Europe

Highlights So What? Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s threat to take the U.K. out of the EU without a withdrawal deal in place is a substantial 21% risk. Why? The odds of a no-deal exit could range from today’s 21% to around 30%, depending on whether Johnson manages to obtain some concessions from the EU in forthcoming negotiations. It is far too early to go bottom-feeding for the pound sterling, as Brexit risks are asymmetrical. We maintain our tactically cautious positioning, despite some cyclical improvements, due to elevated geopolitical risks in the United States, East Asia, and the Middle East. Feature Thank you Mr. Speaker, and of course I should welcome the prime minister to his place … the last prime minister of the United Kingdom. – Ian Blackford, head of the Scottish National Party in Westminster, July 25, 2019 Chart 1No-Deal Brexit Would Come At A Very Bad Time No-Deal Brexit Would Come At A Very Bad Time No-Deal Brexit Would Come At A Very Bad Time The Federal Reserve cut interest rates for the first time since the global financial crisis in 2008 on July 31. The Fed suggested that the door is open for future cuts, though Chairman Jerome Powell signaled that the cut should not be seen as the launch of a “lengthy rate cutting cycle” but rather as a “mid-cycle adjustment” comparable to cuts in 1995 and 1998. President Donald Trump responded by declaring a new 10% tariff on $300 billion worth of imports from China! He resumed criticizing Powell for insufficient dovishness – and Trump could in fact fire Powell, though the decision would be contested at the Supreme Court. The Fed’s move shows that Trump’s direct handle on interest rates comes from his ability to control trade policy and hence affect the “the external sector.” The trade war with China has exacerbated a global manufacturing slowdown that is keeping global growth and U.S. inflation weak enough to justify additional rate cuts with each future deterioration (Chart 1). Improvements in global monetary and fiscal policy suggest that the U.S. and global economic expansion will be extended to 2021 or beyond, which is positive for equities relative to government bonds or cash, but we remain defensively positioned in the near-term due to a range of geopolitical risks, highlighted by the new tariffs. The unconvincing U.S.-China tariff ceasefire agreed at the Osaka G20 has fallen apart as we expected; the period of “fire and fury” between the U.S. and Iran continues; and the U.S. is entering what we expect to be a period of socio-political instability in the lead up to the momentous 2020 presidential election. Moreover the risk of a “no deal” Brexit, in which the U.K. exits the European Union and reverts to basic World Trade Organization tariff levels, is rising and will create acute uncertainty over the next three months despite the world’s easy monetary policy settings (Charts 2A & 2B). In June we upgraded our odds of a no-deal Brexit to 21%, up from 7% this spring. While not our base case, the probability is too high for comfort and the critical timing for the rest of Europe warns against taking on additional risk. The risk of a “no deal” Brexit ... is rising and will create acute uncertainty. Chart 2AUncertainty And Sentiment Getting Worse ... Uncertainty And Sentiment Getting Worse ... Uncertainty And Sentiment Getting Worse ... Chart 2B... Despite Easy Monetary Policy ... Despite Easy Monetary Policy ... Despite Easy Monetary Policy BoJo’s Gambit Boris Johnson – aka “BoJo” – former mayor of London and foreign secretary, cemented his position as the U.K.’s 77th prime minister on July 24. He immediately launched a gambit to renegotiate the U.K.’s withdrawal. He is threatening not to pay the “divorce bill” (the U.K.’s outstanding budget contributions for the 2014-20 budget period and other liabilities in subsequent decades) of 39 billion pounds. He insists that the Irish backstop (which would keep Northern Ireland or the U.K. in the EU customs union to prevent a hard border between the two Irelands) must be abandoned. He has stacked his cabinet with pro-Brexit hardliners who share his “do or die” stance that Brexit must occur on October 31 regardless of whether an agreement for an orderly exit is in place. These developments were anticipated – hence the decline in our GeoRisk indicator – but the pound sterling is falling now that the confrontation is truly getting under way (Chart 3). Parliament is adjourned in August, so Johnson’s hardline negotiating tactics will get full play in the media cycle until early September, when the real showdown begins. Crunch time will likely run up to the eleventh hour, with Halloween marking an ominous deadline. There is plenty of room for the pound to fall further throughout this period, according to our European Investment Strategy’s handy measure (Chart 4), because the success of Boris’s gambit depends entirely upon creating a credible threat of crashing out of the EU in order to wring concessions that could conceivably pass through the British parliament. Chart 3Our Market-Based Indicator Suggests Still Some Complacency On Brexit Risks Our Market-Based Indicator Suggests Still Some Complacency On Brexit Risks Our Market-Based Indicator Suggests Still Some Complacency On Brexit Risks Chart 4GBP-EUR Still Has Room To Fall Under BoJo's Gambit GBP-EUR Still Has Room To Fall Under BoJo's Gambit GBP-EUR Still Has Room To Fall Under BoJo's Gambit Geopolitically, the United Kingdom is not prohibited from exiting the EU without a deal. Though the empire is a thing of the past, the U.K. remains a major world power. It has Europe’s second-largest economy, nuclear weapons, a blue-water navy, a leading voice in global political institutions, and is a close ally of the United States. It mints its own coin. It is a sovereign entity that can survive on its own just as Japan can survive on its own. This geopolitical foundation always supported our view that there was a 50% chance of the referendum passing in 2016, and today it supports the view that fears over a no-deal Brexit are not misplaced. Investors should therefore not confuse Johnson’s bluster with that of Alexis Tsipras in 2015. A British government dead-set on delivering this outcome – given the popular mandate from the 2016 referendum and the government’s constitutional handling of foreign affairs as opposed to parliament – can probably achieve it. However, the probability of a no-deal Brexit may become overstated in the next two-to-three months. Economically and politically, a no-deal exit is extremely difficult to follow through on – hence our 21% probability. Estimates of the negative economic impact range from a 2% reduction in GDP growth to an 11% reduction (Table 1). The 8% drop cited by Scottish National Party leader Ian Blackford in his denunciation of Prime Minister Johnson’s strategy is probably exaggerated. The U.K.’s recorded twentieth-century recessions range from 2%-7% (Chart 5). These offer as good of a benchmark as any. While a no-deal exit is probably not going to create a shock the same size as the Great Depression or the Great Recession, the recessions of 1979 and 1990 would be bad enough for any prime minister or ruling party. Table 1Wide Range Of Estimates For Impact Of No-Deal Brexit Tariffs ... And The Last Prime Minister Of The United Kingdom? Tariffs ... And The Last Prime Minister Of The United Kingdom? Chart 5 A small recession could also spiral out of control – it could create a vicious spiral with the European continent, which is already on the verge of recession. And it could damage consumer confidence more than anticipated – as it would be accompanied by immediate social and political unrest due to the half of the population that opposes Brexit in all forms. Politicians have to pay attention to the opinion polls as well as the referendum result, since opinion polls impact the next election. These show a plurality in favor of remaining in the EU and a strong trend against Brexit since 2017 – a factor that the currency markets are ignoring at the moment (Chart 6). While the evidence does not prove that a second referendum would result in Bremain, it is highly likely that a majority opposes a no-deal exit, given that at least a handful of pro-Brexit voters do not want to leave without a deal. The results of the European parliamentary elections in May (Chart 7) and the public’s preferences for different political parties (Chart 8) both support this conclusion. Chart 6Plurality Of Voters Still Favors Bremain Over Brexit Plurality Of Voters Still Favors Bremain Over Brexit Plurality Of Voters Still Favors Bremain Over Brexit Chart 7 Chart 8Voters Favor Bremain-Leaning Political Parties Voters Favor Bremain-Leaning Political Parties Voters Favor Bremain-Leaning Political Parties Parliament is also opposed to a no-deal Brexit. Though the Cooper-Letwin bill that forbad a no-deal exit initially passed by one vote in April (Chart 9A), the final amended version passed with a majority of 309 votes. Further, in July, with the rise of Boris Johnson, parliament passed a measure by 41 votes that requires parliament to sit this fall (Chart 9B), thus attempting to prevent Boris from proroguing parliament and forcing a no-deal Brexit that way. Technically Queen Elizabeth II could still prorogue parliament, but we highly doubt she would intervene in a way that would divide the nation. Johnson himself will have to face the reality of parliament and public opinion. Chart 9 Chart 9 Parliament has one crystal clear means of halting a no-deal exit: a vote of no confidence in Johnson’s government.1 Theresa May only survived her vote of no confidence by 19 seats. Yet Johnson is entering 10 Downing Street at a time when parliament is essentially hung. The Conservative Party’s coalition with Northern Ireland’s Democratic Union Party has been reduced to a majority of two, which is likely to fall to a single solitary seat after the Brecon and Radnorshire by-election, which is taking place as we go to press. Johnson has purged several Tories from his cabinet, and there are a handful of Conservatives who are firmly opposed to a no-deal Brexit. It would be an extremely tight vote as to whether these Tory rebels would be willing and able to bring down one of their own governments – a careful assessment suggests that there are about half a dozen swing voters on each side of the House of Commons.2 But 47 Conservatives contrived to block prorogation (see Chart 9B). The magnitude of the crisis members of parliament would face – an unpopular, self-inflicted no-deal exit and recession – is essential context that would motivate rebellious voting behavior. Parliament’s actions so far, the reality of the economic impact, and the popular polling suggest that MPs are likely to halt the Johnson government from forcing a no-deal exit if he makes a mad dash for it. More likely is that Johnson himself pushes to hold an election after securing some technical concessions from Brussels. He is galvanizing the Conservative vote and swallowing up the single-issue Brexit vote (UKIP and the Brexit Party), while the opposition remains divided between the Labour Party under the vacillating Jeremy Corbyn and the resurgent Liberal Democrats (Chart 10). In a first-past-the-post electoral system, this provides a window of opportunity for