measured, so will output and productivity. Pushing The Production Frontier Is Increasingly Hard Chart II-6A Multifaceted Decline In Productivity A Multifaceted Decline In Productivity A Multifaceted Decline In Productivity Another school of thought simply accepts that productivity growth has declined in a structural fashion. It is far from clear that the current technological revolution is much more productivity-enhancing than the introduction of electricity 140 years ago, the development of the internal combustion engine in the late 19th century, the adoption of indoor plumbing, or the discovery of penicillin in 1928. It is easy to overestimate the economic impact of new technologies. At first, like their predecessors, the microprocessor and the internet created entirely new industries. But this is not the case anymore. For all its virtues, e-commerce is only a new method of selling goods and services. Cloud computing is mainly a way to outsource hardware spending. Social media’s main economic value has been to gather more information on consumers, allowing sellers to reach potential buyers in a more targeted way. Without creating entirely new industries, spending on new technologies often ends up cannibalizing spending on older technologies. For example, while Google captures 32.4% of global ad revenues, similar revenues for the print industry have fallen by 70% since their apex in 2000. If new technologies are not as accretive to production as the introduction of previous ones were, productivity growth remains constrained by the same old economic forces of capex, human capital growth and resource utilization. And as Chart II-6 shows, labor input, the utilization of capital and multifactor productivity have all weakened. Some key drivers help understand why productivity growth has downshifted structurally. Let’s look at human capital. It is much easier to grow human capital when very few people have a high-school diploma: just make a larger share of your population finish high school, or even better, complete a university degree. But once the share of university-educated citizens has risen, building human capital further becomes increasingly difficult. Chart II-7 illustrates this problem. Growth in educational achievement has been slowing since 1995 in both advanced and developing economies. This means that the growth of human capital is slowing. This is without even wading into whether or not the quality of education has remained constant. This is pure market power, and it helps explain the gap between wages and productivity. Human capital is also negatively impacted by demographic trends. Workers in their forties tend to be at the peak of their careers, with the highest accumulated job know-how. Problematically, these workers represent a shrinking share of the labor force, which is hurting productivity trends (Chart II-8). Chart II-7 Chart II-8Demographics Are Hurting Productivity Demographics Are Hurting Productivity Demographics Are Hurting Productivity   The capital stock too is experiencing its own headwinds. While Moore’s Law seems more or less intact, the decline in the cost of storing information is clearly decelerating (Chart II-9). Today, quality adjusted IT prices are contracting at a pace of 2.3% per annum, compared to annual declines of 14% at the turn of the millennium. Thus, even if nominal spending in IT investment had remained constant, real investment growth would have sharply decelerated (Chart II-10). But since nominal spending has decelerated greatly from its late 1990s pace, real investment in IT has fallen substantially. The growth of the capital stock is therefore lagging its previous pace, which is hurting productivity growth. Chart II-9 Chart II-10The Impact Of Slowing IT Deflation The Impact Of Slowing IT Deflation The Impact Of Slowing IT Deflation Chart II-11A Dearth Of New Businesses A Dearth Of New Businesses A Dearth Of New Businesses   The collapse in new business formation in the U.S. is another fascinating development (Chart II-11). New businesses are a large source of productivity gains. Ultimately, 20% of productivity gains have come from small businesses becoming large ones. Think Apple in 1977 versus Apple today. A large decline in the pace of new business formation suggests that fewer seeds have been planted over the past 20 years to generate those enormous productivity explosions than was the case in the previous 50 years.   The X Factor: Growing Market Concentration The three aforementioned explanations for the decline in productivity are all appealing, but they generally leave investors looking for more. Why are companies investing less, especially when profit margins are near record highs? Why is inflation low? Why has the pace of new business formation collapsed? These are all somewhat paradoxical. Chart II-12Wide Profit Margins: A Testament To The Weakness Of Labor Wide Profit Margins: A Testament To The Weakness Of Labor Wide Profit Margins: A Testament To The Weakness Of Labor This is where a growing body of works comes in. Our economy is moving away from the Adam Smith idea of perfect competition. Industry concentration has progressively risen, and few companies dominate their line of business and control both their selling prices and input costs. They behave as monopolies and monopsonies, all at once.1 This helps explain why selling prices have been able to rise relative to unit labor costs, raising margins in the process (Chart II-12). Let’s start by looking at the concept of market concentration. According to Grullon, Larkin and Michaely, sales of the median publicly traded firms, expressed in constant dollars, have nearly tripled since the mid-1990s, while real GDP has only increased 70% (Chart II-13).2 The escalation in market concentration is also vividly demonstrated in Chart II-14. The top panel shows that since 1997, most U.S. industries have experienced sharp increases in their Herfindahl-Hirshman Index (HHI),3 a measure of concentration. In fact, more than half of U.S. industries have experienced concentration increases of more than 40%, and as a corollary, more than 75% of industries have seen the number of firms decline by more than 40%. The last panel of the chart also highlights that this increase in concentration has been top-heavy, with a third of industries seeing the market share of their four biggest players rise by more than 40%. Rising market concentration is therefore a broad phenomenon – not one unique to the tech sector. Chart II-13 Chart II-14     This rising market concentration has also happened on the employment front. In 1995, less than 24% of U.S. private sector employees worked for firms with 10,000 or more employees, versus nearly 28% today. This does not seem particularly dramatic. However, at the local level, the number of regions where employment is concentrated with one or two large employers has risen. Azar, Marinescu and Steinbaum developed Map II-1, which shows that 75% of non-metropolitan areas now have high or extreme levels of employment concentration.4 Chart II- Chart II-15The Owners Of Capital Are Keeping The Proceeds Of The Meagre Productivity Gains The Owners Of Capital Are Keeping The Proceeds Of The Meagre Productivity Gains The Owners Of Capital Are Keeping The Proceeds Of The Meagre Productivity Gains This growing market power of companies on employment can have a large impact on wages. Chart II-15 shows that real wages have lagged productivity since the turn of the millennium. Meanwhile, Chart II-16 plots real wages on the y-axis versus the HHI of applications (top panel) and vacancies (bottom panel). This chart shows that for any given industry, if applicants in a geographical area do not have many options where to apply – i.e. a few dominant employers provide most of the jobs in the region – real wages lag the national average. The more concentrated vacancies as well as applications are with one employer, the greater the discount to national wages in that industry.5 This is pure market power, and it helps explain the gap between wages and productivity as well as the widening gap between metropolitan and non-metropolitan household incomes. Chart II-16 Growing market power and concentration do not only compress labor costs, they also result in higher prices for consumers. This seems paradoxical in a world of low inflation. But inflation could have been even lower if market concentration had remained at pre-2000s levels. In 2009, Matthew Weinberg showed that over the previous 22 years, horizontal mergers within an industry resulted in higher prices.6 In a 2014 meta-study conducted by Weinberg along with Orley Ashenfelter and Daniel Hosken, the authors showed that across 49 studies ranging across 21 industries, 36 showed that horizontal mergers resulted in higher prices for consumers.7 While today’s technology may be enhancing the productive potential of our economies, this is not benefiting output and measured productivity. Instead, it is boosting profit margins. In a low-inflation environment, the only way for companies to garner pricing power is to decrease competition, and M&As are the quickest way to achieve this goal. After examining nearly 50 merger and antitrust studies spanning more than 3,000 merger cases, John Kwoka found that, following mergers that augmented an industry’s concentration, prices increased in 95% of cases, and on average by 4.5%.8 In no industry is this effect more vividly demonstrated than in the healthcare field, an industry that has undergone a massive wave of consolidation – from hospitals, to pharmacies to drug manufacturers. As Chart II-17 illustrates, between 1980 and 2016, healthcare costs have increased at a much faster pace in the U.S. than in the rest of the world. However, life expectancy increased much less than in other advanced economies. Chart II-17 In this context of growing market concentration, it is easy to see why, as De Loecker and Eeckhout have argued, markups have been rising steadily since the 1980s (Chart II-18, top panel) and have tracked M&A activity (Chart II-18, bottom panel).9 In essence, mergers and acquisitions have been the main tool used by firms to increase their concentration. Another tool at their disposal has been the increase in patents. The top panel of Chart II-19 shows that the total number of patent applications in the U.S. has increased by 3.6-fold since the 1980s, but most interestingly, the share of patents coming from large, dominant players within each industry has risen by 10% over the same timeframe (Chart II-19, bottom panel). To use Warren Buffet’s terminology, M&A and patents have been how firms build large “moats” to limit competition and protect their businesses. Chart II-18Markups Rise Along With Growing M&A Activity Markups Rise Along With Growing M&A Activity Markups Rise Along With Growing M&A Activity Chart II-19How To Build A Moat? How To Build A Moat? How To Build A Moat?   