Geopolitics
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The yellow vest movement is not a coherent force led by a clear leadership. The demands of the group are many: lower taxes, better services, less of the current reforms (specifically in education), and more of other reforms. Despite this lack of clarity, the…
Highlights Global growth is still slowing. Having rallied since the start of the year, global stocks will likely enter a “dead zone” over the next six-to-eight weeks as investors nervously await the proverbial green shoots to sprout. We think they will appear in the second quarter, setting the scene for a reacceleration in global growth in the second half of the year, and an accompanying rally in global risk assets. Investors should overweight stocks and spread product while underweighting safe government bonds over a 12-month horizon. The U.S. dollar will strengthen a bit over the next few months, but should start to weaken in the summer as the global economy catches fire. Stronger global growth and a weaker dollar in the back half of the year will benefit EM assets and European stocks. Feature I skate to where the puck is going to be, not to where it has been. — Wayne Gretzky How To Be A Good Macro Strategist To paraphrase Gretzky, a mediocre macro strategist draws conclusions based solely on incoming data. A good macro strategist, in contrast, tries to figure out where the data is heading. How can one predict how the economic data will evolve? Examining forward-looking indicators is helpful, but it is not enough. One also has to understand why the data is evolving the way it is. If one knows this, one can then assess whether the forces either hurting or helping growth will diminish, intensify, or remain the same. What Accounts For the Growth Slowdown? There is little mystery as to why global growth slowed in 2018. Chinese credit growth fell steadily over the course of the year, which generated a negative credit impulse. Unlike in the past, China is now the most important driver of global credit flows (Chart 1). Chart 1Global Credit Flows Are Increasingly Driven By China
Global Credit Flows Are Increasingly Driven By China
Global Credit Flows Are Increasingly Driven By China
Meanwhile, the global economy was rocked by rising oil prices. Brent rose from $55/bbl on October 5, 2017 to $85/bbl on October 4, 2018. Government bond yields also increased, with the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield rising from 2.05% on September 7, 2017 to 3.23% on October 5, 2018 (Chart 2). Chart 2Rising Oil Prices And Bond Yields Contributed To Slower Global Growth Last Year
Rising Oil Prices And Bond Yields Contributed To Slower Global Growth Last Year
Rising Oil Prices And Bond Yields Contributed To Slower Global Growth Last Year
A mediocre macro strategist draws conclusions based solely on incoming data. A good macro strategist, in contrast, tries to figure out where the data is heading. In an ironic twist, Jay Powell’s ill-timed comment that rates were “a long way” from neutral marked the peak in bond yields. Unfortunately, the subsequent decline in yields was accompanied by a vicious stock market correction and a widening in credit spreads. This led to an overall tightening in financial conditions, which further hurt growth (Chart 3). Chart 3Financial Conditions Tightened In 2018, Especially After Powell's Hawkish Comments
Financial Conditions Tightened In 2018, Especially After Powell's Hawkish Comments
Financial Conditions Tightened In 2018, Especially After Powell's Hawkish Comments
The critical point is that all of these negative forces are behind us: Financial conditions have eased significantly over the past two months; oil prices have rebounded, but are still well below their 2018 highs; and as we explain later on, Chinese growth is likely to bottom by the middle of this year. This means that global growth should start to improve over the coming months. The United States: Better News Ahead The latest U.S. economic data has been weak, with this morning’s disappointing ISM manufacturing print being the latest example. The New York Fed’s GDP Nowcast is pointing to annualized growth of 0.9% in the first quarter. While there is no doubt that underlying growth has decelerated, data distortions have probably also contributed to the perceived slowdown. For instance, the dismal December retail sales report reduced the base for consumer spending going into 2019, thus shaving about 0.4 percentage points off Q1 growth. The drop in real personal consumption expenditures (PCE) cut the New York Fed’s Q1 growth estimate by a further 0.15 percentage points. We suspect that much of the weakness in December retail sales and PCE was linked to the government shutdown. The closure caused some of the surveys used to compile these reports to be postponed until January, which is historically the weakest month for retail sales. The Johnson Redbook Index – which covers 80% of the retail sales surveyed by the Department of Commerce – as well as the sales figures from Amazon and Walmart all point to strong spending during the holiday season (Chart 4). Chart 4The December U.S. Retail Sales Report Was Probably A Fluke
The December U.S. Retail Sales Report Was Probably A Fluke
The December U.S. Retail Sales Report Was Probably A Fluke
Fundamentally, U.S. consumers are in good shape (Chart 5). As a share of disposable income, household debt is over 30 percentage points lower than it was in 2007. The savings rate stands at an elevated level, which gives households the wherewithal to increase spending. Job openings hit another record high, while wage growth continues to trend upwards. Fundamentally, U.S. consumers are in good shape. Chart 5U.S. Consumer Fundamentals Are Solid
U.S. Consumer Fundamentals Are Solid
U.S. Consumer Fundamentals Are Solid
The housing market should improve. Rising mortgage rates weighed on housing last year. However, rates have been declining for several months now, which augurs well for home sales and construction over the next six months (Chart 6). Chart 6Mortgage Rates Will Not Be A Headwind For U.S. Housing Activity Over The Next 6 Months
Mortgage Rates Will Not Be A Headwind For U.S. Housing Activity Over The Next 6 Months
Mortgage Rates Will Not Be A Headwind For U.S. Housing Activity Over The Next 6 Months
While capex intention surveys have come off their highs, they still point to reasonably solid expansion plans (Chart 7). Rising labor costs and high levels of capacity utilization will induce firms to invest in more capital equipment, which should support business spending. Chart 7U.S. Capex Plans Have Come Off Their Highs, But Remain Solid
U.S. Capex Plans Have Come Off Their Highs, But Remain Solid
U.S. Capex Plans Have Come Off Their Highs, But Remain Solid
Government expenditures should also recover. By most estimates, the shutdown shaved one percentage point from Q1 growth. This is likely to be completely reversed in the second quarter. The End Of The Chinese Deleveraging Campaign? The popular narrative about weaker Chinese growth has focused on the trade war. While trade uncertainty undoubtedly hurt growth last year – and has continued to weigh on growth so far this year – most of the weakness in the Chinese economy can be traced to the deleveraging campaign which started in 2017, long before the surge in trade flow angst. Fixed investment spending in China is generally financed through credit markets. Chart 8 shows that the contribution of investment spending to GDP growth has declined in tandem with decelerating credit growth. Most of the weakness in the Chinese economy can be traced to the deleveraging campaign which started in 2017, long before the surge in trade flow angst. Chart 8China: Deleveraging Means Less Investment-Led Growth
China: Deleveraging Means Less Investment-Led Growth
China: Deleveraging Means Less Investment-Led Growth
Chinese credit growth has typically reaccelerated whenever it has dipped towards trend nominal GDP growth. We may have already reached this point (Chart 9). New credit formation came in well above expectations in January. Given possible distortions caused by the timing of the Chinese lunar new year, investors should wait until the February data is released in mid-March before drawing any firm conclusions. Nevertheless, it is starting to look increasingly likely that credit growth has bottomed. The 6-month credit impulse has already surged (Chart 10). The 12-month impulse should also begin moving up provided that month-over-month credit growth simply maintains its recent trend (Chart 11). Chart 9Historically, China Has Scaled Back On Deleveraging When Credit Growth Has Fallen Close To Nominal GDP Growth
Historically, China Has Scaled Back On Deleveraging When Credit Growth Has Fallen Close To Nominal GDP Growth
Historically, China Has Scaled Back On Deleveraging When Credit Growth Has Fallen Close To Nominal GDP Growth
Chart 10A Rebound In The Chinese 6-Month Credit Impulse
A Rebound In The Chinese 6-Month Credit Impulse
A Rebound In The Chinese 6-Month Credit Impulse
Chart 11The 12-Month Impulse Is Set To Turn Up
The 12-Month Impulse Is Set To Turn Up
The 12-Month Impulse Is Set To Turn Up
On the trade front, President Trump’s decision to delay the implementation of tariffs on $200 billion in Chinese imports is a step in the right direction. Nevertheless, gauging whether the trade war will continue to de-escalate is extraordinarily difficult. There is no major constituency within the Republican Party campaigning for protectionism. It ultimately boils down to what one man – Trump – wants. Our best guess is that President Trump will try to score a few political points by “declaring victory” – deservedly or not – in his battle with China in order to pivot to more pressing domestic issues such as immigration. However, there can be no assurance of this, which is why China’s leaders are likely to prioritize growth over deleveraging, at least for the time being. They know full well that the only way they can credibly threaten to walk away from the negotiating table is if their economy is humming along. Europe: From Headwinds To Tailwinds? Slower global growth, higher oil prices, and a spike in Italian bonds yields all contributed to the poor performance of the European economy last year. Economic activity was further hampered by a decline in German automobile production following the introduction of more stringent emission standards. The good news is that these headwinds are set to reverse course. Italian bond yields are well off their highs, as are oil prices (Chart 12). German automobile production is recovering (Chart 13). In addition, the European Commission expects the euro area fiscal thrust to reach 0.40% of GDP this year, up from 0.05% of GDP last year (Chart 14). This should add about half a percentage point to growth. Finally, if our expectation that Chinese growth will bottom out by mid-year proves correct, European exports should benefit. If neither the political establishment nor the general public favor Brexit, it will not happen. Chart 12Headwind No More (I): Italian Bond Yields
Headwind No More (I): Italian Bond Yields
Headwind No More (I): Italian Bond Yields
Chart 13Headwind No More (II): German Auto Sector
Headwind No More (II): German Auto Sector
Headwind No More (II): German Auto Sector
Chart 14The Euro Area Will Benefit From A Modest Amount Of Fiscal Easing This Year
The Euro Area Will Benefit From A Modest Amount Of Fiscal Easing This Year
The Euro Area Will Benefit From A Modest Amount Of Fiscal Easing This Year
Brexit still remains a risk, but a receding one. We have consistently argued that the political establishment on both sides of the British channel will not accept anything resembling a hard Brexit. As was the case with the EU treaty referendums involving Denmark and Ireland in the 1990s, the European political elites will insist on a “No fair! Let’s play again! Best two-out-of-three?” do-overs until they get the result they want. Theresa May’s efforts to cobble together a parliamentary majority that precludes a hard Brexit, along with the Labor Party’s increasing willingness to pursue a second vote, is consistent with our thesis. Fortunately for the “remain” side, public opinion is shifting in favor of staying in the EU (Chart 15). Focusing on the minutiae of various timetables, rules, and regulations is largely a waste of time. If neither the political establishment nor the general public favor Brexit, it will not happen. We are short EUR/GBP, a trade recommendation that has gained 5.2% since we initiated it. We continue to see upside for the pound. Chart 15The ''Remain'' Side Would Likely Win Another Referendum
The ''Remain'' Side Would Likely Win Another Referendum
The ''Remain'' Side Would Likely Win Another Referendum
Investment Conclusions Global growth is still slowing. Having rallied since the start of the year, global stocks will likely enter a “dead zone” for the next six-to-eight weeks as investors nervously await the proverbial green shoots to sprout. We think they will appear in the second quarter, setting the scene for a reacceleration in global growth in the second half of the year, and an accompanying rally in global risk assets. The dollar is a countercyclical currency, meaning that it moves in the opposite direction of the global business cycle (Chart 16). The greenback will strengthen a bit over the next few months, but should start to weaken in the summer as the global economy catches fire. Chart 16The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency
The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency
The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency
We sold our put on the EEM ETF for a gain of 104% on Jan 3rd, and are now outright long EM equities. We do not have a strong view on EM versus DM equities at the moment, but expect to shift EM to overweight once we see more confirmatory evidence that Chinese growth is stabilizing. Having rallied since the start of the year, global stocks will likely enter a “dead zone” for the next six-to-eight weeks as investors nervously await the proverbial green shoots to sprout. In conjunction with our expected upgrade on EM assets, we will move European equities to overweight. Stronger global growth will benefit European multinational exporters, while brisker domestic growth should allow the market to price in a few more ECB rate hikes starting in 2020. The latter will lead to a somewhat steeper yield curve which, along with rising demand for credit, should boost financial sector earnings (Chart 17). This will give European bank stocks a welcome boost. Chart 17Stronger Euro Area Credit Growth Will Boost Bank Earnings
Stronger Euro Area Credit Growth Will Boost Bank Earnings
Stronger Euro Area Credit Growth Will Boost Bank Earnings
Japanese equities will also benefit from faster global growth, but domestic demand will suffer from the government’s ill-advised plan to raise the sales tax in October. As such, we do not anticipate upgrading Japanese stocks. We also expect the yen to come under some pressure as the BoJ is forced to maintain its ultra-accommodative monetary policy stance, while bond yields elsewhere move modestly higher. Peter Berezin Chief Global Investment Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Strategy & Market Trends* MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores
Chart 18
Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades
Highlights Global growth is still slowing. Having rallied since the start of the year, global stocks will likely enter a “dead zone” over the next six-to-eight weeks as investors nervously await the proverbial green shoots to sprout. We think they will appear in the second quarter, setting the scene for a reacceleration in global growth in the second half of the year, and an accompanying rally in global risk assets. Investors should overweight stocks and spread product while underweighting safe government bonds over a 12-month horizon. The U.S. dollar will strengthen a bit over the next few months, but should start to weaken in the summer as the global economy catches fire. Stronger global growth and a weaker dollar in the back half of the year will benefit EM assets and European stocks. Feature I skate to where the puck is going to be, not to where it has been. — Wayne Gretzky Gretzky's Doctrine To paraphrase Gretzky, a mediocre macro strategist draws conclusions based solely on incoming data. A good macro strategist, in contrast, tries to figure out where the data is heading. How can one predict how the economic data will evolve? Examining forward-looking indicators is helpful, but it is not enough. One also has to understand why the data is evolving the way it is. If one knows this, one can then assess whether the forces either hurting or helping growth will diminish, intensify, or remain the same. What Accounts For The Growth Slowdown? There is little mystery as to why global growth slowed in 2018. Chinese credit growth fell steadily over the course of the year, which generated a negative credit impulse. Unlike in the past, China is now the most important driver of global credit flows (Chart I-1).