the Conservatives to improve their parliamentary majority – assuming that Johnson has renegotiated a deal with the EU and has something to show for it. Chart 10BoJo Could Call Election With Deal In Hand BoJo Could Call Election With Deal In Hand BoJo Could Call Election With Deal In Hand Chart 11Ireland Can Compromise For Stability's Sake Ireland Can Compromise For Stability's Sake Ireland Can Compromise For Stability's Sake This would require the EU to delay the deadline yet again (September 3 is the last date for a non-confidence vote to force a pre-Brexit October 24 election). The European Union has a self-interest in preventing a no-deal Brexit, as it needs to maintain economic stability. It ultimately would prefer to keep the U.K. in the bloc, which means that delays can ultimately be granted, especially to accommodate a new election. As to what kind of compromises are available, the Irish backstop can suffer technical changes to its provisions, time frames, or application. In the end, the Irish Sea is already a different kind of border than the other borders in the U.K. and therefore it is possible to enact additional checks that nevertheless have a claim to retaining the integrity of the United Kingdom. The Democratic Unionists could find themselves outnumbered on this issue. Certainly the Republic of Ireland has an interest in preventing a no-deal Brexit as long as a hard border with Northern Ireland is avoided, and Boris Johnson maintains that it will be (Chart 11). The risk of a no-deal Brexit is around 21% Our updated Brexit Decision Tree in Diagram 1 provides the outcomes. Former Prime Minister Theresa May failed three times to pass her Brexit deal. We allot a 30% chance, higher than consensus, that Boris Johnson can do it through galvanizing the Conservative vote – given that he is operating with a hung parliament and is at odds with the median voter on Brexit. We give 21% odds to a no-deal Brexit based on the difficulty of parliament outright halting Johnson if his government is absolutely determined to follow through with it. This is clearly a large risk but not our base case. We would upgrade these odds to around 30% in the event that negotiations with the EU completely fail to produce tangible outcomes. It is far more likely that a delay occurs and leads to new elections (49%) – and these odds rise to 70% if Johnson fails to extract concessions from the EU that enable him to pass a deal through parliament. Diagram 1Brexit Decision Tree (Updated As Of June 21 For Boris Johnson) Tariffs ... And The Last Prime Minister Of The United Kingdom? Tariffs ... And The Last Prime Minister Of The United Kingdom? A final constraint on Johnson comes from Scotland, as highlighted in the epigraph at the top of the report: the demand for a new Scottish independence referendum is reviving as a result of opposition to Brexit in general and specifically to Prime Minister Johnson’s hardline approach (Charts 12A & 12B). The SNP is also improving its favorability among Scottish voters relative to other parties (Chart 13). We have highlighted this risk in the past: support for Scottish independence does not have a clear ceiling amid the antagonism over Brexit, especially if an economic and political shock hits the union as a result of a forced no-deal exit. Chart 12 Chart 12 Chart 13Scottish Nationals Resurgent Scottish Nationals Resurgent Scottish Nationals Resurgent Bottom Line: The risk of a no-deal Brexit is around 21%, though a complete failure of negotiations with the EU could push it up to 30%. If it occurs it will induce a recession and eventually could result in the breakup of the union with Scotland. China And Investment Recommendations What can investors be certain of regardless of the different Brexit outcomes? The United Kingdom will reverse the fiscal austerity of recent years (Chart 14). Fiscal stimulus will be necessary either to offset the shock of a no-deal exit in the worst-case scenario, or to address the ongoing economic challenges and public grievances in a soft Brexit or no Brexit scenario. These grievances stem from the negative impact on the middle class of globalization, post-financial crisis deleveraging, low real wage growth, and the decline in productivity. Potential GDP growth is set to fall if immigration is curtailed and restrictions on trade with the EU go up. The government will have to offset this trend with spending to boost the social safety net and encourage investment. Chart 14Fiscal Austerity To Go Into Reverse Fiscal Austerity To Go Into Reverse Fiscal Austerity To Go Into Reverse The pound is clearly weak on a long-term and structural basis (Chart 15). Based on our assessment of the British median voter – opposed to a no-deal Brexit – and the fact that parliament is also opposed to a no-deal Brexit Chart 15Deep Value In Sterling Deep Value In Sterling Deep Value In Sterling and is the supreme lawgiving body in the British constitution, we expect that an enormous buying opportunity will emerge when Prime Minister Johnson’s gambit has reached its apex and he is either forced to accept what concessions the EU will give. But if forced out of office, election uncertainty due to a potential Prime Minister Jeremy Corbyn will prolong the pound’s weakness. Brexit is not the only risk affecting Europe this summer – a critical factor is Europe’s own economic status, which in great part hinges on our China view (Chart 16). The Chinese Communist Party’s mid-year Politburo meeting struck a more accommodative tone relative to the April meeting that sounded less dovish in the aftermath of the Q1 credit splurge. The emphasis of the remarks shifted back to the need to take additional measures to stabilize the economy, as in the October 2018 statement. This fits with our view since February that Chinese stimulus will surprise to the upside this year. Chart 16Chinese Reflation Positive For Europe Chinese Reflation Positive For Europe Chinese Reflation Positive For Europe Policymakers’ efforts are working thus far, with signs of stabilization occurring in the all-important labor market (Chart 17). There is some evidence that Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption campaign is moderating, which also supports the view that policy settings in the broadest sense are becoming more supportive of growth (Chart 18). Chart 17China Will Reflate More China Will Reflate More China Will Reflate More Chart 18Relaxing Anti-Corruption Campaign Another Form Of Easing Relaxing Anti-Corruption Campaign Another Form Of Easing Relaxing Anti-Corruption Campaign Another Form Of Easing Chart 19Hong Kong Equities Have Farther To Fall Hong Kong Equities Have Farther To Fall Hong Kong Equities Have Farther To Fall We still are long European equities versus Chinese equities and are short the CNY-USD. From a geopolitical point of view, the U.S.-China conflict is intensifying with President Trump’s threat to raise an additional 10% tariff on $300 billion of Chinese imports despite the resumption of talks. In addition, the Hong Kong protests are intensifying, with China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) warning that it may have to intervene. There is high potential for violence to erupt, leading to a more heavy-handed approach by Hong Kong security forces and even eventual PLA deployment. This suggests there is downside in the Hang Seng index (Chart 19) – and PLA intervention could lead to broader investor concerns about China’s internal stability and another reason for tensions with the United States and its allies. The U.S.-China conflict is intensifying. Our alarmist view on Taiwan in advance of the January 2020 election is finally taking shape. Not only has the Hong Kong unrest prompted a notable uptick in Taiwanese people’s view of themselves as exclusively Taiwanese (Chart 20), but Beijing has also announced additional restrictions on travel and tourism to Taiwan – an economic sanction that will harm the economy (Chart 21). These actions and escalation in Hong Kong raise the odds that the ruling Democratic Progressive Party will remain in power in Taiwan after January and hence that cross-strait relations (and by extension Sino-American relations) will remain strained and will require a higher risk premium to be built in. The latest trade war escalation could easily spill into strategic saber-rattling, as the U.S. blames China for North Korea’s return to bad behavior and China blames the U.S. for dissent in Hong Kong and likely Taiwan. Chart 20 Chart 21Beijing To Sanction Taiwan Tourism Again Beijing To Sanction Taiwan Tourism Again Beijing To Sanction Taiwan Tourism Again The U.S.-China trade negotiations are falling apart at the moment. We had argued that China’s stimulus and stabilization would create a negative reaction from President Trump, who would regret the Osaka ceasefire when he saw that China’s bargaining leverage had improved. This has come to pass, vindicating our 60% odds of an escalation post-G20. The U.S. Commerce Department could still conceivably renew the Temporary General License for U.S. companies to deal with Chinese tech firm Huawei on August 19, in order to create an environment conducive to progress for the next round of trade talks in September, but with the latest round of tariffs we think it is more likely that we will get a major escalation of strategic tensions and even saber-rattling. China’s new announcements regarding reforms to make local officials more accountable and to make it easier for companies to go bankrupt, including unprofitable “zombie” state-owned enterprises, could be a thinly veiled structural concession to the United States, but it remains to be seen whether these will be implemented and reinforced. Beijing rebooted structural reforms at the nineteenth national party congress but we expect stimulus to overwhelm reform amid trade war. We are converting our long non-Chinese rare earth producers recommendation to a strategic trade, after it hit our 5% stop-loss, as it is supported by our major theme of Sino-American strategic rivalry. The secular nature of this rivalry has been greatly confirmed by the fact that President Trump is now responding to American election dynamics. The U.S. Democratic Party’s primary debates have revealed that the candidates most likely to take on President Trump (Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren) are adopting his hawkish foreign policy and trade policy stance toward China. The frontrunner former Vice President Joe Biden is the exception, as he is maintaining President Obama’s more dovish and multilateral approach. Trump’s clear response is to ensure that he still owns the trade and manufacturing narrative, to call Biden weak on trade, and to prevent the left-wing populists from outflanking him. Short the Hang Seng index as a tactical trade and close long Q1 2020 Brent futures versus Q1 2021 at the market bell tonight.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 See Maddy Thimont Jack, “A New Prime Minister Intent On No Deal Brexit Can’t Be Stopped By MPs,” May 22, 2019, www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk. 2 See Dominic Walsh, “Would MPs really back a no confidence motion to stop no-deal?” The New Statesman, July 15, 2019, www.newstatesman.com.

