Equities

Highlights The ECB did not tighten policy, despite its upgrade to the Euro Area growth outlook. The rise in the Eurozone inflation will be transitory. The Euro Area continues to suffer from excessive slack, and current price pressures are narrow. The ECB rightfully worries about tightening financial conditions by prematurely removing monetary accommodation. The ECB does not want to move ahead of the release of its Strategy Review. Global growth is likely to experience a temporary hiccup this summer. The ECB will only taper its PEPP program in Q1 2022 with no firm announcement until Q4 2021. Stay overweight European peripheral bonds. Despite a favorable 18-month outlook, European cyclical equities face pronounced risks this summer. Investors should raise cash levels for now to keep dry powder for this fall. Feature At its policy meeting last week, the ECB refrained from adjusting policy. While the euro and bund yields barely budged on the news, Italian and Greek spreads narrowed a few basis point, welcoming the dissipating risk of decreased bond purchases. The ECB’s decision is in line with the analysis we published two weeks ago, which argued against the Governing Council hinting at a tapering of asset purchases at its June meeting.  Growing signs that the expected pick-up in the Eurozone inflation will be transitory and that China’s credit slowdown will negatively impact Europe increase our confidence that the ECB will not announce any adjustment to its asset purchases until the fourth quarter of 2021. This setup supports European peripheral bonds. However, it also points to a correction in European cyclical stocks. The ECB Announcement ECB President Christine Lagarde highlighted the need for a steady hand, with no policy change. The risks to growth are now “broadly balanced,” but enough uncertainty remains that removing accommodation too early still creates a much poorer risk/reward trade-off than maintaining the current policy. The ECB boosted its growth forecast in 2021 and 2022. As Table 1A illustrates, 2021 GDP growth was raised to 4.6% from 4% in March, and 2022 GDP growth was raised to 4.7% from 4.1%. Activity was left unchanged at 2.1% in 2023. The ECB and this publication are on the same page; Euro Area domestic activity will enjoy a welcomed fillip as a result of the re-opening of the economy, a response to the improving pace of vaccination across the continent. Moreover, the NGEU program will start disbursing funds this summer and will add another boost to growth. Despite this significant upgrade to anticipated growth, the ECB kept its accelerated pace of asset purchases in place, at least through the summer, because the inflation outlook remains below its target of “close but below 2%” durably. As Table 1B shows, the ECB expects HICP to hit 1.9% in 2021, but it will subsequently slow to 1.5% in 2022 and 1.4% in 2021. Table 1AUpgraded Growth Forecast Table 1BBelow Target Inflation Bottom Line: The ECB did not taper its PEPP purchases, because of uncertainty and below-target inflation. Too Many Deflationary Risks The policy stance of the ECB is appropriate on three levels. First, the case for Eurozone inflation to be transitory is even stronger than it is in the US. Second, financial conditions could easily deteriorate if the ECB were to tighten policy too early. Finally, the Strategy Review due this fall further paralyzes the ECB for now. Transitory Inflation Headline and core CPI in the Eurozone will increase significantly in the coming months but will slow next year. The ECB’s core CPI measure, which excludes food and energy, is set to rise above the levels of the past 15 years. As the US re-opened, core CPI spiked on both yearly and monthly bases. The presence of bottlenecks across domestic and global supply chains indicates that the Euro Area will experience a similar outcome. Assuming that monthly inflation rates will settle between 0.2% and 0.25% for the remainder of 2021, by year’s end, annual inflation will stand between 2% and 2.5% (Chart 1). The European PMI indices confirm the upside for the Euro Area’s core inflation. Service inflation has been more stable than in the US, but goods inflation is rising in line with the higher manufacturing PMI (Chart 2). Services inflation will accelerate according to the services PMI. Chart 1Higher Inflation For 2021 Chart 12Accelerating Goods And Services Inflation   Surveys confirm that this summer’s re-opening will jumpstart inflation. The employment components of both the European Commission’s Retail and Services Surveys are consistent with a rapid pickup in employment (Chart 3). This will support household income and consumption. Additionally, the EC’s Consumer Survey indicates that European households are ready to increase their purchase of homes and cars compared to last year (Chart 3, bottom panel). When stronger demand meets supply bottlenecks, higher prices ensue. Already, the EC’s Retail Survey points to this outcome (Chart 4). Despite these inflationary developments, most economic forces indicate that the Eurozone’s core and headline CPI will not stay elevated for long. Chart 3Stronger Employment In Pandemic-Hit Sectors Chart 4Re-Opening Pricing Pressures Our Trimmed Mean Inflation measure for the Euro Area (which mimics the construction of the Cleveland Fed Trimmed-Mean CPI in the US) has weakened to 0.1% (Chart 5). Hence, underlying inflation trends are still muted and the recent uptick in core CPI reflects outliers, as has been the case in the US. The outlook for the components of CPI confirms that any uptick in Euro Area inflation will be temporary. Shelter inflation, which accounts for 24% of the ECB core CPI, will rise as the unemployment rate declines. However, the strength in the euro is limiting import prices, which will cap non-energy industrial goods inflation (Chart 6). Moreover, the peak in oil price annual increases points toward a rollover in transportation inflation. Together, these two categories represent almost 60% of the core CPI components. Chart 5Inflation Is Not Broad-Based Chart 6Key CPI Components Will Slow Labor market dynamics are also consistent with a temporary inflation spurt. Total hours worked remain 6.5% below their pre-COVID-19 summit and underneath the level congruent with full employment based on the size of the Eurozone’s working-age population (Chart 7). This model understates the slack in the labor market, because the reforms implemented in peripheral economies in the wake of last decade’s Euro Area crisis have brought down structural unemployment. Moreover, the chart shows that, after total hours worked return to their equilibrium, it still takes a few years before negotiated wages firm up. Even if labor shortages materialized earlier than we anticipate, it does not guarantee a pickup in core CPI. From 2016 to 2019, a large proportion of Euro Area businesses cited labor shortages as a key factor limiting production. Yet, despite both this perceived tightness and a trendless euro, core CPI remained flat, averaging 1% per annum (Chart 8). Chart 7Still Too Much Slack Chart 8Labor Shortages Do Not Guarantee Inflation Outside of the labor market, the amount of stimulus injections also argues against a permanent increase in European inflation. BCA’s US Bond Strategy, Global Investment Strategy, and Bank Credit Analyst services believe that the current spurt of US Inflation is temporary, despite vast monetary and fiscal stimuli. In relation to 2019 GDP, the ECB’s liquidity injections have been larger than those of the Fed; however, the US fiscal activism greatly outdid that of the Eurozone (Chart 9). Consequently, the combined monetary and fiscal impulse in the US is larger, and its greater weight toward fiscal policy makes it more inflationary. Thus, if the US is unlikely to see durable inflation, the Eurozone is even less at risk. Chart 