Why is this rise in market concentration affecting productivity? First, from an empirical perspective, rising markups and concentration tend to lead to lower levels of capex. A recent IMF study shows that the more concentrated industries become, the higher the corporate savings rate goes (Chart II-20, top panel).10 These elevated savings reflect wider markups, but also firms with markups in the top decile of the distribution display significantly lower investment rates (Chart II-20, bottom panel). If more of the U.S. output is generated by larger, more concentrated firms, this leads to a lower pace of increase in the capital stock, which hurts productivity. Second, downward pressure on real wages is also linked to a drag on productivity. Monopolies and oligopolies are not incentivized to maximize output. In fact, for any market, a monopoly should lead to lower production than perfect competition would. Diagram II-I from De Loecker and Eeckhout shows that moving from perfect competition to a monopoly results in a steeper labor demand curve as the monopolist produces less. As a result, real wages move downward and the labor participation force declines. Does this sound familiar? Chart II-20 Chart II-   The rise of market power might mean that in some way Martin Feldstein was right about productivity being mismeasured – just not the way he anticipated. In a June 2017 Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, Peter Berezin showed that labor-saving technologies like AI and robotics, which are increasingly being deployed today, could lead to lower wages (Chart II-21).11 For a given level of technology in the economy, productivity is positively linked to real wages but inversely linked to markups – especially if the technology is of the labor-saving kind. So, if markups rise on the back of firms’ growing market power, the ensuing labor savings will not be used to increase actual input. Rather, corporate savings will rise. Thus, while today’s technology may be enhancing the productive potential of our economies, this is not benefiting output and measured productivity. Instead, it is boosting profit margins.12 Unsurprisingly, return on assets and market concentration are positively correlated (Chart II-22). Chart II-21 Chart II-22     Finally, market power and concentration weighing on capex, wages and productivity are fully consistent with higher returns of cash to shareholders and lower interest rates. The higher profits and lower capex liberate cash flows available to be redistributed to shareholders. Moreover, lower capex also depresses demand for savings in the economy, while weak wages depress middle-class incomes, which hurts aggregate demand. Additionally, higher corporate savings increases the wealth of the richest households, who have a high marginal propensity to save. This results in higher savings for the economy. With a greater supply of savings and lower demand for those savings, the neutral rate of interest has been depressed. Investment Implications First, in an environment of low inflation, investors should continue to favor businesses that can generate higher markups via pricing power. Equity investors should therefore continue to prefer industries where horizontal mergers are still increasing market concentration. Second, so long as the status quo continues, wages will have a natural cap, and so will the neutral rate of interest. This does not mean that wage growth cannot increase further on a cyclical basis, but it means that wages are unlikely to blossom as they did in the late 1960s, even within a very tight labor market. Without too-severe an inflation push from wages, the business cycle could remain intact even longer, keeping a window open for risk assets to rise further on a cyclical basis. Third, long-term investors need to keep a keen eye on the political sphere. A much more laissez-faire approach to regulation, a push toward self-regulation, and a much laxer enforcement of antitrust laws and merger rules were behind the rise in market power and concentration.13 The particularly sharp ascent of populism in Anglo-Saxon economies, where market power increased by the greatest extent, is not surprising. So far, populists have not blamed the corporate sector, but if the recent antitrust noise toward the Silicon Valley behemoths is any indication, the clock is ticking. On a structural basis, this could be very negative for asset prices. An end to this rise in market power would force profit margins to mean-revert toward their long-term trend, which is 4.7 percentage-points below current levels. This will require discounting much lower cash flows in the future. Additionally, by raising wages and capex, more competition would increase aggregate demand and lift real interest rates. Higher wages and aggregate demand could also structurally lift inflation. Thus, not only will investors need to discount lower cash flows, they will have to do so at higher discount rates. As a result, this cycle will likely witness both a generational peak in equity valuations as well as structural lows in bond yields. As we mentioned, these changes are political in nature. We will look forward to studying the political angle of this thesis to get a better handle on when these turning points will likely emerge. Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst   Footnotes 1       A monopsony is a firm that controls the price of its input because it is the dominant, if not unique, buyer of said input. 2       G. Grullon, Y. Larkin and R. Michaely, “Are Us Industries Becoming More Concentrated?,” April 2017. 3       The Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI) is calculated by taking the market share of each firm in the industry, squaring them, and summing the result. Consider a hypothetical industry with four total firm where firm1, firm2, firm3 and firm4 has 40%, 30%, 15% and 15% of market share, respectively. Then HHI is 402+302+152+152 = 2,950. 4       J. Azar, I. Marinescu, M. Steinbaum, “Labor Market Concentration,” December 2017. 5     J. Azar, I. Marinescu, M. Steinbaum, “Labor Market Concentration,” December 2017. 6     M. Weinberg, “The Price Effects Of Horizontal Mergers”, Journal of Competition Law & Economics, Volume 4, Issue 2, June 2008, Pages 433–447. 7     O. Ashenfelter, D. Hosken, M. Weinberg, "Did Robert Bork Understate the Competitive Impact of Mergers? Evidence from Consummated Mergers," Journal of Law and Economics, University of Chicago Press, vol. 57(S3), pages S67 - S100. 8    J. Kwoka, “Mergers, Merger Control, and Remedies: A Retrospective Analysis of U.S. Policy,” MIT Press, 2015. 9     J. De Loecker, J. Eeckhout, G. Unger, "The Rise Of Market Power And The Macroeconomic Implications," Mimeo 2018. 10     “Chapter 2: The Rise of Corporate Market Power and Its Macroeconomic Effects,” World Economic Outlook, April 2019. 11     Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report "Is Slow Productivity Growth Good Or Bad For Bonds?"dated May 31, 2017, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 12     Productivity can be written as: Image 13     J. Tepper, D. Hearn, “The Myth of Capitalism: Monopolies and the Death of Competition,” Wiley, November 2018.

Highlights We are searching for evidence of an imminent end to this business cycle, … : Investors who recognize the onset of the recession in a timely fashion will have a leg up on the competition all the way through the intermediate term. … but the data do not support the increasingly popular conclusion that it is nearly at hand, … : The U.S. economy is doing quite well and contradicts the message from the inverted yield curve, which may well be a less powerful signal than it has been in the past. … and it’s hard to see the end of the expansion when the Fed’s trying its utmost to sustain it: Restrictive monetary policy is a necessary, if not sufficient, condition for a recession. Last week’s FOMC meeting pushed that eventuality beyond the visible horizon. Maintain a pro-risk portfolio positioning. Feature What if you gave a party and nobody came? The U.S. economy is finding out as we speak. The expansion that began in July 2009 turns ten years old at the end of the week, and no one seems to care. An expansion and bull market that have been derided from the get-go as “artificial,” “manufactured,” and “propped up by money printing” continue to be unloved, yet manage to keep chugging along like the Energizer bunny. The expansion has been no more pleasing to the eye than the famous toy in the battery commercials, plodding along at an often sluggish pace, but that may be the secret to its longevity. It has never been able to achieve a high enough rate of speed to give rise to unsustainable activity in the most cyclical segments of the economy. Ditto the bull markets in equities and spread product. Held in check by a deficiency of animal spirits, they have failed to breed valuation excesses. In the absence of a clearly approaching catalyst for reversal, internal or external, there is no reason to expect that the U.S. economy cannot continue to expand at its meandering post-crisis pace. An increasing number of