Dear Client, Next week I am sending you a Special Report on Japan written by Amr Hanafy, Research Associate of BCA’s Global Asset Allocation service. Amr answers some key questions that clients have been asking about Japan recently: Does the Bank of Japan have any monetary policy ammunition left? How hard will October’s tax hike hit consumption? Has Japan’s corporate governance improved meaningfully? Is there a case for a rerating of Japanese equities? I trust you will find his report very informative. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights Risk assets are likely to struggle over the next few weeks as investors digest both the decision by President Trump to further raise tariffs on Chinese imports, and the realization that the Fed’s “insurance cuts” may not be as generous as they had anticipated. Beyond then, the key question is whether the global economy is, in fact, experiencing a mid-cycle slowdown or is on the brink of a recession. If it is the former, as we think is the case, risk assets will bounce back. Despite the bluster from the Trump Administration, a trade deal between the U.S. and China is still more likely than not. The failure to reach a deal would weaken the U.S. economy, hurting Trump’s reelection prospects. Reassuringly, there is scant evidence that the global manufacturing downturn has infected the service sector to any significant degree. This is true not just for the U.S., but for manufacturing-intensive economies such as Germany as well. The share of manufacturing in both GDP and employment has fallen steadily around the world. Manufacturing output has also become less volatile over time, and less correlated with service sector growth. As global manufacturing activity starts to recover later this year, earnings growth will pick up. Stay overweight global equities relative to bonds on a 12-month horizon, while preparing to increase exposure to EM and European stocks. Feature First The Fed, And Then Trump Risk assets got hit by a one-two punch this week. First, the Federal Reserve dashed investors’ hopes for an extended easing cycle. While the Fed did cut rates by 25 basis points and pledged to end its balance sheet runoff in August (two months earlier than previously indicated), Jay Powell’s characterization of the Fed’s current mantra as a “mid-cycle adjustment to policy” suggested that further cuts were far from guaranteed. To reinforce the point, Powell stated that the Fed was not at “the beginning of a lengthy cutting cycle.” “That’s not our perspective now, our outlook,” he added. Contributing to the hawkish backdrop, Esther George, the president of the Kansas City Fed, and Eric Rosengren, the once fairly dovish president of the Boston Fed, voted to keep rates unchanged. Equities initially plunged on Wednesday following Chair Powell’s press conference. Markets rallied back Thursday morning, only to tumble again in the wake of President Trump’s decision to further raise tariffs on Chinese imports. There is no shortage of theories purporting to explain the timing of Trump’s decision. Was he trying to send a message to the Fed that it had better keep easing? Was he annoyed that Elizabeth Warren, Bernie Sanders, and a number of other presidential contenders tried to outflank him on trade during the Democratic debate the prior evening by suggesting he was not protectionist enough? Regardless, risk assets are likely to struggle over the next few weeks as investors grapple with both renewed trade war anxiety and the realization that the Fed’s “insurance cuts” may not be as generous as they had anticipated. Beyond then, the key question is whether the global economy is, in fact, experiencing a mid-cycle slowdown or is on the brink of a recession. If it is the former, as we think is the case, risk assets will bounce back. While a severe escalation of the trade war would tip the scales towards recession, the risk of such an outcome remains low. Negotiations with China are ongoing. The threat to further raise tariffs in September is consistent with the “maximum pressure” doctrine that has governed Trump’s policy decisions. Ultimately, the failure to reach a trade deal would weaken the U.S. economy, undermining Trump’s reelection prospects. The fact that the latest tranche of tariffs, unlike previous ones, will fall mainly on consumer goods could further hurt Trump in the polls. He does not want that. The Manufacturing Cycle: How Low Will It Go? Chart 1The Global Manufacturing Cycle Has Likely Reached A Bottom The Global Manufacturing Cycle Has Likely Reached A Bottom The Global Manufacturing Cycle Has Likely Reached A Bottom Trade tensions have undoubtedly exacerbated the global manufacturing downturn. However, trade policy hasn't been the only culprit, as evidenced by the fact that manufacturing activity began to decelerate even before the trade war heated up in earnest. As we explained in detail last week,1 manufacturing activity tends to follow a “natural cycle” lasting about three years, with output growth rising for the first 18 months, and falling for the next 18 months (Chart 1). The latest downleg began at the start of 2018. Thus, as long as the trade war does not spiral out of control, we should soon see a bottom in the manufacturing cycle based on this timing. For now, the evidence for such a bottom remains mixed. It is encouraging that data released this week showed an improvement in the Chinese Caixin Manufacturing PMI and a slight uptick in the new orders component of the U.S. ISM manufacturing survey. Nevertheless, both surveys remain weak in absolute terms. Meanwhile, the European PMIs have continued to deteriorate, taking the global manufacturing PMI down to 49.3 in July, the lowest level since October 2012.  What one can say more definitively is that at least so far, the manufacturing downturn has not infected the service sector to any significant degree (Chart 2). The U.S. non-manufacturing ISM will be released on Monday, but the June reading of 55.1, while below year-ago levels, was still in the middle of its historic range (Chart 3). Chart 2AThe Service Sector Has Softened Much Less Than Manufacturing (I) The Service Sector Has Softened Much Less Than Manufacturing (I) The Service Sector Has Softened Much Less Than Manufacturing (I) Chart 2BThe Service Sector Has Softened Much Less Than Manufacturing (II) The Service Sector Has Softened Much Less Than Manufacturing (II) The Service Sector Has Softened Much Less Than Manufacturing (II)   Chart 3U.S. ISM Non-Manufacturing Still Close To Its Historic Average U.S. ISM Non-Manufacturing Still Close To Its Historic Average U.S. ISM Non-Manufacturing Still Close To Its Historic Average Strong demand for services has underpinned U.S. employment growth which, in turn, has supported consumption growth. Real PCE rose by 4.3% in Q2. The jump in the Conference Board’s index of consumer confidence in July suggests that U.S. consumers remain upbeat. Notably, the services PMI has increased in the euro area this year, even as the manufacturing sector has weakened there. In Germany, where the manufacturing PMI plunged to 43.2 in July, the non-manufacturing PMI still managed to clock in at 55.4, up from 51.8 in December 2018. Manufacturing: A Canary In The Coal Mine Or Just A Coal Mine? The fact that the overall German economy has not come crashing down despite its high reliance on manufacturing is reassuring. Nevertheless, many investors remain convinced that it is just a matter of time before manufacturing woes precipitate a broad-based economic downturn. Such concerns are well founded if protectionism causes the entire global trading system to come crashing down. However, provided that this does not occur, it is unlikely that slower manufacturing growth, in and of itself, will trigger a recession. Uncertainty over Fed policy and the trade war are likely to weigh on risk assets over the coming weeks. Contrary to conventional wisdom, there is little evidence that manufacturing leads the broader economy. Chart 4 clearly shows that manufacturing output tracks overall real GDP growth, with no clear lead-lag relationship. Chart 4Manufacturing Activity Moves In Sync With The Broad Economy Manufacturing Activity Moves In Sync With The Broad Economy Manufacturing Activity Moves In Sync With The Broad Economy Granted, manufacturing growth is more volatile than GDP growth, but that is simply because of the nature of manufacturing production. More than half of manufacturing output consists of durable goods. Purchases of durable goods tend to be lumpy over time. When unemployment starts to rise, households typically postpone purchases of, say, refrigerators and automobiles, while businesses postpone purchases of capital goods. As inventories pile up, manufacturers respond by cutting output. The opposite happens during expansions. The Declining Role Of Manufacturing In The Economy As a share of GDP, global manufacturing output currently stands at 16%. The manufacturing share has been trending lower in most countries (Chart 5). In the U.S., where the data goes back much further, manufacturing output has declined from over 25% of GDP in the 1950s to 11% of GDP at present. The share of manufacturing jobs in total employment has dropped in tandem (Chart 6). Chart 5The Declining Role Of Manufacturing Is A Global Phenomenon The Declining Role Of Manufacturing Is A Global Phenomenon The Declining Role Of Manufacturing Is A Global Phenomenon Chart 6The Relative Size Of Manufacturing In The U.S. Economy Has Been Falling The Relative Size Of Manufacturing In The U.S. Economy Has Been Falling The Relative Size Of Manufacturing In The U.S. Economy Has Been Falling   The volatility of manufacturing growth rates has also fallen over time. This has occurred partly because of better inventory management techniques. Chart 7 shows that the ratio of real nonfarm inventories-to-domestic sales of goods and structures has been trending lower for the past 40 years. Diminished fears of oil embargos and price controls, which were rampant during the 1970s, have also allowed inventory levels to come down. Chart 7A Structural Decline In The Inventories-To-Sales Ratio Starting In The Early 1980s A Structural Decline In The Inventories-To-Sales Ratio Starting in The Early 1980s A Structural Decline In The Inventories-To-Sales Ratio Starting in The Early 1980s As manufacturing has become a smaller and less volatile part of the economy, its impact on the service sector has diminished. In fact, we estimate that all of the reduction in the variance of U.S. private sector GDP growth over the past 50 years can be attributed to a smaller contribution from the goods-producing sector, as well as a decline in the correlation between goods-producing and service-producing industries (Chart 8). Chart 8 Investment Conclusions Uncertainty over Fed policy and the trade war are likely to weigh on risk assets over the coming weeks. As long as the trade war does not boil over, global manufacturing activity should recover during the remainder of this year, boosting corporate earnings in the process. More cyclically-oriented stock markets and sectors will benefit the most. Non-U.S. stocks have the advantage of trading at a substantial discount to their U.S. peers. Chart 9 shows that U.S. stocks trade at 17.5-times forward earnings, while non-U.S. stocks trade at only 13.5-times forward earnings. We expect to upgrade European and EM equities over the coming months. Chart 9AEquities: Better Valuations Outside The U.S. (I) Equities: Better Valuations Outside The U.S. (I) Equities: Better Valuations Outside The U.S. (I) Chart 9BEquities: Better Valuations Outside The U.S. (II) Equities: Better Valuations Outside The U.S. (II) Equities: Better Valuations Outside The U.S. (II) Better global growth prospects should cause the dollar to weaken. Stronger growth should also allow government bond yields to rise and yield curves to steepen. Investors should favor stocks over bonds for the next 12 months. Housekeeping: We were stopped out of our long EUR/JPY trade for a loss of 5%. We will consider reopening this trade once market volatility settles down.   Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy  peterb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Three Cycles,” dated July 26, 2019.   Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Chart 10 Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Highlights Fed: The Fed will deliver a 25bp rate cut this week, despite a firmer tone to recent U.S. economic and inflation data, and the door will be left open to an additional “insurance” cut in September. ECB: The ECB will unveil a package of easing measures, from interest rate cuts to restarting asset purchases – including a healthy dose of corporate bond buying – in September. Fixed Income Strategy: The Fed is more likely to disappoint deeply dovish market expectations than the ECB over the next 6-12 months. European fixed income should outperform U.S. equivalents, both for government bonds and corporate debt, especially with the ECB ready to buy bonds again. Stay overweight Bunds vs Treasuries and euro area corporate debt vs U.S. equivalents on a USD-hedged basis. Feature Chart of the WeekData To Satisfy Both The Optimists & Pessimists Data To Satisfy Both The Optimists & Pessimists Data To Satisfy Both The Optimists & Pessimists In normal years, the final days of July are a quiet time for financial markets, with investors focused on preparations for August vacations rather than fretting about the performance of their portfolios. This is not one of those years. Central banks are springing into action to combat a global manufacturing downturn, creating a peculiar divergence of market price signals - elevated stock prices and depressed bond yields. BCA exposed our own internal debate on the growth outlook, and the implications for financial markets, in a recent Special Report.1 Our latest discussions with clients show similar splits within investment committees. While Global Fixed Income Strategy is in the optimist camp at BCA, we do recognize that there is enough news and data at the moment to satisfy both bullish and bearish investors (Chart of the Week). The growth bears can point to the continued deceleration of global trade and manufacturing data, with our global PMI indicator now sitting below the 2015/16 lows. The bulls, on the other hand, can highlight the bottoming of forward-looking data like our global leading economic indicator or the pickup in Chinese credit growth. Most importantly, the bulls are having a very enjoyable summer with interest rate cuts expected from the Fed and ECB, and the latter likely to restart quantitative easing. In this Weekly Report, we focus on monetary policy – specifically, the outlook for the Fed and ECB’s next moves over the next few months – and the implications for financial markets. Our conclusion is that the likely policy choices will benefit the relative performance of European fixed income markets versus U.S. equivalents over a 6-12 month horizon. The ECB’s Next Move: See You In September Chart 2A "Manufacturing-Only" Slump A "Manufacturing-Only" Slump A "Manufacturing-Only" Slump The global trade downturn has hit growth in the U.S. and Europe in a similar fashion, with PMI data showing substantially weaker activity in manufacturing compared to more domestically focused service industries (Chart 2). In Europe, there is an unprecedented divergence, with the services PMI rising and the manufacturing PMI plummeting over the past several months. At his press conference after last week’s monetary policy meeting, ECB President Mario Draghi described the European manufacturing data as “getting worse and worse”. He is right, as evidenced by the downtrends seen in other cyclical data like the ZEW and IFO surveys. European bond markets are betting that the ECB will focus on the manufacturing side of the export-heavy euro area economies and will soon ease monetary policy. Draghi gave strong indications that the ECB will deliver a package of easing measures at the September policy meeting, ranging from interest rate cuts to restarting the Asset Purchase Program (APP) for both government and corporate debt. Bond investors have been making large bets on the ECB delivering a big easing, with European bond yields plummeting to new cyclical lows. Investors remain highly skeptical that robust, inflationary growth – and higher interest rates – will ever return to Europe. The surge in the amount of debt trading at negative yields has gotten the attention of the market. By our count, 53% of all government bonds in the developed economies are now trading with a negative yield, with much of those in Europe (Chart 3). Investors are reaching for anything with a positive yield, including formerly toxic debt like Italian and Greek government bonds, with the benchmark 10-year yields in those markets now down to 1.6% and 2.1%, respectively. The rally has extended into spread product, creating oddities such as shorter-maturity EUR-denominated emerging market bonds – some with credit ratings below investment grade – trading at negative yields.2 From a longer-term perspective, the European bond rally continues a trend seen over the past decade where the relative performance of European equities versus government bonds, a.k.a. the stock-to-bond ratio, has been anemic compared to the similar metric in the U.S. (Chart 4). Investors remain highly skeptical that robust, inflationary growth – and higher interest rates – will ever return to Europe. Chart 3Positive Yields Are Getting Harder To Find Positive Yields Are Getting Harder To Find Positive Yields Are Getting Harder To Find Chart 4Structural Market Pessimism On Europe Structural Market Pessimism On Europe Structural Market Pessimism On Europe From a cyclical perspective, the case for a comprehensive easing package from the ECB now is a strong one, for several reasons: There is a broad-based slowing of growth and inflation within the euro area. Our diffusion indices of individual country data for real GDP growth and the OECD’s leading economic indicators show that the overwhelming majority of euro area nations are seeing slowing growth (Chart 5). Similar readings coincided with multiple interest rate cuts in 2001, 2008/09 and 2012. Chart 5Good Reasons For An ECB Rate Cut Good Reasons For An ECB Rate Cut Good Reasons For An ECB Rate Cut Chart 6Can The ECB Stop A Credit Crunch In Italy? Can The ECB Stop A Credit Crunch In Italy? Can The ECB Stop A Credit Crunch In Italy? Realized inflation and inflation expectations remain muted. Our diffusion indices for inflation rates among euro area countries are more mixed, with almost all nations actually seeing a slight uptick in core inflation over the past three months (bottom panel). Yet given the plunge in market-based inflation expectations, with the 5-year/5-year forward EUR CPI swap rate now down to 1.35%, the ECB must focus on trying to put a floor under growth to stabilize inflation expectations. Banks are starting to tighten lending standards. The ECB’s latest Bank Lending Survey showed a sharp tightening of lending standards to businesses during Q2/2019 (Chart 6) in France and, more worryingly, Italy where loan growth has been contracting on a year-over-year basis. The ECB already took action back in March to introduce a new targeted bank funding program (TLTRO3), largely to prevent a possible credit crunch in Italy where cheap ECB loans have funded 10% of total Italian bank lending. Yet with Italian banks already tightening lending standards to domestic borrowers, the ECB must take other actions to fight off a deeper contraction in Italian corporate loans. So what can the ECB plausibly do to ease monetary conditions that are already very loose? Cut the deposit rate. Given the ECB’s large balance sheet, swollen by asset purchases, the deposit rate on the excess reserves of banks is now effectively the ECB’s main policy rate. The deposit rate is currently -0.40%, and the ECB is concerned about the impact on European bank profitability by pushing that rate even deeper into negative territory. Draghi noted in his press conference last week that the ECB would consider “tiering” interest rates on excess deposits – essentially, exempting portions of European banks’ excess reserves from being charged negative deposit rates – to help offset the hit to bank profits from negative rates. Chart 7The ECB Can Help Finance European Companies The ECB Can Help Finance European Companies The ECB Can Help Finance European Companies Tiering has been introduced in other countries with negative deposit rates (Japan, Switzerland, Denmark), with limited impacts on bank profitability. The experience of those countries, however, suggests that an introduction of tiering by the ECB could put a floor under interest rate expectations, as it would indicate that additional rate cuts would be too damaging for European bank profitability to be considered by the ECB. For that reason, the ECB could decide to cut rates in September, but without tiering to ensure the maximum effect on European interest rates and bond yields. Restart the Asset Purchase Program (APP). This option is the most intriguing, as it would be a more direct way for the ECB to directly lower the cost of borrowing for European companies where credit conditions are becoming tighter. During the corporate bond buying phase of the APP in 2016-2018, the ECB was not only buying bonds in the secondary market but was buying corporates in the primary (new issue) market. At the peak, the central bank was buying around 18% of all the primary issuance by euro area companies eligible for the APP (Chart 7). This allowed many smaller European companies that relied entirely on bank loans to begin issuing publicly traded corporate bonds to diversify their sources of funding, with the ECB as a guaranteed buyer – in some cases, at interest rates even lower than corporate bank lending rates. With the ECB having fewer constraints on its corporate bond buying (i.e. no Capital Key as in the case of government bond purchases), the big policy surprise in September could be a bigger focus on corporates over sovereigns in the restarted APP. That would be good news for euro area corporate bond performance.  