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Meanwhile, the global economy was rocked by rising oil prices. Brent rose from $55/bbl on October 5, 2017 to $85/bbl on October 4, 2018. Government bond yields also increased, with the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield rising from 2.05% on September 7, 2017 to 3.23% on October 5, 2018 (Chart I-2).
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In an ironic twist, Jay Powell’s ill-timed comment that rates were “a long way” from neutral marked the peak in bond yields. Unfortunately, the subsequent decline in yields was accompanied by a vicious stock market correction and a widening in credit spreads. This led to an overall tightening in financial conditions, which further hurt growth (Chart I-3).
Image
The critical point is that all of these negative forces are behind us: Financial conditions have eased significantly over the past two months; oil prices have rebounded, but are still well below their 2018 highs; and as we explain later on, Chinese growth is likely to bottom by the middle of this year. This means that global growth should start to improve over the coming months. The United States: Better News Ahead The latest U.S. economic data has been weak, with this morning’s disappointing ISM manufacturing print being the latest example. The New York Fed’s GDP Nowcast is pointing to annualized growth of 0.9% in the first quarter. While there is no doubt that underlying growth has decelerated, data distortions have probably also contributed to the perceived slowdown. For instance, the dismal December retail sales report reduced the base for consumer spending going into 2019, thus shaving about 0.4 percentage points off Q1 growth. The drop in real personal consumption expenditures (PCE) cut the New York Fed’s Q1 growth estimate by a further 0.15 percentage points. We suspect that much of the weakness in December retail sales and PCE was linked to the government shutdown. The closure caused some of the surveys used to compile these reports to be postponed until January, which is historically the weakest month for retail sales. The Johnson Redbook Index – which covers 80% of the retail sales surveyed by the Department of Commerce – as well as the sales figures from Amazon and Walmart all point to strong spending during the holiday season (Chart I-4).
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Fundamentally, U.S. consumers are in good shape (Chart I-5). As a share of disposable income, household debt is over 30 percentage points lower than it was in 2007. The savings rate stands at an elevated level, which gives households the wherewithal to increase spending. Job openings hit another record high, while wage growth continues to trend upwards.
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The housing market should improve. Rising mortgage rates weighed on housing last year. However, rates have been declining for several months now, which augurs well for home sales and construction over the next six months (Chart I-6).
Image
While capex intention surveys have come off their highs, they still point to reasonably solid expansion plans (Chart I-7). Rising labor costs and high levels of capacity utilization will induce firms to invest in more capital equipment, which should support business spending.
Image
Government expenditures should also recover. By most estimates, the shutdown shaved one percentage point from Q1 growth. This is likely to be completely reversed in the second quarter. The End Of The Chinese Deleveraging Campaign? The popular narrative about weaker Chinese growth has focused on the trade war. While trade uncertainty undoubtedly hurt growth last year – and has continued to weigh on growth so far this year – most of the weakness in the Chinese economy can be traced to the deleveraging campaign which started in 2017, long before the surge in trade flow angst. Fixed investment spending in China is generally financed through credit markets. Chart I-8 shows that the contribution of investment spending to GDP growth has declined in tandem with decelerating credit growth.
Image
Chinese credit growth has typically reaccelerated whenever it has dipped towards trend nominal GDP growth. We may have already reached this point (Chart I-9). New credit formation came in well above expectations in January. Given possible distortions caused by the timing of the Chinese lunar new year, investors should wait until the February data is released in mid-March before drawing any firm conclusions. Nevertheless, it is starting to look increasingly likely that credit growth has bottomed. The 6-month credit impulse has already surged (Chart I-10). The 12-month impulse should also begin moving up provided that month-over-month credit growth simply maintains its recent trend (Chart I-11).
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On the trade front, President Trump’s decision to delay the implementation of tariffs on $200 billion in Chinese imports is a step in the right direction. Nevertheless, gauging whether the trade war will continue to de-escalate is extraordinarily difficult. There is no major constituency within the Republican Party campaigning for protectionism. It ultimately boils down to what one man – Trump – wants. Our best guess is that President Trump will try to score a few political points by “declaring victory” – deservedly or not – in his battle with China in order to pivot to more pressing domestic issues such as immigration. However, there can be no assurance of this, which is why China’s leaders are likely to prioritize growth over deleveraging, at least for the time being. They know full well that the only way they can credibly threaten to walk away from the negotiating table is if their economy is humming along. Europe: From Headwinds To Tailwinds? Slower global growth, higher oil prices, and a spike in Italian bonds yields all contributed to the poor performance of the European economy last year. Economic activity was further hampered by a decline in German automobile production following the introduction of more stringent emission standards. The good news is that these headwinds are set to reverse course. Italian bond yields are well off their highs, as are oil prices (Chart I-12). German automobile production is recovering (Chart I-13). In addition, the European Commission expects the euro area fiscal thrust to reach 0.40% of GDP this year, up from 0.05% of GDP last year (Chart I-14). This should add about half a percentage point to growth. Finally, if our expectation that Chinese growth will bottom out by mid-year proves correct, European exports should benefit.
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Brexit still remains a risk, but a receding one. The political establishment on both sides of the British channel will not accept anything resembling a hard Brexit. As was the case with the EU treaty referendums involving Denmark and Ireland in the 1990s, the European political elites will insist on a “No fair! Let’s play again! Best two-out-of-three?” do-overs until they get the result they want. Theresa May’s efforts to cobble together a parliamentary majority that precludes a hard Brexit, along with the Labor Party’s increasing willingness to pursue a second vote, is consistent with our thesis. Fortunately for the “remain” side, public opinion is shifting in favor of staying in the EU (Chart I-15). Focusing on the minutiae of various timetables, rules, and regulations is largely a waste of time. If neither the political establishment nor the general public favor Brexit, it will not happen.
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Investment Conclusions Global growth is still slowing. Having rallied since the start of the year, global stocks will likely enter a “dead zone” for the next six-to-eight weeks as investors nervously await the proverbial green shoots to sprout. We think they will appear in the second quarter, setting the scene for a reacceleration in global growth in the second half of the year, and an accompanying rally in global risk assets. The dollar is a countercyclical currency, meaning that it moves in the opposite direction of the global business cycle (Chart I-16). The greenback will strengthen a bit over the next few months, but should start to weaken in the summer as the global economy catches fire.
Image
We do not have a strong view on EM versus DM equities at the moment, but expect to shift EM to overweight once we see more confirmatory evidence that Chinese growth is stabilizing. In conjunction with our expected upgrade on EM assets, we will move European equities to overweight. Stronger global growth will benefit European multinational exporters, while brisker domestic growth should allow the market to price in a few more ECB rate hikes starting in 2020. The latter will lead to a somewhat steeper yield curve which, along with rising demand for credit, should boost financial sector earnings (Chart I-17). This will give European bank stocks a welcome boost.
Image
Japanese equities will also benefit from faster global growth, but domestic demand will suffer from the government’s ill-advised plan to raise the sales tax in October. As such, we do not anticipate upgrading Japanese stocks. We also expect the yen to come under some pressure as the BoJ is forced to maintain its ultra-accommodative monetary policy stance, while bond yields elsewhere move modestly higher. Peter Berezin Chief Global Investment Strategist March 1, 2019 Next Report: March 28, 2019 II. Troubling Implications Of Global Demographic Trends Developed economies are challenged by two powerful and related demographic trends: declining growth in working-age populations, and a rapidly-aging population structure. Working-age populations are in absolute decline in Japan and much of Europe and growth is slowing sharply in the U.S. An offsetting acceleration in productivity growth is unlikely, implying a marked deceleration in economic growth potential. The combination of slower growth in the number of taxpayers and rising numbers of retirees is toxic for government finances. Future generations face sharply rising debt burdens and increased taxes to pay for entitlements. The correlation between aging and asset prices is inconclusive but common sense suggests it is more likely to be bearish than bullish. Population growth remains rapid throughout most of the developing world, China being a notable exception. It is especially strong in Africa, a region that has historically faced economic mismanagement and thus poor economic prospects for most of its inhabitants. Migration from the emerging to developed world is a logical solution to global demographic trends, but faces a backlash in many countries for both economic and cultural reasons. These tensions are likely to increase. Making accurate economic and market forecasts is daunting because there are so many moving parts and unanticipated events are inevitable. Quantitative models are destined to fail because of the unpredictability of human behavior and random shocks. Demographic forecasts are a lot easier, at least over the short-to-medium term. If you want to know how many 70-year olds there will be in 10 years’ time, then count how many 60-year olds there are today and adjust by the mortality rate for that age group. Demographic trends are very incremental from year to year and their impact is swamped by economic, political and financial events. Thus, it rarely makes sense to blame demographics for cyclical swings in the economy or markets. In some respects, demographics can be likened to glaciers. You will quickly get bored standing by a glacier to watch it move. But, over long time periods, glaciers cover enormous distances and can completely reshape the landscape. Similarly, over the timespan of one or more generations, demographics can have powerful effects on economies and societies. Some important demographic trends have been going on for long enough that their effects are visible. The most common concern about global demographics has tended to be overpopulation and pressure on resources and the environment. And this is hardly new. In 1798, Thomas Malthus published his “Essay on The Principles of Population” in which he argued that population growth would outstrip food supply, leading to a very miserable outcome. Of course, what he missed was the revolution in agricultural techniques that meant food supply kept up with population growth. In 1972, a group of experts calling themselves The Club of Rome published a report titled “The Limits to Growth” which argued that a rising world population would outstrip the supply of natural resources, putting a limit to economic growth. Again, that report underestimated the ability of technology to solve the problem of scarcity, although many still believe the essence of the report has yet to be proved wrong. Phenomena such as climate change and rising numbers of animal species facing extinction are seen as supporting the thesis that the world’s population is putting unsustainable demands on the planet. Rather than get into that debate, this report will focus on three particular big-picture problems associated with demographic trends: Declining working-age populations in most major industrialized economies during the next several decades. Population aging throughout the developed world. Continued rapid population growth in many of the world’s poorest and most troubled countries. According to the UN’s latest projections, the world’s population will increase from around 7.5 billion today to almost 10 billion by 2050.1 The population growth rate peaked in the 1970s and is expected to slow sharply over the next several decades (Chart II-1). Despite slower percentage growth rates, the population keeps going up steadily because one percent of the 1970 global population was about 3.7 million, while one percent of the current population is about 7.5 million.
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But here is an important point: virtually all future growth in the global population will come from the developing world (Chart II-2). The population of the developed world is expected to be broadly flat over the period to 2050, and this has some significant economic implications.
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Let’s first look at why population growth has stagnated in the developed world. Population growth is a function of three things: the birth rate, the death rate and net migration. Obviously, if there are more births than deaths then there will be a natural increase in the population and net migration will either add or subtract to that. Over time, there have been major changes in some of these drivers. In the developed world, a stable population requires that, on average, there are 2.1 children born for every woman. The fact that it is not exactly 2 accounts for infant mortality and because there are slightly more males than females born. The replacement-level fertility rate needs to be higher than 2.1 in the developing world because of higher infant mortality rates. After WWII, the fertility rate throughout most of the developed world was well above 2.1 as soldiers returned home and the baby boom generation was born. But, by the end of the 1970s, the rate had dropped below the replacement level in most countries and currently is a lowly 1.5 in Japan, Germany and Italy (Table II-1). It has stayed higher in the U.S. but even there it has dipped below the critical 2.1 level. This trend has reflected lot of factors including more widespread use of birth control and more women entering the labor force.