market participants, including some within BCA, cite the inverted yield curve, disappointing May employment report, and weakening manufacturing activity at home and abroad as ill portents for the economy. On the face of it, these factors are surely inauspicious. Upon further examination, though, they aren’t as bad as they’ve been made out to be. An investor who sniffs out the next recession, and shifts asset allocation aggressively in line with that recognition, will have a very good chance of outperforming over both the near and intermediate term. Timely recognition of inflection points is how macro analysis most clearly benefits money managers. Since equity bull markets tend to be highly potent in their final stages, however, crying wolf can be especially damaging to relative performance. In our view, the available evidence does not support the conclusion that the end of the cycle is at hand and that investors should de-risk their portfolios. The Yield Curve Isn’t What It Used To Be We do not know how many basis points can dance on the head of a pin, and neither do the battalions of central bank economists who have been unable to settle exactly how large-scale asset purchases hold down interest rates. Those purchases’ flow effect (the share of newly-issued bonds purchased by a central bank), stock effect (the share of outstanding bonds held by a central bank), and forward guidance’s muzzling of bond and inflation volatility may all play a role. At the end of the day, it appears quite likely that QE has depressed the term premium on the 10-year Treasury bond, which recently made 50-year lows. The term premium is the compensation investors receive for tying up their money in a longer-maturity instrument, and it is a whopping 250 basis points below its long-run mean (Chart 1). Chart 1The Bombed-Out Term Premium ... The Bombed-Out Term Premium ... The Bombed-Out Term Premium ... Yield curve has been a reliable, if often early, leading indicator of recessions for the last 50 years. The unprecedentedly low 10-year term premium renders the definitive 3-month/10-year segment of the yield curve considerably more prone to invert. The only sustained yield-curve inversion that issued a false recession signal in the 57-year history of the Adrian, Crump and Moench term-premium estimate occurred in late 1966/early 1967,1 when the term premium skittered around both sides of the zero bound (Chart 2). If investors had received no additional compensation for holding the 10-year Treasury over the last five decades, an inverted curve would be a regular feature of the investment landscape (Chart 3). Chart 2... Is Distorting The Signal From The Yield Curve, ... ... Is Distorting The Signal From The Yield Curve, ... ... Is Distorting The Signal From The Yield Curve, ... Chart 3... Which Wouldn't Slope Upward Without It ... Which Wouldn't Slope Upward Without It ... Which Wouldn't Slope Upward Without It Leading Data Do Not Confirm The Yield Curve’s Signal Chart 4Only Manufacturing Looks Recession-ish Only Manufacturing Looks Recession-ish Only Manufacturing Looks Recession-ish Investors ignore the yield curve at their own risk. It has been a reliable, if often early, leading indicator of recessions for the last 50 years. We view its current inversion as a yellow light, and it is making us more vigilant about seeking out evidence of a slowdown. Given that the negative term premium weighs heavily on long-dated yields, however, investors should not de-risk portfolios unless the flow of data corroborates its signal. Our Global Fixed Income Strategy colleagues sought that corroboration by performing a cycle-on-cycle analysis of a selection of data series with leading properties – the Conference Board’s LEI, initial unemployment claims, the manufacturing ISM’s new-orders-to-inventories ratio and the Conference Board’s consumer confidence index. The analysis compares the current position of each indicator with its average position in the run-up to the last five recessions (January-July ’80 through December ’07-June ’09). With the exception of the weak new-orders-to-inventories ratio (Chart 4, third panel), none of the indicators are in a position that suggests trouble lies ahead (Chart 4). For the time being, the incoming data flow only confirms the concerns about the weak manufacturing outlook. Is Economic Activity Really Slowing? The course of GDP growth makes it appear as if the U.S. is slowing pretty quickly. After the first quarter’s surprisingly strong 3.1% growth, consensus second-quarter estimates are hovering around 1.75%. Viewed alongside the sizable shortfall in May payroll gains, uninspiring housing activity and a sharp global manufacturing downturn, the deceleration in GDP growth seems to confirm the notion that the U.S. economy is weakening fast. We are not overly concerned about the labor market, housing or manufacturing, however, and the GDP trend is not what it appears to be at first blush. Real final domestic demand growth at 3% is well above the economy’s long-run potential and is hardly the sign of an economy that’s gasping for air, or staggering under the weight of an overly high fed funds rate. To get the best read on the underlying state of the domestic economy, we adjust GDP data to back out net exports and inventory adjustments. Backing out net exports puts the focus on domestic conditions, while removing inventory adjustments isolates sales to end consumers. The result is real final domestic demand, and according to the Atlanta Fed’s GDPNow model, it accelerated sharply between the first and second quarters. The first quarter was flattered by a 60-basis-point (“bps”) inventory build and a highly-unlikely-to-be-repeated 100-bps contribution from net exports. After backing those components out of the headline 3.1% gain, first quarter growth slips to 1.5%. That may not look like much against 2-2.25% trend growth, but it was not at all bad given the body blows the economy sustained in the first quarter: the federal government shutdown that stretched across nearly all of January, and the severe tightening in financial conditions resulting from the fourth quarter’s sharp sell-offs in equities and risky bonds. Following last week’s stronger-than-expected May retail sales report (and upwardly revised April data), the GDPNow model is projecting 2% growth in the second quarter. Per the model’s detailed projections, the headline gain is being held back by a 100-bps inventory runoff. Removing the inventory adjustment, real final domestic demand is projected to grow at 3% (net exports are projected to make zero contribution). 3% growth is well above the economy’s long-run potential and is hardly the sign of an economy that’s gasping for air, or staggering under the weight of an overly high fed funds rate. Per the current GDPNow projections, real final domestic demand growth is above the expansion’s mean growth rate, casting some doubt on whether the yield curve’s signal has been overwhelmed by a pickup in risk aversion and the factors that have flipped the term premium on its head. 3% real final domestic demand represents a quickening in the pace of growth that has prevailed across the 40 quarters of the expansion (Chart 5), and is incompatible with the message from the New York Fed’s yield curve-based recession probability indicator (“RPI”). To evaluate the current warning, we compared the standardized value of real final domestic demand growth during the previous quarters of the expansion when the New York Fed’s RPI was above the 33% level that has accurately foretold every recession over the last 50 years (Chart 6). When all of the previous RPI warning signals were issued, real final domestic demand growth was slower than its expansion average (z-score less than zero), and in all but one case considerably slower, clustering around one standard deviation below the mean (Table 1). Per the current GDPNow projections, real final domestic demand growth is above the expansion’s mean growth rate, casting some doubt on whether the yield curve’s signal has been overwhelmed by a pickup in risk aversion and the factors that have flipped the term premium on its head. Chart 5Real Final Domestic Demand Is Still Vigorous Real Final Domestic Demand Is Still Vigorous Real Final Domestic Demand Is Still Vigorous Chart 6The New York Fed's Yield-Curve-Based Recession Model Is Flashing Red The New York Fed's Yield-Curve-Based Recession Model Is Flashing Red The New York Fed's Yield-Curve-Based Recession Model Is Flashing Red The Labor Market Is Still Roaring Table 1New York Fed Recession Warnings And Economic Conditions Everybody Into The Pool! Everybody Into The Pool! Consumption plays an outsized role in the U.S. economy, accounting for over two-thirds of GDP. As macro analysts are well aware, if you have an accurate read on consumption, you’ll know where the U.S. economy is headed. Extending the relationship to encompass household income’s impact on spending, and employment’s impact on income, the expression can be rewritten as: If you get the labor market right, you’ll get consumption right. The May employment situation report was roundly disappointing, as May net hirings fell short of expectations by about 100,000 and March and April gains were revised down by 75,000. Chart 7Employees Are Gaining The Upper Hand Employees Are Gaining The Upper Hand Employees Are Gaining The Upper Hand     The three-month moving average of net payroll additions slipped to just over 150,000. 