Chart 8Markets Discounting New ECB Corporate Bond Purchases? Markets Discounting New ECB Corporate Bond Purchases? Markets Discounting New ECB Corporate Bond Purchases? Investors seem to have already priced in some expectation of a resumption of the ECB’s corporate bond buying program, as euro area credit spreads have tightened sharply despite weakening economic growth (Chart 8). The spread tightening has occurred across all countries and investment grade credit tiers, pushing valuations back to towards the levels seen during the height of the ECB’s last period of corporate bond buying in 2017. The ECB will likely have to start out fairly aggressively with its pace of corporate bond buying, likely with more than €10bn/month, to justify current valuations. With the ECB having fewer constraints on its corporate bond buying (i.e. no Capital Key as in the case of government bond purchases), the big policy surprise in September could be a bigger focus on corporates over sovereigns in the restarted APP. That would be good news for euro area corporate bond performance. Bottom Line: The ECB will unveil a package of easing measures, from interest rate cuts to restarting asset purchases – including a healthy dose of corporate bond buying – in September. The Fed’s Next Moves: Insurance Cuts In July & September, No More After That The latest batch of data from the U.S. suggests that tomorrow’s widely-expected Fed rate cut will not be the start of a full-blown easing cycle. Expect a 25bp cut, with forward guidance suggesting another 25bps in September to protect against the adverse effects on the U.S. from any additional trade policy uncertainty and the associated deterioration of non-U.S. economic growth. Any further easing beyond that is unnecessary given the current state of U.S. growth and inflation. While the year-over-year growth rates of real GDP and core durable goods orders have slowed, the annualized changes over the past six months have shown some reacceleration (Chart 9). Consumer spending has also perked up after the sharp drop fueled by the government shutdown back in January, while the lagged impact of the sharp fall in mortgage rates over the past year should provide a moderate boost to housing activity. A similar dynamic is seen on the inflation front, where the marginal 6-month annualized rate of change of core PCE inflation has picked up to 2% (Chart 10). Less volatile inflation gauges like the Dallas Fed’s trimmed mean core PCE inflation rate are also at 2%. Furthermore, one of the main causes of the unexpected downturn in core PCE inflation in 2018, the Financial Services component, is already rebounding – a trend that will continue given the U.S. equity market’s strong gains in 2019 (bottom panel). Chart 9U.S. Growth Rebounding U.S. Growth Rebounding U.S. Growth Rebounding Chart 10U.S Inflation Rebounding U.S Inflation Rebounding U.S Inflation Rebounding Look for the Fed to signal a cautious tone tomorrow, but without sounding overly pessimistic on U.S. growth prospects. Bottom Line: The Fed will deliver a 25bp rate cut this week, despite a firmer tone to recent U.S. economic and inflation data, and the door will be left open to an additional cut in September. Additional moves after that are unlikely, given signs of reaccelerating momentum in U.S. economic growth and inflation. Investment Implications For The U.S. Versus Europe Over The Next 6-12 Months Looking ahead over the rest of 2019, relative economic performance should continue to favor the U.S. over Europe, creating a backdrop where relative monetary policies will support euro area fixed income returns versus U.S. equivalents.  Looking ahead over the rest of 2019, relative economic performance should continue to favor the U.S. over Europe, creating a backdrop where relative monetary policies will support euro area fixed income returns versus U.S. equivalents. Chart 11Too Soon To See An Export-Led Rebound In Europe Too Soon To See An Export-Led Rebound In Europe Too Soon To See An Export-Led Rebound In Europe The European economic downturn seen over the past year has come almost entirely from the trade side, when looking at the contributions to real GDP growth from net exports and domestic demand (Chart 11). This is also consistent with the manufacturing/services gap discussed earlier in this report, given the large share of manufactured goods in overall euro area exports. China will play a huge role in determining the future path of European economic growth through the trade channel, and already the pickup in Chinese credit growth is heralding a future rebound in European exports to China (third panel). A recovery in euro area exports to other countries besides China is also in store, based on our global leading economic indicator diffusion index (i.e. the net number of countries seeing a rising leading indicator). Yet given the long lead time before changes in those leading European export indicators and the subsequent growth of European exports – between 9-12 months – an improvement in euro area exports will not be visible in the hard data until late in 2019. It will likely be even longer than that given the additional publishing lags of the export data. Importantly, while the recent headlines have provided grounds for more cautious optimism on U.S.-China trade talks, any breakdown on that front would potentially delay any recovery in euro area exports (even if that is met by a bigger policy stimulus from China). At the moment, the U.S. economy is better positioned to withstand a renewed bout of trade uncertainty than the euro area, even though U.S. growth would take a hit through higher market volatility and tighter financial conditions if investors turn more risk averse on another failure of U.S.-China trade talks. Chart 12Not Much Downside Left For Bond Yields Not Much Downside Left For Bond Yields Not Much Downside Left For Bond Yields So after looking at the relative outlooks for economic growth in the U.S. and Europe, and the likely paths to be taken by the Fed and ECB, we come up with the following fixed income investment recommendations: Maintain below-benchmark overall global duration exposure: At an overall portfolio level, we continue to recommend a moderate below-benchmark global duration stance (Chart 12). Our global leading economic indicator diffusion index suggests that global real yields should soon bottom. At the same time, the annual rate of change of oil prices will accelerate over the rest of the year simply based on comparisons versus the sharp plunge in energy prices in the latter months of 2018. If the bullish oil forecast of BCA’s commodity strategists comes to fruition, the growth rate of oil prices will be even higher (see the “X” in the middle panel of Chart 12). Given the correlations between market-based inflation expectations and oil prices, a rebound in oil on a rate of change basis should put a floor under the inflation expectations component of government bond yields in the developed markets. Expect a rebound in the Treasury/Bund spread: The ECB is more likely to deliver on the policy expectations for the next twelve months discounted in Overnight Index Swap curves (-22bps of rate cuts) compared to the Fed (-89bps of rate cuts). This suggests that the spread between 10-year U.S. Treasury yields and 10-year German Bund yields is likely to widen, but coming first through higher relative market-based U.S. inflation expectations - a trend that is already starting to unfold (Chart 13).   ECB rate cuts, and the return of the ECB as a buyer of euro area non-financial corporate debt, will provide an obvious boost to the relative performance of euro area corporate debt (both investment grade and high-yield) over U.S. equivalents. Favor euro area corporates versus U.S. corporates: ECB rate cuts, and the return of the ECB as a buyer of euro area non-financial corporate debt, will provide an obvious boost to the relative performance of euro area corporate debt (both investment grade and high-yield) over U.S. equivalents. Another factor supporting European corporates is the better state of financial health among euro area companies, according to our Corporate Health Monitors (Chart 14). Chart 13Inflation Expectations Bottoming Out, Led By The U.S. Inflation Expectations Bottoming Out, Led By The U.S. Inflation Expectations Bottoming Out, Led By The U.S. The gap between the “bottom-up” versions of the Monitors tracks the spread differentials of the benchmark corporate bond indices quite closely, and is currently pointing to a more solid fundamental underpinning for euro area corporates on a cyclical (6-12 months) horizon. Chart 14Favor Euro Area Corporates Over U.S. Corporates Favor Euro Area Corporates Over U.S. Corporates Favor Euro Area Corporates Over U.S. Corporates   Robert Robis, CFA, Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see BCA Special Report, “What Goes On Between Those Walls? BCA’s Diverging Views In The Open”, dated July 19, 2019, available at bca.bcaresearch.com and gfis.bcaresearch.com. 2https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-07-15/em-succumbs-to-sub-zero-epidemic-as-debt-pile-doubles-in-a-weekD The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index A Cure For The Summertime Blues A Cure For The Summertime Blues Recommendations Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Highlights So What? Key geopolitical risks remain unresolved and most of the improvements are transitory. Maintain a cautious tactical stance toward risk assets. Why? U.S.-China relations remain the preeminent geopolitical risk to investors and President Trump remains a wild card on trade. Japan’s rising assertiveness in the region will also produce clashes with the Koreas and possibly also with China. USMCA ratification is not a red herring for investors. We expect USMCA will pass by year’s end but our conviction level is low. Trump’s threat to withdraw from NAFTA cannot be entirely ruled out. Remain long JPY-USD and overweight Thailand relative to EM equities. Feature Chart 1U.S. And Chinese Policy Growing More Simulative U.S. And Chinese Policy Growing More Simulative U.S. And Chinese Policy Growing More Simulative We maintain our cautious tactical stance toward risk assets despite improvements to the cyclical macro outlook. American and Chinese monetary and fiscal policy are growing more stimulative on the margin – an encouraging sign for the global economy and risk assets. We have frequently predicted this combination as a positive factor for the second half of the year and 2020. With the Federal Reserve likely to deliver a 25 basis point interest rate cut on July 31, the market is pricing in positive policy developments (Chart 1). Yet in the U.S., long-term fiscal and regulatory policies are increasingly uncertain as the Democratic Party primary and 2020 election heat up. And in China, the trade war continues to drag on the effectiveness of the government’s stimulus drive. President Trump remains a wild card on trade: the resumption of U.S.-China talks is precarious and will be accompanied by heightened uncertainty surrounding Mexico, Canada, Japan, and Europe in the near term. Even the USMCA’s ratification is not guaranteed, as we discuss below. Even more pressing are the dramatic events taking place in East Asia: Hong Kong, Japan, the Koreas, Taiwan, and the South and East China Seas. These events each entail near-term uncertainty amid the ongoing slowdown in trade and manufacturing. Our long-running theme of geopolitical risk rotation from the Middle East to East Asia has come to fruition, albeit at the moment geopolitical risk is rising in both regions due to the simultaneous showdown between Iran and the United States and United Kingdom. The market recognizes that geopolitical risks are unresolved, according to this month’s update of our currency- and equity-derived GeoRisk Indicators. This is in keeping with the above points. We regard most of the improvements as transitory – especially the drop in risk in the U.K., where Boris Johnson is now officially prime minister. We are therefore sticking with our cautious trade recommendations despite our agreement with the BCA House View that the cyclical outlook is improving and is positive for global risk assets on a 12-month horizon. What Is Happening To East Asian Stability? A raft of crises has struck East Asia, a region known for political stability and ease of doing business throughout the twenty-first century after its successful recovery from the financial crisis of 1997. The thawing of Asia’s frozen post-WWII conflicts is a paradigm shift with significant long-term consequences for investors. The fundamental drivers are as follows: China’s rise is not peaceful: President Xi Jinping has reasserted Communist Party control while pursuing mercantilist trade policy and aggressive foreign policy. The populations of Hong Kong and Taiwan have reacted negatively to Beijing’s tightening grip, exposing the difficulty of resolving serious political disagreements given unclear constitutional frameworks. Recent protests in Hong Kong are even larger than those in 2014 and 1989 (Table 1). Table 1Hong Kong: Recent Protests The Largest Ever East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 America’s “pivot” is not peaceful: The United States is determined to respond to China’s rise, but political polarization has prevented a coherent strategy. The Democrats took a gradual, multilateral path emphasizing the Trans-Pacific Partnership while the Republicans have taken an abrupt, unilateral path emphasizing sweeping tariffs. Underlying trade policy is the increased use of “hard power” by both parties – freedom of navigation operations, weapons sales, and alliance-maintenance. America is threatening the strategic containment of China, which China will resist through alliances and relations with Russia and others. Japan’s resurgence is not peaceful: Japan’s “lost decades” culminated in the crises and disasters of 2008-11. Since then, Japan’s institutional ruling party – the Liberal Democrats – have embraced a more proactive vision of Japan in which the country casts off the shackles of its WWII settlement. They set about reflating the economy and “normalizing” the country’s strategic and military posture. The result is rising tension with China and the Koreas. Korean “reunion” is not peaceful: North Korea has seen a successful power transition to Kim Jong Un, who is attempting economic reforms to prolong the regime. South Korea has witnessed a collapse among political conservatives and a new push to make peace with the North and improve relations with China. The prospect of peace – or eventual reunification – increases political risk in both Korean regimes and provokes quarrels between erstwhile allies: the North and China, and the South and Japan. Southeast Asia’s rise is not peaceful: Southeast Asia is the prime beneficiary in a world where supply chains move out of China, due to China’s internal development and American trade policy. But it also suffers when China encroaches on its territory or reacts negatively to American overtures. Higher expectations from the U.S. will increase the political risk to Taiwan, South Korea, Vietnam, and the Philippines. This is the critical context for the mass protests in Hong Kong and the miniature trade war between Japan and South Korea, and other regional risks. Which conflicts are market-relevant? How will they play out? The U.S.-China Conflict The most important dynamic is the strategic conflict between the U.S. and China. Its pace and intensity have ramifications for all the other states in the region. Because the Trump administration is seeking a trade agreement with China, it has held off from unduly antagonizing China over Hong Kong and Taiwan. President Trump has not fanned the flames of unrest in Hong Kong and has maintained only a gradual pace of improvements in the Taiwan relationship.1 But if the trade war escalates dramatically, Beijing will face greater economic pressure, growing more sensitive about dissent within Greater China, and Washington may take more provocative actions. Saber-rattling could ensue, as nearly occurred in October 2018. Currently events are moving in a more market-positive direction. Next week, the U.S. and China are expected to resume face-to-face trade negotiations between principal negotiators for the first time since May. China is reportedly preparing to purchase more farm goods – part of the Osaka G20 ceasefire – while the Trump administration has met with U.S. tech companies and is expected to allow Chinese telecoms firm Huawei to continue purchasing American components (at least those not clearly impacting national security). We are upgrading the odds of a trade agreement by November 2020 to 40% from 32% in mid-June. With this resumption of talks, we are upgrading the odds of a trade agreement by November 2020 to 40%, from 32% in mid-June (Diagram 1). Of this 40%, we still give only a 5% chance to a durable, long-term deal that resolves underlying technological and strategic disputes. The remaining 35% goes to a tenuous deal that enables President Trump to declare victory prior to the election and allows President Xi Jinping to staunch the bleeding in the manufacturing sector. Diagram 1U.S.-China Trade War Decision Tree (Updated July 26, 2019) East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 Note that these odds still leave a 60% chance for an escalation of the trade war by November 2020. Our conviction level is low when it comes to the two moderate scenarios. Ultimately, Presidents Trump and Xi can agree to a trade agreement at the drop of a hat – no one can stop Xi from ordering large imports from the U.S. or Trump from rolling back tariffs. Our conviction level is much higher in assigning only a 5% chance of a grand compromise and a 36% chance of a cold war-style escalation of tensions. We doubt that China will offer any structural concessions deeper than what they have already offered (new foreign investment law, financial sector opening) prior to finding out who wins the U.S. election in 2020. Beijing is stabilizing the economy even though tariffs have gone up. As long as this remains the case, why would it implement additional painful reforms? This would set a precedent of caving to tariff coercion – and yet Trump could renege on a deal anytime, and the Democrats might take over in 2020 anyway. The one exception might be North Korea, where China could do more to bring about a diplomatic agreement favorable to President Trump as part of an overall deal before November 2020 – and this could excuse China from structural concessions affecting its internal economy. The takeaway is that U.S.-China trade issues are still far from resolved and have a high probability of failure – and this will be a source of strategic tension within the region over the next 16 months, particularly with regard to Taiwan, the Koreas, and the South China Sea. Hong Kong And Taiwan Chart 2 August can be a crucial time period for policy changes as Chinese leaders often meet at the seaside resort of Beidaihe to strategize. This year they need to focus on handling the unrest in Hong Kong, and the Taiwanese election in January, as well as the trade war with the United States. Protests in Hong Kong have continued, driven by underlying socio-economic factors as well as Beijing’s encroachment on traditional political liberties. Even the groups that are least sympathetic to the protesters – political moderates, the elderly, low-income groups, and the least educated – are more or less divided over the controversial extradition bill that prompted the unrest (Chart 2). This reveals that the political establishment is weak on this issue. Chief Executive Carrie Lam is clinging to power, as Beijing does not want to give the impression that popular dissent is a viable mechanism for removing leaders. But she has become closely associated with the extradition bill and will likely have to go in order to satiate the protesters and begin the process of healing. As long as Beijing refrains from rolling in the military and using outright force to crush the Hong Kong protests, the unrest should gradually die down, as the political establishment will draw support for its concessions while the general public will grow weary of the protests – especially as violence spreads. Hong Kong has no alternative to Beijing’s sovereignty. The scene of action will soon turn to Taiwan, where the January 2020 election has the potential to spark the next flashpoint in Xi Jinping’s struggle to consolidate power in Greater China. Chart 3 A large majority of Taiwanese people supports the Hong Kong protests – even most supporters of the pro-mainland Kuomintang (KMT) (Chart 3). This dynamic is now affecting the Taiwanese election slated for January 2020. The relatively pro-mainland KMT has been polling neck-and-neck with the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which has struggled to gain traction throughout its term given diplomatic and economic headwinds stemming from the mainland. Similarly, while popular feeling is still largely in favor of eventual independence, pro-unification feeling has regained momentum in an apparent rebuke to the pro-independence ruling party (Chart 4). However, the events in Hong Kong have changed things by energizing the democratic and mainland-skeptic elements in Taiwan. President Tsai Ing-wen is now taking a slight lead in the presidential head-to-head opinion polls despite a long period of lackluster polling (Chart 5). Chart 4 Chart 5 A close election increases the risk that policymakers and activists in Taiwan, mainland China, the United States, and elsewhere will take actions attempting to influence the election outcome. Beijing will presumably heed the lesson of the 1996 election and avoid anything too aggressive so as not to drive voters into the arms of the DPP. However, with Hong Kong boiling, and with Beijing having already conducted intimidating military drills encircling Taiwan in recent years, there is a chance that past lessons will be forgotten. The United States could also play a disruptive role, especially if trade talks deteriorate. If the KMT wins, then anti-Beijing activists will eventually begin gearing up for protests themselves, which in subsequent years could overshadow the Sunflower Movement of 2013. If the DPP prevails, Beijing may resort to tougher tactics in the coming years due to its fear of the province’s political direction and the DPP’s policies. In sum, while the Hong Kong saga is far from over and has negative long-run implications for domestic and foreign investors, Taiwan is the greater risk because it has the potential not only to suffer individually but also to become the epicenter of a larger geopolitical confrontation between China and the U.S. and its allies. This would present a more systemic challenge to global investors. Japan And “Peak Abe” Chart 6 Japan’s House of Councillors election on July 21 confirmed our view that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has reached the peak of his influence. Abe is still popular and is likely to remain so through the Tokyo summer Olympics next year (Chart 6). But make no mistake, the loss of his two-thirds supermajority in the upper house shows that he has moved beyond the high tide of his influence. Having retained a majority in the upper house, and a supermajority in the much more powerful lower house (House of Representatives), Abe’s government still has the ability to pass regular legislation (Chart 7). If he needs to drive through a bill delaying the consumption tax hike on October 1 due to a deterioration in the global economic and political environment, he can still do so with relative ease. While the Hong Kong saga is far from over ... Taiwan is the greater risk. Chart 7 Clearly, the election loss will not impact Abe’s ability to negotiate a trade deal with the United States, which we expect to happen quickly – even before a China deal – albeit with some risk of tariffs on autos in the interim. Chart 8 The problem is that Abe’s final and greatest aim is to revise Japan’s American-written, pacifist constitution for the first time. This requires a two-thirds vote in both houses and a majority vote in a popular referendum. While Abe can still probably cobble together enough votes in the upper house, the election result makes it less certain – and the dent in popular support implies that the national referendum is less likely to pass. Constitutional revision was always going to be a close vote anyway (Chart 8). If Abe falls short of a majority in that referendum, then he will become a lame duck and markets will have to price in greater policy uncertainty. Even if he succeeds – which is still our low-conviction baseline view – then he will have reached the pinnacle of his career and there will be nowhere to go but down. His tenure as party leader expires in September 2021 and the race to succeed him is already under way. Hence, some degree of uncertainty should begin creeping in immediately. Abe’s departure will leave the Liberal Democrats in charge – and hence Japanese policy continuity will be largely preserved. But the entire arc of events, from now through the constitutional revision process to Abe’s succession, will raise fundamental questions about whether Abe’s post-2012 reflation drive can be sustained. We have a high conviction view that it will be, but Japanese assets will challenge that view. What of the miniature trade war between Japan and South Korea? On July 4, Japan imposed export restrictions on goods critical to South Korea’s semiconductor industry in retaliation for a South Korean court ruling that would set a precedent requiring Japanese companies such as Mitsubishi and Nippon Steel to pay reparations for the use of forced Korean labor during Japanese rule from 1910-45. Chart 9Japan Has A Stronger Hand In The Mini Trade War Japan Has A Stronger Hand In The Mini Trade War Japan Has A Stronger Hand In The Mini Trade War Japan has the stronger hand in this dispute from an economic point of view (Chart 9). While the unusually heavy-handed Japanese trade measures partly reveal the influence of President Trump, who has given a license for U.S. allies to weaponize trade, it also reflects Japan’s growing assertiveness. Abe’s government may have believed that a surge of nationalism would help in the upper house election. And the constitutional referendum will be another reason to stir nationalism and a recurring source of tension with both Koreas (as well as with China). Therefore, Japanese-Korean tensions and punitive economic measures could persist well into 2020. Bottom Line: U.S.-China relations remain the preeminent geopolitical risk to investors, especially if the Taiwan election becomes a lightning rod. Japan’s rising assertiveness in the region will also produce clashes with the Koreas and possibly also with China. We are playing these risks by remaining long JPY-USD and overweight Thailand relative to EM equities, as Thailand is more insulated than other East Asian economies to trade and China risks. Keep An Eye On The USMCA Last week we highlighted U.S. budget negotiations and argued that the result would be greater fiscal accommodation. The results of the just-announced budget deal are depicted in Chart 10. One side effect is an increased likelihood of eventual tariffs on Mexico if the latter fails to staunch the influx of immigrants across the U.S. southern border, since President Trump has largely failed to secure funding for his proposed border wall. Chart 10 Meanwhile, the administration’s legislative and trade focus will turn toward ratifying the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement (USMCA). There is an increased likelihood of eventual U.S. tariffs on Mexico ... since President Trump has largely failed to secure funding for his proposed border wall.  Ratification is not a red herring for investors, since Trump could give notice of withdrawal from NAFTA in order to hasten USMCA approval, which would induce volatility. Moreover, successful ratification could embolden him to take a strong hand in his other trade disputes, while failure could urge him to concede to a quick deal with China. Chart 11Trade Uncertainty Supports The Dollar Trade Uncertainty Supports The Dollar Trade Uncertainty Supports The Dollar Further, trade policy uncertainty in the Trump era has correlated with a rising trade-weighted dollar (Chart 11), so there is a direct channel for trade tensions (or the lack thereof) to influence the global economy at a time when it badly needs a softer dollar – in addition to the negative effects of trade wars on sentiment. The signing of the USMCA trade agreement by American, Mexican, and Canadian leaders last November effectively shifted negotiations from the international stage to the domestic stage. Last month Mexico became the first to ratify the deal. The delay in the U.S. and Canada reflects their more challenging domestic political environments ahead of elections, especially in the United States. Ratification in the U.S. has been stalled by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, who is locked in stalemate with the Trump administration. She is holding off on giving the green light to present the agreement to Congress until Democrats’ concerns are addressed (Diagram 2). Trump, meanwhile, is threatening to withdraw from NAFTA – a declaration that cannot be entirely ruled out, even though we highly doubt he would actually withdraw at the end of the six-month waiting period. Diagram 2Pelosi Is Stalling USMCA Ratification Process East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 Republicans are looking to secure the USMCA’s passage before the 2020 campaign goes into full force in order to claim victory on one of Trump’s key 2016 campaign promises. The administration’s May 30 submission of the draft Statement of Administrative Action (SAA) to Congress initiated a 30-day waiting period that must pass before the administration can submit the text to Congress. But the administration is unlikely to put the final bill to Congress before ensuring that House Democrats are ready to cooperate.2 House democrats are in a position of maximum leverage and are using the process to their political advantage. House Democrats are in a position of maximum leverage – since they do not need the deal to become law – and are using the process to their political advantage. If the bill is to be ratified through the “fast action” Trade Protection Authority (TPA), which forbids amendments and limits debate in Congress, then now is their only chance to make amendments to the text, which was written without their input. Even in the Democrat-controlled House, there is probably enough support for the USMCA to secure its passage. There are 51 House Democrats who were elected in districts that Trump won or that Republicans held in 2018, and are inclined to pass the deal. Moreover 21 House Democrats have been identified from districts that rely heavily on trade with Canada and Mexico (Chart 12).3 If these Democrats vote along with all 197 Republicans in favor of the bill, it will pass the House. This is a rough calculation, but it shows that passage is achievable. Chart 12 Chart 13 What is more, there is a case to be made for bipartisan support for USMCA. Trump’s trade agenda has some latent sympathy among moderate Democrats, and Democrats within Trump districts, unlike his border wall. Democrats will appear obstructionist if they oppose the bill. Unlike trade with China, American voters are not skeptical of trade with Canada – and the group that thinks Mexico is unfair on trade falls short of a majority (Chart 13). Since enough Democrats have a compelling self-interest in securing the deal, and since Trump and the GOP obviously want it to pass, we expect it to pass eventually. The question is whether it can be done by year’s end. Once the bill is presented to Congress and passes through the TPA process, it will become law within 90 days. Assuming that the bill is presented to the House in early September, when Congress reconvenes after its summer recess, the bill could be ratified before year-end. Otherwise, without the expedited TPA process, the bill will no longer be protected against amendment and filibuster, leaving the timeline of ratification vulnerable to extensive delay. The above timeline may be too late for Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who faces general elections on October 21. The ratification process has already been initiated, as Trudeau would benefit from wrapping up the entire affair prior to the national vote.4 However, the process most recently has been stalled in order to move in tandem with the U.S., so that parliament does not ratify an agreement that the U.S. fails to pass. Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland has indicated that parliament is not likely to be recalled for a vote unless there is progress down south. This leaves the Canadian ratification process at the mercy of progress in the U.S. – and ultimately Speaker Pelosi’s decision. The current government faces few hurdles in getting the bill passed (Chart 14). The next step is a final reading in the House where the bill will either be adopted or rejected. If it is approved, the bill will then proceed to the Senate where it will undergo a similar process. If the bill is passed in the same form in the House and Senate, it will become law. Chart 14 Chart 15...But Trudeau's Party Is At Risk ...But Trudeau's Party Is At Risk ...But Trudeau's Party Is At Risk Failure to ratify the deal before the election means it will be set aside and reintroduced in the next parliament. The Liberal Party is by no means guaranteed to win a majority in the election – our base case has Trudeau forming the next government, but the race is close (Chart 15). A Conservative-led parliament would be likely to pass the bill, but it would likely be delayed to 2021 at that point due to American politics. We suspect that Trudeau will eventually stop delaying and push for Canadian ratification. This would pressure Pelosi and the Democrats to go ahead and ratify, when they are otherwise inclined to reopen negotiations or otherwise delay until after November 2020. If this gambit succeeded, Trudeau would have forced total ratification prior to October 21, which would give him a badly needed boost in the election. He can always go through the frustration of re-ratifying the deal in his second term if the Democrats insist on changes, but not if he does not survive for a second term – so it is worth going forward at home and trying to pressure Pelosi into ratification in September or early October. Bottom Line: In light of Canada’s October election and the U.S. 2020 election cycle, USMCA faces a tight schedule. A delay into next year risks undermining the ratification effort, as we enter a period of hyper-partisan politics amid the 2020 presidential campaigns. This makes the third quarter a sweet spot for USMCA ratification. While we ultimately expect that it will make it through, each passing day raises the odds against it. GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 All ten GeoRisk indicators can be found in the Appendix, with full annotation. Below are the most noteworthy developments this month. U.K.: As expected, Boris Johnson sealed the Conservative party leadership contest. This was largely priced in by the markets and as such did not result in a big shift in our risk indicator. Johnson has stated that he is willing to exit the EU without a deal and it is undeniable that the odds of a no-deal Brexit have increased. Nevertheless, the odds of an election are also rising as Johnson may galvanize Brexit support under the Conservative Party even as Bremain forces are divided between the rising Liberal Democrats and a Labour Party hobbled by Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. The odds that Johnson is willing to risk his newly cemented position on a snap election – having seen what happened in June 2017 – seem overstated to us, but we place the odds at about 21%. As for a no-deal exit, opinion polling still suggests that the median British voter prefers a soft exit or remaining in the EU. This imposes constraints on Johnson, as he may ultimately be forced to try to push through a plan similar to Theresa May’s, but rebranded with minimal EU concessions to make it more acceptable – or risk a no-confidence vote and potential loss of control. We maintain that GBP will stay weak, gilts will remain well-bid, and risk-off tendencies will be reinforced. France: Our French indicator points toward a significant increase in political risk over the last month. President Macron’s government has recently unveiled the pension system overhaul that he promised during the 2017 campaign. The reform, which is due to take effect in 2025, encourages citizens to work longer, as their full pension will come at the age of 64 – two years later than under current regulations. French reform efforts have historically prompted significant social unrest. Both the 1995 Juppé Plan and the 2006 labor reforms were scrapped as a result of unrest, and the 2010 pension reform strikes forced the government to cut the most controversial parts of the bill. Labor unions have already called for strikes against the current bill in September. However, no pain, no gain. Unrest is a sign that ambitious reforms are being enacted, and Macron’s showdown with protesters thus far is no more dramatic than the unrest faced by the most significant European reform efforts. The 1984-85 U.K. miners’ strike led to over 10,000 arrested and significant violence, but resulted in the closures of most collieries, weakening of trade union power, and allowed the Thatcher government to consolidate its liberal economic program. German labor reforms in the early 2000s led to strikes, but marked a turning point in unemployment and GDP trends (Chart 16), and succeeded in increasing wages and pushing people back into the labor force (Chart 17). And the 2011 Spanish reforms under PM Rajoy led to the rise of Indignados, student protesters occupying public spaces, but ultimately helped kick-start Spain’s recovery. Investors should therefore not fear unrest, and we expect any related uncertainty to abate in the medium term. Chart 16Hartz IV Reforms Were Also Accompanied By Unrest... Hartz IV Reforms Were Also Accompanied By Unrest... Hartz IV Reforms Were Also Accompanied By Unrest... Chart 17...But Were Ultimately Favorable ...But Were Ultimately Favorable ...But Were Ultimately Favorable Note that Macron is doubling down on reforms after the experience of the Yellow Vest protests, just as his favorability has rebounded to pre-protest levels. While Macron’s approval is nearly the lowest compared to other French presidents at this point in their terms (Chart 18), he does not face an election until 2022, so he has the ability to trudge on in hopes that his reform efforts will bear fruit by that time. Chart 18 Spain: Our Spanish indicator is showing signs of increasing tensions as Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez attempts to form a government. After ousting Mariano Rajoy in a vote of no confidence in June 2018, Sanchez struggled to govern with an 84-seat minority in Congress. The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party’s (PSOE) proposed budget plan was voted down in Congress in February, forcing Sanchez to call a snap election for April 28 in which PSOE secured 123 seats. The PSOE leader failed the first investiture vote on July 23 – and the rerun on July 25 – with less votes in his favor than his predecessor Mariano Rajoy received during the 2015-2016 government formation crisis (Chart 19). In the first investiture vote, Sanchez secured 124 votes out of the 176 he needed to be sworn in as prime minister. This led to a second round of voting in which Sanchez needed a simple majority, which he failed to do with 124 affirmative, 155 opposing votes, and 67 abstentions. Going forward, Sanchez has two months to obtain the confidence of Congress, otherwise the King may dissolve the government, leading to a snap election. Chart 19 Chart 20 The Spanish government is more fragmented today than at any point during the last 30 years (Chart 20). Even if Pedro Sanchez’s PSOE were to successfully negotiate a deal with Podemos and its partner parties, the coalition would still require support from nationalist parties such as Republican Left of Catalonia or Basque Nationalist Party to govern. These will likely require major concessions relating to the handling of Catalonian independence, which, if rejected by PSOE, will result in yet another gridlocked government. The next two months will see a significant increase in political risk, and we assign a non-negligible chance to another election in November, the fourth in four years. Turkey: Investors should avoid becoming complacent on the back of the stream of encouraging news following the Turkey-Russia missile defense system deal. Our indicator is signaling that the market is pricing a decrease in tensions, and President Trump has stated that sanctions will not be immediate. Nevertheless, we would be wary. Congress is taking a much tougher stance on the issue than President Trump: The U.S. administration already excluded Turkey from the F-35 stealth fighter jet program; Senators Scott (R) and Young (R) introduced a resolution calling for sanctions; Senator Menendez (D) stated that merely removing Turkey from the F-35 program would not be enough; The new Defense Secretary nominee Mark Esper said that he was disappointed with Turkey’s “drift from the West”; And U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo expressed confidence that President Trump would impose sanctions. Under CAATSA, a law that targets companies doing business with Russia, the U.S. must impose sanctions on Turkey over the missile deal, but does not have a timeline to do so. The sanctions required are formidable, and the U.S. has already imposed sanctions on China for a similar violation. If President Trump is not going forward with sanctions now, he still could proceed later if Turkey does not improve U.S. relations in some other way. From Turkey’s side, Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu threatened retaliation if the U.S. were to impose sanctions. Turkey is also facing increasing tensions domestically. Erdogan suffered a stinging rebuke in the re-run of the Istanbul mayoral election. This defeat has left Erdogan even more insecure and unpredictable than before. On July 6, he fired central bank governor Murat Cetinkaya using a presidential decree, which calls the central bank’s independence into question. He may reshuffle his cabinet, which could make matters worse if the appointments are not market-friendly. As domestic tensions continue to escalate, and when the U.S. announces sanctions, we expect the lira to take yet another hit and add to Turkey’s economic woes. Diagram 3Brazil: Pension Reform Timeline East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 Chart 21Brazil Faces A Fiscal Deficit Despite Pension Reform Brazil Faces A Fiscal Deficit Despite Pension Reform Brazil Faces A Fiscal Deficit Despite Pension Reform Brazil: Brazilian risks are likely to remain elevated as the country faces crunch-time over the controversial pension reform on which its fiscal sustainability depends. Although the Lower House voted overwhelmingly in support of the reform on July 11, the bill needs to make it through another Lower House vote slated for August 6. The bill will then proceed to at least two more rounds of voting in the Senate (by end-September at the earliest), with a three-fifths majority required in each round before being enshrined in Brazil’s constitution (Diagram 3). The whole process will likely be delayed by amendments and negotiations. The estimated savings of the bill in its current form are about 0.9 trillion reals, down from the 1.236 trillion reals originally targeted, which risks undermining the effort to close the fiscal deficit. Our colleagues at BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy still forecast a primary fiscal deficit in four years’ time (Chart 21).5   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For instance, the U.S.’s latest $2.2 billion arms package does not include F-16 fighter jets to Taiwan, and F-35s have entirely been ruled out. The Trump administration sent Paul Ryan, rather than a high-level cabinet member, to inaugurate the new office building of the American Institute in Taiwan for the 40th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act. At the same time, the Trump administration is threatening a more substantial upgrade of relations through more frequent arms sales, the Taiwan Travel Act (2018), and the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act (2018). 2 The risk is that history repeats itself. In 2007, then President George W. Bush sent the free-trade agreement with Colombia to Congress prior to securing Pelosi’s approval. She halted the fast-track timeline and the standoff lasted nearly five years. 3 Please see Gary Clyde Hufbauer, “USMCA Needs Democratic Votes: Will They Come Around?” Peterson Institute For International Economics, May 15, 2019, available at piie.com. 4 Bill C-100, as it is known, has already received its second reading in the House of Commons and has been referred to the Standing Committee on International Trade. 5 Please see BCA Research’s Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report titled “On Chinese Banks And Brazil,” dated July 18, 2019, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. Appendix Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Geopolitical Calendar