9More Timid European Stimulus Chart 10Lower European Inflation Expectations Euro Area inflation expectations are also muted compared to that of the US (Chart 10). This development confirms that Eurozone policy is less inflationary than that of the US. It also creates an anchor for realized inflation, which will constrain the acceleration in the Euro Area CPI. Financial Conditions The ECB is deeply concerned about the impact of the hurried removal of monetary accommodation on the Eurozone’s financial conditions. Chart 11The Euro Is Deflationary The ECB does not want to see a much more rapid pace of appreciation in the euro. If it begins to slow its QE program when the Fed remains reluctant to talk about tapering, EUR/USD will surge. This will feed into weaker core inflation in the region. The ECB’s broad trade-weighted euro, based on 41 currencies, has already rallied to a record high. Thus, an even more rapid euro rally would spell deeper deflationary pressures in the region (Chart 11). Peripheral spreads remain fragile. The ECB will not want to cause a rapid widening of Italian, Spanish, or Greek government bond spreads by decreasing its asset purchases prematurely. Otherwise, the health of the banking sector in the periphery will once again deteriorate, which will both harm the recovery and ignite deflationary tendencies. Strategy Review The ECB’s Strategy Review also prevents the Governing Council from adjusting policy. The ECB will release its Strategy Review in September or October. This exercise could result in a change to the inflation target. In line with the new Fed Average Inflation Target, the ECB objective may become more symmetric. Inflation has not hit the ECB’s target of nearly 2% since 2012, and the level of HICP stands 8% below what the target implies. Therefore, if the ECB adjusts its target this fall, it will become harder to justify the removal of accommodation. Bottom Line: The ECB wants to avoid a repeat of its 2011 policy mistake, when it tightened policy prematurely and catalyzed a period of profound weakness in the European economy. Eurozone inflation will increase this year; however, this bump is transitory and inflation will once again decline in 2022. Moreover, the ECB rightfully worries about tightening financial conditions, because the euro is exerting profound deflationary forces on the continent and peripheral spreads remain fragile. Finally, the ongoing Strategy Review limits what the ECB can do until its results are known. Look Out For Q4 2021 The ECB will keep the PEPP program in place until March 2022, as was originally announced. Therefore, the ECB will only telegraph its intention after the summer and will most likely announce in December its firm commitment to begin tapering. The program size does not constrain the ECB. The total envelope of the PEPP stands at EUR1850 billion, and the ECB has already purchased EUR1100 billion (Chart 12). Based on the current accelerated pace of purchases, the ECB will run out of room in February 2022. Thus, the ECB continues to enjoy great flexibility without adjusting the PEPP program meaningfully. Chart 12Plentiful PEPP Room Chart 13China Will Act As A Drag Chart 14The Global Growth Tax Is Biding The expanding threat of a global growth scare will likely limit the ability of the ECB to tighten policy ahead of Q4. China’s credit impulse is decelerating, which portends an imminent peak in our BCA Global Industrial Activity Nowcast (Chart 13). Moreover, the rise in global yields since August 2020 and the rapid rally in oil prices since April 2020 are consistent with a meaningful deceleration in global manufacturing activity. The collapse in our Global Leading Economic Indicator Diffusion Index also hints at a coming global soft patch (Chart 14). Hence, the heightened sensitivity of the Euro Area economy to the global manufacturing sector  points toward softer-than-anticipated growth this summer. Historically, a deceleration of the Chinese PMI New Orders components warns of a decline in the 1-year forward EONIA (Chart 15). While the ECB is unlikely to flag a rate reduction in response to the upcoming global deterioration, it could respond by delaying its tapering decision. Ultimately, the accumulation of constraints and risks suggests that, even after the PEPP taper starts in 2022, the ECB will roll it into the older PSPP program. The ECB will want to keep a lid on peripheral spreads and guarantee that the euro does not melt up. Germany is unlikely to block this initiative, because its large Target 2 surplus means that problems in the periphery will percolate to the German banking system (Chart 16). Moreover, Germany’s export sector will benefit from a euro whose appreciation is contained. Chart 15Chinese New Orders Are Inconsistent With A Tighter ECB Chart 16Germany Does Not Want Italian Troubles Bottom Line: The ECB will not formally announce its tapering until December 2021. The ECB still has considerable room to continue using the PEPP program, and the global economy is likely to generate a negative growth surprise this summer. Instead, once the PEPP taper begins in 2022, the program will be rolled into the PSPP rather than being completely discarded. European policy, therefore, will remain accommodative. Investment Implications A dovish ECB is consistent with a continued overweight in European peripheral bonds. Chart 17European Peripheral Bonds Remain Attractive Portuguese, Greek, Spanish, and Italian bonds offer much more attractive valuations than the global or the European averages (Chart 17). The robust pace of ECB bond purchases, along with the increased fiscal risk-sharing created by the NGEU programs, will allow this value to continue to generate excess returns for investors. The growth scare, however, threatens our positive stance on European equities and cyclical stocks. We expect a correction to take place this summer or early fall. Thus, investors should raise cash now to buy cyclicals stocks once they correct. First, a deceleration in global growth catalyzed by a Chinese credit slowdown is consistent with an underperformance of cyclical stocks and European stocks in general. Second, the ECB Central Bank Monitor currently sports an elevated 2.1 reading, which is negative for cyclicals. A high reading for the monitor materializes when the Eurozone economy is experiencing strong momentum. However, markets are forward looking, and they rapidly internalize a brightened outlook. Once the price of cyclical stocks embed enough good news, they will start to generate poorer returns. Consequently, positive readings of the monitor are followed by negative relative excess returns for cyclical stocks, such as Industrials, Financials, Tech, and Consumer discretionary on both 6- and 12-month horizons (Table 2A). Table 2AThe Higher The ECB Monitor Rises, The More Poorly Cyclicals Perform The higher the ECB Monitor reaches, the worse the cyclical sectors’ excess returns become, even if the ECB does not tighten policy. Moreover, outliers do not distort the results of the study. The batting averages confirm that, the higher the ECB Monitor, the lower the probability of a subsequent outperformance of cyclicals. The reverse is true for defensive sectors. The higher the ECB Monitor climbs, the greater the subsequent 6- and 12-month relative excess returns for Telecommunication, Consumer Staples, Utilities, and Healthcare turn out. Their probability of outperformance also increases (Table 2B). Table 2BThe Higher The ECB Monitor Rises, The More Poorly Cyclicals Perform Investors should therefore curtail their exposure to risk over the coming months, tactically tilt toward some attractive defensive names and buy some hedges or raise some cash in order to participate more fully in the rest of the rally later this year. Bottom Line: An easy ECB policy favors an overweight stance in European peripheral bonds. However, if global growth slows, the current reading of our ECB Monitor is consistent with a period of underperformance for cyclical equities. Such underperformance should correlate with a corrective episode for the broad market as well as an underperformance of European stocks relative to the US. Investors, therefore, should raise cash levels and tactically move into attractive defensive names in order to buy back cyclicals later this year.   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Investment Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Currency Performance Fixed Income Performance Government Bonds Corporate Bonds Equity Performance Major Stock Indices Geographic Performance   Sector Performance​​​​​​​