110,000 monthly net additions is all it takes to keep the unemployment rate at a steady state, however, and there is some evidence that Midwestern flooding held down the May figure. With the job openings rate at a series high well above the 2006-07 peak and (most likely) above the peak in 1999-2000 (Chart 7, top panel), there is quite a lot of demand for new workers, as confirmed by the sizable margin of consumers who report that jobs are plentiful over those who report they’re hard to get (Chart 7, middle panel). The elevated quits rate (Chart 7, bottom panel) indicates that employers are competing fiercely to fill that demand. Given that almost no one quits a job unless s/he already has another one lined up, the quits rate reveals that employers are poaching employees from each other. When Employer A, after losing an employee to Employer B, plucks a replacement away from Employer C or Employer D, a self-reinforcing cycle quickly springs up that endows employees with some bargaining power. The budding dynamic is good for household income and good for consumption. Manufacturing’s Softness Isn’t Such A Big Deal The weakness in manufacturing PMI surveys around the world reveals that there has clearly been a significant global manufacturing slowdown, if not a full-on global manufacturing recession. The steep slide in the U.S. manufacturing PMI shows that it has not been immune. Manufacturing only accounts for about one-sixth of U.S. output and employment, however, and the level of the PMI series, which has simply returned to its mean level across the last three complete cycles, is not a cause for concern (Chart 8). The trend is worrisome, though, and we are watching to see if it breaks through the 50 boom-bust line. Manufacturing is weakening, but it’s not in dire straits yet. Chart 8Manufacturing Is Weakening, But It's Not In Dire Straits Yet Manufacturing Is Weakening, But It's Not In Dire Straits Yet Manufacturing Is Weakening, But It's Not In Dire Straits Yet Refilling The Punch Bowl This week’s FOMC meeting delivered on the change in tone intimated by Fed speakers at the beginning of the month. It appears that a couple of rate cuts may be forthcoming, whether the economy needs them or not. We had advised clients that the chances of a July rate cut were slightly more than fifty-fifty, but the probability now appears to be much higher. A follow-up cut in September also seems likely. The Fed’s move to insure against an economic shock pushes out our recession timetable yet again. If the fed funds rate is headed to 2% from its current 2.5%, the road to a restrictive policy setting in the mid-3s just got longer. The good news for our recommendations is that they were already decidedly risk friendly, on the grounds that there’s no need to de-risk until a recession is around six months away. Assuming no exogenous event intrudes on U.S. economic activity, neither the expansion nor the bull markets in risk assets will end until the Fed takes away the punch bowl. Right now, it seems intent on refilling it. As a client in Western Canada put it in a meeting with us last week, “Game on!” Doug Peta, CFA Chief U.S. Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 On the basis of monthly rate/yield data, the 1998 false positive comprised just one observation (September).

Highlights A resurfacing of trade tensions could weigh on risk sentiment in the near term. A somewhat less dovish tone from the FOMC this month could further rattle risk assets. While we would not exclude the possibility of an “insurance cut,” the Fed is probably uncomfortable with the amount of easing that markets now expect. That being said, a trade truce is still more likely than not, and while the Fed will resist cutting rates this year, it will not raise them either. The neutral rate of interest in the U.S. is higher than widely believed, which means that monetary policy will remain accommodative. That’s good news for global equities. Investors should maintain a somewhat cautious stance over the next month or so. However, they should overweight stocks, while underweighting bonds, over a 12-month horizon. The equity bull market will only end when U.S. inflation rises to a level that forces the Fed to pick up the pace of rate hikes. That is unlikely to occur until late-2020 at the earliest. Feature Stocks Bounce Back We turned positive on global equities in late December after a six-month period on the sidelines. While we have remained structurally bullish over the course of this year, we initiated a tactical hedge to short the S&P 500 on May 10th following what we regarded as an overly complacent reaction by investors to President Trump’s decision to increase tariffs on Chinese imports. Our reasoning at the time was that a period of market pressure would likely be necessary to forge an agreement between the two sides. Our thesis was looking prescient for a while. However, the rebound in stocks since last week has brought the S&P 500 close to the level where we initiated the trade. Is it time to drop the hedge? Not yet. First, market internals do not inspire much confidence. Even though the S&P 500 is just below its year-to-date (and all-time) high, the Russell 2000 is 5.1% below its May highs, and 11.8% below where it was last August (Chart 1). The S&P mid cap and small cap indexes are 6.8% and 16.2%, respectively, below their highs reached last August. Such weak breadth is disconcerting. Chart 1U.S. Stocks: Not As Strong As They Appear U.S. Stocks: Not As Strong As They Appear U.S. Stocks: Not As Strong As They Appear Second, President Trump’s decision to suspend raising the tariffs on Mexican imports may have had less to do with his desire to seek a more conciliatory tone, and more to do with pressure from Congressional Republicans. Various news reports suggested that Mitch McConnell and other Republican leaders opposed the action, and threatened to revoke the President’s authority to unilaterally impose tariffs.1 In the end, the deal with Mexico contained many of the same measures that the Mexicans had already agreed to implement months earlier. Our geopolitical team remains skeptical of a grand bargain in trade talks with China.2 In the United States, protectionist sentiment is politically more popular towards China than it is towards other countries (Chart 2). A breakthrough is still probable, but again, it may take a stock market selloff to produce a trade truce. Chart 2 Chart 2   Third, we have become increasingly concerned that the market has gotten ahead of itself in pricing in Fed easing. While we would not rule out the possibility that the Fed takes out an “insurance cut” to guard against downside risks to the economy, the 80 basis points of easing that the market has priced in over the next 12 months seems excessive to us. Chart 3Financial Conditions Have Not Tightened Much Financial Conditions Have Not Tightened Much Financial Conditions Have Not Tightened Much Unlike late last year, U.S. financial conditions have tightened only modestly over the past nine weeks (Chart 3). The economy is also performing reasonably well. According to the Atlanta Fed GDPNow model, real final sales to domestic purchasers3 are set to grow by 2.5% in the second quarter, up from 1.5% in Q1 (Chart 4). Real personal consumption expenditures are on track to rise by 3.2%. Gasoline futures have tumbled, which will support discretionary spending over the next few quarters (Chart 5).   Chart 4 Chart 5Lower Gasoline Prices Should Bode Well For Discretionary Spending Lower Gasoline Prices Should Bode Well For Discretionary Spending Lower Gasoline Prices Should Bode Well For Discretionary Spending Granted, the labor market has cooled down. Payrolls increased by only 75K in May. However, the Council of Economic Advisers estimated that flooding in the Midwest shaved 40K from payrolls. And even with this adverse impact, the three-month average for payroll growth still stands at 151K, well above the 90K-to-100K or so that is needed to keep up with labor force growth. Meanwhile, initial unemployment claims remain muted and the employment component of the nonmanufacturing ISM hit a seven-month high in May. Chart 6Trimmed Mean PCE Inflation Back To 2% Trimmed Mean PCE Inflation Back To 2% Trimmed Mean PCE Inflation Back To 2% Inflation expectations are on the low side, but actual inflation is proving to be reasonably sturdy. The core PCE index rose by 0.25% month-over-month in April. Trimmed mean PCE inflation increased above 2% on a year-over-year basis for the first time in seven years (Chart 6). According to a recent Fed study, the trimmed mean calculation is superior to the core PCE index as a summary measure of underlying inflationary trends.4 Ultimately, the fact that the U.S. economy is holding up well is a positive sign for equity returns over the next 12 months. In the short term, however, it does create the risk that the Fed will sound less dovish than investors are anticipating, leading to a temporary selloff in stocks. Hence our view: near-term cautious, longer-term bullish. Who Determines Interest Rates? Central banks decide where rates will go in the short run, but it is the economy that determines where interest rates will go in the long run. The neutral rate of interest is the rate that corresponds to full employment and stable inflation. One can also think of it as the rate that aligns the level of aggregate demand with the maximum potential output the economy is capable of achieving without overheating. Both the Fed dots and the widely-used Laubach Williams model suggest that rates are close to neutral. But are they really? If a central bank keeps rates below their neutral level for too long, inflation will eventually break out, forcing the central bank to raise rates. Conversely, if a central bank raises rates above their neutral level, growth will slow, inflation will decline, and the central bank will be forced to cut rates. The problem is that changes in monetary policy typically affect the economy with a lag of 12-to-18 months. Inflation is also a highly lagging indicator. It usually peaks well after a recession has begun and troughs long after the recovery is under way (Chart 7). Thus, central banks have to make an educated guess as to where the neutral rate lies and try to steer the economy towards that rate in a way that achieves a soft landing. Needless to say, this is easier said than done. Chart 7 Today, both the Fed dots and the widely-used Laubach Williams model suggest that rates are close to neutral (Chart 8). Chart 8The Fed Thinks Rates Are Close To Neutral The Fed Thinks