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In the developed world, the birth rate is expected to drop below the death rate in the next ten years (Chart II-3). That means there will be a natural decrease in the population. In the case of Japan, Germany, Italy and Portugal that change already occurred between 2005 and 2010. In the U.S., the UN expects birth rates to stay just above death rates in the period to 2050, but the gap narrows sharply. Births exceed deaths throughout most of the developing world meaning that populations continue to grow. Notable exceptions to this are Eastern Europe where populations are already in sharp decline and China, where deaths begin to exceed births in the 2030s.
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Although life expectancy is rising, death rates in the developed world will rise simply because the rapidly growing number of old people more than offsets the impact of longer lifespans. Of course, the population of a country can also be boosted by immigration, and that has been true for much of the developed world. In Canada and most of Europe, net migration already is the dominant source of overall population growth and it will become so in the U.S. in the coming decades, based on current trends (Chart II-4).
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This is the background to the first key issue addressed in this report: the declining trend in the growth of the working-age population in the developed world. Slowing Growth In Working-Age Populations An economy’s growth potential depends on only two things: the number of people working and their productivity. If the labor force grows at 1% a year and productivity also increases by 1%, then the economy’s trend growth rate is 2%. In the short-run, the economy may grow faster or slower than that, depending on issues like fiscal and monetary policy, oil prices etc. Over the long run, growth is constrained by people and productivity. The potential labor force is generally regarded to be the people aged 15 to 64. The growth trend in this age segment has slowed sharply in recent years in the major economies and is set to weaken further in the years ahead (Chart II-5). The problem is most severe in Japan and Europe where the working-age population is already declining. In the case of the U.S., growth in this age cohort slows from an average 1.5% a year in the 1960s and 1970s to a projected pace of less than 0.5% in the coming decades.
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While this generally is not a problem faced by the developing world, a notable exception is China, now reaping the consequences of its one-child policy. Its working-age population is set to decline steadily in the years ahead. Thus, it is inevitable that Chinese growth also will slow in the absence of an acceleration of productivity growth The slowing trend in the working-age population could be offset if we could get more 15-64 year olds to join the labor force, or get more older people to stay working. In the U.S., almost 85% of male 15-64 year olds were either employed or were wanting a job in the mid-1990s. This has since dropped to below 80% - a marked divergence from the trend in most other countries (Chart II-6). And the female participation rate in the U.S. also is below that of other countries.
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The reason for the decline in U.S. labor participation rates for prime-aged adults is unclear. Explanations include increased levels of people in full-time education, in prison, or claiming disability. A breakdown of male participation rates by age shows particularly sharp drops in the 15-19 and 20-24 age groups, though the key 20-54 age category also is far below earlier peaks (Chart II-7). The U.S. participation rate has recently picked up but it seems doubtful that it will return to earlier highs.
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Other solutions to the problem would be getting more people aged 65 and above to stay in the labor force, and/or faster growth in productivity. The former probably will require changes to the retirement age and we will return to that issue shortly. There always are hopes for faster productivity growth, but recent data have remained disappointing for most developed economies (Chart II-8). New technologies hold out some hope but this is a contentious topic.
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On a positive note, the shrinking growth of the working-age population may be easier to live with in a world of robotization and artificial intelligence where machines are expected to take over many jobs. That would support a more optimistic view of productivity but it remains to be seen how powerful the impact will be. Another important problem related to the slowing growth of the working-age population relates to fiscal burdens. In 1980, the level of government debt per taxpayer (ages 20-64) was around $58,000 in the U.S. in today’s money and this is on track for $104,000 by 2020 (Chart II-9). But this pales in comparison to Japan where it rises from $9,000 to $170,000 over the same period. Canada looks more favorable, rising from $23,000 in 1980 to $68,000 in 2020. These burdens will keep rising beyond 2020 until governments start running budget surpluses. Our children and grandchildren will bear the burden of this and won’t thank us for allowing the debt to build up in the first place.
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There will be a large transfer of privately-held assets from the baby boomers to the next generation, but the ownership of this wealth is heavily skewed. According to one study, the top 1% owned 40% of U.S. wealth in 2016, while the bottom 90% owned 20%.2 And it seems likely that this pool of wealth will erode over time, providing a smaller cushion to the following generation. This leads in to the next topic – aging populations. Aging Populations In The Developed World The inevitable result of the combination of increased life expectancy and declining birth rates has been a marked aging of populations throughout the developed world. Between 2000 and 2050, the developed world will see the number of those aged 65 and over more than double while the numbers in other age groups are projected to show little change (Chart II-10).
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As long as the growing numbers of those aged 65 and above are in decent health, then life is quite good. Fifty years ago in the U.S., poverty rates were very high for those of retirement age compared to the young (i.e. under 18). But that has changed as the baby boomer generation made sure that they voted for increased entitlement programs. Now poverty rates for the 65+ group are far below those of the young (Chart II-11). At the same time, real incomes for those 65 and older have significantly outperformed those of younger age groups.
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A major problem is that aging baby boomers are expensive because of the cost of pensions and medical care. As would be expected, health care costs rise dramatically with age. For those aged 44 and under, health care costs in the U.S. averaged around $2,000 per person in 2015. For those 65 and over, it was more than $11,000 per person. And per capita spending doubles between the ages of 70 and 90. So here we have the problem: a growing number of expensive older people supported by a shrinking number of taxpayers. This is illustrated by the ratio of the number of people between 20 and 64 divided by those 65 and older. In other words, the number of taxpayers supporting each retiree (Chart II-12).
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In 1980, there were five taxpayers for every retiree in the U.S., four in W. Europe and seven in Japan. These ratios have since dropped sharply, and in the next few decades will be down to 2.5 in the U.S., 1.8 in Europe and 1.3 in Japan. For each young Japanese taxpayer, it will be like having the cost of a retiree deducted from their paycheck. Throughout the developed world, the baby boomers’ children and grandchildren face a growing burden of entitlements. Some of the statistics related to Japan’s demographics are dramatic. In the first half of the 1980s there were more than twice as many births as deaths (Chart II-13). They become equal around ten years ago and in another ten years deaths are projected to exceed births by around three million a year. In 1990, the number of people aged four and under was more than double the number aged 80 and above. Now the situation is reversed with those aged 80 years and above more than double those four and under. That is why sales of adult diapers reportedly exceed those of baby diapers – very depressing!3
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What’s the solution to aging populations? An obvious one is for people to retire later. When pension systems were set up, life expectancy at birth was below the age pensions were granted - typically around 65. In other words, not many people were expected to live long enough to get a government pension. And the lucky ones who did live long enough were not expected to be around to receive a pension for more than a few years. By 1950, those males who had reached the age of 65 were expected, on average, to live another 11 to 13 years in the major developed countries (Table II-2). This rose to 16-18 years by 2000 and is expected to reach 22-23 years by 2050. Governments have made a huge error in failing to raise the retirement age as life expectancy increased. Pension systems were never designed to allow people to receive government pensions for more than 20 years.
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Some countries have raised the retirement age for pensions, but progress on this front is painfully slow. Other solutions would be to raise pension contributions or to means-test benefits. Not surprisingly, governments are reluctant to take such unpopular actions. At some point, they will have no choice, but that awaits pressures from the financial markets. Currently, not many people aged over 65 remain in the workforce. The participation rate for men is less than 10% in Europe and less than 25% in the U.S. And it is a lot lower for women (Chart II-14). The rate in Japan is much higher reflecting the fact that it is at the leading edge of aging. Participation rates are moving higher in Europe and the U.S. and further increases are likely in the years ahead if Japan’s experience is anything to go by.
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Having people staying in the workforce for longer will help offset the decline in prime-age workers, but there is a downside. While it is a contentious topic, many studies point to a negative correlation between age and productivity after the age of 50. As we age, there is some decline in cognitive abilities and older people may be less willing or able to adapt to new technologies and working practices. These would only be partly offset by the benefits of experience that comes with age. Therefore, an aging workforce is not one where one would expect productivity growth to accelerate, other things being equal. An IMF study concluded that a 1% increase in the labor force share of the 55-64 age cohort in Europe could reduce the growth in total factor productivity by 0.2% a year over the next 20 years.4 Another study published by the NBER paper estimated that aging will reduce the U.S. economic growth rate by 1.2% a year this decade and 0.6% a year next decade.5 Other studies are less gloomy but it would be hard to argue that aging is actually good for productivity. Another aging-related issue is the implications for asset prices. It is generally believed that aging will be bad for asset prices as people move from their high-saving years to a period where they will be liquidating assets to supplement their incomes. This is supported by a loose correlation between the percentage of the labor force between 35 and 64 (the higher-saving years) and stock market capitalization as a percent of GDP (Chart II-15). However, other studies cast doubts on this relationship.6
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One might think real estate is even more vulnerable than stocks to aging. However, in late 1988, two high-profile economists (Greg Mankiw and David Weil) published a report arguing that real house prices would fall substantially over the next two decades as the baby boom generation aged.7 That forecast was catastrophically wrong. Of course, that does not mean that the more dramatic aging occurring over the next couple of decades will not have a major negative impact on home prices. Numerous studies have been carried out on the relationship between demographics and asset prices and the conclusions are all over the place.8 Time and space constraints prevent a more in-depth discussion of this topic. Nonetheless, common sense would suggest that aging is more likely to be bearish than bullish for asset prices. Thus far, we have addressed two demographic challenges facing the developed world: slowing growth in the number of working-age people and a marked aging of the population. Much of the developing world has the opposite issue: continued rapid population growth and large numbers of young people. This is my third topic. Rapid Population Growth In The Developing World We already noted that nearly all future growth in global population will occur in the developing world, China being a notable exception. With birth rates remaining far above death rates, emerging countries will not have the aging problem of the developed world and this has some positives and negatives. On the positive side, a rapidly-growing young population creates the potential for strong economic growth – the opposite of the situation in advanced economies. But this assumes that the institutional and political framework is conducive to growth. Unfortunately, the history of many developing countries is that corrupt and incompetent governments prevent economies from ever reaching their potential. This means there will be a growing pool of young people likely facing a dim economic future. In some cases, these young people could be an excellent recruiting ground for extremist groups. It is unfortunate that there is particularly rapid population growth in some of the most troubled countries in the world. The Institute for Economics and Peace ranks countries by whether they are safe or dangerous.9 According to their ranking, the eight most dangerous countries in the world will see their population grow at a much faster pace than the developing world as a whole (Chart II-16).
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Some individual country comparisons are striking. The UN’s projections show that Nigeria’s population will exceed that of the U.S. by 2050, The Democratic Republic of Congo’s population will match that of Japan by 2030 and by 2050 will be 80% larger (Chart II-17A and B). Similarly, Afghanistan will overtake Italy in the 2040s. Most incredibly, Africa’s overall population surpassed that of the whole of Europe in the second half of the 1990s and is projected to be 3.5 times larger by 2050. That suggests that the numbers seeking to migrate from Africa to Europe will increase dramatically in the next couple of decades. Controlling these flows will become an increasing challenge for countries in Southern Europe.
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Migration is the logical solution to declining working-age populations in the developed world and expanding young populations in the developing world. However, there currently is a backlash against immigration in many developed countries. Anti-immigration political parties are gaining strength in many European countries and immigration was a major factor influencing the Brexit vote in the U.K. And it is a hot-button political issue in the U.S. Concerns about immigration are twofold: competition for employment and potential cultural change. Employment fears have coincided with a long period of severely depressed wages for low-skill workers in many developed economies and immigration is an easy target for blame. Meanwhile, the cultural challenge of absorbing large numbers of immigrants clearly has fueled increased nationalist sentiment in a number of countries. In the U.S., projections by the Bureau of the Census show that the non-Hispanic white population will fall below 50% of the total by 2045. That has implications for voting patterns and lies behind some of the concerns about high levels of immigration. There is no simple solution to this controversial issue and an in-depth discussion is beyond the scope of this article. Conclusions We have only touched on some aspects of demographic trends. It is a huge topic and has many other implications. For example, the political and cultural views of each generation are shaped by the environment they grow up in and this changes over time. This year, the number of millennials (those born from the early 1980s to the mid-1990s) in the U.S. is expected to surpass those of baby boomers and that will have important political and social implications. Again, that is beyond the scope of this report. The demographic trends we have discussed will pose serious challenges to policymakers. In the developed world, the baby boom generation has accumulated huge amounts of government debt, partly to fund generous entitlement programs and did not have enough children to ease the burdens on future generations. The young have good reason to feel frustrated by the actions of their elders (see cartoon).
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In the developing world, the challenge will be to provide economic opportunities for a growing pool of young people. The biggest problems will be in Africa, a continent where economic success stories have been few and far between in the past. Failure to deal with this will have troubling implications for geopolitical stability. Martin H. Barnes Senior Vice President Economic Advisor III. Indicators And Reference Charts Our tactical equity upgrade is beginning to pay off, and an increasing proportion of our proprietary indicators is confirming that stocks have more upside over the next few quarters. Our Willingness-to-Pay (WTP) indicator for the U.S. has stopped falling. This pattern is also evident in both Europe and Japan. The WTP indicators track flows, and thus provide information on what investors are actually doing, as opposed to sentiment indexes that track how investors are feeling. After clearly pulling funds out of the equity markets, investors are beginning to tip their toes back in. Our Revealed Preference Indicator (RPI) has clearly shifted back into stocks. The RPI combines the idea of market momentum with valuation and policy measures. It provides a powerful bullish signal if positive market momentum lines up with constructive signals from the policy and valuation measures. Conversely, if constructive market momentum is not supported by valuation and policy, investors should lean against the market trend. According to BCA’s composite valuation indicator, the U.S. stock market remains overvalued from a long-term perspective, despite the dip in multiples since last fall. It is a composite of 11 different valuation measures. Moreover, our Monetary Indicator has shifted out of negative territory for stocks, and is now decisively in stimulative territory. The Fed pause, along with some dovish-sounding commentaries have improved the monetary backdrop by removing expected rate hikes from the money market curve. Our Composite Technical indicator for stocks broke down in December, providing a clear ‘sell’ signal, and has not yet delivered a ‘buy’. However, if the recent improvement in this indicator can continue, the S&P 500 will likely be able to punch above the 2800 level. The 10-year Treasury yield is in the neutral range according to our valuation model. Bonds are not overbought, but they have now fully worked out their previously deeply-oversold conditions. The Adrian, Crump & Moench formulation of the 10-year term premium remains close to its 2016 nadir, suggesting that yields are unsustainably low. Our bond-bearish bias is consistent with the view that the Fed rate hike cycle is not over. The U.S. dollar is still very expensive on a PPP basis. Our Composite Technical Indicator is not as overbought as it once was, but it is far from having reached oversold levels either. This combination suggests that the greenback could experience further downside over the coming month. It remains to be seen if this wave of depreciation will mark the beginning of the cyclical bear market required to correct the dollar’s overvaluation. EQUITIES:
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Mark McClellan Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Footnotes 1 Most of the data referred to in this report comes from the medium variant projections from the United Nation’s World Population Prospects report, 2017 revision. There is an excellent online database tool that allows users to access numerous demographic series for every country and region in the world. This can be found at https://population.un.org/wpp/DataQuery/ 2 Edward N. Wolff, Household Wealth Trends in the United States, 1962 to 2016. NBER Working Paper 24085, November 2017. Available at: https://www.nber.org/papers/w24085. 3 This is not a joke: https://www.businessinsider.com/signs-japan-demographic-time-bomb-2017-3 4 The Impact of Workforce Aging on European Productivity. IMF Working Paper, December 2016. Available at: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2016/12/31/The-Impact-of-Workforce-Aging-on-European-Productivity-44450 5 The Effect of Population Aging on Economic Growth, the Labor Force and Productivity. NBER Working Paper 22452, July 2016. Available at https://www.nber.org/papers/w22452.pdf 6 For example, see “Will Grandpa Sink The Stock Market?”, The Bank Credit Analyst, September 2014. 7 The Baby Boom, The Bay Bust, and the Housing Market. NBER Working Paper 2794. Available at: https://www.nber.org/papers/w2794 8 For those interested in this topic, we recommend the following paper: Demographics and Asset Markets: A Survey of the Literature. Available at: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/912a/5d6d196c3405e37b3a50d797cbf65a27ba44.pdf 9 Global Peace Index, 2018. Available at: http://visionofhumanity.org/app/uploads/2018/06/Global-Peace-Index-2018-2.pdf. According to this index, the eight least-safe countries are (starting with the most dangerous): Syria, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Iraq, Somalia, Yemen, Libya, and Democratic Republic of the Congo. EQUITIES:FIXED INCOME:CURRENCIES:COMMODITIES:ECONOMY:
Highlights A no-deal Brexit which did not cause pain pour encourager les autres would be the much graver existential threat for the EU. A U.K. parliamentary vote to extend Article 50 by a few months would not be a game changer in itself, because it just delays the day of judgement. The real denouement will only happen when a workable route to a benign Brexit option commands a majority in the U.K. parliament. This is the point at which U.K. exposed risk-assets would outperform sustainably. Investors should then buy: the pound, the FTSE250, FTSE Small Cap, and U.K. homebuilders. Feature Chart of the WeekU.K. Homebuilders Is The Best Equity Sector To Play Brexit
U.K. Homebuilders Is The Best Equity Sector To Play Brexit
U.K. Homebuilders Is The Best Equity Sector To Play Brexit
The Article 50 process that governs Brexit is fast approaching its two-year time limit, and the question naturally arises as to what will happen when the clock strikes midnight on March 29.1 To answer this question, it is worth stepping back to ask something even more fundamental: what was the purpose of the two-year time limit in the first place? The EU Must Protect The Integrity Of The Union The two-year time limit in Article 50 was designed to disadvantage the exiting country relative to the EU, and this disadvantage has now become abundantly clear. After the two years have run down, a no-deal or ‘cliff edge’ exit would be bad for the EU27, but it would be far worse for the U.K. This balance of power has put the EU27 very much in the driving seat of the Brexit process, and there is no reason to presume that the EU27 will do anything other than prioritise and protect its own interests. For the EU27, the priority right now is to protect the unity and integrity of the Union in the face of a growing existential threat from populists and nationalists. Unfortunately, much of this has been overlooked in the Brexiteer rhetoric, with arguments like "they need to sell us their BMWs and Prosecco". Clearly, frictionless and barrier-less trade is in the economic interests of both parties, but the economic reality is that less than a tenth of EU27 exports go to the U.K. while something approaching half of U.K. exports go to the EU27 (Chart I-2 and Chart I-3). Chart I-2Less Than A Tenth Of EU27 Exports Go To The U.K. ...
Less Than A Tenth Of EU27 Exports Go To The U.K...
Less Than A Tenth Of EU27 Exports Go To The U.K...
Chart I-3...While Almost Half Of U.K. Exports Go To the EU27
...While Almost Half Of U.K. Exports Go To the EU27
...While Almost Half Of U.K. Exports Go To the EU27
Brexit is essentially a huge economic gamble in the name of an overarching political aim to ‘take back control’ (Chart I-4). Remember that the case for Brexit largely hinged on the desire to regain political sovereignty: specifically, controlling migration and ending the supremacy of the European Court of Justice. That’s fine, we have no qualms about that. But if the case for Brexit was largely political, it’s a bit rich to presume that the EU27 will not also prioritise its own overarching political aims – even if these political aims come at the cost of a short-term setback to the European economy. Chart I-4U.K. House Prices Have Stagnated Since The Brexit Negotiations Started
4. U.K. House Prices Have Stagnated Since The Brexit Negotiations Started
4. U.K. House Prices Have Stagnated Since The Brexit Negotiations Started
Brexit Is The Litmus Test For Optimality Of The EU A catastrophic no-deal Brexit would undoubtedly hurt the EU27, and be particularly painful for the member states most exposed to U.K. trade, notably Ireland and the Netherlands. But here’s the paradox: a no-deal Brexit which did not cause pain pour encourager les autres would be the much graver existential threat for the EU. If membership of the EU and its institutions is supposedly an optimal economic and political structure for European states, then Brexit is the litmus test for the sub-optimality of exiting, and especially the heavy cost of exiting abruptly. If, after the two-year notice of Article 50, the U.K. abruptly left the EU with negligible disruption and then quickly thrived outside the EU, it would galvanize the European nationalists and populists to emulate a newly confident and resurgent U.K.’s quick and painless divorce. As this could be the death knell of the European project, the paradox is highlighted in our mischievous title: why a catastrophic no-deal might be good… for the EU. Brexit can take three ultimate shapes: The U.K. revokes its intention to withdraw the EU and remains a full member of the Union. A long transition to a new and negotiated trading relationship between the U.K. and the EU27. A sharp cliff-edge in which the U.K. abruptly becomes a third country to the EU27. The U.K. population now clearly favours option 1 – remain – over the two alternatives (Chart I-5). Meanwhile, the U.K. parliament has expressed its opposition, albeit not yet legally binding opposition, to option 3 – the no-deal Brexit.
Chart I-5
As for the EU27, the best outcome is for the U.K. to revoke its intention to withdraw and thrive within the club; the next best outcome is a long transition to Brexit, during which and after which the U.K. economy underperforms its European peers to illustrate the sub-optimality of exiting. But if Brexit is a cliff-edge, it has to be demonstrably painful. Hence, the EU27 will want to put off the day it has to confront this paradox if there is any chance of avoiding it. Article 50 does allow for this delay. The specific wording of paragraph 3 states: The Treaties shall cease to apply to the State in question from the date of entry into force of the withdrawal agreement or, failing that, two years after the notification referred to in paragraph 2, unless the European Council, in agreement with the Member State concerned, unanimously decides to extend this period. But a close reading suggests that if there is still a real possibility of finalising a withdrawal agreement, or if withdrawal is an outcome that the State no longer desires, then this would not represent ‘failing’. Meaning that the period of negotiation of a withdrawal agreement could be extended beyond March 29, or indeed Article 50 could be entirely revoked. A Short Delay Is Not A Game Changer, But A Second Referendum Would Be Looking at the desired outcomes of the U.K. population, the U.K. parliament, and the EU27, Brexit should rationally end up as benign options 1 or 2. The trouble is that rational outcomes can be thwarted if there is no mechanism to implement them. Although the U.K. parliament has expressed its desire to avoid a no-deal, it has not yet coalesced a majority around how exactly to avoid the cliff-edge outcome. A parliamentary vote to extend Article 50 by a few months would not be a game changer in itself because it just delays the day of judgement, though a longer extension would be more significant. But if the extension facilitated a second referendum or a general election, then that would be a game changer – as there would be the potential for the U.K. population to overturn the decision to leave. It follows that the real denouement will only happen when a workable route to either of the benign Brexit options 1 or 2 above commands a majority in the U.K. parliament. From the perspective of investors, what this way forward turns out to be – permanent customs union, Common Market 2.0, second referendum, or general election – does not really matter. What matters is that a parliamentary majority exists for a positive course of action that eliminates no-deal rather than just delays it. This would be the point at which the BoE is finally liberated from its emergency policy (Chart I-6 and Chart I-7), pushing up U.K. gilt yields relative to other government bond yields (Chart I-8), and allowing a sustained rally in the pound (Chart I-9). Chart I-6Brexit Has Subdued The BoE...
Brexit Has Subdued The BoE...
Brexit Has Subdued The BoE...
Chart I-7...Despite A Tight U.K. Labour Market
...Despite A Tight U.K. Labour Market
...Despite A Tight U.K. Labour Market
Chart I-8Were It Not For Brexit, U.K. Interest Rates Would Be 1 Percent Higher...
Were It Not For Brexit, U.K. Interest Rates Would Be 1 Percent Higher...
Were It Not For Brexit, U.K. Interest Rates Would Be 1 Percent Higher...
Chart I-9…And The Pound Would Be At $1.50
...And The Pound Would Be At 1.50 USD
...And The Pound Would Be At 1.50 USD
In this event, U.K. exposed risk-assets would also outperform. Note that the FTSE100 is not one of these investments. Whenever the pound strengthens, the weaker translation of the FTSE100 companies’ dollar-denominated earnings tends to weigh down this large-cap index (Chart I-10). Instead, investors should focus on: the FTSE250 (Chart I-11) and the FTSE Small Cap, but the best play is the U.K. homebuilders (Chart of the Week). Chart I-10When The Pound Rallies, The FTSE100 Underperforms...
When The Pound Rallies, The FTSE100 Underperforms...
When The Pound Rallies, The FTSE100 Underperforms...
Chart I-11...So Prefer The FTSE250
...So Prefer The FTSE250
...So Prefer The FTSE250
Fractal Trading System* We are pleased to report that long Italy’s MIB versus Eurostoxx600 reached the end of its 3-month holding period very comfortably in profit which is now crystallised. This week, we note that the sharp underperformance of aluminium versus tin is at the limit of tight liquidity which has previously signalled a trend-reversal. Hence, the recommended trade is long aluminium versus tin. Set a profit target of 6.5 percent with a symmetrical stop-loss. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment’s fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-12
Long Aluminium Versus Tin
Long Aluminium Versus Tin
The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnote 1 Midnight British Summer Time Fractal Trading System Recommendations Asset Allocation Equity Regional and Country Allocation Equity Sector Allocation Bond and Interest Rate Allocation Currency and Other Allocation Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields
Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Highlights So What? The yellow vest movement has not soured our optimistic view on France – if anything, it tells us it is time to turn more bullish. Why? The constraints on Macron pursuing reforms are overstated; he has no choice but to double-down. France has multiple tailwinds: strong demographic trends, comparative advantages in exports, and an increasingly pro-business market environment. Also … The roadmap for the European Union to change structurally is set, though it will need political will to materialize. Feature “La réforme oui, la chienlit non!” Charles De Gaulle, May 1968 “France is only herself when she leads fights that are bigger than herself.” Emmanuel Macron, August 2018 “When France sneezes the rest of Europe catches cold.” Prince Clemens von Metternich, 1848 In May 2017, the election of 39-year-old Emmanuel Macron brought an end to the seemingly unstoppable tide of populist nationalism in the developed world. As it turned out, the median voter in France was not as angry as the median voter in the U.K. and the U.S. The reforms implemented since the French election have hardly made headlines outside of domestic media. The struggles of Italy, akin to la commedia dell’arte, and the jousting between London and Brussels, have drawn more attention. More recently, the yellow vest protests have reaffirmed the usual stereotypes about France. Behind the headlines, however, one cannot ignore the market relevance of what is happening in France. Thought to be condemned to stagnation by the rigidity of its labor market and the size of its state, the country is now looking to undo the malaise of the past two decades. The only surprise about the protests is that they did not occur sooner in Macron’s term. In this Special Report, we assess the ongoing yellow vest protests, review the reforms conducted since 2017, and give Macron favorable chances of reforming France further. We also highlight structural tailwinds that will support the French economy in the long run. Finally, we briefly go over the European Union’s roadmap for reforms. How Relevant Are The Yellow Vest Protests? Where there are reforms, there are protests. Or, as an astute client once told us: Buy when blood is in the streets. Had there been no protest against President Macron’s reforms, it would have signaled they lacked teeth. Protests were inevitable as soon as Macron set in motion his ambitious pro-growth and pro-business reform agenda. The yellow vest movement is not a coherent force led by a clear leadership. The demands of the group are many: lower taxes, better services, less of the current reforms (specifically in education), and more of other reforms. But despite this lack of clarity, the protesters have convinced most of the public that the reform agenda should pause, or at least slow down (Chart 1).
Chart 1
What started on social media as a protest against the fuel tax in rural areas has evolved into a movement against President Macron. This transition occurred in part because a large segment of the population believes that Macron’s reforms have mainly benefited the wealthy. In fact, 77% of respondents in a recent poll view him as the “president of the rich.” The modification of the “wealth tax” – which mostly shifts the focus toward real estate assets instead of financial assets – was highly criticized for favoring the wealthiest households. It resonated strongly with the perception that past governments helped the wealthiest households to accumulate more wealth at the expense of the middle class. But it is not clear how intense or durable this popular sentiment will be, given that this type of inequality is not extreme in France and has not been rising (Chart 2). Chart 2What Income Inequality?
What Income Inequality?
What Income Inequality?
Public support for the protests has hovered around 70% for several weeks since they started in November 2018, but is now coming down (Chart 3). There are now more respondents who think that the protests should stop than those who believe they should continue (Chart 4). As a sign of things to come, a demonstration against the yellow vests and in support of Macron and his government – held by the “red scarves” – managed to gather more people on the streets of Paris than the regionally based yellow vests have done in the capital city.1
Chart 3
Chart 4
Who are the yellow vests? The profile is shown in Diagram 1. They are mostly rural, mostly hold a high school degree (or less), and overwhelmingly support anti-establishment political leaders Marine Le Pen (right-wing leader of the National Rally) or Jean-Luc Mélenchon (left-wing leader of La France Insoumise). This suggests that the movement has failed to cross the ideological aisle and win converts from the center. Diagram 1The Profile Of A 'Yellow Vest' Protester
France: La Marche A Suivre?
France: La Marche A Suivre?
How many French people are actually protesting? Although there was a slight pickup in protests at the beginning of January, nationwide numbers are not high. In fact, they are far from what they were back in November and therefore would have to get much larger for markets to become concerned anew (Chart 5). If we are to compare these protests to those in 1995 or 2010, the numbers pale in comparison (Table 1). For instance, the protest of December 1995 brought a million people onto the streets while the demonstrations against the Woerth pension reform in 2010 lasted for seven months and gathered close to nine million protesters across eight different events (Chart 6).
Chart 5
Table 1In A Glorious History Of Protests, 'Yellow Vests' Are A Footnote
France: La Marche A Suivre?
France: La Marche A Suivre?
Chart 6
Instead we would compare the yellow vest protests to the 15-month long Spanish Indignados in 2011, which gathered between six and eight million protesters overall, and the U.S. Occupy Wall Street protests that same year. The two movements were similarly disorganized and combined disparate and often contradictory demands. In both cases, the governments largely ignored the protesters. In the Spanish case, the right-of-center government of Mariano Rajoy plowed ahead with painful, pro-market reforms that have significantly improved Spain’s competitiveness. Thus the yellow vests should not have a major impact on Macron’s reform agenda. Although they have dragged his approval rating to historic lows (Chart 7), there is no constitutional procedure for the French president to lose power. The president’s mandate runs until 2022 and he has a solid 53% of the seats in the Assemblée Nationale. In other words, despite the consensus view – including among voters (Chart 8) – that he will not be able to implement the reforms he had planned, he still has the political power to push forward new initiatives. Chart 7...Although Macron Wishes He Was Sarkozy!
...Although Macron Wishes He Was Sarkozy!
...Although Macron Wishes He Was Sarkozy!
Chart 8
Nevertheless, Macron will certainly have to adjust course to calm the protesters. For example, the recent increase in the minimum wage that the government announced in response to the demonstrations was not supposed to be implemented until later in the presidential term. The reforms brought forward in response to the protest are highlighted in Table 2. This should help reduce the movement’s fervor or otherwise its support. Table 2Macron’s Reforms: The Scorecard
France: La Marche A Suivre?
France: La Marche A Suivre?
More importantly, Table 2 provides a list of the main reforms that have been implemented, proposed, or are yet to be completed since the election. The pace and breadth of these reforms come close to a revolution by the standards of the past forty years.2 What really matters is how these reforms tackle the following three key issues: the size of the state, the cost of financing such a large state, and the inflexible labor market. Macron is making progress on the latter two. Labor reforms, effective since the beginning of 2018, simplify a complex labor code to allow for more negotiations at the company level, leaving unions outside the process. They also establish ceilings on damages awarded by labor courts, which represent a real burden on small and medium-sized French companies. The objective is to better align firm-level wage and productivity developments and encourage hiring on open-ended contracts. Education and vocational reforms aim at reducing the slack in the economy by reallocating skills. The youth unemployment rate, and the percentage of the youth population not in education, employment, or training, are both high (Chart 9). This is very relevant for the labor market given that the lack of skilled labor is the most important barrier to hiring (Chart 10), more so than regulation or employment costs. Chart 9Stagnant Youth Employment Figures...
Stagnant Youth Employment Figures...
Stagnant Youth Employment Figures...
Chart 10...Are A Product Of Skill Deficiencies And Economic Uncertainty
...Are A Product Of Skill Deficiencies And Economic Uncertainty
...Are A Product Of Skill Deficiencies And Economic Uncertainty
The administration’s weak spot is the large size of the state, which is undeniably at the root of the French malaise. At 55% of GDP, total government spending makes the French state the largest amongst developed economies (Chart 11). Although cutbacks have been announced, they have not materialized yet. These would include bringing the defense budget back to 2% of GDP, decreasing the number of deputies in the National Assembly by 30%, and cutting 120,000 jobs in the public sector.
Chart 11
On the bright side, polls show that the French people understand the need to pare back the state. Indeed, 71% are in favor of the announced 100 billion euro cuts in government spending by 2022. Even Marine Le Pen campaigned on the promise of cutting the size of the public sector. Despite having a relatively good opinion of government employees, the majority of respondents approve of increasing work hours and job cuts for redundant government employees (Chart 12).
Chart 12
The fundamental problem of a large public sector is that it has to be financed by taxing the private sector. This has fallen on the shoulders of businesses. However, under Macron, the corporate tax rate is set to decline progressively from 33.33% to 25% by 2022 – a cut of 8.3% in the corporate tax rate over four years (Chart 13). Chart 13Respite Coming For The Private Sector
Respite Coming For The Private Sector
Respite Coming For The Private Sector
Bottom Line: The yellow vest protests were to be expected – they are the natural consequence of Emmanuel Macron’s push to reform the French economy and state. However, when compared to previous efforts to derail government reforms, the numbers simply do not stack up. Their disunited and broad objectives are likely to limit the effectiveness of the movement going forward. The global media’s focus on the protests ignores the structural reforms that Paris has already passed. This is a mistake as the reforms have been significant thus far, though much remains to be done. What To Expect Going Forward? Macron stands in what we call the “danger zone” of the J-Curve of structural reform (Diagram 2). Cutting the size of the state might be what he needs to get out of that zone over the course of his term. Diagram 2In The Danger Zone Of The J-Curve
France: La Marche A Suivre?
France: La Marche A Suivre?
Unlike the last two presidents, Macron’s term has begun with a whirlwind. If he stops now, it is highly unlikely that he will recover his support levels. As such, there is no strategic reason why he would reverse course. His popularity is already in the doldrums. His only chance at another term is to plow ahead and campaign in 2022 on his accomplishments. He just needs to ensure that he will not plow into a rock. As expected, Macron has not made any mention of changing course on his most business-friendly reforms, which we see as a signal to investors that despite the recent chaos, the plan remains the same. Pension reforms, however, will likely be postponed given the ongoing protests. Macron hoped to introduce a universal, unified pension system by the middle of 2019 to replace an overly complex and fragmented system in which 42 different types of pension coexist, each one with its own calculation rules. Though protests (both yellow vest and otherwise) have been unimpressive by historical standards (Table 1), it might be too risky for the government to push the pension reform so close to these events. Bottom Line: Macron has turned France into one of the fastest-reforming countries in Europe. Do not read too much into the lows in approval rating and the protests. Macron has no choice but to own the reform agenda and try to campaign on it in 2022. France Is Not Hopelessly Condemned To Stagnation No country elicits investor doom and gloom like France. It is like the adage that Brazil has been turned on its head: France is the country of the past and always will be. However, we think that such pessimism ignores three important structural tailwinds. Demographics From 2015 to 2050, the age distribution will remain broadly unchanged (Chart 14). The same cannot be said of Italy or Germany, where low fertility rates and ageing populations will permanently shift the demographic picture. Indeed, France has the highest fertility rate amongst advanced economies and less than 20% of the population is older than 65 (Chart 15). And France is far from relying on net migration to keep its population growing; migration represented only 27% of total population growth between 2013 and 2017, lower than in the U.S., the U.K. and Germany even if we were to exclude the migration crisis (Chart 16).
Chart 14
Chart 15France Has Healthy Demographics…
Positive Demographic Trends
Positive Demographic Trends
Chart 16
Whenever one mentions France’s positive demographics, criticism emerges that the high fertility rate is merely the result of migrants having lots of kids. This is not entirely correct. While data is scarce due to nineteenth century laws prohibiting censuses based on race or religious belief, data from neighboring European states shows that the birth rate among migrants and citizens of migrant descent essentially declines to that of the native population by the second generation, which in France remains at the replacement level.3 Solid population growth will be a boon to the French economy. A stable dependency ratio – the ratio of working-age to very old or very young people – should limit the burden on government budgets. Further, France will avoid the downward pressure on aggregate household savings associated with an ageing population, the negative implications of a smaller pool of funds available to the private sector, and the resulting inflationary pressures. We also expect the structural rise in European elderly labor force participation to finally take effect in France. The aftermath of the Great Recession and the burden of having to provide for unemployed youth should spur French retirees to work longer. At 3.1%, France is still some way behind Germany at 7% and the average of 6% for European countries (Chart 17). Chart 17Time For Pépère To Get Back To Work
Time For Pépère To Get Back To Work
Time For Pépère To Get Back To Work
Together, these forces imply a higher long-term French potential growth. Based on demographic divergence alone, the European Commission expects French nominal GDP to overtake German nominal GDP by 2040. The French Savoir-Faire France has lost competitiveness in the global marketplace. French export performance has suffered from decades of rigidities and high unit-labor costs while some of France’s peers, such as Germany, benefited greatly from an early implementation of labor reforms (Chart 18). While pro-growth and pro-market reforms ought to reverse some of these trends, France can still rely on a manufacturing savoir-faire that gives it a strong foothold in high value-added sectors of manufacturing, such as in transportation, defense, and aeronautics. Chart 18The Hartz Reforms Gap
The Hartz Reforms Gap
The Hartz Reforms Gap
Table 3 lists the 10 largest export sectors as a share of total exports for France and Germany. These two economies share five similar categories of exports amongst their largest exports, representing respectively 23.8% and 24.3% of their total exports. However, France displays a substantially higher revealed comparative advantage (RCA) in its flagship sectors.4 In other words, the level of specialization of these sectors relative to the world average is higher in France than in Germany. Going forward, it is precisely this level of specialization in the high value-added sectors that will support the French manufacturing industry. Table 3France Vs. Germany: Closer Than You Think
France: La Marche A Suivre?
France: La Marche A Suivre?
We also view the bullish trends for defense spending and arms trade, and the burgeoning EM demand for transportation goods, as important tailwinds for French manufacturing. France is the world’s fourth-largest global defense exporter and will benefit from shifting geopolitical equilibriums caused by multipolarity. France is also well positioned in the transportation sector where its exports to EM countries represent 20% of its overall transportation exports – a share that more than doubled in the past 15 years (Chart 19). While this trend is currently declining with the end of Chinese industrialization, we expect that it will resume over the next several decades as more EM and FM economies grow. Chart 19EM: A Growth Market For France
EM: A Growth Market For France
EM: A Growth Market For France
France Is Much More Business-Friendly Than You Think A surge in the number of businesses created followed the election of the French president. Last year, more than 520,000 new businesses were created (Chart 20). Chart 20The New 'Start-Up Nation'
The New "Start-Up Nation"
The New "Start-Up Nation"
The ease of doing business has improved on various metrics and the economy-wide regulatory and market environment should continue on this trend, as measured by the OECD product market regulation indicator (Chart 21). For instance, it takes only three and a half days to set up a business in France and no more than five steps, which is much easier than in most European countries.
Chart 21
France also ranks 10th on the Global Entrepreneurship Index – a measure of the health of entrepreneurship ecosystems in 137 countries. It appears prepared for more tech start-ups as it ranks amongst the top countries on the Technological Readiness Index. Overall, France is now a much more attractive destination for investments (Chart 22). It appears that Brexit uncertainty is also driving some long-term capital investments. Between 2016 and 2017, the number of FDI projects in France jumped by 31% and Paris has become the most attractive European city for foreign direct investments (Chart 23).
Chart 22
Chart 23Paris: The City Of (Love) FDI
Paris: The City Of (Love) FDI
Paris: The City Of (Love) FDI
Cyclical View Despite the end of QE, markets do not expect the ECB to start hiking rates in the next 12 months – the expected change in ECB policy rate as discounted by the Overnight Index Swap curve is only 7 bps. This means the private sector will keep benefiting from extremely low lending rates, nearing 2%. Bank loans to the private sector will continue growing at a solid pace (Chart 24). Chart 24Banks Are Itching To Lend
Banks Are Itching To Lend
Banks Are Itching To Lend
A lower unemployment rate and accelerating wage growth are positive for both consumer spending and residential investment. Average monthly earnings have strongly rebounded in the past five quarters (Chart 25). These two trends could put a floor under deteriorating household confidence and support consumer spending (Chart 26). Should household confidence rebound, consumers might spend more and stimulate the economy given their high savings rate. Chart 25Consumers Are Primed To Consume
Consumers Are Primed To Consume
Consumers Are Primed To Consume
Chart 26But Protests Have Dented Confidence
But Protests Have Dented Confidence
But Protests Have Dented Confidence
How does this dynamic translate in economic growth? Despite the setback experienced by the euro area – due to weaker external demand, or “vulnerabilities in emerging markets” to use the European Central Bank’s (ECB) own words – and the negative economic impact of the yellow vests, French real GDP grew by 1% (annualized) in the fourth quarter. The concessions made by Macron to answer the protests will bring the budget deficit close to 3.2% of GDP – from an earlier projection of 2.8%. The fiscal thrust will contribute positively to GDP growth (Chart 27), though 2020 may witness a larger fiscal drag. Chart 27Macron Has Given Up On Austerity
Macron Has Given Up On Austerity
Macron Has Given Up On Austerity
Bottom Line: The overall fundamentals of the economy are not as bad as the pessimists say. Cyclical and structural tailwinds will support the French economy going forward and should be reinforced by reforms. Can Europe Be Set En Marche Too? Macron’s presidency offers the European Union a window of opportunity to change structurally. He is already perceived as the “default leader” of Europe and might be the answer to the EU’s desperate need for strong leadership. What we have so far looks like a roadmap for a roadmap, but some progress could materialize this year. The European Stability Mechanism (ESM) – the European instrument for economic crisis prevention – is supposed to be granted new powers. At the Euro Summit in December, the ministers agreed on the terms of reference of the common backstop to the euro zone bank resolution fund (SRF), which would allow the ESM to lend to the SRF should a crisis or number of crises suck away all its funds. It would be ready from 2024 to come up with loans for bank resolution. While this may appear to be too late to make a difference in the next recession, we would remind clients that all dates are malleable in the European context. The possibility of the ESM playing a role in a potential sovereign debt restructuring in the future, like a sort of “European IMF,” was also discussed. However, some – including the ESM’s leadership – argue that such an expanded role will necessitate a greater injection of capital, which obviously Berlin must accept. Second, the stalled Banking Union project requires Berlin’s intimate involvement. In fact, Germany remains practically the only member state against the European Deposit Insurance Scheme (EDIS). This deposit insurance union would go a long way toward stabilizing the Euro Area amid future financial crises. However, a high-level working group should report by June 2019. As such, with Merkel sidelined and Macron taking leadership of the reform process, there could be movement on the EDIS by mid-year. Bottom Line: As Merkel exits the stage, France is likely to seize the opportunity to take the leading role from the Germans. By delivering the reforms he promised during his campaign and thus performing effectively at home, Macron hopes to obtain the legitimacy to set the EU en marche as well. Some material progress could be achieved as early as June this year. Stay tuned. Jeremie Peloso, Research Analyst jeremiep@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 According to the government, 10,500 “red scarves” marched in Paris on January 27, 2018. 2 Sans the guillotine! 3 Rojas, Bernardi, and Schmid, “First and second births among immigrants and their descendants in Switzerland,” Demographic Research 38:11 (2018), pp. 247-286, available at https://www.demographic-research.org/Volumes/Vol38/11/Ariane Pailhé, “The convergence of second-generation immigrants’ fertility patterns in France: The role of sociocultural distance between parents’ and host country,” Demographic Research 36:45 (2017), pp. 1361-1398, available at https://www.demographic-research.org/Volumes/Vol36/45/Kulu et al., “Fertility by Birth Order among the Descendants of Immigrants in Selected European Countries,” Population And Development Review 43:1 (2017), pp. 31-60, available at https://doi.org/10.1111/padr.12037 4 A country displays a revealed comparative advantage in a given product if it exports more than its “fair” share, that is, a share that is equal to the share of total world trade that the product represents.
Political economy – i.e., the interplay between critical nation states’ policies and markets – often trumps straightforward supply-demand analysis in oil. This is because policy decisions affect production and consumption, along with global trade. These decisions, in turn, determine constraints states – central and tangential – confront in pursuit of their interests. Presently, U.S. policies toward Venezuela and Iran dominate oil supply considerations, while Sino – U.S. trade tensions and their effect on EM consumption dominate the demand side. In this month’s balances assessment, we revised some of our supply-side assumptions to include the high probability U.S. waivers on Iranian export sanctions will have to be extended until Venezuela stabilizes. OPEC 2.0 appears to be flexible -- positioning for either an extension of waivers, or sanctions. This keeps our baseline oil-supply assumptions fairly steady this year as the coalition adjusts to changes in Venezuela’s output. Adjustments could be volatile, however. On the demand side, we continue to expect growth of 1.49mm b/d this year and 1.57mm b/d in 2020. Steadier production and unchanged demand assumptions lower our price forecasts slightly to $75/bbl and $80/bbl this year and next for Brent, with WTI trading $7.0/bbl and $3.25/bbl below those levels, respectively (Chart of the Week). Chart of the WeekExpect OPEC 2.0 To Smooth Venezuelan Production Losses In 2019
Expect OPEC 2.0 To Smooth Venezuelan Production Losses In 2019
Expect OPEC 2.0 To Smooth Venezuelan Production Losses In 2019
Highlights Energy: Overweight. Nigeria’s elections, scheduled for this past weekend, were unexpectedly postponed until Saturday. Political leaders urged Nigerians to “refrain from civil disorder and remain peaceful, patriotic and united to ensure that no force or conspiracy derail our democratic development.”1 Nigeria produces ~ 1.7mm b/d of oil. Base Metals/Bulks: Neutral. Estimated LMEX, CME, SHFE and bonded Chinese warehouse copper inventories are down 29.8% y/y, which will continue to be supportive of prices. Precious Metals: Neutral. Palladium is trading ~ $111/oz over gold, as concerns over supply deficits persist. The last time this occurred was on November, 2002. Ags/Softs: Underweight. Chinese buyers are believed to have cancelled as much as 1.25mm bushels of soybean purchases last week, according to feedandgrain.com. Feature The analytical framework informing global political economy provides a useful augmentation to our standard supply-demand analysis, particularly now, when U.S. policy continues to play a pivotal role in the evolution of oil fundamentals. In particular, we believe the near-term evolution of oil prices hinges on how events in Venezuela play out, following the imposition of U.S. trade and financial sanctions directed against the state-owned PDVSA oil company and the Maduro regime. The evolution of the U.S.’s PDVSA sanctions will directly determine whether waivers on Iranian export sanctions granted by the Trump administration in November are extended when they expire in May.2 These tightly linked evolutions, in turn, will drive OPEC 2.0 production policy, and whether its production-cutting agreement is extended beyond its June 2019 termination. As we discussed recently, we see OPEC 2.0 building its flexibility to adjust quickly to either an extension of the waivers on Iranian sanctions, or to accommodate the termination of these sanctions at the end of May. Given the state of the market, which we discuss below, we believe waivers on Iranian export sanctions almost surely will be extended when they expire in May. Global Oil Markets Are Tightening Our supply assumptions are driven by our assessment that global spare capacity of just over 2.5mm b/d could accommodate the loss of Venezuelan oil exports with little difficulty (in a matter of months), aside from a further tightening at the margin in the heavy-sour crude oil market (Chart of the Week and Table 1). In fact, the loss of up to 1mm b/d or more of Iranian exports – versus the ~ 800k b/d we now expect if waivers are extended until December – could also be accommodated by OPEC 2.0’s spare capacity, given the rebuilding of this potential output on the back of OPEC production cuts, which have the effect of increasing spare capacity (Chart 2).3 Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply – Demand Balances (MMb/d) (Base Case Balances)
The New Political Economy Of Oil
The New Political Economy Of Oil
Chart 2
However, should this combination of events be realized, an unplanned outage similar to the one that removed ~ 1mm b/d of Canadian production due to wildfires in the summer of 2016, with Venezuela production falling toward 650k b/d and Iranian exports even partially constrained, could move the oil market perilously close to the limits of global spare capacity, which now stands just over 2.5mm b/d, based on the EIA’s reckoning. This would increase the risk of dramatically higher prices, simply because the flex in the system would approach zero. Iranian Waivers Hinge On Venezuela The manner in which U.S. sanctions against PDVSA and the Maduro regime evolve – in particular, whether regime change is affected – will determine whether waivers on the oil-export sanctions the U.S. re-imposed on Iran last November are extended beyond their end-May terminal point. In turn, this will affect OPEC 2.0’s production policies, particularly after its production-cutting agreement expires in June. In our current model of OPEC 2.0 production, we now expect its 2019 production to continue to decline in 1H19, to drain the overhang resulting from the ramp-up member states undertook in preparation for U.S. sanctions against Iran. This policy was substantially reversed with the last-minute granting of waivers to eight importing countries by the Trump administration prior to sanctions kicking in in November. This led to a sharp sell-off in crude oil prices in 4Q18, as market participants re-calibrated the supply side of global balances. In 2H19, our base case assumes OPEC 2.0’s production rises by ~ 900mm b/d (December vs. July 2019 level), to smooth out the loss of Venezuelan output as it falls to 650k b/d by the end of this year from just under 1.1mm b/d now. The goal of this policy is to quickly drain global inventories to levels comfortably below the five-year average (in 1H19), and then to keep Brent prices in the $75/bbl to $80/bbl range over 2H19 – end-2020 (Chart 3). We expect core OPEC 2.0 countries, led by KSA, core GCC states and Russia production to rise by more than 500k b/d in 2H19 (vs. 1H19 levels), to maintain inventories at desired levels and prices in the $75/bbl to $80/bbl range. Chart 3Core OPEC And Non-OPEC Output Will Rise To Offset Venezuelan Losses
Core OPEC And Non-OPEC Output Will Rise To Offset Venezuelan Losses
Core OPEC And Non-OPEC Output Will Rise To Offset Venezuelan Losses
To this end, we assume core OPEC 2.0’s production rises in 2020 to 33.52mm b/d from 32.98mm b/d in 2019, led by a ~ 200k b/d increase from KSA – which takes its output to ~ 10.4mm b/d from ~ 10.2mm b/d in 2019. We expect Russian production to rise to 11.7mm b/d from ~ 11.5mm b/d in 2019. Additional output hikes come from core OPEC and other non-OPEC producers (Chart 4, Table 1). Chart 4OPEC 2.0's Goal: Quickly Reduce Inventories In 1H19
OPEC 2.0's Goal: Quickly Reduce Inventories In 1H19
OPEC 2.0's Goal: Quickly Reduce Inventories In 1H19
We do not try to forecast how the sanctions against PDVSA and the Maduro government play out – i.e., whether the incumbent government survives, or whether a peaceful or violent regime change occurs. If Venezuela were to descend into civil war, or were to experience a violent revolution, the outcome would be unpredictable and the rebuilding of that economy – regardless of who emerges to take control of the state – would require years. Likewise, if President Maduro and the military leaders supporting him were to quietly decamp, it still would require years to rebuild that country’s oil industry and economy.4 We view the odds of a confrontation between the U.S. and Venezuela’s benefactors/creditors as extremely low. We believe the U.S. would revive the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, and that Russia and China most likely would concede Venezuela is within the U.S.’s sphere of influence, as neither intend to project the force and maintain the supply lines such a confrontation would require.5 Because the resolution of the political uncertainty in Venezuela is unsure and the outcome unknowable – particularly when unplanned outages represent such a non-trivial risk to global supply at the margin – we strongly believe waivers granted on U.S. sanctions against Iranian oil exports will be extended at least by 90 to 180 days when they expire at the end of May. As we discuss above, global spare capacity is insufficient to cover the loss of Venezuelan and Iranian output, and still have the flexibility required to meet a large unplanned outage over the course of this year or next. For this reason, Iranian sanctions will not be immediately re-imposed following the termination of U.S. waivers on exports from that state; importers most likely will be increasing their liftings of Iranian crude, in line with the extension of the waivers we expect over the course of 2H19 (Chart 5).
Chart 5
Oil Demand Continues To Hold Up We continue to expect global oil demand to grow by 1.49mm b/d this year and 1.57mm b/d in 2020, led as always by strong EM demand growth, with China and India at the forefront (Table 1). DM demand growth is expected to slow this year, but put in a respectable performance, as well. EM commodity demand growth generally has been trending down at a slow and constant pace since the beginning of 2018, as we discussed last week when we presented our new Global Industrial Activity (GIA) index. The index indicates demand is not as stellar as it was during the synchronized global upturn of 2017, but that it also is not as bad as sentiment and expectations would indicate.6 Pulling It All Together On balance, we expect the combination of stronger OPEC 2.0 output, plus an 800k b/d increase in U.S. shale-oil production, which lifts total U.S. crude-oil output from 12.42mm b/d to 13.49mm b/d next year, is enough to keep Brent prices close to $80/bbl next year, vs. the $75/bbl we expect this year (Chart 6). We revised our expectation for WTI slightly, and now expect it to trade ~ $7.0/bbl under Brent this year and at a $3.75/bbl discount next year. Chart 6Balanced Oil Market Expected This Year and Next ...
Balanced Oil Market Expected This Year and Next ...
Balanced Oil Market Expected This Year and Next ...
The OPEC 2.0 production discipline and lower U.S. shale-oil output, coupled with strong – not stellar – demand growth combine to allow OECD commercial oil inventories (crude and products) to resume drawing and to fall comfortably below OPEC 2.0’s 2010 – 2014 five-year average target (Chart 7). This will be supportive of the Brent backwardation trade we recommended on January 3, 2019 which now is up 265.5%, as of Tuesday’s close. Chart 7... And Oil Inventories Resume Falling
... And Oil Inventories Resume Falling
... And Oil Inventories Resume Falling
Bottom Line: We revised our supply estimates, and now expect OPEC 2.0 to cover lost Venezuelan output arising from the imposition of U.S. sanctions on PDVSA and the continued deterioration of that state’s oil industry. Because global spare capacity cannot handle the loss of Venezuelan and Iranian oil exports at the same time and still cover a large unplanned outage, we expect the waivers on U.S. sanctions of Iranian oil exports to be extended for up to 180 days following their termination at the end of May. We expect Brent crude oil prices to average $75/bbl this year and $80/bbl next year as oil markets balance. We expect WTI to trade ~ $7.0/bbl below Brent this year, and $3.25/bbl under in 2020. Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President Commodity & Energy Strategy rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger, Senior Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see “Nigeria Election 2019: Appeal For Calm After Shock Delay,” published February 16, 2019, by bbc.com. 2 OPEC 2.0 is the name we coined for the producer coalition of OPEC states, led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), and non-OPEC states led by Russia, which recently agreed to cut production by ~ 1.2mm b/d to drain commercial oil inventories and re-balance markets globally. OPEC 2.0’s market monitoring committee meets in April to assess the production-cutting deal it reached in November, which is set to expire in June. The full coalition meets in May to set policy going forward. This is just ahead of the expiration of U.S. waivers on Iranian oil exports. For a discussion of OPEC 2.0’s production optionality, please see “OPEC Starts Cutting Oil Output; Demand Fears Are Overdone,” published by BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy Strategy January 24, 2019. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 We are watching the evolution of the partial closure of the offshore Safaniya field in KSA about two weeks ago closely. With 1mm b/d capacity, this is the world’s largest offshore producing field; no updates have been provided by KSA this week. 4 Please see “What Next For Venezuela,” by Anne Kreuger published by project-syndicate.org on February 15, 2019 for a discussion. 5 We note here that Gazprombank, the Russian bank, froze PDVSA’s accounts over the weekend to avoid running afoul of U.S. sanctions against the company. Please see “Russia’s Gazprombank decided to freeze PDVSA accounts – source,” published by reuters.com February 17, 2019. See also “What Comes Next For Venezuela’s Oil Industry,” published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies February 12, 2019, which details how U.S. sanctions amount to the equivalent of a full-on embargo by forcing payment for Venezuelan oil to be deposited in accounts that cannot be accessed by the government or PDVSA. 6 We discuss our global demand outlook in last week’s Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, in an article entitled “Oil, Copper Demand Worries Are Overdone.” It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Trade Recommendation Performance In 4Q18
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Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2019 Summary of Trades Closed in
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Highlights So What? India is overcoming the economic constraints to its strategic rise. Why? India faces rising political risk once again as public opinion puts Modi’s tenure in power at risk. However, India will continue to improve its economy, as outside pressures will force it to act coherently as a nation. Stay on the sidelines for now but remain constructive over the long run. Feature “An enemy of my enemy is my friend.” This is to paraphrase Kautilya, a philosopher of the Mauryan Empire, circa 200 BC. Kautilya was the Indian Machiavelli and wrote the Arthashastra to give hard-nosed political advice to rulers who wanted to know how kingdoms and states really behave rather than how they ought to behave.1 The quotation is no less true today than it was in ancient times. It explains why risks are rising to our view that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will remain in power after the election in April or May. This reinforces our underweight position on Indian risk assets over a 12-month time horizon. The quotation also explains why China’s growing influence in South Asia will drive India to continue reforming its economy and befriend the United States, thus supporting an optimistic view of India’s economic and investment potential in the long run (Chart 1).
Chart 1
What Is India’s Grand Strategy? India’s geopolitical predicament stems from the fact that it is a relatively rational geographic unit, but one whose political unity is extremely difficult to maintain. Almost every side of the subcontinent is demarcated by forbidding geology: the Himalayas, the Bay of Bengal, the Arabian Sea, the thick jungles of Burma. Even the northwest, the traditional route of invaders, hosts vast obstacles like the Hindu Kush and Thar Desert. Any kingdom that takes shape can soon dream of expanding its borders to a natural stopping place (Map 1).
Chart
Yet formidable obstacles stand between the cradles of Indian civilization – the Indus and Ganges Rivers – and the river ways and coastal outlets of the south. The Vindhya-Satpura mountains, the Deccan plateau, and the eastern and western Ghats make it extremely difficult for a northern power to govern the various cultures of the southern cone. This geography ensures that empires are always trying and failing to unify the subcontinent into a coherent whole. As a result, India rarely projects power beyond it. When it does, the projection is short-lived.2 Historically India has seen the rise of five major empires that dominated the subcontinent: the Mauryans, the Guptas, the Mughals, the British, and the modern Republic of India (Chart 2). The Mughals and many other invaders periodically streamed in from the northwest – most often from modern-day Afghanistan and northern Pakistan, but also from Iran and southern Pakistan. Meanwhile several European empires invaded from the sea and established coastal settlements. The British East India Company settled in Bengal and then drove west and south, cutting off the French who had settled on the southeastern shores.
Chart 2
The modern Republic of India, founded in 1947 after Mahatma Gandhi and his followers harassed the British into leaving, feared that the United States would follow in Britain’s footsteps, being the world’s preeminent naval power. The Indians also distrusted the U.S.’s constructive relations with China and Pakistan that aimed to “contain” the Soviet Union. The Soviets, by contrast, could apply great pressure on Pakistan’s flank in Afghanistan and thus proved useful to India. They could also sell India weapons and capital goods as founding Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru pursued a socialist path of economic development. The collapse of the Soviet Union coincided with a balance-of-payments crisis in India in 1991 that resulted in the abandonment of the old command-style economy and the adoption of modern capitalism under the reforms of Narasimha Rao. India also supported the U.S.’s intervention in the region after September 11, 2001 as a way of maintaining pressure on Pakistan’s back door. From this brief history we can glean a few solid points about India’s grand strategy: An Indian empire must establish control along the Indus or Ganges rivers, or both; An Indian empire must assimilate or drive out foreign rulers and unify the north and south; An Indian empire must strive to become the kingmaker across the subcontinent, through influence if not conquest; An Indian empire must fend off an invasion from the sea. The result of Rao’s reforms, India’s achievement of nuclear status in 1998, and nearly three decades of economic growth have been an India that is clearly an emerging “great power.” According to our Geopolitical Power Index, India is today on the cusp of supplanting Russia as the world’s third most powerful state (Chart 3). It surpassed the U.K., its former colonial master, in 1993. Chart 3India On Cusp Of Overtaking Russia In Comprehensive National Power
India On Cusp Of Overtaking Russia In Comprehensive National Power
India On Cusp Of Overtaking Russia In Comprehensive National Power
Like China in East Asia, India is modernizing its vast army, developing a blue-water navy, and carving out a sphere of influence in South Asia (Chart 4). Also like China, India’s ambitions of regional hegemony are frustrated by its neighbors. India’s rivalry with Pakistan is foundational and existential – it is as if China faced Taiwan with nuclear weapons. Chart 4India's Military Clout Quietly Rising
India's Military Clout Quietly Rising
India's Military Clout Quietly Rising
Today the fragile world order that prevailed in the wake of the Cold War is under severe strain. China’s grand regional ambitions are provoking a harsh reaction from the United States, which is setting up a new “containment policy” to limit China’s technological advance. The U.S. is withdrawing military forces from the Middle East and South Asia as it becomes energy self-sufficient and looking to counter-balance China with its free hand. Meanwhile China’s influence on the subcontinent is growing – already it is a rival to India as a trade partner for India’s South Asian neighbors (Chart 5). The Sino-Indian rivalry has often been overstated – the Himalayas are more than a hindrance. But China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) means that this logic is increasingly out of date. Historically, India faced overland invasions from the northwest and maritime invasions from the northeast. The Belt and Road – of which Pakistan is probably the most comprehensive beneficiary – potentially threatens India from both directions sometime in the future. Chart 5China Encroaching In India's Sphere Of Influence
China Encroaching In India's Sphere Of Influence
China Encroaching In India's Sphere Of Influence
Of course the U.S. and India still face tensions between each other – foremost being the impending withdrawal from Afghanistan and the U.S. “maximum pressure” policy towards Iran (Chart 6). There are also trade tensions with the Trump administration and a broader problem of inconsistent U.S. outreach to India. Nevertheless the logic of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” suggests that over the long run the U.S. will grow warmer with India as a regional counterweight to China, while India will wish to become less isolationist and cultivate its relationship with the U.S. as a counter both to Pakistan and China. Simply put, China is making historic advances into India’s neighborhood in South Asia and the Indian Ocean basin. Chart 6A Good Sign For U.S.-India Ties: Cooperation On Iran
A Good Sign For U.S.-India Ties: Cooperation On Iran
A Good Sign For U.S.-India Ties: Cooperation On Iran
This logic also suggests that India will be driven to continue reforming its economic structure so as to preserve internal unity and South Asian influence. If its economy languishes, it will lose preponderance within its neighborhood and become vulnerable to foreign aggression. Bottom Line: India and the U.S. are likely to see an ever-strengthening strategic partnership. They will overcome hurdles to the relationship because of their mutual need to counter China’s regional ascendancy. India’s Economic Hang-Up India has been ineffective in establishing an international presence because it has only reluctantly and haltingly reformed its economy. Today India’s middle class – measured by the share of adults with total wealth from $10,000 to $100,000 – is less than 10%, comparable to the Philippines and Thailand. China’s is now above 50%, according to Credit Suisse’s Global Wealth Report (Chart 7).
Chart 7
This weakness stems in great part from policy decisions, namely the dogged pursuit of socialism through the latter stages of the Cold War. The same ruling ideology that prized independence also prized self-sufficiency, doubling down on import-substitution and thus missing the chance to industrialize with the export-oriented Asian Tigers in the 1970s or China in the 1980s. The result of insufficient measures to limit the state, curtail monopolies, contain inflation, and promote trade and private enterprise has been a chronic shortfall of national savings (Chart 8), which are needed to invest in capital projects and boost productivity (Chart 9).3 Chart 8India Lacks National Savings
India Lacks National Savings
India Lacks National Savings
Chart 9India's Lagging Productivity
India's Lagging Productivity
India's Lagging Productivity
Many of these historic hang-ups have begun to change, however, first under the reforms of the 1990s-2000s and more recently under the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi since 2014. As a result, there are a number of “truisms” about India’s economy that are no longer true. For instance, while India’s government is said to be small and weak due to its federal structure – which empowers the states – the truth is that its government is not notably smaller than that of other comparable emerging markets (Chart 10). There is no doubt that it is harder for India’s leaders to drive their agenda than it is for Russia’s and China’s leaders, but this is due to the type of government rather than the size. India inherited liberal democracy and rule of law from the British and its own revolutionary leaders built on this foundation, providing relative stability despite its patchwork of languages, ethnicities, and castes. Democratic checks and balances have led to better governance. Chart 10India's Government Neither Small Nor Weak
India's Government Neither Small Nor Weak
India's Government Neither Small Nor Weak
The contrast has had clear effects on demography. India has a strong demographic foundation and hence a large internal market and robust labor force growth. China, by contrast, is suffering from the distortive effects of the “One Child Policy” on its working age population. As a result India’s population will increasingly provide the global labor force as China’s workers become scarcer and rise in cost (Chart 11) and as trade conflicts between China and the West drive investors to relocate supply chains.
Chart 11
This is also a risk to India, of course, if job creation lags. But that is where other economic improvements come in. Cumulatively, Modi’s policies have improved the trajectory of a capital formation relative to consumption, which will increase productivity, potential growth, and job creation (Chart 12). Chart 12Modi Corrected India's Investment Trajectory
Modi Corrected India's Investment Trajectory
Modi Corrected India's Investment Trajectory
On openness to trade, India has largely closed the gap with China and other comparable EMs like Indonesia (Chart 13). And while India has long been highly restrictive toward foreign investment, it is much less so than China (Chart 14), and a slew of policies to ease restrictions has resulted in a surge in foreign direct investment that only recently came off the boil (Chart 15). Chart 13India Not So Closed To Trade Anymore
India Not So Closed To Trade Anymore
India Not So Closed To Trade Anymore
Chart 14
Chart 15Modi Opened India To Foreign Investment
Modi Opened India To Foreign Investment
Modi Opened India To Foreign Investment
Further, while India remains broadly under-invested and has not managed to rebalance its overall economy toward manufacturing, it has created some bright spots within the manufacturing sector, such as autos (Chart 16).4 Modi’s government has significantly improved other conditions that will encourage private investment: the ease of doing business, global competitiveness, infrastructure effectiveness, and human capital (Chart 17). Chart 16Cars A Bright Spot In Indian Manufacturing
Cars A Bright Spot In Indian Manufacturing
Cars A Bright Spot In Indian Manufacturing
Chart 17
Bottom Line: India’s grand strategy has historically suffered because internal unity and regional influence could not be achieved with a floundering economy. Over recent decades, however, India’s reforms have accumulated into substantial improvements – and the Modi administration has made some key improvements. But Will Modi Survive? Our baseline case for the general election due in April or May is that Modi and his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), along with their allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), will remain in power, if narrowly. However, in recent weeks the public opinion polling has taken a turn for the worse for Modi (Chart 18), raising the odds of a hung parliament or opposition victory. Modi still remains well ahead of Rahul Gandhi, the dynastic leader of the opposition Indian National Congress and its United Progressive Alliance (UPA), in terms of popularity (Chart 19). But in some polling he is barely holding onto a double-digit lead. Meanwhile Gandhi’s sudden viability as a candidate is a significant change from only a year ago.
Chart 18
Chart 19
Nevertheless the range of seat projections for the lower house of parliament, the Lok Sabha, is very wide and suggests that Modi’s coalition could still win a majority, as long as the opposition’s current rally breaks (Chart 20).
Chart 20
A critical election dynamic points back to Kautilya’s ancient advice. Recently, two major parties in Uttar Pradesh – the key bellwether state – have joined forces to avoid stealing each other’s votes and thus help the opposition take seats. If this scheme works, then the NDA could be outmatched at the polls.5 For investors, however, the key takeaway is that Modi’s reform agenda is past its peak and policy uncertainty can only rise from here: Modi’s seats will certainly shrink from the landslide of 2014 – the BJP is likely to lose its single-party majority, weakening Modi and his party members on their reform agenda. The support of their NDA allies will have to be bought with favorable policy tradeoffs (Chart 21);
Chart 21
The high tide of Modi’s movement has already come and gone in the state governments, where the BJP recently lost Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh, among others (Map 2). It is possible to lose these states and still win the general election, as largely occurred in 2004 and 2009, but state governments are a decisive factor in implementing federal policies and Modi’s influence is now clearly on the wane;
Chart
Estimates of the NDA’s future gains in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house, suggest that even if Modi stays in power, he will never obtain a majority there (Diagram 1) – meaning that lower house bills other than supply bills will be subject to a veto; Diagram 1Modi Unlikely To Gain Majority In Upper House … Ever
India's Geopolitics: What Investors Need To Know
India's Geopolitics: What Investors Need To Know
Modi is unlikely to have enough seats in the two houses to have the option of driving key legislation through a joint session of parliament. This is a rare occurrence but it would be a valuable ace up the sleeve. Modi’s reform movement has already seen high tide. He will struggle to institute reforms if he is weakened in parliament and the states. This is even truer if a hung parliament occurs, or if the UPA ekes out a slim majority. In essence, the next Indian government will likely be hobbled if Modi’s polling and performance do not recover from here – and even then he will not reclaim the political capital of his first term in office. It would be a mistake, however, to believe that reforms cannot get done without Modi. Prime Minister Rao came from the Congress Party, after all. Moreover, it is possible for India to undertake major reforms with a weak coalition or minority government. This was the backdrop of the critical pro-market reforms of the 1990s. But this implies that there would need to be a market riot to induce additional reform momentum, as was the case at that time, and India is not at a comparable crisis point today. Bottom Line: Modi’s reform momentum is over. The next government will be weaker and less able to drive major pro-productivity reforms. But eventually reform momentum will recover, driven by the geopolitical forces outlined above. Does Modi Matter? What is the basis for Modi’s loss of momentum? The gist of the problem is that Modi’s reforms were structural and therefore entailed substantial economic and social costs. As a result, Modi has lost support. The good news is that Modi’s achievements thus far will continue to yield benefits for India. To highlight a few: The creation of a single market by means of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) is a significant reform that will ensure a strong legacy for Modi in the long run. However, the new tax obviously does not get voters enthused. The new Bankruptcy Law has helped to cleanse economic inefficiencies. But it has resulted in layoffs and financial deleveraging, weighing on credit growth and the broader economy. Demonetization, the sudden replacement of key denominations of money in circulation, has helped to formalize gray and black parts of the economy. But it was executed in a hugely disruptive manner and various scandals have arisen in the wake of it, hurting the ruling party. Controlling the fiscal deficit has been a federal government objective that has had some success. However, Modi and the state governments are more recently boosting spending ahead of the election to avoid what otherwise would be a negative fiscal thrust this year. This is a factor that should play to Modi’s advantage, although it has not so far. It also highlights the difficulty of fiscal consolidation over the long run (Chart 22). Chart 22Election Cycle Fiscal Easing Is The Norm
Election Cycle Fiscal Easing Is The Norm
Election Cycle Fiscal Easing Is The Norm
More concerning, both for Modi and for India, is the unemployment rate. Even the official unemployment rate is rising despite the fast clip of economic growth and the pro-growth reforms (Chart 23). A leaked government statistical report suggests that unemployment has indeed gone up and labor participation has fallen more than the government is willing to admit. Chart 23Even Official Unemployment Is Rising
Even Official Unemployment Is Rising
Even Official Unemployment Is Rising
The jury is still out on the extent of the current growth slowdown. Some estimates suggest that the output gap is closed, others say slightly negative. While there has been a soft patch in wage growth – particularly among the important 40% of the population that still works on the farm (Chart 24) – the latest data show improvement. Unit labor costs are ebullient and suggest that employee compensation is rising (Chart 25). The reality could make all the difference for Modi’s coalition at the ballot box. Chart 24Rural Wages Improving... But Is It Enough?
Rural Wages Improving... But Is It Enough?
Rural Wages Improving... But Is It Enough?
Chart 25Will Workers Reward Modi?
Will Workers Reward Modi?
Will Workers Reward Modi?
More importantly, if India cannot keep unemployment down amidst significant labor force growth, then Modi will only become the near-term casualty of a more profound problematic trend. Another long-term concern is Modi’s political pressure on the Reserve Bank of India. This has resulted in the replacement of two orthodox and credible central bankers under Modi’s watch. The result is a noticeably dovish policy shift, as confirmed by the cut of the repo rate to 6.25% (from 6.5%) on February 7. This cut and later cuts may be supported by global growth fears but will raise suspicions of political influence. Any damage to the central bank’s credibility will have lasting negative effects since the election result cannot reverse it (at least not fully). It will feed inflation expectations marginally and insofar as it does it will worsen the conditions for sustainable private sector capital investment. However, inflation is currently low and other reforms – such as the RBI’s adoption of inflation-targeting and ample domestic grain production – will help to offset any new monetary policy risk. Bottom Line: Modi’s reform legacy is mostly positive for India structurally, although the erosion of central bank independence is a critical exception. Investment Implications In the short run, cooperation among Modi’s political opponents poses a risk of removing him from power and short-circuiting his reform agenda. In the long run, cooperation between China and India’s South Asian neighbors poses a risk of undermining India’s grand strategy, driving it into the arms of the United States. In both cases Kautilya’s ancient wisdom is on display. In the first case, a Modi defeat would be negative for India’s policy continuity, currency, and risk assets. The upside to our baseline view of a Modi victory is not high, however, unless Modi and the BJP surprise to the upside and win a substantial majority. This is unlikely unless the polling changes. In the second case, the geopolitical environment will pressure India to continue reforming and improving its economy so as to maintain internal stability, influence its neighbors, and ward off unwanted foreign influence. With China’s Belt and Road putting pressure on India’s strategic interests, leaders in New Delhi will have a continual motivation to focus on improving the economy as well as seeking alliances. This is the only way to ensure India retains its influence within its neighborhood. For now, investors should steer clear of the Indian currency and risk assets in absolute terms because Modi’s reforms are priced in; election cycle dynamics are undermining monetary and fiscal policy; and the risk of sharp policy discontinuity is rising. On a relative basis, India may also underperform EM in the short term while oil prices rise: oil prices and India’s equity performance relative to EM are negatively correlated.6 Beyond that, however, India is a structural opportunity. Capital investment in China, which has powered much of the structural bull market in commodities and EM assets over the past two decades, is declining, while India’s is improving (Chart 26). Capex is the key to improving India’s productivity and keeping inflation in check even as the demographic dividend pushes up growth rates. Although many EM economies will suffer from a slowdown in Chinese capex, India is not overly exposed to China or global trade, and it is further along than other EMs in its process of bank deleveraging, which opens the prospect of a new credit cycle that will improve its investment outlook (Chart 27). Chart 26China Capex Down, India Capex Up
China Capex Down, India Capex Up
China Capex Down, India Capex Up
Chart 27Deleveraging Enables A New Credit Cycle
Deleveraging Enables A New Credit Cycle
Deleveraging Enables A New Credit Cycle
Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Kajari Kamal, “Kautilya’s Arthashastra: Indian Strategic Culture and Grand Strategic Preferences,” Journal of Defence Studies 12:3 (2018), pp. 27-54, available at idsa.in 2 The medieval Chola Kingdom sailed across the Bay of Bengal and as far as Malacca in 1025. Please see Manjeet Singh Pardesi, “Deducing India’s Grand Strategy of Regional Hegemony from Historical and Conceptual Perspectives,” Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Working Paper 76 (April 2005), available at www.rsis.edu. For an in-depth study of India’s strategic history, see Graham P. Chapman, The Geopolitics of South Asia: From Early Empires to the Nuclear Age (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009). 3 Please see BCA Emerging Market Strategy Special Report, “Capital Rationing Is Deterring Growth,” February 28, 2012, and “India’s Inflation: How Serious Is The Problem?” January 26, 2010, available at www.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Commodity and Energy Strategy Weekly Report, “India’s Commodity Demand, With Or Without Modi,” February 7, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see Milan Vaishnav and Jamie Hintson, “As Uttar Pradesh Goes, So Goes India,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, February 5, 2019, available at carnegieendowment.org. 6 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, “EM: Sustained Decoupling, Or Domino Effect?”June 14, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com.