Our recent fascination with the Chinese data continues, and today we look at the real M1 money supply series. In our previous research we highlighted that the change in the 10-year US Treasury yield (UST10Y) moves in tandem with ebbs and flows of the global manufacturing cycle (Chart 1). Now that the Chinese real M1 money supply has decisively peaked, it foreshadows a deceleration phase in the global manufacturing activity (Chart 2), and by extension in the UST10Y. As a reminder, we have also recently shown how the decline in the Citigroup US economic surprise index sends a similar message, indicating that US yields are unlikely to advance meaningfully. Bottom Line: Stabilization of the US bond market will help revive some of the beaten down growth names Chart 1 Chart 2

Weekly Performance Update For the week ending Thu Jun 10, 2021 The Market Monitor displays the trailing 1-quarter performance of strategies based around the BCA Score. For each region, we construct an equal-weighted, monthly rebalanced portfolio consisting of the top 3 stocks per sector and compare it with the regional benchmark. For each portfolio, we show the weekly performance of individual holdings in the Top Contributors/Detractors table. In addition, the Top Prospects table shows the holdings that currently have the highest BCA Score within the portfolio. For more details, click the region headers below to be redirected to the full historical backtest for the strategy. BCA US Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA US Portfolio S&P500 TRI -0.07% 1.12% Top Contributors   WES:US ET:US WAT:US KOF:US MPLX:US Weekly Return 26 bps 17 bps 16 bps 16 bps 12 bps Top Detractors   LPX:US AN:US DE:US UPS:US PCH:US Weekly Return -22 bps -18 bps -15 bps -12 bps -12 bps Top Prospects   ANAT:US BRK.A:US TX:US ESGR:US UHAL:US BCA Score 98.71% 98.37% 98.31% 96.17% 94.96% BCA Canada Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA Canada Portfolio S&P/TSX TRI 1.72% 0.59% Top Contributors   TCL.A:CA DSG:CA LNF:CA PXT:CA DIR.UN:CA Weekly Return 51 bps 23 bps 17 bps 15 bps 11 bps Top Detractors   CFP:CA TOY:CA QBR.A:CA ELF:CA GWO:CA Weekly Return -14 bps -10 bps -5 bps -4 bps -4 bps Top Prospects   CS:CA LNF:CA IFP:CA RUS:CA CFP:CA BCA Score 99.55% 98.97% 98.96% 97.91% 97.68% BCA UK Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA UK Portfolio FTSE 100 TRI 0.31% 0.36% Top Contributors   GLTR:GB FDEV:GB AGRO:GB SVST:GB LXI:GB Weekly Return 28 bps 19 bps 14 bps 13 bps 10 bps Top Detractors   KNOS:GB POLR:GB CNE:GB AAF:GB BYG:GB Weekly Return -13 bps -11 bps -9 bps -8 bps -7 bps Top Prospects   SVST:GB NLMK:GB RMG:GB GLTR:GB BPCR:GB BCA Score 99.69% 97.67% 97.63% 96.96% 94.39% BCA Eurozone Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA EMU Portfolio MSCI EMU TRI 1.51% 0.56% Top Contributors   CNV:FR STR:AT TUB:BE MONT:BE POST:AT Weekly Return 52 bps 24 bps 18 bps 13 bps 12 bps Top Detractors   ALTA:FR AOF:DE CEM:IT FSKRS:FI US:IT Weekly Return -10 bps -10 bps -5 bps -4 bps -4 bps Top Prospects   POST:AT BB:FR STR:AT SOLV:BE PMAG:AT BCA Score 98.29% 98.07% 97.87% 97.75% 96.78% BCA Japan Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA Japan Portfolio TOPIX TRI -0.07% -0.10% Top Contributors   8117:JP 3291:JP 9532:JP 9509:JP 8922:JP Weekly Return 36 bps 13 bps 9 bps 9 bps 8 bps Top Detractors   7860:JP 8595:JP 9543:JP 8630:JP 5451:JP Weekly Return -21 bps -20 bps -18 bps -10 bps -8 bps Top Prospects   5930:JP 9543:JP 4966:JP 9436:JP 7994:JP BCA Score 99.38% 98.70% 98.40% 98.38% 98.34% BCA Hong Kong Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA Hong Kong Portfolio Hang Seng TRI 2.12% -0.71% Top Contributors   316:HK 1919:HK 6118:HK 990:HK 1798:HK Weekly Return 84 bps 72 bps 29 bps 28 bps 26 bps Top Detractors   3600:HK 1258:HK 856:HK 86:HK 3329:HK Weekly Return -23 bps -21 bps -15 bps -12 bps -8 bps Top Prospects   990:HK 811:HK 86:HK 1606:HK 743:HK BCA Score 99.36% 98.61% 97.22% 96.97% 96.55% BCA Australia Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA Australia Portfolio S&P/ASX All Ord. TRI 2.14% 0.64% Top Contributors   HSN:AU RUL:AU MNF:AU STX:AU PSQ:AU Weekly Return 51 bps 50 bps 28 bps 23 bps 19 bps Top Detractors   BLX:AU AGI:AU EVT:AU EHE:AU CIA:AU Weekly Return -18 bps -10 bps -9 bps -6 bps -4 bps Top Prospects   GRR:AU MGX:AU CIA:AU PIC:AU JLG:AU BCA Score 98.87% 98.06% 97.99% 97.29% 96.73%

Dear Client, Last week, I had the pleasure of participating in a debate with my colleague, Dhaval Joshi, on the future of cryptocurrencies. You can access a replay of the event here. Best regards, Peter Berezin Highlights The meme stock mania is unlikely to die down anytime soon. Fueled by zero-commission trading and an anti-establishment mindset, social media has given millions of retail traders the ability to coordinate attacks on individual companies. An examination of the most popular meme stocks reveals that returns were highest when both the closing price and volume during the prior day’s session were above their moving averages. For GameStop and AMC, in particular, returns averaged 11.0% and 13.9%, respectively, when both the prior day’s closing price and volume were above their 5-day moving averages, compared with -4.0% and -1.3%, respectively, when the price and volume were below their 5-day moving averages. Nearly 80% of the returns on meme stocks were earned overnight (i.e., between the close of trading and the following day’s open). The ups and downs of meme stocks have generally had little impact on the overall direction of the stock market. Nevertheless, growing interest in meme stocks is positive for equities over a medium-term horizon of about 12 months. This is because the meme stock phenomenon is drawing funds into the stock market, boosting prices and liquidity in the process. #HedgiesGetWedgies Chart 1Word Du Jour: Meme This January, the term “meme stock” entered the popular lexicon (Chart 1). That was the month that GameStop and a handful of other once-left-for-dead stocks soared to dizzying heights. Armed with stimulus checks, millions of amateur investors flocked to one of the few sources of entertainment still available to them: online trading. Tales of instant riches spread like wildfire, motivating yet more new investors to enter the fray. Whether it was stocks or cryptos, the allure of easy money was irresistible. The decision by most American brokerages to eliminate trading commissions in the fall of 2019 added fuel to the fire. Meanwhile, the proliferation of social media provided a ready-made mechanism for retail traders to coordinate attacks on individual stocks. And attack they did. Most of the companies targeted had high short interest, making them ripe for a short squeeze. The implosion of Melvin Capital demonstrated to the Reddit crowd that they, too, could beat hedge funds at their own game. “We can remain stupid longer than you can stay solvent” became their rallying cry. In a game of chicken, being perceived by your opponent as irrational boosts your odds of winning. Trading Meme Stocks For Fun And Profit If one were so inclined, how should one trade meme stocks? It helps to begin with some data. Table 1 displays average daily returns from the start of 2021 for six popular meme stocks: GameStop (GME), AMC Entertainment (AMC), Blackberry (BB), Nokia (NOK), Bed Bath & Beyond (BBBY) and Koss Corp (KOSS). A few observations stand out: There is strong price momentum. Looking across all six stocks, the average daily return was 5.9% when the prior day’s closing price was above its 5-day moving average, compared to 0.3% when the prior day’s close was below its 5-day moving average. The average daily return for stocks in our sample was 3.3%. Volatility predicts higher returns. Meme stocks gained 4.3%, on average, when the prior day’s return was positive compared to 2.4% when it was negative. Looking only at the subset of cases where the prior day’s return was either above 10% or below -10%, we find that meme stocks gained 11.3% when the price rose more than 10% during the prior day and gained a still-robust 7.5% when the price dropped more than 10% during the prior day. Strong volume predicts higher returns. Consistent with the volatility observation, meme stocks gained an average of 6.1% when the volume in the prior day’s trading session was above its 5-day moving average, compared to just 1.3% when the volume was below its 5-day moving average. Meme stocks do best after the close of trading. Nearly 80% of returns on meme stocks were earned overnight (i.e., between the close of trading and the following day’s open). We attribute this phenomenon to the tendency of many traders to exit positions before the closing bell and reopen them at the start of trading the following day. Such a pattern of selling and repurchasing tends to boost overnight returns. Historically, a similar pattern has held for most other US stocks (Chart 2). Table 1Meme Stock: Returns And Patterns Chart 2Bear By Day, Bull By Night In summary, meme stocks perform best when they are trading above their 5-day moving average. Both volatility and strong volume predict positive returns. Holding (hodling?)1 meme stocks overnight can significantly enhance returns. Be An Ape Chart 3The BUZZ ETF Is Off To A Lackluster Start Fans of AMC often refer to themselves as “apes.” The moniker is fitting, if not ironic, given the tendency of meme investors to ape one another in their trading decisions. The VanEck Vectors Social Sentiment ETF (BUZZ) tries to get in front of the apes and other meme investors by buying stocks that are garnering increasing attention from social media, news articles, blog posts, and other sources. While it is too early to assess the value of this approach, it should be noted that the fund has lagged the S&P 500 for most of the time since its inception in March (Chart 3). A potentially more fruitful approach, and one that I myself have adopted, is to seek out meme stocks before they become meme stocks. For example, Cinemark (CNK) is the second biggest publicly-listed movie theater chain in the US. The share of its float sold short is almost identical to AMC’s. Yet, the Reddit crowd has largely ignored it. Could that change? Only time will tell. Don’t Get A Wedgie: How To Short Meme Stocks Safely While meme stocks can benefit from positive price momentum in the short term, it is at the expense of lower returns down the road. By any reasonable measure, the leading meme stocks are grossly overvalued. Knowing when a meme stock will fall back to earth is no easy task, however. The discussion in this report provides one avenue for short-term traders to mitigate risk: Short meme stocks only when price and volume are trending lower. The average daily return for GME and AMC was 11.0% and 13.9%, respectively, when both the prior day’s closing price and volume were above their 5-day moving averages, compared with -4.0% and -1.3%, respectively, when the price and volume were below their 5-day moving averages. With that in mind, we are opening a new tactical trade going short an equally-weighted basket of AMC and GME. The trade will only be active when the prior day’s closing price and volume are below their 5-day moving averages.2  Longer-term investors looking to short meme stocks without having to frequently open and close positions should consider using the “exponential” shorting technique discussed in a recent report. The technique flips the usual risk-reward trade-off from going short on its head. Rather than facing unlimited losses and a maximum gain of only 100% of the initial position, our shorting strategy caps the loss at 100% but allows for unlimited gains. Broad Market Implications As Chart 4 illustrates, the ups and downs of meme stocks have generally had little impact on the overall direction of the stock market. Nevertheless, growing interest in meme stocks is positive for equities over a medium-term horizon of about 12 months. This is because the meme stock phenomenon is drawing funds into the stock market, boosting prices and liquidity in the process. Chart 4Meme Stock Roller-Coaster: Little Impact On The Broader Market Chart 5Global Equity Risk Premium Remains Quite High   While the “stimmy” checks have already been deposited into brokerage accounts, their impact on the stock market will linger on. As we explained in Savings Gluts, Asset Shortages, And The 60/40 Split, retail investors who bid up the price of stocks will generally force institutional investors to sell their holdings.3 This will leave institutions with excess cash on hand – cash that they can deploy in other parts of the stock market. The resulting game of “hot potato” will only end when the value of the stock market rises by enough to ensure that all investors are happy with how much stock they own in relation to how much cash they hold. Given that the equity risk premium remains quite high, this dynamic likely has further to run (Chart 5). Disclosure: At the time of writing, I am personally long CNK and short AMC and GME. I previously held a short position in KOSS. Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist pberezin@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 HODL stands for “Hold On for Dear Life”. The term is widely used by traders on Wallstreetbets and other online forums. 2 The equal-weighted trade should be initiated if the conditions are met for either stock (GME, AMC) in the basket. The conditions are as follows: Both the price and volume should be below their 5-day moving average. The price and volume at the end of the day determine whether one enters the trade the next day or not. 3 An exception is when retail investors buy stock from the company itself, as has happened several times with meme stocks. Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores  

Highlights Geopolitical risk is trickling back into financial markets. China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse collapsed again. The Global Economic Policy Uncertainty Index is ticking back up after the sharp drop from 2020. All of our proprietary GeoRisk Indicators are elevated or rising. Geopolitical risk often rises during bull markets – the Geopolitical Risk Index can even spike without triggering a bear market or recession. Nevertheless a rise in geopolitical risk is positive for the US dollar, which happens to stand at a critical technical point. The macroeconomic backdrop for the dollar is becoming less bearish given China’s impending slowdown. President Biden’s trip to Europe and summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin will underscore a foreign policy of forming a democratic alliance to confront Russia and China, confirming the secular trend of rising geopolitical risk. Shift to a defensive tactical position. Feature Back in March 2017 we wrote a report, “Donald Trump Is Who We Thought He Was,” in which we reaffirmed our 2016 view that President Trump would succeed in steering the US in the direction of fiscal largesse and trade protectionism. Now it is time for us to do the same with President Biden. Our forecast for Biden rested on the same points: the US would pursue fiscal profligacy and mercantilist trade policy. The recognition of a consistent national policy despite extreme partisan divisions is a testament to the usefulness of macro analysis and the geopolitical method. Trump stole the Democrats’ thunder with his anti-austerity and anti-free trade message. Biden stole it back. It was the median voter in the Rust Belt who was calling the shots all along (after all, Biden would still have won the election without Arizona and Georgia). We did make some qualifications, of course. Biden would maintain a hawkish line on China and Russia but he would reject Trump’s aggressive foreign and trade policy when it came to US allies.1 Biden would restore President Obama’s policy on Iran and immigration but not Russia, where there would be no “diplomatic reset.” And Biden’s fiscal profligacy, unlike Trump’s, would come with tax hikes on corporations and the wealthy … even though they would fall far short of offsetting the new spending. This is what brings us to this week’s report: New developments are confirming this view of the Biden administration. Geopolitical Risk And Bull Markets Chart 1Global Geopolitical Risk And The Dollar In recent weeks Biden has adopted a hawkish policy on China, lowered tensions with Europe, and sought to restore President Obama’s policy of détente with Iran. The jury is still out on relations with Russia – Biden will meet with Putin on June 16 – but we do not expect a 2009-style “reset” that increases engagement. Still, it is too soon to declare a “Biden doctrine” of foreign policy because Biden has not yet faced a major foreign crisis. A major test is coming soon. Biden’s decision to double down on hawkish policy toward China will bring ramifications. His possible deal with Iran faces a range of enemies, including within Iran. His reduction in tensions with Russia is not settled yet. While the specific source and timing of his first major foreign policy crisis is impossible predict, structural tensions are rebuilding. An aggregate of our 13 market-based GeoRisk indicators suggests that global political risk is skyrocketing once again. A sharp spike in the indicator, which is happening now, usually correlates with a dollar rally (Chart 1). This indicator is mean-reverting since it measures the deviation of emerging market currencies, or developed market equity markets, from underlying macroeconomic fundamentals. The implication is positive for the dollar, although the correlation is not always positive. Looking at both the DXY’s level and its rate of change shows periods when the global risk indicator fell yet the dollar stayed strong – and vice versa. The big increase in the indicator over the past week stems mostly from Germany, South Korea, Brazil, and Australia, though all 13 of the indicators are now either elevated or rising, including the China/Taiwan indicators. Some of the increase is due to base effects. As global exports recover, currencies and equities that we monitor are staying weaker than one would expect. This causes the relevant BCA GeoRisk indicator to rise. Base effects from the weak economy in June 2020 will fall out in coming weeks. But the aggregate shows that all of the indicators are either high or rising and, on a country by country level, they are now in established uptrends even aside from base effects. Chart 2Global Policy Uncertainty Revives Meanwhile the global Economic Policy Uncertainty Index is recovering across the world after the drop in uncertainty following the COVID-19 crisis (Chart 2). Policy uncertainty is also linked to the dollar and this indicator shows that it is rising on a secular basis. The Geopolitical Risk Index, maintained by Matteo Iacoviello and a group of academics affiliated with the Policy Uncertainty Index, is also in a secular uptrend, although cyclically it has not recovered from the post-COVID drop-off. It is sensitive to traditional, war-linked geopolitical risk as reported in newspapers. By contrast our proprietary indicators are sensitive to market perceptions of any kind of risk, not just political, both domestic and international. A comparison of the Geopolitical Risk Index with the S&P 500 over the past century shows that a geopolitical crisis may occur at the beginning of a business cycle but it may not be linked with a recession or bear market. Risk can rise, even extravagantly, during economic expansions without causing major pullbacks. But a crisis event certainly can trigger a recession or bear market, particularly if it is tied to the global oil supply, as in the early 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s (Chart 3). Chart 3Secular Rise In Geopolitical Risk Soon To Reassert Itself While geopolitical risk is normally positive for the dollar, the macroeconomic backdrop is negative. The dollar’s attempt to recover earlier this year faltered. This underlying cyclical bearish dollar trend is due to global economic recovery – which will continue – and extravagant American monetary expansion and budget deficits. This is why we have preferred gold – it is a hedge against both geopolitical risk and inflation expectations. Tactically this year we have refrained from betting against the dollar except when building up some safe-haven positions like Japanese yen. Over the medium and long term we expect geopolitical risk to put a floor under the greenback. The bottom line is that the US dollar is at a critical technical crossroads where it could break out or break down. Macro factors suggest a breakdown but the recovery of global policy uncertainty and geopolitical risk suggests the opposite. We remain neutral. A final quantitative indicator of the recovery of geopolitical risk is the performance of global aerospace and defense stocks (Chart 4). Defense shares are rising in absolute and relative terms. Chart 4Another Sign Of Geopolitical Risk: Defense Stocks Outperform As Virus Ebbs And Military Spending Surges Can The WWII Peace Be Prolonged? Qualitative assessments of geopolitical risk are necessary to explain why risk is on a secular upswing – why drops in the quantitative indicators are temporary and the troughs keep getting higher. Great nations are returning to aggressive competition after a period of relative peace and prosperity. Over the past two decades Russia and China took advantage of America’s preoccupations with the Middle East, the financial crisis, and domestic partisanship in order to build up their global influence. The result is a world in which authority is contested. The current crisis is not merely about the end of the post-Cold War international order. It is much scarier than that. It is about the decay of the post-WWII international order and the return of the centuries-long struggle for global supremacy among Great Powers. The US and European political establishments fear the collapse of the WWII settlement in the face of eroding legitimacy at home and rising challenges from abroad. The 1945 peace settlement gave rise to both a Cold War and a diplomatic system, including the United Nations Security Council, for resolving differences among the great powers. It also gave rise to European integration and various institutions of American “liberal hegemony.” It is this system of managing great power struggle, and not the post-Cold War system of American domination, that lies in danger of unraveling. This is evident from the following points: American preeminence only lasted fifteen years, or at best until the 2008 Georgia war and global financial crisis. The US has been an incoherent wild card for at least 13 years now, almost as long as it was said to be the global empire. Russian antagonism with the West never really ended. In retrospect the 1990s were a hiatus rather than a conclusion of this conflict. China’s geopolitical rise has thawed the frozen conflicts in Asia from the 1940s-50s – i.e. the Chinese civil war, the Hong Kong and Taiwan Strait predicaments, the Korean conflict, Japanese pacifism, and regional battles for political influence and territory. Europe’s inward focus and difficulty projecting power have been a constant, as has its tendency to act as a constraint on America. Only now is Europe getting closer to full independence (which helped trigger Brexit). Geopolitical pressures will remain historically elevated for the foreseeable future because the underlying problem is whether great power struggle can be contained and major wars can be prevented. Specifically the question is whether the US can accommodate China’s rise – and whether China can continue to channel its domestic ambitions into productive uses (i.e. not attempts to create a Greater Chinese and then East Asian empire). The Great Recession killed off the “East Asia miracle” phase of China’s growth. Potential GDP is declining, which undermines social stability and threatens the Communist Party’s legitimacy. The renminbi is on a downtrend that began with the Xi Jinping era. The sharp rally during the COVID crisis is over, as both domestic and international pressures are rising again (Chart 5). Chart 5Biden Administration Review Of China Policy: More China Bashing While the data for China’s domestic labor protests is limited in extent, we can use it as a proxy for domestic instability in lieu of official statistics that were tellingly discontinued back in 2005. The slowdown in credit growth and the cyclical sectors of the economy suggest that domestic political risk is underrated in the lead up to the 2022 leadership rotation (Chart 6). Chart 6China's Domestic Political Risk Will Rise Chart 7Steer Clear Of Taiwan Strait The increasing focus on China’s access to key industrial and technological inputs, the tensions over the Taiwan Strait, and the formation of a Russo-Chinese bloc that is excluded from the West all suggest that the risk to global stability is grave and historic. It is reminiscent of the global power struggles of the seventeenth through early twentieth centuries. The outperformance of Taiwanese equities from 2019-20 reflects strong global demand for advanced semiconductors but the global response to this geopolitical bottleneck is to boost production at home and replace Taiwan. Therefore Taiwan’s comparative advantage will erode even as geopolitical risk rises (Chart 7). The drop in geopolitical tensions during COVID-19 is over, as highlighted above. With the US, EU, and other countries launching probes into whether the virus emerged from a laboratory leak in China – contrary to what their publics were told last year – it is likely that a period of national recriminations has begun. There is a substantial risk of nationalism, xenophobia, and jingoism emerging along with new sources of instability. An Alliance Of Democracies The Biden administration’s attempt to restore liberal hegemony across the world requires a period of alliance refurbishment with the Europeans. That is the purpose of his current trip to the UK, Belgium, and Switzerland. But diplomacy only goes so far. The structural factor that has changed is the willingness of the West to utilize government in the economic sphere, i.e. fiscal proactivity. Infrastructure spending and industrial policy, at the service of national security as well as demand-side stimulus, are the order of the day. This revolution in economic policy – a return to Big Government in the West – poses a threat to the authoritarian powers, which have benefited in recent decades by using central strategic planning to take advantage of the West’s democratic and laissez-faire governance. If the West restores a degree of central government – and central coordination via NATO and other institutions – then Beijing and Moscow will face greater pressure on their economies and fewer strategic options. About 16 American allies fall short of the 2% of GDP target for annual defense spending – ranging from Italy to Canada to Germany to Japan. However, recent trends show that defense spending did indeed increase during the Trump administration (Chart 8). Chart 8NATO Boosts Defense Spending The European Union as a whole has added $50 billion to the annual total over the past five years. A discernible rise in defense spending is taking place even in Germany (Chart 9). The same point could be made for Japan, which is significantly boosting defense spending (as a share of output) after decades of saying it would do so without following through. A major reason for the American political establishment’s rejection of President Trump was the risk he posed to the trans-Atlantic alliance. A decline in NATO and US-EU ties would dramatically undermine European security and ultimately American security. Hence Biden is adopting the Trump administration’s hawkish approach to trade with China but winding down the trade war with Europe (Chart 10). Chart 9Europe Spending More On Guns Chart 10US Ends Trade War With Europe? A multilateral deal aimed at setting a floor in global corporate taxes rates is intended to prevent the US and Europe from undercutting each other – and to ensure governments have sufficient funding to maintain social spending and reduce income inequality (Chart 11). Inequality is seen as having vitiated sociopolitical stability and trust in government in the democracies. Chart 11‘Global’ Corporate Tax Deal Shows Return Of Big Government, Attempt To Reduce Inequality In The West Risks To Biden’s Diplomacy It is possible that Biden’s attempt to restore US alliances will go nowhere over the course of his four-year term in office. The Europeans may well remain risk averse despite their initial signals of willingness to work with Biden to tackle China’s and Russia’s challenges to the western system. The Germans flatly rejected both Biden and Trump on the Nord Stream II natural gas pipeline linkage with Russia, which is virtually complete and which strengthens the foundation of Russo-German engagement (more on this below). The US’s lack of international reliability – given the potential of another partisan reversal in four years – makes it very hard for countries to make any sacrifices on behalf of US initiatives. The US’s profound domestic divisions have only slightly abated since the crises of 2020 and could easily flare up again. A major outbreak of domestic instability could distract Biden from the foreign policy game.2 However, American incapacity is a risk, not our base case, over the coming years. We expect the US economic stimulus to stabilize the country enough that the internal political crisis will be contained and the US will continue to play a global role. The “Civil War Lite” has mostly concluded, excepting one or two aftershocks, and the US is entering into a “Reconstruction Lite” era. The implication is negative for China and Russia, as they will now have to confront an America that, if not wholly unified, is at least recovering. Congress’s impending passage of the Innovation and Competition Act – notably through regular legislative order and bipartisan compromise – is case in point. The Senate has already passed this approximately $250 billion smorgasbord of industrial policy, supply chain resilience, and alliance refurbishment. It will allot around $50 billion to the domestic semiconductor industry almost immediately as well as $17 billion to DARPA, $81 billion for federal research and development through the National Science Foundation, which includes $29 billion for education in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, and other initiatives (Table 1). Table 1Peak Polarization: US Congress Passes Bipartisan ‘Innovation And Competition Act’ To Counter China With the combination of foreign competition, the political establishment’s need to distract from domestic divisions, and the benefit of debt monetization courtesy of the Federal Reserve, the US is likely to achieve some notable successes in pushing back against China and Russia. On the diplomatic front, the US will meet with some success because the European and Asian allies do not wish to see the US embrace nationalism and isolationism. They have their own interests in deterring Russia and China. Lack Of Engagement With Russia Russian leadership has dealt with the country’s structural weaknesses by adopting aggressive foreign policy. At some point either the weaknesses or the foreign policy will create a crisis that will undermine the current regime – after all, Russia has greatly lagged the West in economic development and quality of life (Chart 12). But President Putin has been successful at improving the country’s wealth and status from its miserably low base in the 1990s and this has preserved sociopolitical stability so far. Chart 12Russia's Domestic Political Risk It is debatable whether US policy toward Russia ever really changed under President Trump, but there has certainly not been a change in strategy from Russia. Thus investors should expect US-Russia antagonism to continue after Biden’s summit with Putin even if there is an ostensible improvement. The fundamental purpose of Putin’s strategy has been to salvage the Russian empire after the Soviet collapse, ensure that all world powers recognize Russia’s veto power over major global policies and initiatives, and establish a strong strategic position for the coming decades as Russia’s demographic decline takes its toll. A key component of the strategy has been to increase economic self-sufficiency and reduce exposure to US sanctions. Since the invasion of Ukraine in 2014, Putin has rapidly increased Russia’s foreign exchange reserves so as to buffer against shocks (Chart 13). Chart 13Russia Fortified Against US Sanctions Putin has also reduced Russia’s reliance on the US dollar to about 22% (Chart 14), primarily by substituting the euro and gold. Russia will not be willing or able to purge US dollars from its system entirely but it has been able to limit America’s ability to hurt Russia by constricting access to dollars and the dollar-based global financial architecture. Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov highlighted this process ahead of the Biden-Putin summit by declaring that the National Wealth Fund will divest of its remaining $40 billion of its US dollar holdings. Chart 14Russia Diversifies From USD In general this year, Russia is highlighting its various advantages: its resilience against US sanctions, its ability to re-invade Ukraine, its ability to escalate its military presence in Belarus and the Black Sea, and its ability to conduct or condone cyberattacks on vital American food and fuel supplies (Chart 15). Meanwhile the US is suffering from deep political divisions at home and strategic incoherence abroad and these are only starting to be mended by domestic economic stimulus and alliance refurbishment. Chart 15Cyber Security Stocks Recover Europe’s risk-aversion when it comes to strategic confrontation with Russia, and the lack of stability in US-Russia relations, means that investors should not chase Russian currency or financial assets amid the cyclical commodity rally. Investors should also expect risk premiums to remain high in developing European economies relative to their developed counterparts. This is true despite the fact that developed market Europe’s outperformance relative to emerging Europe recently peaked and rolled over. From a technical perspective this outperformance looks to subside but geopolitical tensions can easily escalate in the near term, particularly in advance of the Russian and German elections in September (Chart 16). Chart 16Developed Markets In Europe Will Outperform Emerging Europe Unless Russian Geopolitical Risk Abates Developed Europe trades in line with EUR-RUB and these pair trades all correspond closely to geopolitical tensions with Russia (Chart 17). A notable exception is the UK, whose stock market looks attractive relative to eastern Europe and is much more secure from any geopolitical crisis in this region (Chart 17, bottom panel). The pound is particularly attractive against the Czech koruna, as Russo-Czech tensions have heated up in advance of October’s legislative election there (Chart 18). Chart 17Long UK Versus Eastern Europe Chart 18Long GBP Versus CZK Meanwhile Russia and China have grown closer together out of strategic necessity. Germany’s Election And Stance Toward Russia Germany’s position on Russia is now critical. The decision to complete the Nord Stream II pipeline against American wishes either means that the Biden administration can be safely ignored – since it prizes multilateralism and alliances above all things and is therefore toothless when opposed – or it means that German will aim to compensate the Americans in some other area of strategic concern. Washington is clearly attempting to rally the Germans to its side with regard to putting pressure on China over its trade practices and human rights. This could be the avenue for the US and Germany to tighten their bond despite the new milestone in German-Russia relations. The US may call on Germany to stand up for eastern Europe against Russian aggression but on that front Berlin will continue to disappoint. It has no desire to be drawn into a new Cold War given that the last one resulted in the partition of Germany. The implication is negative for China on one hand and eastern Europe on the other. Germany’s federal election on September 26 will be important because it will determine who will succeed Chancellor Angela Merkel, both in Germany and on the European and global stage. The ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU) is hoping to ride Merkel’s coattails to another term in charge of the government. But they are likely to rule alongside the Greens, who have surged in opinion polls in recent years. The state election in Saxony-Anhalt over the weekend saw the CDU win 37% of the popular vote, better than any recent result, while Germany’s second major party, the Social Democrats, continued their decline (Table 2). The far-right Alternative for Germany won 21% of the vote, a downshift from 2016, while the Greens won 6% of the vote, a slight improvement from 2016. All parties underperformed opinion polling except the CDU (Chart 19). Table 2Saxony-Anhalt Election Results Chart 19Germany: Conservatives Outperform In Final State Election Before Federal Vote, But Face Challenges Chart 20Germany: Greens Will Outperform in 2021 Vote The implication is still not excellent for the CDU. Saxony-Anhalt is a middling German state, a CDU stronghold, and a state with a popular CDU leader. So it is not representative of the national campaign ahead of September. The latest nationwide opinion polling puts the CDU at around 25% support. They are neck-and-neck with the Greens. The country’s left- and right-leaning ideological blocs are also evenly balanced in opinion polls (Chart 20). A potential concern for the CDU is that the Free Democratic Party is ticking up in national polls, which gives them the potential to steal conservative votes. Betting markets are manifestly underrating the chance that Annalena Baerbock and the Greens take over the chancellorship (Charts 21A and 21B). We still give a subjective 35% chance that the Greens will lead the next German government without the CDU, a 30% that the Greens will lead with the CDU, and a 25% chance that the CDU retains power but forms a coalition with the Greens. A coalition government would moderate the Greens’ ambitious agenda of raising taxes on carbon emissions, wealth, the financial sector, and Big Tech. The CDU has already shifted in a pro-environmental, fiscally proactive direction. Chart 21AGerman Greens Will Recover Chart 21BGerman Greens Still Underrated No matter what the German election will support fiscal spending and European solidarity, which is positive for the euro and regional equities over the next 12 to 24 months. However, the Greens would pursue a more confrontational stance toward Russia, a petro-state whose special relations with the German establishment have impeded the transition to carbon neutrality. Latin America’s Troubles A final aspect of Biden’s agenda deserves some attention: immigration and the Mexican border. Obviously this one of the areas where Biden starkly differs from Trump, unlike on Europe and China, as mentioned above. Vice President Kamala Harris recently came back from a trip to Guatemala and Mexico that received negative media attention. Harris has been put in charge of managing the border crisis, the surge in immigrant arrivals over 2020-21, both to give her some foreign policy experience and to manage the public outcry. Despite telling immigrants explicitly “Do not come,” Harris has no power to deter the influx at a time when the US economy is fired up on historic economic stimulus and the Democratic Party has cut back on all manner of border and immigration enforcement. From a macro perspective the real story is the collapse of political and geopolitical risk in Mexico. From 2016-20 Mexico faced a protectionist onslaught from the Trump administration and then a left-wing supermajority in Congress. But these structural risks have dissipated with the USMCA trade deal and the inability of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador to follow through with anti-market reforms, as we highlighted in reports in October and April. The midterm election deprived the ruling MORENA party of its single-party majority in the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of the legislature (Chart 22). AMLO is now politically constrained – he will not be able to revive state control over the energy and power sectors. Chart 22Mexican Midterm Election Constrained Left-Wing Populism, Political Risk Chart 23Buy Mexico (And Canada) On US Stimulus American monetary and fiscal stimulus, and the supply-chain shift away from China, also provide tailwinds for Mexico. In short, the Mexican election adds the final piece to one of our key themes stemming from the Biden administration, US populism, and US-China tensions: favor Mexico and Canada (Chart 23). A further implication is that Mexico should outperform Brazil in the equity space. Brazil is closely linked to China’s credit cycle and metals prices, which are slated to turn down as a result of Chinese policy tightening. Mexico is linked to the US economy and oil prices (Chart 24). While our trade stopped out at -5% last week we still favor the underlying view. Brazilian political risk and unsustainable debt dynamics will continue to weigh on the currency and equities until political change is cemented in the 2022 election and the new government is then forced by financial market riots into undertaking structural reforms. Chart 24Brazil's Troubles Not Truly Over - Mexico Will Outperform Elsewhere in Latin America, the rise of a militant left-wing populist to the presidency in a contested election in Peru, and the ongoing social unrest in Colombia and Chile, are less significant than the abrupt slowdown in China’s credit growth (Charts 25A and 25B). According to our COVID-19 Social Stability Index, investors should favor Mexico. Turkey, the Philippines, South Africa, Colombia, and Brazil are the most likely to see substantial social instability according to this ranking system (Table 3). Chart 25AMexico To Outperform Latin America Chart 25BChina’s Slowdown Will Hit South America Table 3Post-COVID Emerging Market Social Unrest Only Just Beginning Investment Takeaways Close long emerging markets relative to developed markets for a loss of 6.8% – this is a strategic trade that we will revisit but it faces challenges in the near term due to China’s slowdown (Chart 26). Go long Mexican equities relative to emerging markets on a strategic time frame. Our long Mexico / short Brazil trade hit the stop loss at 5% but the technical profile and investment thesis are still sound over the short and medium term. Chart 26China Slowdown, Geopolitical Risk Will Weigh On Emerging Markets Chart 27Relative Uncertainty And Safe Havens China’s sharp fiscal-and-credit slowdown suggests that investors should reduce risk exposure, take a defensive tactical positioning, and wait for China’s policy tightening to be priced before buying risky assets. Our geopolitical method suggests the dollar will rise, while macro fundamentals are becoming less dollar-bearish due to China. We are neutral for now and will reassess for our third quarter forecast later this month. If US policy uncertainty falls relative to global uncertainty then the EUR-USD will also fall and safe-haven assets like Swiss bonds will gain a bid (Chart 27). Gold is an excellent haven amid medium-term geopolitical and inflation risks but we recommend closing our long silver trade for a gain of 4.5%. Disfavor emerging Europe relative to developed Europe, where heavy discounts can persist due to geopolitical risk premiums. We will reassess after the Russian Duma election in September. Go long GBP-CZK. Close the Euro “laggards” trade. Go long an equal-weighted basket of euros and US dollars relative to the Chinese renminbi. Short the TWD-USD on a strategic basis. Prefer South Korea to Taiwan – while the semiconductor splurge favors Taiwan, investors should diversify away from the island that lies at the epicenter of global geopolitical risk. Close long defense relative to cyber stocks for a gain of 9.8%. This was a geopolitical “back to work” trade but the cyber rebound is now significant enough to warrant closing this trade.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Trump’s policy toward Russia is an excellent example of geopolitical constraints. Despite any personal preferences in favor of closer ties with Russia, Trump and his administration ultimately reaffirmed Article 5 of NATO, authorized the sale of lethal weapons to Ukraine, and deployed US troops to Poland and the Czech Republic. 2 As just one example, given the controversial and contested US election of 2020, it is possible that a major terrorist attack could occur. Neither wing of America’s ideological fringes has a monopoly on fanaticism and violence. Meanwhile foreign powers stand to benefit from US civil strife. A truly disruptive sequence of events in the US in the coming years could lead to greater political instability in the US and a period in which global powers would be able to do what they want without having to deal with Biden’s attempt to regroup with Europe and restore some semblance of a global police force. The US would fall behind in foreign affairs, leaving power vacuums in various regions that would see new sources of political and geopolitical risk crop up. Then the US would struggle to catch up, with another set of destabilizing consequences.

The yields continue being range bound, creating an environment more favorable for companies which derive majority of their earnings further in the future. In addition, earnings growth has peaked and is slowing down, making growth stocks more attractive at times when earnings growth is becoming a little harder to find. These two factors support our thesis that it’s time to revisit growth stocks. Looking at growth names in the context of the business cycle is also instructive. The chart below shows relative performance of different S&P 500 styles during various stages of the business cycle. Historically, growth shines best during periods of slowdown, as it is one of the safer styles. Bottom Line: Investors should add growth exposure to their portfolio.