Rates Are Close To Neutral The Fed Thinks Rates Are Close To Neutral But are they really? That’s the million dollar question. Not only will the answer determine the medium-term path of interest rates, it will also determine how long the current U.S. economic expansion will last. Recessions rarely occur when monetary policy is accommodative, and equity bear markets almost never happen outside of recessionary periods (Chart 9). Thus, if rates are currently well below neutral, investors should maintain a bullish equity tilt. Chart 9Recessions And Bear Markets Usually Overlap Recessions And Bear Markets Usually Overlap Recessions And Bear Markets Usually Overlap Chart 10U.S.: Federal Fiscal Policy Has Been Expansionary U.S.: Federal Fiscal Policy Has Been Expansionary U.S.: Federal Fiscal Policy Has Been Expansionary Where Is Neutral? The neutral rate of interest is a function of many variables, most of which are not in the Laubach Williams model. Let us consider a few: Fiscal Policy A larger budget deficit boosts aggregate demand, while higher interest rates lower demand. Thus, once an economy has achieved full employment, an easing of fiscal policy must be counterbalanced by an increase in interest rates, which is another way of saying that looser fiscal policy raises the neutral rate of interest. The U.S. cyclically-adjusted budget deficit has risen by about 3% of GDP since 2015. Both tax cuts and increased federal discretionary spending have contributed to the deterioration in the fiscal balance (Chart 10). Standard “Taylor Rule” equations suggest that a 1% of GDP increase in aggregate demand will raise the appropriate level of the fed funds rate by 0.5-to-1 percentage points.5 This implies that easier fiscal policy has lifted the neutral rate of interest by 1.5-to-3 percentage points over the past five years. Labor Market Developments A tight labor market tends to increase the share of national income accruing to workers (Chart 11). Workers generally spend more of every dollar of income than businesses. Thus, a shift of income from businesses to workers raises the neutral rate of interest. The fact that a tight labor market usually generates the biggest gains for workers at the bottom of the income distribution – who have the highest marginal propensity to spend – further amplifies the positive effect on aggregate spending. Chart 11Workers Garner A Larger Piece Of The Income Pie When The Labor Market Is Tight Workers Garner A Larger Piece Of The Income Pie When The Labor Market Is Tight Workers Garner A Larger Piece Of The Income Pie When The Labor Market Is Tight Chart 12 The labor share of income has rebounded since reaching a record low in 2014. The lowest-paid workers have also seen the largest wage increases during the past 12 months (Chart 12). Neither of these nascent developments have come close to unwinding the beating that labor has suffered in relation to capital over the past four decades, but if the unemployment rate keeps falling, workers are going to start gaining the upper hand. Thus, one would expect the neutral rate of interest to rise further as the labor market continues to tighten. Credit Growth The Great Recession ushered in a painful deleveraging cycle. Household debt fell from 86% of GDP in 2009 to 70% of GDP in 2012. The household debt-to-GDP ratio has edged slightly lower since then due to continued declines in mortgage debt and home equity lines of credit. A return to the rapid pace of credit growth seen before the financial crisis is unlikely. Nevertheless, a modest releveraging of household balance sheets would not be surprising. Some categories such as student and auto loans have seen fairly robust debt growth (Chart 13). Housing-related debt could also stage a modest comeback due to rising home prices and buoyant consumer confidence. Conceptually, the rate of credit growth determines the level of aggregate demand.6 Thus, if household credit growth picks up at the margin, this would push up the neutral rate of interest. Corporate debt levels also have scope to rise further. Net corporate debt is only modestly higher than it was in the late 1980s, a period when the fed funds rate averaged nearly 10% (Chart 14). Chart 13U.S. Housing Deleveraging Has Slowed U.S. Housing Deleveraging Has Slowed U.S. Housing Deleveraging Has Slowed Chart 14U.S. Corporate Debt (I): No Cause For Alarm U.S. Corporate Debt (I): No Cause For Alarm U.S. Corporate Debt (I): No Cause For Alarm   Thanks to low interest rates and rapid asset accumulation, the economy-wide interest coverage ratio is above, while the ratio of debt-to-assets is below, their respective long-term averages (Chart 15). The corporate sector financial balance – the difference between what businesses earn and spend – is still in surplus. Almost every recession in the post-war era has begun when the corporate sector financial balance was in deficit (Chart 16). Chart 15U.S. Corporate Debt (II): No Cause For Alarm U.S. Corporate Debt (II): No Cause For Alarm U.S. Corporate Debt (II): No Cause For Alarm Chart 16U.S. Corporate Debt (III): No Cause For Alarm U.S. Corporate Debt (III): No Cause For Alarm U.S. Corporate Debt (III): No Cause For Alarm     The Value Of The U.S. Dollar A stronger dollar reduces net exports. This drains demand from the economy, which lowers the neutral rate of interest. The real broad trade-weighted dollar index has risen 10% since 2014. According to the New York Fed’s econometric model, this would be expected to reduce the level of real GDP by 0.5% in the first year and by a further 0.2% in the second year, for a cumulative decline of 0.7%, equivalent to a decrease in the neutral rate of 0.35%-to-0.7%. The New York Fed model assumes an “all things equal” environment. All things have not been quite equal, however. The U.S. has benefited from a modest improvement in its terms of trade7 over the past five years (Chart 17). The shale boom has also significantly cut into oil imports. As a result, the trade deficit has fallen from 5.9% of GDP in 2005 to 2.9% of GDP at present. Chart 17The Dollar Has Appreciated Since 2014 The Dollar Has Appreciated Since 2014 The Dollar Has Appreciated Since 2014 Chart 18The Savings Rate Has (A Lot Of) Room To Drop, Judging From The Historical Relationship With Wealth The Savings Rate Has (A Lot Of) Room To Drop, Judging From The Historical Relationship With Wealth The Savings Rate Has (A Lot Of) Room To Drop, Judging From The Historical Relationship With Wealth Asset Prices An increase in asset values – whether they be equities, bonds, or homes – makes people and businesses feel wealthier, which leads to more consumption and investment spending. As such, higher asset prices raise the neutral rate of interest. Today, U.S. household net worth stands near a record high as a percent of disposable income (Chart 18). The personal savings rate, in contrast, still stands at an elevated 6.4%. If the savings rate falls over the coming months, this would further boost aggregate demand. Demographics Slower labor force growth has led to a decline in trend GDP growth in the U.S. and most other economies. Slower economic growth tends to reduce the neutral rate of interest. The Bureau of Labor Statistics expects labor force growth to be broadly stable over the next 5-to-10 years, with immigration compensating for the withdrawal of baby boomers from employment (Chart 19). Chart 19 Chart 20Savings Over The Life Cycle Savings Over The Life Cycle Savings Over The Life Cycle In the current political climate, there is quite a bit of uncertainty over how many immigrants will settle in the United States. On the one hand, less immigration would reduce labor force growth, thus lowering the neutral rate. On the other hand, a decline in immigration would lead to an even tighter labor market, thus potentially raising the neutral rate. An additional question is how population aging, which will continue even if immigration remains elevated, will affect the neutral rate. Older people work less, but consume more than younger people, once health care spending is accounted for (Chart 20). If overall national output falls in relation to consumption, national savings will go down. This will raise the neutral rate of interest. The Shift To A Capital-Lite Economy Firms increasingly need less physical capital to carry out their activities. Larry Summers has labeled this the “demassification” of the economy. Lower investment spending would translate into a lower neutral rate. While plausible, it is not clear how important this phenomenon is. Companies may need less physical capital, but they need more human capital. Instead of more lending to businesses to finance purchases of machinery, we get additional lending to students. If our thesis that the neutral rate of interest is higher than widely believed turns out to be correct, this means that the Fed will eventually need to start hiking rates again. The question is when. The share of R&D and other intangibles in business investment has risen from around 14% in the 1960s to 33% today (Chart 21). Importantly, the depreciation rate for intangible investment is much higher than for other forms of capital spending. As intangible investment has increased, the overall depreciation rate for the economy has risen (Chart 22). Conceptually, an increase in the depreciation rate should lead to a higher neutral rate of interest.8 Chart 21A Larger Share Of Business Investment Is Intangible... A Larger Share Of Business Investment Is Intangible... A Larger Share Of Business Investment Is Intangible... Chart 22...And That Puts Upward Pressure On The Depreciation Rate ...And That Puts Upward Pressure On The Depreciation Rate ...And That Puts Upward Pressure On The Depreciation Rate   Watch Housing And Business Capex The discussion above suggests that the neutral rate of interest is probably higher than widely believed. That said, there is significant uncertainty around any estimate of the neutral rate. As such, we recommend that investors track the more interest-rate sensitive sectors of the economy to gauge whether monetary policy is becoming restrictive. Housing, and to a lesser extent, business capital expenditures are the key indicators to watch. As a long-lived asset, housing is very sensitive to mortgage rates. Chart 23 shows that changes in mortgage rates tend to lead residential investment and home sales by about six months. Chart 23Housing Is Interest-Rate Sensitive Housing Is Interest-Rate Sensitive Housing Is Interest-Rate Sensitive If the decline in mortgage rates since last fall fails to spur housing, this would support the claim that monetary policy turned restrictive last year. Fortunately, the jump in homebuilder confidence, the outperformance of homebuilder stocks, and the surge in mortgage applications for purchases all suggest that the housing sector remains on firm ground (Chart 24). Despite the broad-based weakness in the global manufacturing sector, U.S. capex intentions remain reasonably buoyant (Chart 25). This week’s release of the May NFIB small business survey, which showed that the share of firms citing “now is a good time to expand” jumped five points to a seven-month high, provides further evidence in support of this view. Chart 24Some Positives For U.S. Housing Some Positives For U.S. Housing Some Positives For U.S. Housing Chart 25U.S. Capex Intentions Remain Solid U.S. Capex Intentions Remain Solid U.S. Capex Intentions Remain Solid   A Two-Stage Fed Cycle Chart 26Inflation Expectations Are Not Where The Fed Wants Them To Be Inflation Expectations Are Not Where The Fed Wants Them To Be Inflation Expectations Are Not Where The Fed Wants Them To Be If our thesis that the neutral rate of interest is higher than widely believed turns out to be correct, this means that the Fed will eventually need to start hiking rates again. The question is when. Right now, the Fed has the luxury of time on its side. Even though some measures of core inflation such as the trimmed mean calculation discussed above have reached the Fed’s 2% target, this follows a prolonged period of below-target inflation. A few years of above-trend inflation would hardly be the worst thing in the world. The Fed’s failure to reach its inflation target has pushed long-term inflation expectations below the central bank’s comfort zone (Chart 26). Given the asymmetric risks created by the zero lower bound on interest rates - if inflation rises too fast, the Fed can always hike rates; but if inflation falls too much, it may be impossible to ease monetary policy by enough to avert a recession - the Fed can afford to remain patient. Thus, while the Fed is unlikely to cut rates as much as investors currently expect, it is also unlikely to raise them this year. Thanks to a cyclical revival in productivity growth, unit labor cost inflation has actually declined over the past 12 months (Chart 27). However, as we get into late next year and 2021, circumstances may change. If an increasingly tight jobs market continues to push up wage growth, unit labor costs will start to reaccelerate. Cost-push inflation will kick in. At that point, the Fed may have no choice but to pick up the pace of monetary tightening. All this suggests that Fed policy will evolve in two stages: an initial stage lasting for the next 12-to-18 months where the Fed is doing little-to-no tightening (and could even cut rates if the trade war heats up), followed by a second stage where the central bank is scrambling to raise rates to cool an overheated economy. U.S. Treasury yields are likely to rise modestly during the first stage in response to stronger-than-expected economic growth. We see the 10-year yield clawing its way back to the high-2% range by early next year. Yields could rise more precipitously, to around 4%, in the second stage once inflation begins to move decisively higher. The dollar is unlikely to strengthen during the first stage. Indeed, our baseline forecast calls for a period of modest dollar weakness stretching into late next year driven by a reacceleration in European and Chinese/EM growth. The sharp rebound in Chinese real estate equipment purchases from -18% on a six-month basis late last year to +30% in April suggests that the government’s stimulus efforts are working (Chart 28). Chart 27No Imminent Threat Of A Wage-Price Inflationary Spiral No Imminent Threat Of A Wage-Price Inflationary Spiral No Imminent Threat Of A Wage-Price Inflationary Spiral Chart 28China: A Sign That Stimulus Is Finding Its Way Into The Economy China: A Sign That Stimulus Is Finding Its Way Into The Economy China: A Sign That Stimulus Is Finding Its Way Into The Economy   The greenback will likely appreciate, perhaps significantly so, once the Fed picks up the pace of rate hikes in late 2020. The accompanying tightening in global financial conditions is likely to sow the seeds for a worldwide downturn in 2021. The combination of faster global growth and a weaker dollar will support global equities over the next 12 months. European and EM bourses will benefit the most. Investors should begin derisking in the second half of next year. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Patricia Zengerle, “U.S. Lawmakers Seek To Block Trump On Tariffs,” Reuters, June 5, 2019. 2      Please see Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, “Is Trump Ready For The New Long March?” dated May 24, 2019. 3      Final sales to domestic purchasers is equal to gross domestic product (GDP) excluding net exports of goods and services, less the change in private inventories. 4      Jim Dolmas and Evan F. Koenig, “Two Measures Of Core Inflation: A Comparison,” Federal Reserve Bank Of Dallas, Working Paper 1903, February 25, 2019. 5      Depending on which specification of the Taylor Rule one uses, a one percent of GDP increase in aggregate demand will increase the neutral rate of interest by half a point (John Taylor’s original specification) or by a full point (Janet Yellen’s preferred specification). John B. Taylor's 1993 specification is based on the following equation: rt = 2 + pt + 0.5(pt - 2) + 0.5yt. Janet Yellen's preferred specification is based on the following equation: rt = 2 + pt+ 0.5(pt - 2) + 1.0yt. Please note: For both specifications above, rt is the federal funds rate; pt is core PCE expressed as a year-over-year percent change; and yt is the output gap (as approximated using the unemployment gap and Okun's law). For further discussion, please see Janet L. Yellen, "The Economic Outlook And Monetary Policy," April 11, 2012. 6      Recall that GDP is a flow variable (how much production takes place every period), whereas credit is a stock variable (how much debt there is outstanding). By definition, a flow is a change in a stock. Thus, credit growth affects GDP and the change in credit growth affects GDP growth. 7      Ratio (multiplied by 100) of the price index for exports of goods and services to the price index for imports of goods and services. 8      The higher the depreciation rate, the more investment is necessary to maintain the existing capital stock. More investment demand for any given level of savings implies a higher interest rate. One can see this in the Solow growth model, which posits that the neutral rate of interest (r*) should be equal to: Image Where a is the output elasticity of capital, s is the savings rate, n is labor force growth, g is the growth in total factor productivity, and d is the depreciation rate. The equation implies that the neutral rate of interest will increase if capital intensity increases, the savings rate declines, the rate of labor force growth picks up, technological progress accelerates, or the depreciation rate increases.     Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Chart 29 Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Highlights 10-year real Spanish and Portuguese bond yields have already fallen below the neutral rate of interest for the entire euro zone. This suggests monetary conditions could now be favorable for all euro zone countries. Should external demand pick up, this will also help lift the equilibrium rate for the monetary union, which will be a tailwind for the EUR/USD. Falling U.S. rate expectations relative to policy action have historically been bearish for the dollar, with a lag of about six to 12 months. A risk to this view is further deterioration in the U.S.-China trade war, or a rollover in Chinese stimulus. Remain long EUR/CHF, with a tight stop at 1.11. Our bias is that the Swiss National Bank will continue to use the currency as a weapon to defend the economy. Feature The standard dilemma for the euro zone is that interest rates have always been too low for the most productive nation, Germany, but too expensive for others such as Spain and Italy. As such, the euro has typically been caught in a tug-of-war between a rising equilibrium rate of interest for Germany, but a very low neutral rate for the peripheral countries. Over the years, the impasse has been resolved from time to time through a combination of internal devaluation, currency depreciation and a successively accommodative European Central Bank. This has helped prevent a collapse of the monetary union, but in the process generated tremendous volatility in the currency. Since the onset of the Great Recession, the EUR/USD has seen five boom/bust cycles of about 20% to 25%. For both domestic policymakers and global investors alike, this has been an untenable headache. The silver lining is that the ECB may now have finally lowered domestic interest rates and eased policy to the point where they are accommodative for almost all euro zone countries: 10-year government bond yields in France, Spain and even Portugal now sit at 11bps, 54bps and 65bps respectively, much below the neutral rate. This is severely easing financial conditions in the entire euro zone, with huge implications for European assets in general and the euro in particular. In short, the EUR/USD may be very close to a floor (Chart I-1). Chart I-1How Much Lower For Relative R-Star*? How Much Lower For Relative R-Star*? How Much Lower For Relative R-Star*? Structural Reforms Have Progressed The neutral rate of interest is simply the market price at which both the supply of savings and the demand for them clear. In academic parlance, this means the interest rate at which the economy is at full employment, but inflationary pressures are relatively contained. At this critical interest rate level, the economy tends to be in balance. The difficulty arises because most indicators of either full employment or inflation tend to be lagging. As such, steering interest rates toward the neutral level becomes a very difficult task for any one country and/or central bank to achieve in real time. For the euro zone as a whole, where member countries can have vastly diverging economic outcomes at any point in time, the task becomes even more arduous.   This is why since the introduction of the euro, most of the economic imbalances from the region have stemmed from the standard contradiction of a common currency regime. For most of the early 2000s, Spanish and Irish long-term rates were too low relative to the potential of their respective economies, and the reverse was true for Germany. As a result, Spanish real estate took off in what culminated to be one of the biggest booms in recent history, while it stagnated in Germany. And after the Great Recession, the reverse was true: rates became too low for the most productive nation, Germany, and too high for Ireland and Spain (Chart I-2). In a normal adjustment process, the exchange rate always tends to play a key role. In a common-currency regime, there is not such a possibility.  In a normal adjustment process, the exchange rate always tends to play a key role, since countries with lower productivity growth require a lower neutral rate, and as such see currency depreciation. This tends to ease financial conditions, alleviating the need for an internal adjustment process. However, in a common-currency regime, there is not such a possibility. The result is a painful process of internal devaluation, as was very vivid in the European peripheral countries from 2009-2012 (Chart I-3). Chart I-2The Common-Currency Dilemma The Common-Currency Dilemma The Common-Currency Dilemma Chart I-3Internal Devaluation In The South... Internal Devaluation In The South... Internal Devaluation In The South... The good news is that for the euro zone, it forced businesses to restructure and jumpstarted the process of structural reform. In the early 2000s, the German economy had to restructure in order to improve its competitiveness. As a result, unit labor costs began to lag in 2001. Over the same period, the German government began to reform the labor market. The Hartz IV labor market reforms implemented minimized safety nets for the unemployed, encouraging them to accept market-determined wages. This dramatically increased the flexibility of the labor market. The same script has been replayed over the last decade with the European periphery. Labor market reforms in Mediterranean Europe have seen unit labor costs in Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain collectively contract by almost 10%. This has effectively eliminated the competitiveness gap that had accumulated over the past two decades (Chart I-4). Italy remains saddled with a rigid and less productive workforce, but overall adjustments have still come a long way to closing a key fissure plaguing the common currency area. At the same time, other factors also suggest the neutral rate for individual countries should also have converged higher to that of Germany. Peripheral sovereign borrowing costs have plummeted from their prohibitive 2012 levels. As a result, interest payments as a share of GDP have become more manageable. Most southern European countries now run primary surpluses, reducing the need for external funding. Fortunately, the improvement in structural budget balances has diminished the need for any additional austerity measures, meaning government spending should no longer be a net drag on GDP growth. Increased integration continues to sustain a steady stream of cheap migrant workers to Germany.  On the labor market front, the unemployment rate in Germany remains well below that in other regions, but increased integration continues to sustain a steady stream of cheap migrant workers to Germany. Over the last decade, there has been a surge of migrant workers into Germany from countries such as Portugal or Spain (Chart I-5). This will help redistribute aggregate demand within the system. Chart I-4...Has Realigned Competitiveness ...Has Realigned Competitiveness ...Has Realigned Competitiveness Chart I-5The Unemployment Gap Is Closing The Unemployment Gap Is Closing The Unemployment Gap Is Closing The bottom line is that the various forces that may have been keeping the neutral rate of interest artificially low in the euro area are ebbing. The proverbial saying is that a chain is only as strong as its weakest link. This means that if these forces pressuring equilibrium rates in the periphery are slowly dissipating, that should lift the neutral rate of interest in the entire euro zone. Over a cyclical horizon, this should be bullish for the euro (previously referenced Chart I-1). Manufacturing Recession May Soon End With the rising specter of a full-blown trade war and a global manufacturing recession, it is possible that euro zone policy settings have become even more appropriate for Germany than the rest of Europe. For example, the latest PMI releases suggest that Germany is the weakest link in the euro zone on the manufacturing front (Chart I-6). The implication is that if the ECB’s monetary settings are now being calibrated for Germany, they may also now be appropriate for all euro zone countries. For example, since 2015, peripheral country exports have increased to 28% of GDP, from a low of 16%, despite strength in the trade-weighted euro. This contrasts favorably with Germany, where the export share of German GDP has essentially been flat over this period (Chart I-7). In fact, it is entirely possible that the German economy may have already 'maxed out' its export market share gains, given its externally driven growth model over the last decade. If so, further currency weakness can only lead to inflation and wage pressures in Germany, redistributing demand from exports to the domestic sector, while benefitting the periphery. Chart I-6Germany Is Once Again The Sickman Germany Is Once Again The Sickman Germany Is Once Again The Sickman Chart I-7GIPS Are Gaining Export Share GIPS Are Gaining Export Share GIPS Are Gaining Export Share Over the past few years, corporate profits as a share of GDP in both Portugal and Spain have overtaken German levels. And with the output gap is still open in these countries, it will take a while before the unemployment rate moves below NAIRU and begins to generate wage pressures. This will allow companies to continue reaping a labor dividend while gaining export market share. It is not easy to tell if and when the trade war will end sans escalation, but there remain a number of green shoots in the European economy: While the German PMI is currently one of the weakest in the euro zone, forward-looking indicators suggest we are on the cusp of a V-shaped bottom over the next few months or so (Chart I-8). A rising Chinese credit impulse is usually bullish for European exports, and this time should be no different (Chart I-9). This also follows improvement in the European credit impulse. Most European growth indicators relative to the U.S. hit a nadir at the beginning of this year, and have been steadily improving since.1 Chart I-8German Manufacturing Could Soon Bottom German Manufacturing Could Soon Bottom German Manufacturing Could Soon Bottom Chart I-9A Pick Up In Global Demand Will Help A Pick Up In Global Demand Will Help A Pick Up In Global Demand Will Help The bottom line is that investors are currently too pessimistic on Europe’s growth prospects at a time when policy settings have become appropriate for the weakest link. If, in fact, European growth and inflation improve relative to the U.S., this will give investors an opportunity to reassess interest rate expectations for the euro area versus the U.S. Implications For The Euro The euro tends to be largely driven by pro-cyclical flows. Fortunately for investors, European equities, especially those in the periphery, remain unloved, given they are trading at some of the cheapest cyclically adjusted price-to-earnings multiples in the developed world. Analysts began aggressively revising up their earnings estimates for euro zone equities verus the U.S. earlier this year. If they are right, this tends to firmly lead the euro by about nine to 12 months, suggesting we are due for a pop in the coming quarters (Chart I-10).  Chart I-10Rising Earnings Revisions Are Bullish For The Euro Rising Earnings Revisions Are Bullish For The Euro Rising Earnings Revisions Are Bullish For The Euro The euro’s bounce after the ECB’s latest meeting suggests its dovish shift is paradoxically bullish for the common currency. If a central bank eases financing conditions at a time when growth is hitting a nadir, it is tough to argue that it is bearish for the currency. This in combination with easier fiscal policy should boost aggregate demand and lift the neutral rate of interest in the euro zone. Dollar weakness could be the catalyst that triggers a EUR/USD rally. Markets are usually wrong about Federal Reserve interest rate expectations, and this time is likely to be no different. However, the current divergence between market expectations and policy action is the widest since the Great Recession. Falling rate expectations relative to policy action have historically been bearish for the dollar with a lag of about nine to 12 months (Chart I-11). The basic balance in the euro area is on the verge of hitting fresh highs. Finally, positioning, valuation and balance-of-payments dynamics remain favorable for the euro (Chart I-12). The basic balance in the euro area is on the verge of hitting fresh highs on the back of improvement in FDI flows. With a large number of short positions on the euro, this could trigger a significant short-covering rally. Chart I-11The Dollar Might ##br##Soon Peak The Dollar Might Soon Peak The Dollar Might Soon Peak Chart I-12A Favorable Balance Of Payments ##br##Backdrop For The Euro A Favorable Balance Of Payments Backdrop For The Euro A Favorable Balance Of Payments Backdrop For The Euro   Chester Ntonifor, Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, titled “A Contrarian Bet On The Euro,” dated March 1, 2019, available at fes.bcaresearch.com.  Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.S. have been mostly negative, but a few one-time factors were at play: On the labor market front, nonfarm payrolls fell to 75 thousand in May, but this was dragged down by flooding in the Midwest. Average hourly earnings grew by 3.1% year-on-year and the unemployment rate was stable at 3.6%. Headline and core consumer price inflation came in slightly lower at 1.8% and 2% year-on-year, but remain on target. Export prices fell by 0.7% year-on-year in May, and import prices contracted by 1.5% year-on-year, giving the greenback a terms-of-trade boost. On a positive note, the NFIB Small Business Optimism survey rose to a 5-month high of 105 in May. On another positive note, mortgage applications jumped by 26.8% this week. DXY index rose by 0.3% this week. Our bias is that the dollar is in the final innings of its rally, amid narrowing interest rate differentials, portfolio outflows, and easing liquidity strains.  Should global growth benefit from the dovish pivot by central banks, this could be the catalyst for dollar downside. Report Links: Where To Next For The U.S. Dollar? - June 7, 2019 President Trump And The Dollar - May 9, 2019 Take Out Some Insurance - May 3, 2019 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 There has been tepid data out of the euro zone this week: Sentix investor confidence fell to -3.3 in June. Industrial production contracted by 0.4% year-on-year in April. This is an improvement compared with the last reading of -0.7% and the consensus of -0.5%. EUR/USD fell by 0.3% this week. The front section this week is dedicated to the euro, since it has begun to tick many of the boxes for a counter-trend rally. The euro is trading below its fair value, easy financial conditions within the euro area will help, and Chinese stimulus could boost European exports, lifting the growth potential for the entire union. Report Links: Take Out Some Insurance - May 3, 2019 Reading The Tea Leaves From China - April 12, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 The Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Recent data in Japan have been mixed: The leading economic index fell to 95.5 in April, while the coincident index increased to 101.9. Annualized GDP growth was 2.2% year-on-year in Q1. Quarter-on-quarter growth also improved to 0.6%. The current account balance came in at 1.7 trillion yen in April. This was lower than the previous 2.9 trillion figure, but an improvement over consensus. Machine tool orders contracted by 27.3% year-on-year in May, while machinery orders increased by 2.5% year-on-year in April. It is worth noting that the pace of deceleration in machine tool orders is ebbing. USD/JPY has been flat this week. We continue to recommend the yen as an insurance against market turbulence. Even though the yen might weaken on the crosses in a scenario where global growth picks up later this year, it still has upside potential against the U.S. dollar. Report Links: Short USD/JPY: Heads I Win, Tails I Don’t Lose Too Much - May 31, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns - April 19, 2019 Tug OF War, With Gold As Umpire - March 29, 2019 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.K. have been mixed: Halifax house prices increased by 5.2% year-on-year in May. Industrial production contracted by 1% year-on-year in April. Manufacturing production also contracted by 0.8% year-on-year. The trade deficit narrowed to 2.74 billion pounds in April. The ILO unemployment rate was unchanged at 3.8% in April, while average earnings growth keeps holding firm, though it fell slightly to 3.1%. GBP/USD fell by 0.4% this week, now oscillating around 1.268. We will respect the stop loss for our long GBP/USD position if triggered at 1.25. While cheap valuation and favorable fundamentals support the pound on a cyclical basis, the implied volatility remains elevated amidst political uncertainties. The official kickoff for a new Conservative party leader is poised to ratchet up “hard Brexit” rhetoric, which will be negative for the pound. Report Links: A Contrarian View On The Australian Dollar - May 24, 2019 Take Out Some Insurance - May 3, 2019 Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Recent data in Australia have shown a steady labor market: Consumer inflation expectations were unchanged at 3.3% in June. On the labor market front, the participation rate increased to 66% in May; unemployment rate was stable at 5.2%; 42.3 thousand new jobs were created in May but the mix was unfavorable, with a combination of 2.4 thousand full-time jobs and 39.8 thousand part-time jobs. AUD/USD fell by 1.3% this week. Clearly, the Australian jobs report was interpreted negatively by the market, given the boost from temporary election hiring. As such, markets are continually pricing in further rate cuts from the RBA, a negative for interest rate differentials between Australia and the U.S. Over the longer term, easier financial conditions could help to lift the economy, and stabilize the housing sector by reducing the interest payment burdens.  Report Links: A Contrarian View On The Australian Dollar - May 24, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns - April 19, 2019 Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 There was scant data out of New Zealand this week: Manufacturing sales were unchanged at 2% in Q1. Electronic card retail sales growth grew by 3.2% year-on-year in May, higher than the consensus of 1.6%. Immigration remains a tailwind for domestic demand, but is slowly fading. NZD/USD fell by 1.4% this week. We introduced a long SEK/NZD trade last Friday, which is now 0.3% in the money. We believe that the Swedish krona will benefit more than the New Zealand dollar once global growth picks up.  Report Links: Where To Next For The U.S. Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 Recent data in Canada have been positive: The labor market remains robust with 27.7 thousand new jobs created in May. This pushed the unemployment rate to a low of 5.4%. The participation rate fell slightly to 65.7% but average hourly wages increased by 2.6% year-on-year. The mix was also positive, with all of the jobs generated as full-time employment. Housing starts came in at 202.3 thousand in May, while building permits increased by 14.7% month-on-month in April. USD/CAD initially fell by 1% on the labor market data last Friday, then recovered gradually, returning flat this week. While the labor market remains strong and the housing sector is showing signs of a recovery, the recent weakness in energy prices has been a headwind for the loonie. Moreover, a rate cut by BoC has become increasingly likely following the dovish shift by the Fed. Report Links: Currency Complacency Amid A Global Dovish Shift - April 26, 2019 A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 There has been little data out of Switzerland this week: The unemployment rate was unchanged at 2.4% in May. Foreign currency reserves fell slightly to 760 billion CHF in May. Producer and import prices contracted by 0.8% year-on-year in May. USD/CHF appreciated by 0.4% this week. The Swiss National Bank maintained  interest rates at -0.75% this week. The policy remains expansionary, in order to stabilize price developments and support economic activity. As a technicality, the SNB will also stop targeting Libor rates in favor of SARON (Swiss Average Rate Overnight). More importantly for the franc, the SNB stated that they will “remain active in the foreign exchange market as necessary, while taking the overall currency situation into consideration.” This suggest the SNB will weaponize the franc against deflationary pressures. Remain long EUR/CHF. Report Links: What To Do About The Swiss Franc? - May 17, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns - April 19, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 Recent data in Norway have softened: Manufacturing output increased by 2.2% month-on-month in April. Headline and core inflation both fell to 2.5% and 2.3% year-on-year in May. This has nudged the core measure below the central bank’s target. Producer price inflation fell to 0.4% year-on-year in May. USD/NOK rose by 0.6% this week. The recent plunge in oil prices caused by the U.S. inventory buildup has been a headwind for the Norwegian krone. However, we expect U.S. shale-oil production to eventually slow as E&P companies exercise greater capital discipline as marginal profit decreases. Moreover, irrespective of the oil price direction, we expect the Norwegian krone to outperform other petro-currencies, such as the Canadian dollar. Report Links: Currency Complacency Amid A Global Dovish Shift - April 26, 2019 A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 Recent data in Sweden have been positive: PES unemployment rate fell further to 3.4% in May. Household consumption increased by 0.2% month-on-month in April, but was unchanged on a year-on-year basis. USD/SEK appreciated by 0.9% this week. We favor the krona due to its cheap valuation, and its higher β to global growth (the potential to benefit more from a global economy recovery). We initiated the long SEK/NZD position last week, based on improving relative fundamentals between Sweden and New Zealand. Report Links: Where To Next For The U.S. Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades