Elections

Highlights France is on the verge of pro-market structural reforms; Marine Le Pen will not win the presidency. Her odds are 15%; The French economic upswing will continue to surprise; Overweight French stocks relative to German; Buy the euro on any election-related dip. Feature Le courage consiste à savoir choisir le moindre mal, si affreux soit-il encore. - Stendhal La France ne peut être la France sans la grandeur. - Charles de Gaulle Every decade, a country defies stereotypes and surprises investors with ambitious, pro-market and pro-business, structural reforms (Chart 1). Margaret Thatcher's laissez-faire reforms pulled Britain out of the ghastly 1970s and into the wild 1980s. Sweden surprised the world in the 1990s when voters turned against the generous social welfare system under the stewardship of the center-right Moderate Party. At the turn of the century, Germany's Social Democratic Party (SPD) defied its own label and moved the country to the right of the economic spectrum. Finally, this decade's reform surprise is Spain, which undertook painful labor and pension reforms that have underpinned its impressive recovery. What do all of these episodes have in common? Investors - and the public at large - didn't see them coming. Our favorite example is the Hartz IV labor reforms in Germany. The SPD government of Gerhardt Schröder completely re-wired Germany's labor market, leading to the export boom that has lasted to this day (Chart 2). And yet The Economist welcomed the Schroeder government with a scathing critique that is a textbook example of how the media often confuses stereotyping for data-driven analysis.1 Chart 1Each Decade Has A Reform Surprise Each Decade Has A Reform Surprise Each Decade Has A Reform Surprise Chart 2The German Miracle The German Miracle The German Miracle We think that this decade will belong to France. Yes, France. While the dominant narrative today is whether Marine Le Pen will win the presidential elections on April 23 (with a possible runoff on May 7), we think the real story is that the two other serious candidates are pro-growth, pro-reform, pro-market candidates. François Fillon and Emmanuel Macron are both running platforms of structural reforms. They are not hiding the fact that the reforms would be painful. On the contrary, their campaigns revel in the self-flagellation narrative. Most of our clients either politely roll their eyes when we present this view or counter that the French are ______ (insert favorite stereotype). We welcome the pessimism! It shows that the market is not yet pricing in a pro-market revolution that guillotines a long list of French inefficiencies. In this analysis, we present what is wrong with France, whether the presidential candidates running in the election plan to fix the problems, and our view of who is likely to win. Forecasting elections is a Bayesian process, which means that the probabilities must be constantly updated with new information. As such, we intend to keep a very close eye on the developments in the country over the next four months. What Is Wrong With France? France has a growth problem. While this is partly a cyclical issue, the reality is that its real per-capita GDP growth has been closer to Greek levels than German over the last two decades (Chart 3). In addition, France has lost competitiveness in the global marketplace, judging by its falling share of global exports relative to peers (Chart 4). Chart 3France's Lost Millennium The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 4Export Performance Is A Disaster Export Performance Is A Disaster Export Performance Is A Disaster Three issues underpin the French malaise of the past two decades: The state is too large; The cost of financing the large state falls on the corporate sector; The labor market is inflexible. First, the French state relative to GDP is the largest in the developed world. In 2016, public spending was estimated to be 56% of GDP, compared with 44% of GDP in Germany and just 36% in the U.S. (Chart 5)! What is most concerning is that the state has actually grown in the past two decades from already unsustainable levels (Chart 6). Government employment as share of total employment is naturally very high (Chart 7). Chart 5The French State Is Large... The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 6... And Continues To Be In Charge The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 7French Talent Is Wasted In The Public Sector The French Revolution The French Revolution Such a large public sector requires very high levels of taxation. Government tax revenues are also second-largest in the developed world at 45% of GDP (Chart 8) and, like the size of the overall public sector, continue to grow (Chart 9). Chart 8French Tax Burden Is Large... The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 9...And Growing The French Revolution The French Revolution Part of the problem is the labyrinth of administrative layers beneath the central government. France has 13 regional governments, 96 departments, 343 arrondissements, 4,058 cantons, and 35,699 municipalities.2 What do they all do? We have no idea. Reforms in 2015 have sought to reduce the number of sub-federal layers, but the process ought to go much further and faster. The French social welfare state is also inefficient. To be fair, it has kept income inequality in check, which has not been the case in more laissez-faire countries (Chart 10). This is an important part of our political analysis. French "socialism" is what keeps populism at bay, which was the intention of the expensive welfare state in the first place.3 However, there is a lot of room to trim the fat. The French welfare state is essentially an "insurance program" for the middle class, with more transfers going to the households in the top 30% income bracket than in the bottom 30% (Chart 11)! France could cut its massive social spending by means-testing the benefits that accrue to the upper middle class.4 Somebody ultimately must pay for the enormous public sector. In France, a large burden falls on employers. The French "tax wedge" - the difference between the cost of labor for the employer and the take-home pay of the employee as a percent of total remuneration - is one of the largest in the OECD (Chart 12). The heavy tax burden on employers, combined with a relatively high minimum wage, means that business owners are wary of hiring new workers. The tax wedge is ultimately passed on to the consumer by businesses, which hurts competitiveness and contributes to the poor performance of French exports.5 Chart 10A Positive: ##br##No Income Inequality A Positive: No Income Inequality A Positive: No Income Inequality Chart 11French Welfare State##br## Protects...The Rich! The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 12Employees Are Too Expensive ##br##For Employers The French Revolution The French Revolution The French labor market remains inflexible and overprotected (Chart 13), which not only hurts competitiveness but also discourages youth employment (Chart 14). According to the OECD Employment Protection Index, both regular and temporary contracts have some of the highest levels of protection in the developed world. Germany actually has a higher level of protection in regular contracts, but not in temporary employment, thanks to ambitious reforms. Chart 13French Labor Market##br## Is Too Rigid The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 14French Youth Underperforms ##br##OECD Peers The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 15Starting A Business In France? ##br##Bonne Chance! The French Revolution The French Revolution Finally, France suffers from too much red-tape (Chart 15), too much regulation (Chart 16), high wealth taxes that force capital out of the country, and too many barriers to entry for medium-sized enterprises, the lifeblood of innovation and productivity gains (Chart 17). Part of the reason that France suffers from a lack of German-styled Mittelstand (small and medium-sized enterprises) is that the effective tax rate of the medium-sized businesses is greater than that of large enterprises (Chart 18). This is a problem given the already high levels of corporate tax rates in the country (Chart 19).6 Chart 16Too Much Regulation The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 17France Needs A Mittelstand The French Revolution The French Revolution François Hollande's government tried to address many problems facing France. However, Hollande largely spent his term treating the symptoms and not trying to cure the disease. France can reduce regulatory barriers and tinker with labor flexibility. It can even shift the tax burden from employers to consumers. But the fundamental problem is the large state, which forces the government to raise lots of taxes one way or another. Chart 18French SMEs Are Punished ##br##With High Taxes The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 19French Corporate Taxes ##br## Are High By European Standards The French Revolution The French Revolution Bottom Line: The French state is too big. Up to this point, reforms have largely focused on tinkering with how the government raises funds for the welfare state. But what France needs is to alleviate the tax burden in the first place. The state, therefore, must be cut. Why Will France Reform? Our clients and colleagues challenge our view on France by rightly pointing out that painful structural reforms are easiest following a "market riot" or deep recession. Neither has befallen France. It actually did remarkably well in weathering the 2008 Great Recession, compared to OECD peers, and it has not faced the extraordinary housing or unemployment busts of neighboring Spain. Yet crises are not necessarily a must for successful reforms. Australia, starting in the mid-1980s and throughout the 1990s, pursued broad-based reforms due to a prolonged period of mediocre growth.7 So did Germany in the 2000s. We think that it is precisely this underperformance that is today motivating France. In particular we see three broad motivations: Competition with Germany: France did not lead the creation of European institutions in the twentieth century in order to cede leadership to Germany. As Charles de Gaulle said, "France is not France without greatness." The economic underperformance versus Germany is not geopolitically sustainable (Chart 20). If France continues to lose economic ground to Germany, it will continue to play second-fiddle to Berlin in the governing of the EU. At some point, but not likely in 2017, this will reinforce the populist logic that France should go it alone, sans the European institutions. Change impetus: It is difficult to imagine how François Fillon and Emmanuel Macron can run on an anti-establishment, "change" platform. Fillon proudly calls himself a Thatcherite (in 2017!) and Macron is a former Rothschild investment banker. And yet they are doing so. This is especially astonishing after the successes of Donald Trump and the Brexit campaign, which specifically targeted elitist policymakers like Fillon and Macron. But in France, the status quo is a large state, dirigiste economy, and a generous welfare system. In other words, the French are turning against their status quo. Laissez-faire is change in France. Social welfare fatigue: Our colleague Peter Berezin argued in a recent Special Report that Europeans will turn against the welfare state due to the breakdown in social cohesion. Significant populations of immigrant descent - as well as recent arrivals - fail to properly integrate in countries where the welfare state is large.8 Resentment against immigrants, and citizens of immigrant descent, could therefore be fueling resentment against the expensive welfare state. Chart 20France Is Not France Without Greatness France Is Not France Without Greatness France Is Not France Without Greatness Chart 21"Silent Majority" Wants Reform The French Revolution The French Revolution Polls suggest that we are on to something. Chart 21 illustrates that there may be a Nixonian "silent majority" in France favoring supply side reforms. Per January 2017 polling, "blue collar" and "left leaning" employees oppose reforms. But surprisingly by extremely narrow margins (Chart 21, bottom panel)! Thus, there is demand for structural reforms, but is there supply? According to a review of the platforms of Macron and Fillon, we think the answer is a resounding yes (Table 1). Generally speaking, François Fillon's proposed reforms are the deepest, but Macron would also pursue reforms aimed at reducing the size of the state. Marine Le Pen, too, promises to reduce the size of the public sector, suggesting that the narrative of reform is now universal. However, it is not clear how she would do so. Her views on the EU and the euro are also not positive for growth or the markets, as they would precipitate a recession and an immediate redenomination crisis. As we discuss below, it is likely that her opposition to European integration is precisely what is preventing her from being a much more competitive opponent against Fillon and Macron in the second round. Table 1French Presidential Election: Policy Positions Of Chief Contenders The French Revolution The French Revolution What of implementation? In France, several reform efforts - the 1995 Juppé Plan, 2006 labor reforms and 2010 Sarkozy pension reforms in particular - prompted significant social unrest. However, unrest is having diminishing returns for unions and left-wing activists. While unrest forced the government to fully reverse both the 1995 Juppé Plan and the 2006 labor reforms, it did not manage to hold back retirement reforms in 2010. The Sarkozy government made some concessions, but the core of the reforms remained in place despite severe unrest that brought the country to a standstill. Most recently, in spring 2016, the El Khomri law - proposing modest changes to the French labor code - was rammed through by Prime Minister Manuel Valls using Article 49.3 of the French constitution. Despite significant unrest, the law passed and became law in August. Protests remained peaceful - unlike the 2010 unrest - and eventually fizzled out. Investors should not be afraid of unrest. Unrest is a sign that reforms are being enacted. We would be far more concerned if the election of Fillon or Macron did not lead to strikes and protests! That would be a sign that their reform efforts are not ambitious. But our review of the unrest and strikes in France since 1995 suggests that the last two events - in 2010 and 2016 - ultimately did lead to reforms. In addition, most significant international reform efforts lead to protests. The U.K. miners' strike (1984-85) led to over 10,000 arrests and significant violence. German labor reforms in the 2000s led to a spike in strikes. And the 2011 Spanish reforms under PM Rajoy led to the rise of Indignados, student protesters occupying public spaces, who ultimately gave the world Occupy Wall Street. When it comes to reforms, the adage "no pain, no gain" rings true. Most effective reforms, however, will come right after the election. The incoming president will have about 12 months to convince investors that he is serious about reforms, as this is when the new government has the most political capital and legitimacy for reforms. In addition, much will depend on whether Fillon and Macron have parliamentary majorities with which to work to enact reforms. France's parliamentary election will follow the presidential (two rounds, June 10 and 17). Every president has managed to gain the majority in parliament since the two elections were brought to the same year (2002). Macron's new third party - En Marche! - will likely struggle to gain a foothold in the parliament, even if he wins. However, we suspect that both Les Républicains and centrist members of the Socialist Party will support his reforms. Macron's reforms are more modest than Fillon, at least according to Table 1 and his rhetoric, but they would still be a net positive. Ultimately, investors will have plenty of opportunity to reassess the reform efforts as the new government proposes them. In this analysis, we have sought to simplify what we think is wrong with France. If the government does not address our three core issues - how big is the state, how the state is funded, and the flexibility of the labor market - then we will know that our optimism was misplaced. Bottom Line: We believe that the support for reform exists. A review of electoral platforms reveals that all three major candidates are promising reforms that reduce the size of the French state. This can only mean that French politicians recognize that the "median voter" wants it to be reduced.9 Can Le Pen Win? Although Marine Le Pen, leader of National Front (FN), wants to reduce the size of the state as much as her counterparts, her broader approach poses an obvious risk to the stability of France, Europe, and potentially the world. Her position on the EU and the euro is extreme. She seeks to replace the EU with a strategic alliance with Russia, that she thinks would then include Germany. In the process, the euro would be abandoned. The extreme nature of Le Pen's proposals may ironically increase the likelihood of pro-market reforms in France. François Fillon's problem - aside from the ongoing corruption scandal involving his wife - is that 62% of the French public believes that "his program is worrisome."10 He may therefore win purely because Le Pen's proposal of dissolving the EU and the euro is even more worrisome. What are Le Pen's chances of overcoming the population's fear of abandoning the euro and EU institutions? We think they are very slim. Fillon's corruption scandal could grow, but we think that it is too little too early. With three months ahead of the first round, the spotlight on Fillon may have come too soon. Meanwhile, Le Pen's FN is not without skeletons in her closet. The party's main financial backer has been a Russian bank whose license was revoked by Russia's central bank in June. Le Pen refuses to disclose the details of her campaign funding, unlike Fillon and Macron.11 So what are the chances of a Le Pen presidency? Following the U.S. election, many of our clients wonder where populism will triumph next. In meetings and at conference panels, clients ask whether Marine Le Pen can replicate the success of Donald Trump and the anti-establishment Brexit campaign. Our view has not changed since our Client Note on the topic last November: Le Pen has a very low probability of winning.12 Our subjective figure is 15%. This view is not necessarily based on the strength of her opponents. In other words, if François Fillon stumbles in the first round, we believe that Emmanuel Macron will win in the second round. Our view is focused more on the structural constraints that Le Pen faces. There are three reasons for this view: The Euro The French support the euro at a high level. Marine Le Pen wants to take France out of the euro. Thus, her popularity is inversely correlated with the support for the euro (Chart 22). Euro support bottomed in France in 2013 at 62%, the same year when Le Pen's popularity peaked at 36%. The populist and nationalist Le Pen has not regained her 2013 levels of support despite a massive immigration crisis in Europe and numerous terrorist attacks against French citizens. This is surprising and important. Chart 22The Euro Is Le Pen's Foil The Euro Is Le Pen's Foil The Euro Is Le Pen's Foil The only way we can explain her lackluster performance in the face of crises that should have helped her popularity is her ideological and rhetorical consistency on the euro. For several different reasons,13 the French public supports the common currency as well as the EU - like most Europeans. Le Pen's insistence on "Frexit" is a major hurdle to her chances of winning. The Polls Before we dive into the French presidential polls we should remind our readers of our view that polls did not get Brexit and Trump wrong. Pundits, the media, and data-journalists did. Polls were actually showing the Brexit camp ahead throughout the first two weeks of June. It was only once MP Jo Cox was tragically murdered on June 16 that polls favored the "Stay" vote for the final days of the campaign. Yet on the day of the vote, the "Stay" camp was ahead by only 4%. That should not have given investors the level of confidence they had in the pro-EU vote. The probability of Brexit, in other words, should have been a lot higher than the 30% estimated by the markets (Chart 23). Chart 23ASmart Money Got Brexit Wrong... Smart Money Got Brexit Wrong... Smart Money Got Brexit Wrong... Chart 23B...Despite Close Polling ...Despite Close Polling ...Despite Close Polling Similarly, the national polls in the U.S. election were not wrong. Rather, the pundits and quantitative models overstated the probability of a Clinton victory. What the modelers missed was the unfavorable structural backdrop for Clinton: the challenges associated with one party holding the White House for three terms, lackluster economic growth, lukewarm approval ratings for Barack Obama and his policies, and general discontent, partly signaled by the non-negligible polling of third-party challengers. In addition, the modelers ignored that American polls have a track record of underestimating, or overestimating, performance by about 2-3% (Chart 24). And crucially, the 2016 election was different in that the number of undecided voters at the cusp of the vote was nearly triple the average of the previous three elections (Chart 25). Chart 24Election Polls Usually Miss By A Few Points The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 25Undecided Voters Decided The Election Undecided Voters Decided The Election Undecided Voters Decided The Election The polls were much closer, in other words, than the dominant media narrative revealed. With four months until the election, Donald Trump actually took a slight lead against Hillary Clinton, following the July GOP convention. In aggregate polling, he never trailed Clinton by more than 7% from that point onwards (Chart 26). With four months until the second round of the French election in May, Marine Le Pen is trailing her two centrist opponents by 20-30% (Chart 27)! In other words, Trump at this point in the campaign was roughly three times more competitive than Le Pen! Chart 26Le Pen Is No Trump Le Pen Is No Trump Le Pen Is No Trump Chart 27Second Round Polls Are All That Matters The French Revolution The French Revolution We will therefore agree with the narrative that Le Pen could be the next Trump or Brexit when she starts performing in the polls as well as Trump and Brexit! Right now, she is nowhere close to that. Could Marine Le Pen close the gap in the next four months? It is unlikely. Le Pen is not a political "unknown" like Trump. She is not going to "surprise" voters into voting for her in 2017. She was her party's presidential candidate in the 2012 election. Her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, contested elections in 1988, 1995, 2002, and 2007. The National Front has contested elections in France since the 1970s. Voters know what they are getting with Le Pen. The best-case scenario for Le Pen is that Fillon gets into the second round, and then during the two-week interval between the first and second rounds (April 23, May 7) more corruption is revealed by Fillon and his popularity tanks. This is the "Clinton model" and it is certainly plausible. But it would have to be egregious corruption given that Le Pen's popularity ceiling appears to be the same percentage of French population not in favor of the euro. We suspect that this ceiling is hard. Which is why we have Le Pen's probability of winning the election at only 15%. In addition, there is no vast pool of the undecided in France. French turnouts for the presidential election are consistently 80%. Therefore, translating polling data to actual turnout data will be relatively straightforward. The polls are real. Le Pen may be able to outperform her polls by several points. But not by the 20-30% by which she trails Fillon and Macron in polling for the crucial second round. In fact, Le Pen could even struggle to get into the second round given that the winner of the Socialist Party primary - Benoit Hamon - could bleed left-wing voters away from Le Pen, leaving Fillon and Macron to enter the second round instead. At that point, the election becomes a coin toss between two reformers, but we would give the less "worrisome" Macron a slight edge. Precedent History is important because there is a precedent for solid Euroskpetic performances in France. In fact, Euroskeptic candidates - broadly defined - have won around 32% of the vote in the first round of the presidential election since 1995 (Chart 28). As such, Le Pen's current polling in the first round - 26% level of support - and second round - 37% of support - is within the historical average. It is on the high end, but still within the norm. Her father, for example, got 17% in the first round of the 2002 election and 18% in the second. Chart 28French Euroskepticism ##br##Is Not A Novel Concept The French Revolution The French Revolution We also have a very good recent case study - a natural experiment if you will - of the anti-establishment's electoral performance: the December 2015 regional elections. The two-round regional elections occurred only 23 days following the November 2015 terrorist attack in Paris and at the height of that year's migration crisis. They should have favored the Front National (FN). They also should have favored the FN for these technical and political reasons: Rules: The second round in the regional elections has a participation threshold of 10%, unlike the presidential and parliamentary elections which eliminate all but the top two candidates. This means that FN faced off against multiple candidates, reducing the probability that "strategic voting" drove centrist voters to choose the one remaining establishment candidate over the anti-establishment candidate, as will be the case in the upcoming presidential election. Protest vote: The regions of France have no authority to negotiate international treaties. As such, voters could freely vote for the anti-establishment FN as a sign of protest, without fear that the FN councilors would then take the country out of the euro and the EU. Voters faced no clear downside risk of sending a harsh message to the establishment. Context: Both the ruling Socialists and the opposition Union for a Popular Movement (now renamed Les Républicains) were in disarray ahead of the regional elections for a number of reasons, including the aforementioned terrorist attacks, unpopularity of President Hollande, leadership struggle within UMP, and EU mismanagement of the migration crisis. The National Front ended the first round with a slight lead in total votes, but captured the lead in six out of the 13 regions. The financial press went wild, calling it an extraordinary win for the anti-establishment in France. Yet despite the near optimal circumstances and a strong showing in the first round, FN was obliterated in the second round, a mere one week later. The populists won none of the regions that they captured in the first round! Why? Participation increased in the second round from 49% to 59%, signaling that many French voters were motivated to vote in less-relevant regional elections purely to keep FN out of power. The National Front share of the total vote remained stable at 27%, despite the increase in the turnout. This means that almost none of the "new" voters cast their support for FN, an incredible development. Socialist Party candidates withdrew from the contest in several regions where FN candidates were high profile politicians (Nord Pas de Calais led by Marine Le Pen herself and Province Alpes Cote d'Azur led by Le Pen's niece Marion Marechal Le Pen). Most importantly, Socialist voters did not swing to the economically left-leaning FN in these contest, but rather either stayed home or swung to the center-right rival, the UMP. If French voters decided to cast a strategic vote against FN in an election where the downside risk to a protest vote was non-existent, why would they do any different in a vote that clearly and presently matters? Furthermore, the fact that the higher turnout hurt FN should concern Le Pen. As we mentioned above, presidential election turnouts in France are around 80%. The 2015 election also should teach us an important lesson about France: polls work. Based on IFOP polling conducted two weeks before the election, the average polling error in the December 2015 regional election was 2.5%. Bottom Line: Marine Le Pen's support is precisely the inverse of the French support for the euro. Her anti-European stance is apparently a "deal breaker" for many voters who would otherwise support her candidacy. If she asked us for advice, we would say to flip-flop on the euro. It would make her far more competitive in 2017. Le Pen is trailing her centrist opponents by a massive margin in the second round. Polls can be wrong when they suggest that the contest is within the margin of error. But that is definitely not the case in the upcoming French election. Finally, the 2015 election teaches us that strategic voting continues in France, even when the establishment parties are in disarray and the geopolitical and political context favors populists. Cyclical View The French economy is currently experiencing an economic upswing. This upswing is not much of a mystery. It is explained by three factors: Easing monetary conditions in Europe, pent-up demand, and reflationary policies in China. Let's start with monetary conditions. The easing began in July 2012, with ECB president Mario Draghi's now famous pronouncement that he would do "Whatever it takes" to ensure the survival of the euro. Thanks to these soothing words, risk premia in the region collapsed, with a massive narrowing of government bond spreads between the periphery and Germany. France too benefited from that phenomenon, with its own spreads moving from a max of 190 basis points in late 2011, to 21 basis points seven months ago. Thanks to this normalization, lending rates to the private sector collapsed from 4.6% to 2% (Chart 29) This meant that the fall in the repo rate engineered by the ECB was finally passed on to the private sector. Additionally, the ECB stress tests of 2014 played a major role. In anticipation of that exercise, euro area banks curtailed credit in order to clean up their balance sheets. This resulted in a large contraction of the European credit impulse. However, once the tests were passed, euro area banks, with somewhat healthier balance sheets, normalized credit conditions, letting credit growth move closer in line with trend GDP growth. The result was a surge in the credit impulse that lifted growth in Europe (Chart 30). Chart 29Whatever It Takes Equals##br## Lower Private Sector Rates Whatever It Takes Equals Lower Private Sector Rates Whatever It Takes Equals Lower Private Sector Rates Chart 30Credit Impulse Dynamics##br## And Growth Credit Impulse Dynamics And Growth Credit Impulse Dynamics And Growth The euro also was an important factor. In mid-2014, investors started to speculate on a major easing by the ECB, maybe even QE. Through this discounting process, the euro collapsed from a high of 1.39 in May 2014 to a low of 1.05 in March 2015, when the ECB indeed began implementing asset purchases. This incredible 25% collapse in the currency boosted net exports, and helped GDP, while limiting existing deflationary pressures in Europe. The final reflationary impulse came from fiscal policy. In the wake of 2008, French fiscal deficits ballooned. As a result, from 2011 to 2013, the French fiscal thrust was negative and subtracted an average 1% from GDP growth. However, starting 2014, this drag vanished, arithmetically lifting growth in the country (Chart 31). Ultimately, with the accumulated pent-up demand resulting from the double-dip recession, France was able to capitalize on these developments. First, after having contracted by 14% between 2008 and 2009, and then by another 3% between 2011 and 2013, capex growth was able to resume in earnest in 2015 . This was necessary because, due to the subpar growth in capital stock, even the current tepid economic improvement was able to push capacity utilization above its 5-year moving average. When this happens, the economy ends up displaying the clearest sign of capacity constraint, i.e. higher prices, which we are seeing today. It also results in growing orders (Chart 32). Chart 31The Vanishing Of ##br##French Fiscal Drag The Vanishing Of French Fiscal Drag The Vanishing Of French Fiscal Drag Chart 32French Capacity Utilization Has Tightened ##br##And Orders Are Improving French Capacity Utilization Has Tightened And Orders Are Improving French Capacity Utilization Has Tightened And Orders Are Improving Second, we have witnessed a stabilization in employment and wages. The unemployment rate has fallen by 1% from 10.5% in 2015 to 9.5% today. Most importantly, our wage and employment models are pointing toward higher salaries and job growth in the coming quarters (Chart 33). This is crucial. The French economy remains fundamentally driven by domestic demand and household consumption in particular. In fact, these signs of coming higher household income suggest that the consumer can once again begin to support economic activity in France. First, we expect real retail sales to improve in the coming quarter. Second, because of the combined effect of rising labor income, consumer confidence, and housing prices, the recent upswing in housing activity should gather momentum (Chart 34), creating a further floor under economic activity. Chart 33Improving French Labor Market Conditions Improving French Labor Market Conditions Improving French Labor Market Conditions Chart 34Housing Will Contribute More To Growth Housing Will Contribute More To Growth Housing Will Contribute More To Growth Third, the improvement in credit growth corroborates these developments. In fact, being supported by easing credit standards, it even suggests that broad economic activity in France could accelerate further in the coming months. The key question mark at this point in time is China. France exports to China are only 3.7% of total exports, or 0.7% of GDP, below Belgium. However, the largest single export market for France is Germany, at 16.2% of total exports or 3.3% of GDP (Chart 35). Most interestingly, combined French exports to Germany and China are an important source of economic volatility for France. However, because French exports to Germany are a function of broader German income shocks and demand for German exports, the result is that French exports to Germany and China are a direct function of Chinese industrial activity, as illustrated with their tight correlation with the Keqiang index (Chart 36). As a result, French manufacturing conditions have displayed co-relationship with Chinese LEIs since 2002. Chart 35French Export ##br## Distribution The French Revolution The French Revolution Chart 36French Business Cycle And China: ##br##Germany Is The Key Link French Business Cycle And China: Germany Is The Key Link French Business Cycle And China: Germany Is The Key Link So going forward, what to expect? The recent surge in the ZEW expectation index is likely to be validated and French GDP growth is likely to improve from 1% today to nearly 2% in mid-2017, well above the current expectation of 1.3%. We are more confident about the robustness of domestic demand than international demand. The support created by higher wages and rising credit will have a lagged effect for a few more quarters. In fact, the up-tick to 0.5% from -0.2% in underlying inflation suggests that French real borrowing costs for the private sector should remain well contained despite the recent improvement in capacity utilization. This means the support to housing activity remains solid, especially as France has some of the strongest demographics of the whole euro zone, and thus demand for housing is solid. Chart 37France Too Would Be Affected##br## By A Chinese Deceleration France Too Would Be Affected By A Chinese Deceleration France Too Would Be Affected By A Chinese Deceleration Fillon's threat to cut public sector employment by 500,000 thousand could at face value derail the improvement in the labor market - if such measures were implemented today and in one shot, the unemployment rate would spike from 9.5% to 11.2%. However, Fillon's victory is not yet baked in the cake, and even if he wins, this risk is unlikely to materialize in 2017 as it will take time to get the required laws passed. Moreover, the progressive nature of the cut, along with the tax cuts and regulatory easing for the private sector, suggest that firms would likely create many jobs during the same time frame, mitigating the pain created by such drastic job cutting. Nonetheless, some downside to growth should be expected from Fillon's policies. China and EM represent a more palpable risk. The Chinese uptake of machinery has recently spiked and real estate activity and prices have surged (Chart 37). Beijing is currently uneasy with this development and the PBoC has already increased medium-term lending-facility rates in recent weeks despite low loan demand and disappointing fixed-asset investment numbers. Moreover, China has also massively curtailed the fiscal stimulus that has been a key component of its recent powerful rebound in industrial activity. Finally, the strength in the dollar along with rising real rates globally could put a lid on commodity price appreciation, which means that the rise in Chinese producer prices that has greatly contributed to lower Chinese real rates and thus easier Chinese monetary conditions could be waning. French exports to Germany and China might be seeing their heyday as we write. Bottom Line: The French economy is enjoying a healthy upswing powered by easier monetary conditions in Europe, slight fiscal thrust, pent-up demand and improving credit conditions. While these domestic factors will prove durable, the improvement in external demand faced by France in 2016 raises a slight question mark. Nonetheless, we expect French economic growth to move toward 2% in 2017, a sharp beat of currently depressed expectations. On the political front, robust growth should help centrist candidates and hurt the anti-establishment Le Pen. Investment Implications While reforms, tax cuts, strong domestic demand, and potentially falling political risk premia point to an outperformance of French small cap equities, the story is more complex. Indeed, French small caps are heavily weighted toward IT and biotech firms, and have been mimicking the performance of the Nasdaq, corrected for currency developments (Chart 38). Thus, they do not represent a play on the story above. Instead, we favor buying French industrial equities relative to Germany's. Both sectors are exposed to similar global risk factors as their sales are a function of commodity prices and EM developments. However, French unit labor costs should be contained relative to German ones going forward. French competitiveness has been hampered by decades of rigidities while German competitiveness benefited greatly following the implementation of the Hartz IV labor reforms. Not only should the potential for reform help France over Germany, but the fact that the French unemployment rate remains elevated while that of Germany is at generational lows points also toward rising German labor costs vis-à-vis France (Chart 39). Additionally, our secular theme of overweighting defense stocks plays in France's favor, given that France is the world's fourth largest global defense exporter.14 Finally, adding to the attractiveness of the trade, French industrial equities are trading near the low of their 12-year trading range against German ones (Chart 40). Chart 38French Small Cap Equals Nasdaq##br## (And The Euro, Of Course) French Small Cap Equals Nasdaq (And The Euro, Of Course) French Small Cap Equals Nasdaq (And The Euro, Of Course) Chart 39Reforms Could ##br##Close This Gap Reforms Could Close This Gap Reforms Could Close This Gap Chart 40Industrials: Buy France / ##br##Short Germany Industrials: Buy France / Short Germany Industrials: Buy France / Short Germany In a broader sense, the implementation of the Hartz IV reforms in Germany resulted in a general outperformance of German stocks over French stocks. Now that reforms have been fully implemented and priced in Germany, while investors remain highly skeptical of the outlook for French reforms (and indeed, fear an anti-establishment revolution), today may be the time to begin overweighting French equities at the expense of German ones in European portfolios on a structural basis. Finally, the spike in French yield differentials against German suggest that investors are imbedding a risk premium for the probability of a Le Pen win in the May election. A Le Pen victory would represent a death knell for the euro. As such, the euro countertrend bounce could find further support from a falling risk premium. Any selloff in the euro if Le Pen wins the first round of the election would represent a tactical buying opportunity in EUR/USD. Bottom Line: French industrials should be the key outperformers vis-a-vis Germany in the event of a Fillon or Macron electoral victory. However, French stocks in general should be able to outperform. Buy the euro on any election-related dip, particularly following the first round of the election on April 23. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see The Economist, "The sick man of the euro," dated June 3, 1999, available at economist.com. 2 The figures presented here are actually the reduced numbers from the 2013 Acte III de la decentralization. 3 Please see BCA Research Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 A generous pension system is part of the problem. The effective retirement age is around 61 years, well below the legal age of 65. According to the OECD, the French spend 25 years in retirement, the longest in the developed world. 5 To address this problem, President François Hollande's Responsibility and Solidarity Pact has begun to shift the burden of financing the public purse away from payroll taxes and onto consumption (via higher VAT taxes). But a greater effort is needed. 6 Oddly, France does not do that badly in the World Bank Ease of Doing Business ranking - it is 29th out of 190, ahead of Switzerland and Japan and only one place behind the Netherlands. 7 Please see Gary Banks, OECD, "Structural reform Australian-style: lessons for others?" presentations to the IMF and World Bank, May 26-27, 2005, and OECD, May 31, 2005, available at oecd.org. 8 Please see BCA Research Global Investment Strategy, "Après Paris," dated November 20, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 IFOP poll from December 2016. 11 To be fair, French law does not require parties to publish their donations and spending. Please see Bloomberg, "Le Pen Struggling to Fund French Race as Russian Bank Fails," dated December 22, 2016, available at Bloomberg.com. 12 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Will Marine Le Pen Win?" dated November 16, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA Research Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "After BREXIT, N-Exit?" dated July 13, 2016, and The Bank Credit Analyst, "Europe's Geopolitical Gambit: Relevance Through Integration," dated November 2011, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see Global Alpha Sector Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Brothers In Arms," dated January 11, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Feature Dear Client, For the last publication of 2016, we have opted to do something a little different. 2016 was a year were political shocks took pre-eminence. Whether we are talking Brexit, Trump, Italian referendum, Japanese upper-house elections, or Rousseff's impeachment; it often felt like economics took the back seat to political events. While this kind of regime shift toward more politically-driven markets can feel jarring, it is not new. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a similar event occurred. Populations in Western democracies - the U.S. and the U.K. in particular - exhausted by a decade of elevated inflation, created one of these shifts by putting Thatcher and Reagan in power. With the benefit of insight, we know how the story ended: with great economic successes in both the U.K. and the U.S. However, when Thatcher and Reagan actually took power, it was far from obvious that Western economies were about to leave stagflation and begin a low inflation boom. Today, we do not know how the Trump experiment will end. It is a similarly radical shift that politician wants to implement. Trump and his team want to beat deflation, especially wage deflation for the middle class. This is easier said than done. While we cannot claim to know how a Trump presidency will unfold, BCA has tried to provide some clarity among the noise by focusing on the implications and risks created by the various policies proposed, as well as the threat to the actual implementation of the policies. To finish the year, we would like to provide our client with some perspective. We are sending you the "Mr X" BCA Outlook published in December 1980, when Reagan was the President-elect. What is striking is that then as today, BCA was trying to make a balanced assessment of the potential for positive or disastrous changes that were about to affect the U.S. and global economy. The worries were very pronounced but ultimately proved to be unfounded. We are not saying that worries regarding Trump's proposed policies are unwarranted, but it is important to remember that investors need to remain very nimble when such shifts are emerging. Ultimately, the final direction and effect of the shifts Trump wants to implement will take years to materialize. Looking at historical reactions to similar political sea-changes is a comforting way to put things into perspective. After all, according to Zhou Enlai, it is still too early to judge the effect of the French Revolution.1 Have a great holiday period and a happy and prosperous new year. Best regards, Mathieu Savary, Vice President

Theme 1 - Returning U.S. Animal Spirits: I Want To Break Free Animal spirits are making a comeback in the U.S. The catalyst for this development is the hope that a Trump administration will alleviate the regulatory burden that has been a source of worry for corporate America (Chart I-1). Feeding this impression has been Trump's anti-regulation rhetoric. His deal-maker, take-no-prisoners persona, along with a cabinet packed with businessmen and corporate scions further solidifies this perception. However, Trump's electoral victory was only the match igniting the fuel. The conditions for a resurgence of animal spirits were already in place. Animal spirits are only a Keynesian metaphor for confidence. From late 2014 to 2016, a 16% contraction in profits weighed on business confidence. However, pre-tax profits have bottomed and are set to continue their acceleration (Chart I-2). Chart I-1Hurdle To Animal Spirits bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c1 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c1 Chart I-2A Drag On CAPEX Vanishing A Drag On CAPEX Vanishing A Drag On CAPEX Vanishing Since profits have bottomed, business capex intentions have picked up steam. As Chart I-3 illustrates, this development not only tends to presage a rise in business investments, it also is a leading indicator of economic activity at large. This rise in capex intentions is not only a reflection of an ebbing contraction in profits. It also indicates that many companies are starting to worry about hitting their capacity constraints if final demand firms up. After having added to their real capital stocks at the slowest pace in decades, U.S. firms are now facing rising sales, a situation that creates a bottleneck (Chart I-4). Chart I-3CAPEX Intentions And Growth bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c3 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c3 Chart I-4Improving Sales Outlook ##br##Meets Supply Constraint bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c4 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c4 Moreover, the labor market is tightening. All the signs are there: at 4.6%, U.S. unemployment is in line with its long-term equilibrium; the number of individuals outside of the labor force is in line with the 1999 to 2007 period, an era where hidden labor-market slack was inexistent; and the difficulty for small businesses to find qualified labor is growing (Chart I-5). As is the case today, companies are not concerned by a lack of demand, but by the quality of labor - a combination pointing to decreasing slack - wage growth tends to accelerate. Coincidentally, this is also an environment in which companies increase their allocation to corporate investments (Chart I-6). A few factors explain why companies are more willing to invest when slack narrows and wages grow. Obviously, rising labor costs incentivize businesses to skew their production function toward capital instead of labor. Additionally, rising wages support household consumption. Capex is a form of derived demand. A stronger household sector leads to more perceived certainty regarding the robustness of the expected final demand faced by corporations. Thus, when the share of wages and salaries in the national income grows, so do investments (Chart I-7). Chart I-5The Labor Market Is Tight The Labor Market Is Tight The Labor Market Is Tight Chart I-6When Demand Is Solid And Labor Is Tight... bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c6 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c6 Chart I-7Animal Spirits At Work bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c7 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c7 This means that while we had already expected the consumer to be a key engine of growth next year, we expect the corporate sector to join the fray.1 To us, this combination represents the main reason to expect our Combined Capacity Utilization Gauge to move into "no slack" territory, an environment where the Fed can hike rates durably. Bottom Line: U.S. animal spirits are breaking free. Trump is the catalyst, but conditions for improving business confidence and higher capex have been in place for a period of time. Profits have troughed, capex intentions are on the rise, and capacity constraints are being hit. This will give the Fed plenty of ammo to increase rates in 2017 and 2018. Theme 2 - Monetary Divergences: Pretty Tied Up Monetary policy divergences will continue to be one of the running themes for 2017. As we have argued, the Fed is in a better position to increase interest rates. However, the European Central Bank and the Bank of Japan are firmly pressing on the gas pedal. Last week, the ECB unveiled a new leg to its asset purchase program. True, bond buying will decrease from EUR 80 billion to EUR 60 billion starting April 2017, but the program is now open-ended. Also, the ECB can now buy securities with a maturity of 1-year, as well as securities yielding less than the deposit facility rates. This gives the ECB more flexibility to increase its purchases if need be to placate any potential economic shock in the future. Most crucially, the ECB does not regard its 2019 inflation forecast of 1.7% as in line with its target. Draghi has stressed that this requires the ECB to persist in maintaining its monetary accommodation. This makes sense. While the European economy has surprised to the upside, the recent roll-over in core CPI highlights the continued deflationary forces in the euro area (Chart I-8). These deflationary forces are present because the European output gap remains wide at around 4% of potential GDP.2 While the OECD pegs the Eurozone's natural rate of unemployment at 9%, it is probably lower. Despite a 2.3-percentage-point fall in the Eurozone's unemployment to 9.8% since 2013, euro area wages continue to decelerate, in sharp contrast with the U.S. situation (Chart I-9). This portends to excess capacity in the European labor market. It also limits European household income growth, which has lagged the U.S. by 14% since 2003. (Chart I-9, bottom panel). As a result, European consumption should continue lagging the U.S. Chart I-8Europe's Deflation Problem bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c8 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c8 Chart I-9Signs Of Slack In Europe Signs Of Slack In Europe Signs Of Slack In Europe Additionally, European domestic demand has been supported by a rise in the credit impulse - the change in credit flows (Chart I-10). Between 2011 and 2014, to meet the EBA stress test and Basel III criteria, European banks raised capital and limited asset growth, boosting their capital ratios from 7.1% to more than 11% today. Once this adjustment was over, European banks normalized credit flows, boosting the credit impulse. This process is behind us. To keep the credit impulse in positive territory, credit flows would have to keep on expanding, implying that the stock of credit would have to grow at an ever-accelerating pace. However, the poor performance of European bank equities suggests that credit growth will slow (Chart I-11). While this may be too pessimistic a forecast, it is now unlikely that credit growth will accelerate. As a result, the credit impulse will roll over, hurting domestic demand and keeping deflationary pressures in place. Chart I-10Credit Trends In Europe: Dark Omen Credit Trends In Europe: Dark Omen Credit Trends In Europe: Dark Omen Chart I-11Another Dark Omen Another Dark Omen Another Dark Omen This should translate into a very easy monetary policy in Europe for 2017 and most likely 2018. European rates, both at the short- and long-end of the curve will not rise as much as U.S. rates. In Japan, economic slack has dissipated and the labor market is at full employment (Chart I-12). The unemployment rate stands at 3% and the job-openings-to-applicants ratio sits at 1991 levels. What has prevented the Japanese output gap from moving into positive territory has been fiscal belt-tightening. Between 2011 and today, the Japanese cyclically-adjusted deficit has fallen from 7.5% to 4.5% of GDP, inflicting a large drag on growth. Going forward, we expect Japan's GDP to actually move above trend. Based on the IMF's forecast, fiscal austerity is behind us, suggesting that the force that has hampered growth is now being lifted. This is a conservative assessment. Abe has sounded increasingly willing to expand the government's deficit following his July upper-house election victory. Japanese military spending should be a key source of stimulus. In 2004, Japan and China both spent US$50 billion in that arena. Today, Japanese defense spending is unchanged but China's has grown to US$200 billion (Chart I-13). Therefore, Japan is ever more exposed to an increasingly assertive China in the region. Moreover, a potential rapprochement between the U.S. and Russia - a country formally still at war with Japan - also increases the need for a more self-sufficient Japanese defense strategy. Chart I-12Little Slack In Japan bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c12 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c12 Chart I-13A Catch Up Is Needed bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c13 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c13 Outside of the fiscal realm, there is cause for tempered optimism regarding Japan. Payroll growth remains strong despite full employment, pointing toward potentially higher wages. Also, the Business Activity Index, machinery orders, and the shipments-to-inventory ratio are all firming. Encapsulating these forces, our model forecasts further improvement in industrial production (Chart I-14). While these would point toward a monetary tightening, such is not the case in Japan. The Japanese central bank has committed to let inflation significantly overshoot before removing any accommodation. Hence, as growth improves, inflation expectations can rise, dampening real rates, depressing the yen, and further supporting growth (Chart I-15). This new BoJ policy is a game changer. Chart I-14Some Glimmer Of Hope bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c14 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c14 Chart I-15The Mechanics Targeted By The BoJ The Mechanics Targeted By The BoJ The Mechanics Targeted By The BoJ Moreover, this policy becomes supercharged when global bond yields rise, a central view for BCA's U.S. Bond Strategy service in 2017.3 Due to their low beta, JGB yields tend to not rise as much as global yields in a bond selloff. With the BoJ targeting near-zero rates at the long-end of the curve, JGB yields have even less upside. Rising global bond yields result in even-wider-than-before global-Japan rate differentials, which hurts the yen. This will stimulate Japanese growth even further, additionally easing monetary policy. Bottom Line: While the U.S. is on the path toward tighter policy, the ECB and the BoJ, by design, are loosening their policy. In Europe, the economy continues to suffer from underlying deflationary forces, forcing the ECB to stand pat for now. In Japan, the BoJ has elected to let inflation overshoot significantly even as the economy strengthens. This is putting downward pressure on Japanese real rates, a de facto further easing of monetary policy. Theme 3 - China And EM Slow-Down: Livin' On A Prayer After a year of respite, in 2017, emerging markets and China will once again be a source of deflationary shocks for the global economy. EM as a whole remains in a structurally precarious position. Since 2008, EM economies have accumulated too much debt and built too much capacity (Chart I-16). Most worrying has been the pace of debt accumulation. In the past five years, debt-to-GDP has risen by 51 percentage points to 146% of GDP. The debt has been backed up with new investments, but such a quick pace of asset accumulation raises the prospects of capital misallocation. When a large economic block like EM spends more than 25% of its GDP for 13 years on investment, the likelihood that many poor investments have been made is high. EM economies show all the hallmarks that capital has been miss-allocated, threatening future debt-servicing capacity. Labor productivity growth has collapsed from 3.5% to 1.5%, despite rising capital-to-labor ratios, while return on equity has collapsed despite surging leverage ratios, a sure sign of falling return on capital (Chart I-17). Chart I-16EM Structural Handicaps EM Structural Handicaps EM Structural Handicaps Chart I-17Symptoms Of A Malaise bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c17 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c17 With this backdrop in mind, what happened in 2016 is key to understanding potential 2017 developments. Excess debt and excess capacity are deflationary anchors that raise the vulnerability of EM to shocks, both positive and negative. In 2016, the shock was positive. In the second half of 2015 and early 2016, China engaged in large scale fiscal stimulus (Chart I-18). Government spending grew and US$1.2 trillion of public-private infrastructure projects were rolled out in a mere six months. This lifted Chinese imports from their funk, used up some of the EM's excess capacity, dampened EM deflationary forces, and raised EM return on capital for a period. Additionally, faced with volatile markets, Western central banks eased monetary policy. The ECB and BoJ cut rates, and the Fed backed away from its hawkish rhetoric. The resultant falls in DM real rates and the dollar boosted commodity prices, further dampening EM deflationary forces and boosting EM profitability. Capital flows into EM ensued, easing financial conditions there and brightening the economic outlook (Chart I-19). Chart I-18China Fiscal Backdrop: From Good To Bad China Fiscal Backdrop: From Good To Bad China Fiscal Backdrop: From Good To Bad Chart I-19EM Financial Conditions Are Deteriorating EM Financial Conditions Are Deteriorating EM Financial Conditions Are Deteriorating This process is moving into reverse, the positive shock is morphing into a negative one. The structural handicaps plaguing EM have only marginally improved. Precisely because the Chinese industrial sector has regained composure, the already-fading Chinese stimulus will fully move into reverse (Chart I-20). With credit appetite remaining low and interbank rates already rising as the PBoC slows liquidity injections, the Chinese economy should soon rollover. Moreover, the dollar and global real rates are on the rise. Paradoxically, the return of U.S. animal spirits could endanger the EM recovery. As Chart I-21 shows, an upturn in DM leading economic indicators presages a fall EM LEIs. This simply reflects relative liquidity and financials conditions. Chart I-20China: As Good As It Gets China: As Good As It Gets China: As Good As It Gets Chart I-21DM Hurting EM DM Hurting EM DM Hurting EM Strong advanced economies, especially the U.S., lifts DM real rates and the dollar. This process sucks liquidity away from EM and tightens their financial conditions exogenously (Chart I-22). This hurts EM risk assets, currencies, and their economies. Moreover, since trade with the U.S. and other DM economies only account for 15% and 13% of EM exports, respectively, a fall in EM currencies does little to boost growth there. The fall in EM growth to be seen in 2017 will lay bare their structural weaknesses. As a result, EM assets are likely to suffer considerable downside. EM economies will limit the rise in global inflation by exerting downward pressures on globally traded goods prices as well as many commodities. Moreover, with Europe and Japan more exposed to EM growth than the U.S. (Chart I-23), EM weaknesses would further contribute to monetary divergences between the Fed and the ECB/BoJ. Chart I-22Rising DM Rates Equal Falling EM Liquidity Rising DM Rates Equals Falling EM Liquidity Rising DM Rates Equals Falling EM Liquidity Chart I-23U.S. Is The Least Sensitive To EM Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Bottom Line: 2016 was a great year for EM plays as Chinese fiscal stimulus and easier-than-anticipated DM policy contributed to large inflows of liquidity into EM assets, supporting EM economies in the process. However, as Chinese fiscal stimulus moves into reverse and as DM rates and the dollar are set to continue rising, liquidity and financial conditions in EM will once again deteriorate. Theme 4 - Oil Vs. Metals: Good Times Bad Times From the previous three themes, a logical conclusion would be to aggressively short commodities. After all, a strong dollar, rising rates, and weak EM are a poisonous cocktail for natural resources. However, the picture is more nuanced. In the early 1980s, from 1999 to 2001, and in 2005, commodity prices did rise along with the dollar (Chart I-24). In the early 1980s, the rally in commodities was concentrated outside of the energy complex. The U.S. economy was rebounding from the 1980s double-dip recession, and Japan was in the middle of its economic miracle. Their vigorous growth resulted in a large positive demand shock, boosting Japan's and the U.S.'s share of global copper consumption from 34% to 37%. This undermined any harmful effect on metal prices from a rising dollar. In both the 1999-to-2001 and 2005 episodes, the share of U.S. and Japanese commodity consumption had already fallen. Most crucially, in both episodes, the rise in overall commodity price indexes only reflected strong energy prices. Outside of this complex, natural resource prices were lackluster (Chart I-25). Chart I-24Commodities And ##br##The Dollar Can Rise Together Commodities And The Dollar Can Rise Together Commodities And The Dollar Can Rise Together Chart I-25When A Commodity Rally Is An Oil Rally When A Commodity Rally Is An Oil Rally When A Commodity Rally Is An Oil Rally In these two instances, oil prices were able to escape the gravitational pull of a strong dollar because of supply disruptions. In 1999, following an agreement to reduce oil production by OPEC and non-OPEC states, output fell by around 4 million barrels per day, causing the market to re-equilibrate itself. In 2005, as EM growth was already creating a supportive demand backdrop, a devastating hurricane season in the Gulf of Mexico curtailed global production by around 1 million bbl/day. Today, the situation is a hybrid of 1999 and 2005. While EM economies are in a much weaker position than in 2005, the U.S. economy is gathering strength. Hence, close to 50% of global oil consumption - U.S. and DM oil demand - will stay firm (Chart I-26). But, most vitally, the supply picture once again dominates. Not only did OPEC agree to a deal to curtail production by 1.2 million bbl/day, but Russia agreed to share the burden, cutting its own output by 300 thousand bbl/day. Shortly after this agreement was reached, Saudi Arabia threw in an olive branch by pledging to further cut its production if necessary to reduce global oil inventories. This means that the oil market will firmly be in deficit in 2017 (Chart I-26, bottom panel). Our Commodity & Energy Service, which forecasted the OPEC move, believes WTI oil prices could occasionally peak toward US$65 /bbl in 2017.4 The picture for metals is more complex. The output of iron and copper continues to grow. On the demand side of the ledger, the U.S. only contributes 4% and 8% of global demand for each metal, respectively. Thus even if Trump were able to implement a large infrastructure program in 2017 - a big if for next year - the effect on global demand would be low. Instead, what matters for metal demand is the outlook for EM in general and China in particular (Chart I-27). On this front, our negative take on China and EM is a big hurdle for metals to overcome. Chart I-26Supportive Oil Back Drop Supportive Oil Back Drop Supportive Oil Back Drop Chart I-27Metals Are About China, Not The U.S. Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Yet, all is not dark. Metal and oil prices have historically been co-integrated. In fact, during the previous episodes where oil strengthened as the dollar rallied, metals have more or less been flat. This pattern is likely to repeat itself, especially if as we expect, EM experience a growth slowdown and not an outright recession. Altogether, expectations of strong oil prices and flat metal prices suggest that any EM slowdown should be more discriminating than in 2015 and early 2016. Countries like Russia and Colombia should fare better than Brazil or Peru. This reality is also true for DM economies. Canada and Norway are likely to outperform Australia. Bottom Line: Despite a bullish view on the dollar and a negative EM outlook, overall commodity indices are likely to rise in 2017. This move will mostly reflect a rally in oil - the benchmark heavyweight - a market where supply is being voluntarily constrained. The performance of metals is likely to be much more tepid, with prices mostly moving sideways next year. Theme 5 - Dirigisme: Sympathy For The Devil In 2017, a new word will need to enter the lexicon of investors: dirigisme. This was the economic policy of France after the Second World War. Dirigisme does not disavow the key support systems of capitalism: the rule of law, private property, the sacrosanct nature of contracts, or representative governments. Instead, dirigisme is a system of free enterprise where, to a certain degree, the state directs the economy, setting broad guidelines for what is admissible from the corporate sector. Donald Trump fully fits this mold. He wants business to be conducted a certain way and will try his hardest to ensure this will be the case. What will be the path chosen by Trump? Globalization and laissez-faire capitalism have been great friends of corporate profit margins and the richest echelons of U.S. society (Chart I-28). While it has also greatly benefited the EM middle class, the biggest losers under this regime have been the middle class in advanced economies (Chart I-29). As long as U.S. consumers had access to easy credit, the pain of stagnating incomes was easily alleviated. Without easy credit the pain of globalization became more evident. Chart I-28The (Really) Rich Got Richer Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Chart I-29Globalization: No Friend To DM Middle Class Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Trump has courted the disaffected middle class. While he is likely to cut regulation, he will also put in place potentially erratic policies that may destabilize markets. The key will be for investors to appreciate his ultimate goal: to boost, even if only temporarily, the income of the American middle class. As such, his bullying of Carrier - the U.S. air-conditioner manufacturer that wanted to shift production to Mexico - is only the opening salvo. Tax policy is likely to move in this direction. A proposed tax reform that would cut tax for exporters or companies moving production back to the U.S. towards 0 - that's zero - and punish importers is already in the pipeline. The implications of such policies on U.S. employment are unclear. While U.S. businesses may repatriate production, they may do so while minimizing the labor component of their operations and maximizing the capital component in their production function. In any case, more production at home will support the domestic economy for a time period. However, the global impact is clearer. These policies are likely to be deflationary for the global economy outside the United States. A switch away from production outside of U.S. jurisdiction will raise non-U.S. output gaps. This should weigh on global wages and globally traded goods prices. Additionally, this deflationary impact will cause global monetary policy to remain easy relative to the U.S., particularly hurting the currencies of nations most exposed to global trade. Compounding this effect, nations that currently export heavily to the U.S. - which will lose competitiveness due to tax policy shifts and/or potential tariffs - are likely to let their currencies fall to regain their lost competitiveness. The currencies of Asian nations, countries that have benefited the most from globalization, are likely to get hit the hardest (Chart I-30). Chart I-30Former Winners Become Losers Under Trump's Dirigisme Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits Moreover, along with a shift toward dirigisme, the U.S.'s geopolitical stance could harden further, a troubling prospect in an increasingly multipolar world. Tensions in East Asia are likely to become a recurrent theme over the next few years. Ultimately, the rise of dirigisme means two things: First, the influence of politics over markets and economic developments will continue to grow. Economics is moving closer to its ancestor: political-economy. Second, while Trump's dirigisme can be understood as a vehicle to implement his populist, pro-middle class policies, they will add an extra dose of uncertainty to the global economy. Volatility is likely to be on a structural upswing. Interestingly, the risk of rising dirigisme is more pronounced in the U.S. and the U.K. than in continental Europe. Not only are economic outcomes more evenly distributed among the general population in the euro area, recent elections in Spain or Austria have seen centrist parties beat the populists. While Italy still represents a risk on this front, the likelihood of a victory by the right-wing Thatcherite reformist Francois Fillon for the French presidential election in May is very high.Germany will remain controlled by a grand coalition after its own 2017 elections.5 Bottom Line: The U.S. economy is moving toward a more state-led model as Trump aims to redress the plight of the U.S. middle class. These policies are likely to prove deflationary for the global economy outside of the U.S. and could support the U.S. dollar over the next 12-18 months. On a longer-term basis, the legacy of this development will be to lift economic and financial market volatility. Theme 6 - Inflation: It's A Long Way To The Top Our final theme for the upcoming year is that the inflationary outcome of a Trump presidency will take time to emerge and inflation is unlikely to become a big risk in 2017. Much ink has been spilled predicting that Trump's promises to inject fiscal stimulus exactly when the economy hits full employment will be a harbinger of elevated inflation. After all, this is exactly the kind of policies put in place in the late 1960s. Back then, due to the Great Society program and the deepening U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, President Johnson increased fiscal stimulus when the output gap was in positive territory. Inflation ensued. This parallel is misleading. True, in the long-term, Trump's fiscal stimulus and dirigisme bent could have stagflationary consequences. However, it could take a few years before the dreaded stagflation emerges. To begin with, the structure of the labor market has changed. Unionization rates have collapsed from 30% of employees in 1960 to 11% today. The accompanying fall in the weight of wages and salaries in national income demonstrates the decline in the power of labor (Chart I-31). Without this power, it is much more difficult for household income to grow as fast as it did in the 1960s and 1970s. Likewise, cost-of-living-adjustment clauses have vanished from U.S. labor contracts. Hence, the key mechanism that fed the vicious inflationary circle between wages and prices is now extinct. Additionally, today, capacity utilization - a series that remains well correlated with secular inflation trend - remains much lower than in the 1960s and 1970s (Chart I-32). This means that one of the key ingredients to generate a sharp tick up in inflation is still missing. Chart I-31Labor: From Giant To Midget Labor: From Giant To Midget Labor: From Giant To Midget Chart I-32Capacity Utilization: Not Johnson Nor Nixon bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c32 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c32 Chart I-33Today's Slack Is Not Where It Once Was bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c33 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c33 Also, when looking at the output gap, the 1960s and 1970s once again paint a markedly different picture versus the present. Today, we are only in the process of closing the output and unemployment gaps. In the 1960s, it took U.S. inflation until mid-1968 to hit 4%. By that time, the output gap had been positive for around 5 years, hitting 6% of GDP in 1966. Unemployment had been below its equilibrium rate since 1963, and by 1968 it was 2.5% below NAIRU (Chart I-33). Together the aforementioned factors suggest that inflation should remain quite benign in 2017. We probably still have a significant amount of time before raising the stagflationary alarm bells. Finally, the Fed currently seems relatively unwilling to stay behind the curve for a prolonged period and let inflation significantly overshoot its target. Wednesday, the Fed surprised markets by forecasting three rate hikes in 2017, resulting in a much more hawkish communique than was anticipated. Therefore, the FOMC's tolerance for a "high pressure" economy now seems much more limited than was assumed by markets not long ago. This further limits the inflationary potential of Trump's stimulus. Instead, it highlights the dollar-bullish nature of the current economic environment. Bottom Line: Trump fiscal stimulus at full employment evokes the inflationary policies of the late 1960s and early 1970s. However, back then it took years of economic overutilization before inflation reared its ugly head. Additionally, the structure of the labor market was much friendlier to inflation back then than it is today. Thus, while Trump's policy may raise inflation in the long term, it will take a prolonged period of time before such effects become evident. Instead, in 2017, inflation should remain well contained, especially as the Fed seems unwilling to remain significantly behind the curve. Investment Implications USD The U.S. dollar is in the midst of a powerful bull market. While the USD is already 10% overvalued, the greenback has historically hit its cyclical zenith when it traded with more than a 20% premium to its long-term fair value. This time should be no exception. Beyond our positive view on households, resurging animal spirits are beginning to support the economy. This combination is likely to prompt the Fed to move toward a more aggressive stance than was expected a few months ago (Chart I-34). With monetary divergences fully alive and backed up by economic fundamentals, interest-rate spreads between the U.S. and the rest of the G10 will only grow wider. Factors like a move toward dirigisme and an absence of blow-out inflation will only feed these trends. Chart I-34Market's Fed Pricing: More Upside Market's Fed Pricing: More Upside Market's Fed Pricing: More Upside Tactically, the dollar is overbought, but clearly momentum has taken over. There is so much uncertainty floating in terms of economic and policy outcomes that evaluating the fair-value path for interest rates and the dollar is an even trickier exercise than normal for investors. This lack of clarity tends to be a fertile ground for momentum trading. Investors are likely to continue to chase the Fed. This process could last until market pricing for 2017 has overshot the Fed's own prognostications. Chart I-35EUR/USD: Technical Picture EUR/USD: Technical Picture EUR/USD: Technical Picture EUR At this point in time, the euro suffers from two flaws. First, as the anti-dollar, shorting the euro is a liquid way to chase the dollar's strength. Second, monetary divergences are currently in full swing between the ECB and the Fed: the U.S. central bank just increased interest rates and upgraded its rate forecast for 2017; meanwhile, the ECB just eased policy by increasing the total size of its asset purchase program. Investors are in the process of pricing these two trends and EUR/USD has broken down as a result (Chart I-35). The recent breakdown could bring EUR/USD to parity before finding a temporary floor. That being said, a EUR/USD ultimate bottom could still trade substantially below these levels. The U.S. economy is slowly escaping secular stagnation while Europe remains mired in its embrace. The euro is likely to end up playing the role of the growth redistributor between the two. JPY The Bank of Japan has received the gift it wanted. Global bond yields and oil prices are rising. This process is supercharging the potency of its new set of policies. Higher oil prices contribute to lifting inflation expectations, and rising global rates are widening interest-rate differentials between the world and Japan. With the BoJ standing as a guarantor of low Japanese yields, real-rate differentials are surging in favor of USD/JPY. USD/JPY has broken above its 100-week moving average, historically a confirming signal that the bull market has more leg. Additionally, as Chart I-36 shows, USD/JPY is a function of global GDP growth. By virtue of its size, accelerating economic activity in the U.S. will lift average global growth, further hurting the yen. Tactically, USD/JPY is massively overbought but may still move toward 120 before taking a significant pause in its ascent. We were stopped out of our short USD/JPY position. Before re-opening this position, we would want to see a roll-over in momentum as currently, the trend is too strong to stand against. GBP While political developments remain the key immediate driver of the pound, GBP is weathering the dollar's strength better than most other currencies. This is a testament to its incredible cheapness (Chart I-37), suggesting that many negatives have been priced into sterling. Chart I-36USD/JPY: A Play On Global Growth bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c36 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c36 Chart I-37Basement-Bargain Pound bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c37 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c37 For the first half of 2017, the pound will be victim to the beginning of the Brexit negotiations between the EU and the U.K. The EU has an incentive to play hardball, which could weigh on the pound. In aggregate, while the short-term outlook for the pound remains clouded in much uncertainty, the pounds valuations make it an attractive long-term buy against both the USD and EUR. Chart I-38CAD: More Rates Than Oil bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c38 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c38 CAD The Bank of Canada will find it very difficult to increase rates in 2017 or to communicate a rate hike for 2018. The Canadian economy remains mired with excess capacity, massive private-sector debt loads, and a disappointing export performance. This suggests that rate differentials between the U.S. and Canada will continue to point toward a higher USD/CAD (Chart I-38). On the more positive front, our upbeat view on the oil market will dampen some of the negatives affecting the Canadian dollar. Most specifically, with our less positive view on metals, shorting AUD/CAD is still a clean way to express theme 4. AUD & NZD While recent Australian employment numbers have been positive, the tight link between the Australian economy and Asia as well as metals will continue to represent hurdles for the AUD. In fact, the AUD is very affected by theme 3, theme 4, and theme 5. If a move towards dirigisme is a problem for Asia and Asian currencies, the historical link between the latter and the AUD represents a great cyclical risk for the Aussie (Chart I-39). Tactically, the outlook is also murky. A pullback in the USD would be a marginal positive for the AUD. However, if the USD does correct, we have to remember what would be the context: it would be because the recent tightening in U.S. financial conditions is hurting growth prospects, which is not a great outlook for the AUD. Thus, we prefer shorting the AUD on its crosses. We are already short AUD/CAD and tried to go long EUR/AUD. We may revisit this trade in coming weeks. Finally, we have a negative bias against AUD/NZD, reflecting New Zealand's absence of exposure to metals - the commodity group most exposed to EM liquidity conditions, as well as the outperformance of the kiwi economy relative to Australia (Chart I-40). However, on a tactical basis, AUD/NZD is beginning to form a reverse head-and-shoulder pattern supported by rising momentum. Buying this cross as a short-term, uncorrelated bet could be interesting. Chart I-39Dirigisme Is A Problem For The Aussie bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c39 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c39 Chart I-40New Zealand Is Perkier Than Australia bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c40 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c40 NOK & SEK The NOK is potentially the most attractive European currency right now. It is supported by solid valuations, a current account surplus of 5% of GDP and a net international investment position of nearly 200% of GDP. Moreover, Norwegian core inflation stands at 3.3%, which limits any dovish bias from the Norges Bank. Additionally, NOK is exposed to oil prices, making it a play on theme 4. We like to express our positive stance on the NOK by buying it against the EUR or the SEK. The SEK is more complex. It too is cheap and underpinned by a positive current account surplus. Moreover, the inflation weaknesses that have kept the Riksbank on a super dovish bias mostly reflected lower energy prices, a passing phenomenon. However, being a small open economy heavily geared to the global manufacturing cycle, Sweden is very exposed to a pullback from globalization, limiting the attractiveness of the krona. Moreover, the krona is extremely sensitive to the USD. CHF The SNB is keeping its unofficial floor under EUR/CHF in place. Therefore, USD/CHF will continue to be a direct mirror image of EUR/USD. On a longer-term basis, Switzerland net international investment position of 120% of GDP and its current-account surplus of 11% of GDP will continue to lift its fair value (Chart I-41). Hence, once the SNB breaks the floor and lets CHF float - an event we expect to materialize once Swiss inflation and wages move back toward 1% - the CHF could appreciate violently, especially against the euro. Chart I-41The Swiss Balance Of Payment Position Will Support CHF bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c41 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s1_c41 Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com 1 For a more detailed discussion of the consumer and the dollar, please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "Dollar: The Great Redistributor", dated October 7, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 2 Marek Jarocinski, and Michele Lenza, "How Large Is The Output Gap In The Euro Area," ECB Research Bulletin 2016, July 1, 2016. 3 Please see U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report, "Toward A Cyclical Sweet Spot?", dated November 22, 2016, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "2017 Commodity Outlook: Energy", dated December 8, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 5 For a more detailed discussion of dirigisme, multipolarity, and rising tensions in East Asia, please see Geopolitical Strategy Outlook, "We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c1 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c1 Chart II-2 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c2 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c2 The Fed hiked rates to 0.75% as expected. The dollar began to rally soon after the updated dot-plot suggested a faster pace of tightening than previously expected. Data from Thursday morning displayed a strengthening labor market, with expectations consistently beaten: Initial Jobless Claims came in at 254 thousand, beating expectations of 255 thousand. Continuing Jobless Claims were recorded at 2.018 million, outperforming by 7 thousand. Additionally, the NY Empire State Manufacturing Index also outperformed expectations of 4, coming in at 9. These figures provided an additional lift to the dollar with the DXY nearing the 103 mark. Report Links: Party Likes It’s 1999 - November 25, 2016 One Trade To Rule Them All - November 18, 2016 Reaganomics 2.0? - November 11, 2016 The Euro Chart II-3 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c3 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c3 Chart II-4 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c4 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c4 The Euro Area's data releases seem to be a mixed bag. Industrial production failed to meet expectations, and even contracted 0.1% on a monthly basis. The Markit Composite PMI remained steady at 53.9, and was in line with expectations, while the Services PMI fell and underperformed expectations, whereas the Manufacturing PMI rose and beat expectations. The increase in the dollar has also forced down Euro, where it has broken the crucial support level of around 1.055, and traded as low as 1.04. Report Links: When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It - November 4, 2016 Relative Pressures And Monetary Divergences - October 21, 2016 The Pound Falls To The Conquering Dollar - October 14, 2016 The Yen Chart II-5 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c5 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c5 Chart II-6 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Despite the recent collapse in the Yen, Japan continues to be plagued by strong deflationary pressures. The BoJ will have no choice but to continue to implement radical monetary measures and thus the yen will continue to fall as some of the data lacks vigor: The decline in machinery orders accelerated to 5.6% YoY, underperforming expectations. Japanese industrial production is also contracting, at a pace of 1.4%. Particularly, most measures in the Tankan Survey (for both manufacturers and non-manufacturers) also underperformed expectations. Report Links: Party Likes It’s 1999 - November 25, 2016 One Trade To Rule Them All - November 18, 2016 When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It - November 4, 2016 British Pound Chart II-7 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c7 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c7 Chart II-8 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c8 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c8 Both the BoE and the market continue to be very bearish on the U.K. economy, causing the pound to be very cheap. However, the cable has remained resilient amid the recent dollar surge, in part because U.K. data, as we have mentioned many times, keeps outperforming expectations. The recent set of data confirms this view: Retail sales ex-fuel grew by 6.6% YoY, beating expectations of 6.1% YoY growth. Average earnings (both including and excluding bonus) also outperformed. Report Links: The Pound Falls To The Conquering Dollar - October 14, 2016 The Dollar: The Great Redistributor - October 7, 2016 Long-Term FX Valuation Models: Updates And New Coverages - September 30, 2016 Australian Dollar Chart II-9 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c9 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c9 Chart II-10 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c10 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c10 Australian new motor vehicle sales are still quite weak: They are contracting 0.6% on a monthly basis, albeit at a slower pace from October's 2.4%; On an annual basis, they are now contracting 1.1%. Labor market data was also released, with unemployment increasing to 5.7%. However, the change in employment was better than expected, with 39,100 new total jobs being added to the economy. The Consumer Inflation Expectation measure for December also highlighted an upbeat outlook on inflation, reading at 3.4%, up from 3.2%. Report Links: One Trade To Rule Them All - November 18, 2016 When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It - November 4, 2016 USD, JPY, AUD: Where Do We Stand - October 28, 2016 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c11 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c11 Chart II-12 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c12 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c12 The recent dollar rally has been very damaging for the kiwi, as it has fallen by 3% since the Fed policy decision. Recent data has also been negative: Manufacturing Sales slowed down to 2.1% in Q3 from 2.2% in Q2 (this number was also revised down from 2.8%). Additionally Business PMI slowed down slightly from 55.1 to 54.4. The NZD has also shown weakness in spite of the surge in dairy price, which now stand at their highest point since June 2014. Report Links: Long-Term FX Valuation Models: Updates And New Coverages - September 30, 2016 Global Perspective On Currencies: A PCA Approach For The FX Market - September 16, 2016 The Fed is Trapped Under Ice - September 9, 2016 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c13 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c13 Chart II-14 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c14 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c14 The outlook for Canada's economy remains murky. Although the Financial Stability Report concluded that Canada's financial system remains mostly unchanged from six months ago, the BoC highlighted three key vulnerabilities that remain in the financial system: household debt, for which the debt-to-disposable income is approaching 170%; imbalances in the housing market, where the prices have reached just under 6 times average household income - their highest recorded level; and fragile fixed-income market liquidity. Therefore, underlying weaknesses are apparent and data is reflective of a weak economy. Pressure from a rising dollar will continue to place additional pressure on the CAD going forward. Report Links: When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It - November 4, 2016 Relative Pressures And Monetary Divergences - October 21, 2016 The Pound Falls To The Conquering Dollar - October 14, 2016 Swiss Franc Chart II-15 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c15 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c15 Chart II-16 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c16 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c16 The SNB decided to stay put and leave rates unchanged at -0.75%. In addition, the SNB slightly decreased its forecast for inflation for the coming years. However the central bank remains optimistic on the Swiss economy, as improved sentiment in other advanced economies should help the Swiss export sector. Additionally, the labor market remains solid, with only 3.3% of unemployment. Although the franc should continue to mirror the Euro, all these factors will eventually put upward pressure on this currency. Report Links: Long-Term FX Valuation Models: Updates And New Coverages - September 30, 2016 Global Perspective On Currencies: A PCA Approach For The FX Market - September 16, 2016 Clashing Forces - July 29, 2016 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c17 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c17 Chart II-18 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c18 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c18 The Norges Bank decided to stay put and leave rates at 0.5%. In their Executive Board Assessment the Norges Bank project that rates will remain around their current level in the coming years. They also project that inflation should slowdown given a somewhat slower expected path for growth. However, worries about household debt persist: House prices rose by 11.6% YoY in November, while household debt grew by 6.3%. Additionally household credit is rising faster than household income. Report Links: The Pound Falls To The Conquering Dollar - October 14, 2016 The Dollar: The Great Redistributor - October 7, 2016 Long-Term FX Valuation Models: Updates And New Coverages - September 30, 2016 Swedish Krona Chart II-19 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c19 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c19 Chart II-20 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c20 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_16_s2_c20 The Swedish economy has picked up a bit, as annual inflation figures came out at 1.4%, closer to the Riksbank's target. The labor market also displayed resilience as the unemployment rate dropped by 0.2% to 6.2%. Despite the upbeat data, the SEK failed to perform. With the dollar trading at new highs, USD/SEK also reached a new 13-year high, trading above 9.4 for a moment. Additionally, the SEK is trading poorly on its crosses as well, down against most of the G10 currencies. Report Links: One Trade To Rule Them All - November 18, 2016 The Pound Falls To The Conquering Dollar - October 14, 2016 Long-Term FX Valuation Models: Updates And New Coverages - September 30, 2016 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

Highlights The FOMC statement was somewhat more hawkish than expected. The Fed is on course to raise rates two to three times next year. Trump's policy views are squarely bearish for bonds, but more mixed for stocks. Investors are focusing too much on the positive aspects of Trump's agenda, while ignoring the glaringly negative ones. The 35-year bond bull market is over. Deep-seated political and economic forces will conspire to lift inflation over the coming years. For now, rising wages and prices are welcome news given that inflation remains below target in most economies. However, with productivity and labor force growth still weak around the world - and likely to stay that way - reflation will eventually morph into stagflation. Feature A Fork In The Road Charlie Wilson, the former CEO of General Motors, once famously declared that "what is good for GM is good for the country." There is little doubt that policies that boost economic growth can benefit both Wall Street and Main Street alike. On occasion, however, what is good for one may not be good for the other. Consider Donald Trump's campaign promise to curb illegal immigration and crack down on firms that move production abroad. Reduced immigration means fewer potential customers, and hence weaker sales growth. Fewer immigrant workers and less outsourcing also means higher wages for native-born workers. Bad news for Wall Street, but arguably good news for Main Street. Chart 1Diminished Labor Market Slack Boosting Wages bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c1 bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c1 The distinction between Wall Street and Main Street is critical for thinking about how various policies affect bonds and stocks. Bond prices tend to be more influenced by what happens to the broader economy (the key concern for Main Street), whereas equity prices tend to be more influenced by what happens to corporate earnings (the key concern for Wall Street). Corporate earnings have recovered much more briskly over the past eight years than the overall economy. Thus, it is no surprise that stock prices have surged while bond yields have tumbled. Things may be changing, however. A tighter U.S. labor market is pushing up wages, and this is starting to weigh on corporate profit margins (Chart 1). Meanwhile, bond yields are finally rebounding after hitting record low levels earlier this year. A Somewhat Hawkish Hike This week's FOMC statement reinforced the upward trajectory in yields. Both the median and modal "dot" in the Summary of Economic Projections shifted from two to three hikes next year. While Chair Yellen mentioned that a few participants "did incorporate some assumption about the change in fiscal policy," we suspect that many did not, reflecting the lack of clarity about the timing, composition, and magnitude of any fiscal package. As these details are fleshed out, it is probable that both growth and inflation assumptions will be revised up, helping to keep the Fed's tightening bias in place. The key question is whether U.S. growth will be strong enough next year to allow the Fed to keep raising rates. Our view is that it will. As we argued in October in "Better U.S. Economic Data Will Cause The Dollar To Strengthen,"1 a recovery in business capex, a turn in the inventory cycle, a pick-up in spending at the state and local government level, and continued solid consumption growth driven by rising real wages will all support demand in 2017. Indeed, it is likely that the Fed will find itself a bit behind the curve, allowing inflation to drift higher. The Structural Case For Higher Inflation The cyclical acceleration in U.S. and global inflation that we will see over the next few years will be buttressed by structural trends. As we first spelled out in this year's Q3 Strategy Outlook entitled "The End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market,"2 a number of political and economic forces will conspire to lift inflation and nominal bond yields over time. Let us start with the politics. Here, three inflationary forces stand out: The retreat from globalization; The rejection of fiscal austerity; The continued will and growing ability of central banks to push up inflation. Globalization Under Attack Globalization is an inherently deflationary force. In a globalized world, if a country experiences an idiosyncratic shock which raises domestic demand, this can be met with more imports rather than higher prices. In addition, the entry of millions of workers from once labor-rich, but capital-poor economies such as China, has depressed the wages of less-skilled workers in developed economies.3 Poorer workers tend to spend a greater share of their incomes than richer workers (Chart 2). To the extent that globalization has exacerbated income inequality, it has also reduced aggregate demand. It is too early to know to what extent Donald Trump will try to roll back globalization. So far, his cabinet appointments - perhaps with the exception of immigration hawk Jeff Sessions - are little different from what a run-of-the-mill Republican like Jeb Bush would have made. Yet, as we noted last week, it will be difficult for Trump to backtrack from his protectionist views because his white working-class base will abandon him if he does.4 As Chart 3 shows, the share of Republican voters who support free trade has plummeted from over half to only one-third. For better or for worse, the Republican Party has become a populist party. Davos Man beware. Chart 2The Rich Save, The Poor Not So Much bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c2 bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c2 Chart 3Republican Voters Are Rejecting Free Trade Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks In any case, even if populist pressures do not cause global trade to collapse over the coming years, the period of "hyperglobalization," as Arvind Subramanian has called it, is over. As we discussed three weeks ago,5 many of the things that facilitated globalization over the past 30 years were one-off developments: China cannot join the WTO more than once; tariffs in most developed countries cannot fall much more because they are already close to zero; there is nothing on the horizon that will match the breakthrough productivity gains in global shipping that stemmed from containerization; the global supply chain is already highly efficient, etc. Thus, at the margin, globalization will be less of a deflationary force than it once was. Back To Bread And Circuses After a brief burst of fiscal stimulus following the financial crisis, governments moved quickly to tighten their belts. Now, however, the pendulum is starting to swing back towards easier fiscal policy, as nervous politicians look for ways to thwart the populist backlash (Chart 4). The U.K. is a good example of this emerging trend. Prior to the Brexit vote, the Conservative government had planned to tighten fiscal policy by a further 3.3% of GDP over the remainder of this decade. This goal has been thrown out the window, with Theresa May now even hinting about the prospect of some fiscal stimulus. Elsewhere in Europe, governments continue to flout their fiscal targets. Not only has the European Commission turned a blind eye to this development, but a recent report by the Commission actually suggested that a "desirable fiscal orientation" would entail larger budget deficits next year than what member states are currently targeting (Chart 5). Chart 4The End Of Austerity Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Chart 5The European Commission Recommends Greater Fiscal Expansion Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks In Japan, Prime Minister Abe has scrapped plans to raise the sales tax next year. The supplementary budget announced in August will boost annual spending by 0.5% of GDP over the next three years. Our geopolitical team thinks that further spending measures will be introduced, especially on defense. For his part, Donald Trump has pledged massive fiscal stimulus consisting of increased infrastructure and defense expenditures, along with a whopping $6.2 trillion in tax cuts over the next 10 years even before accounting for additional interest costs. Investors shouldn't rejoice too much, however. Effective tax rates for S&P 500 companies are already well below statutory levels on account of the numerous loopholes in the tax code (Chart 6). Small businesses rather than large corporations will disproportionately benefit from Trump's tax measures. Chart 6The U.S. Effective Corporate Tax Rate Is Already Quite Low bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c6 bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c6 Moreover, it is doubtful that the maximum fiscal thrust from Trump's policies will be reached before 2018. By that time, the economy is likely to have reached full employment. As such, much of the stimulus is likely to show up in the form of higher wages rather than increased real corporate sales. More Monetary Ammo The global financial crisis set off the biggest deflation scare the world has seen since the Great Depression. Eight years later, central banks are still struggling to raise inflation. The conventional wisdom is that central banks are "out of bullets." This view, however, is much too pessimistic. Even if one excludes the use of such radical measures as helicopter money, it is still the case that traditional monetary policy becomes more effective as spare capacity is reduced. Consider the case of forward guidance. If an economy has a large output gap, a central bank's promise to keep interest rates at zero, even after full employment has been reached, may hold little sway. After all, many things can happen between now and then: A change of central bank leadership, another adverse economic shock, etc. In contrast, if the output gap is already quite small, as is the case in the U.S. today, a promise to let the economy run hot is more likely to be taken seriously. Chart 7 shows that the level of the U.S. core PCE deflator, the Fed's preferred inflation gauge, is nearly 4% lower than it would have been if inflation had remained at its 2% target since 2008. Given that the Fed has a symmetric target - meaning that inflation overshoots should be just as common as undershoots - aiming for an inflation rate above 2% over the next few years makes some sense. If inflation does move up to the 2.5%-to-3% range, the Fed might be reluctant to bring it back down since this would require slower growth and higher unemployment. In fact, a case could be made that the Fed and other central banks should simply raise their inflation targets. Both private and public debt levels are still quite elevated all over the world (Chart 8). Higher inflation would be one way to reduce the real value of those liabilities. Chart 7Inflation Has Undershot the Fed's Target Inflation Has Undershot the Fed's Target Inflation Has Undershot the Fed's Target Chart 8Elevated Debt Levels Elevated Debt Levels Elevated Debt Levels The difficulty in pushing nominal short-term rates much below zero is another reason to aim for a higher inflation rate. Back in 1999 when the FOMC first broached the idea of introducing a 2% inflation target, the Fed's simulations suggested that the zero lower bound would only be reached once every 20 years, and even on these rare occurrences, interest rates would be pinned to zero for only four quarters (Table 1). In reality, the U.S. economy has spent more than half of the time since then either at the zero bound or close to it. While we do not expect any central bank to raise their inflation targets anytime soon, long-term investors should nevertheless prepare for this possibility. Table 1The Fed Underestimated The Probability Of Rates Being Stuck At Zero Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Slow Potential Growth: Deflationary At First, Inflationary Later On The narrowing of output gaps around the world has given central banks more traction over monetary policy. However, there has been a dark side to this development - and one that also leans in the direction of higher inflation. As Chart 9 shows, spare capacity has declined in every major economy not because demand has been strong, but because supply has been weak. Chart 9AWeak Supply Growth Has Narrowed Output Gaps bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c9a bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c9a Chart 9BWeak Supply Growth Has Narrowed Output Gaps bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c9b bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c9b The decline in potential GDP growth reflects both slower productivity and labor force growth. As we have discussed in past reports, while cyclical factors have weighed on potential growth, structural factors also loom large.6 The former include falling birth rates, flat-lining labor participation, plateauing educational attainment, and a shift in technological innovation away from business productivity and towards consumer-centric applications such as social media. Chart 10A Decline In Productivity Growth Is Deflationary In The Short Run, But Inflationary In The Long Run Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Critically, slower potential GDP growth tends to be deflationary at the outset but becomes inflationary later on. Initially, lower productivity growth reduces investment, pushing down aggregate demand. Lower productivity growth also reduces consumption, as households react to the prospect of slower real wage gains. Eventually, however, economies that suffer from chronically weak productivity growth tend to find themselves rubbing up against supply-side constraints. This leads to higher inflation (Chart 10). One only needs to look at the history of low-productivity economies in Africa and Latin America to see this point - or, for that matter, the U.S. in the 1970s, a period when productivity growth slowed and inflation accelerated. Likewise, a slowdown in labor force growth tends to morph from being deflationary to inflationary over time. When labor force growth slows, two things happen. First, investment demand drops. Why build new factories, office towers, and shopping malls if the number of workers and potential consumers is set to grow more slowly? Second, savings rise, as spending on children declines and a rising share of the workforce moves into its peak saving years (ages 35-to-50). The result is a large excess of savings over investment, which generates downward pressure on inflation and interest rates. As time goes by, the deflationary impact of slower labor force growth tends to recede (Chart 11). Workers who once brought home paychecks start to retire en masse and begin drawing down their accumulated wealth. Since there are few young workers available to take their place, labor shortages emerge. At the same time, health care spending and pension expenditures rise as a larger fraction of the population enters its golden years. The result is less aggregate savings and higher interest rates. Chart 11An Aging Population Eventually Pushes Up Interest Rates Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Japan provides a good example of how this transition might occur. Chart 12 shows that the household savings rate has fallen from over 14% in the early 1990s to only 2% today. Meanwhile, the ratio of job openings-to-applicants has reached a 25-year high. Amazingly, the tightening in the labor market has occurred despite anemic GDP growth and a huge surge in female employment. Prime-age female labor participation has already risen above U.S. levels (Chart 13). As participation rates stabilize, labor force growth in Japan will decline from a cyclical high of around 0.8% at present to -0.2%. That may be enough to precipitate a sharp labor shortage, leading to higher wages and an end to deflation. Chart 12Japan: Declining Household Savings ##br## Rate And A Tightening Labor Market Japan: Declining Household Savings Rate And A Tightening Labor Market Japan: Declining Household Savings Rate And A Tightening Labor Market Chart 13Japan: Female Labor Force ##br## Participation Now Exceeds The U.S. bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c13 bca.gis_wr_2016_12_16_c13 What will the Bank of Japan do when this fateful day arrives? The answer is probably nothing. The BoJ would welcome a virtuous circle in which rising inflation pushes down real rates, leading to a weaker yen, a stronger stock market, and even higher inflation expectations. Such a virtuous circle almost emerged in 2012 had the Japanese government not short-circuited it by tightening fiscal policy by 3% of GDP. It won't make the same mistake again. Investment Conclusions Global assets have swung wildly in the weeks following the U.S. presidential election. The selloff in bonds and the rally in the dollar make perfect sense to us - indeed, we predicted as much in our September report entitled "Three Controversial Calls: Trump Wins, And The Dollar Rallies."7 In contrast, the surge in U.S. equities seems overdone. Yes, certain elements of Trump's political agenda such as deregulation and lower corporate tax rates are good news for stocks. But other aspects such as trade protectionism and tighter immigration controls are not. Others still, such as increased government spending, are good in theory but carry sizeable side-effects, the chief of which is that the stimulus may arrive at a time when the economy no longer needs it. Some commentators have argued that the good aspects of Trump's agenda will be implemented before the bad ones, giving investors a reason to focus on the positive. We are not so sure. If Trump gives the Republican establishment everything it wants on taxes and regulations, he will lose all his remaining leverage over trade and immigration. Rather than waiting to be stabbed in the back by Paul Ryan, strategically, Trump is likely to insist that Congress implement his populist platform before he hands it the keys to the economy. Even if one ignores the political intrigue, it is still the case that global stocks have tended to suffer following major spikes in bond yields such as the one we have just experienced (Table 2). We suspect that this time will not be any different. As such, investors would be wise to adopt a more defensive tactical posture over the next few months. Table 2Stocks Tend To Suffer When Bond Yields Spike Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Main Street Bonds, Wall Street Stocks Chart 14Global Growth Is Accelerating Global Growth Is Accelerating Global Growth Is Accelerating Things look better over a one-to-two year cyclical horizon. Outside of the U.S., much of the global economy continues to suffer from excess spare capacity. Recent data suggesting that global growth is accelerating is welcome news in that regard (Chart 14). Not only will stronger growth boost corporate earnings, but with the ECB, BoJ, and many other central banks firmly on hold, any increase in inflation expectations will translate into lower real rates, providing an additional fillip to spending. We continue to prefer European and Japanese stocks over their U.S. counterparts, on a currency-hedged basis. Emerging markets are a tougher call. The real trade-weighted dollar probably has another 5% or so of upside from current levels. Historically, a stronger greenback has been bad news for EM equities. On a more positive note, faster global growth should give some support to commodity prices. BCA's commodity strategists remain quite bullish on crude and natural gas, a view that has been further reinforced by both Saudi Arabia and Russia's announcements to restrict oil supply beginning in January. Still, on balance, we recommend a slightly underweight position in EM equities. Looking beyond the next two years, the outlook for global risk assets is likely to darken again. We are skeptical that Trump's much lauded supply-side policies will boost productivity to any great degree. Against a backdrop of rising budget deficits and brewing populist sentiment around the world, reflation may begin to give way to stagflation. In such an environment, bond yields could rise substantially from current levels, taking stocks down with them. Enjoy it while it lasts. Peter Berezin, Senior Vice President Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Better U.S. Economic Data Will Cause The Dollar To Strengthen," dated October 14, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see Global Investment Strategy, "Strategy Outlook Third Quarter 2016: End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 8, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 3 David H. Autor, David Dorn, and Gordon H. Hanson, "Trade Adjustment: Worker-Level Evidence," The Quarterly Journal of Economics (2014). 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Trump And Trade," dated December 9, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Elusive Gains From Globalization," dated November 25, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame The Statisticians," dated March 25, 2016, and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Slower Potential Growth: Causes And Consequences," dated May 29, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Three (New) Controversial Calls," dated September 30, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Recommendation Allocation Quarterly - December 2016 Quarterly - December 2016 Highlights Growth was picking up before the election of President Trump. His election merely accelerates the rotation from monetary to fiscal policy. This is likely to cause yields to rise, the Fed to tighten and the dollar to strengthen further. That will be negative for bonds, commodities and emerging market assets, and equivocal for equities. Short term, markets have overshot and a correction is likely. But the 12-month picture (higher growth and inflation) suggests risk assets such as equities will outperform. Our recommendations mostly have cyclical tilts. We are overweight credit versus government bonds, underweight duration and, in equity sectors, overweight energy, industrials and IT (and healthcare for structural reasons). Among alts, we prefer real estate and private equity over hedge funds and structured products. We limit beta through overweights (in common currency terms) on U.S. equities versus Europe and emerging markets. We also have a (currency-hedged) overweight on Japanese stocks. Feature Overview A Shift To Reflation The next 12 months are likely to see stronger economic growth, particularly in the U.S., and higher inflation. That will probably lead to higher long-term interest rates, the Fed hiking two or three times in 2017, and further dollar strength. The consequences should be bad for bonds, but mixed for equities - which would benefit from a better earnings outlook, but might see multiples fall because of a higher discount rate. The election of Donald Trump merely accelerates the rotation from monetary policy to fiscal policy that had been emerging globally since the summer. Trump's fiscal plans are still somewhat vague,1 but the OECD estimates they will add 0.4 percentage points to U.S. GDP growth in 2017 and 0.8 points in 2018, and 0.1 and 0.3 points to global growth. Growth was already accelerating before the U.S. presidential election. Global leading indicators have picked up noticeably (Chart 1), and the Q3 U.S. earnings season surprised significantly on the upside, with EPS growth of 3% (versus a pre-results expectation of -2%) - the first YoY growth in 18 months (Chart 2). Chart 1Global Growth Picking Up bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c1 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c1 Chart 2U.S. Earnings Growing Again bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c2 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c2 The problem with the shift to fiscal, then, is that it comes at a time when slack in U.S. economy has already largely disappeared. The Congressional Budget Office estimates the output gap is now only -1.5%, which means it is likely to turn positive in 2017 (Chart 3). Unemployment, at 4.6%, is below NAIRU2 (Chart 4). Historically, the output gap turning positive has sown the seeds of the next recession a couple of years later, as the Fed tightens policy to choke off inflation. Chart 3Output Gap Will Close In 2017 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c3 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c3 Chart 4Will This Trigger Inflation Pressures? bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c4 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c4 As the Fed signaled at its meeting on December 14, it is likely to raise rates two or three times more in 2017. But we don't see it getting any more hawkish than that. Janet Yellen has made it clear that she will not preempt Trump's fiscal stimulus but rather wait to see it passed by Congress. The market is probably about right in pricing in an 80% probability of two rate hikes in 2017, and a 50% probability of three. With the Atlanta Fed Wage Growth Tracker rising 3.9% YoY and commodity prices (especially energy) starting to add to headline inflation, the Fed clearly wants to head off inflation before it sets in. We do not agree with the argument that the Fed will deliberately allow a "high-pressure economy." The result is likely to be higher long-term rates. The 10-year U.S. yield has already moved a long way (up 100 BP since July), and our model suggests fair value currently is around 2.3% (Chart 5). Short term, then, a correction is quite possible (and would be accompanied by moves in other assets that have overshot since November 9). But stronger global growth and an appreciating dollar over the next 12 months could easily push fair value up to 3% or beyond. The relationship between nominal GDP growth (which is likely to be 4.5-5% in 2017, compared to 2.7% in 1H 2016) and long-term rates implies a rise to a similar level (Chart 6). Accordingly, we recommend investors to be underweight duration and prefer TIPs over nominal bonds. Chart 5U.S. 10-Year At Fair Value U.S. 10-Year At Fair Value U.S. 10-Year At Fair Value Chart 6Rise In Nominal GDP Could Push It Up To 3% Rise In Nominal GDP Could Push It Up To 3% Rise In Nominal GDP Could Push It Up To 3% Global equities, on a risk-adjusted basis, performed roughly in line with sovereign bonds in 2016 - producing a total return of 9.2%, compared to 3.3% for bonds (though global high yield did even better, up 15.1%). If our analysis above is correct, the return on global sovereign bonds over the next 12 months is likely to be close to zero. Chart 7Will Investors Reverse The Move##br## from Equities To Bonds? Will Investors Reverse The Move from Equities To Bonds? Will Investors Reverse The Move from Equities To Bonds? The outlook for equities is not unclouded. Higher rates could dampen growth (note, for example, that 30-year fixed-rate mortgages in the U.S. have risen over the past two months from 3.4% to 4.2%, close to the 10-year average of 4.6%). The U.S. earnings recovery will be capped by the stronger dollar.3 And a series of Fed hikes may lower the PE multiple, already quite elevated by historical standards. Erratic behavior by President Trump and the more market-unfriendly of his policies could raise the risk premium. But we think it likely that equities will produce a decent positive return in this environment. Portfolio rebalancing should help. Since the Global Financial Crisis investors have steadily shifted allocations from equities into bonds (Chart 7). They are likely to reverse that over the coming quarters if bond yields continue to trend up. Accordingly, we moved overweight equities versus bonds in our last Monthly Portfolio Update.4 Our recommended portfolio has mostly pro-cyclical tilts: we are overweight credit versus government bonds, overweight most cyclical equity sectors, and have a preference for risk alternative assets such as real estate and private equity. But our portfolio approach is to pick the best spots for taking risk in order to make a required return. We, therefore, balance this pro-cyclicality by some lower beta stances: we prefer investment grade debt over high yield, and U.S. and Japanese equities over Europe and emerging markets. Garry Evans, Senior Vice President Global Asset Allocation garry@bcaresearch.com What Our Clients Are Asking What Will Trump Do? Trump made several speeches in September with details of his tax plan. He promised to (1) simplify personal income tax, cutting seven brackets to three, with 12%, 25% and 33% tax rates; (2) cut the headline corporate tax rate to 15% (from 35%); and (3) levy a 10% tax on the $3 trillion of corporate retained earnings held offshore. He was less specific on infrastructure spending, but Wilbur Ross, the incoming Commerce Secretary, mentioned $550 billion, principally financed through public-private partnerships. The Tax Policy Center estimates the total cost of the tax plan at $6 trillion (with three-quarters from the business tax cut). But it is not clear how much will be offset by reduced deductions. Incoming Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, for example, said that upper class taxpayers will get no absolute tax cut. TPC estimates the tax plan alone will increase federal debt to GDP by 25 percentage points over the next 10 years (Chart 8). The OECD, assuming stimulus of 0.75% of GDP in 2017 and 1.75% in 2018, estimates that this will raise U.S. GDP growth by 0.4 percentage points next year and by 0.8 points in 2018, with positive knock-on effects on the rest of the world (Chart 9). While there are questions on the timing (and how far Trump will go with trade and immigration measures), BCA's geopolitical strategists sees few constraints on getting these plans passed.5 Republications in Congress like tax cuts (and will compromise on the public spending element) and it is wrong to assume that Republican administrations reduce the fiscal deficit - historically the opposite is true (Chart 10). Chart 8Massive Increase In Debt Quarterly - December 2016 Quarterly - December 2016 Chart 9GDP Impact Of U.S. Fiscal Stimulus Quarterly - December 2016 Quarterly - December 2016 Chart 10A Lot of Stimulus, And Extra Debt bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c10 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c10 Implications for markets? Short term positive for growth and inflation; longer-term a worry because of crowding out from the increased government debt. How Will The Strong USD Impact Global Earnings? We have a strong U.S. dollar view and also favor U.S. equities over the euro area and emerging markets. Some clients question our logic because conceptually a strong USD should benefit earnings growth in the non-U.S. markets, and therefore non-U.S. equities should outperform. Chart 11USD Impact On Global Earnings bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c11 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c11 Currency is just one of the factors that we consider when we make country allocation decisions, and our weights are expressed in USD terms unhedged. We will hedge a currency only when we have very high conviction, such as our current Japan overweight with a yen hedge, which is based on our belief that the BOJ will pursue more unconventional policies to stimulate the economy. This is undoubtedly yen bearish but positive for Japanese stocks. As shown in Chart 11, a stronger USD has tended to weaken U.S. earnings growth (panel 1). However, what matters to country allocation is relative earnings growth. Panels 3 and 5 show that in local currency terms, earnings growth in emerging markets and the euro area did not always outpace that in the U.S. when their currencies depreciated against the USD. In fact, when their currencies appreciated, earnings growth in USD terms tended to outpace that in the U.S. (panels 2 and 4), suggesting that the translation impact plays a very important role. This is consistent with what we have found for relative equity market returns (see Global Equity section on page 13). Currency affects revenues and costs in different proportions. If both revenues and costs are in same currency, then only net profit is affected by the currency. But, since many companies manage their forex exposure, at the aggregate level the currency impact will always be "weaker than it should be". What Is The Outlook For Brexit And The Pound? The U.K. shocked the world on 24 June 2016 with its vote to leave the European Union. However, the process and terms of exit are yet to be finalized pending the Supreme Court's decision on the role of parliament in invoking Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. Depending on this decision, there is a spectrum of possible outcomes for the U.K./EU relationship. At the two ends of the spectrum are: 1) a hard Brexit - complete separation from the EU, in which case the pound will plunge further; 2) a soft Brexit - with a few features of the current relationship retained, in which case the pound will rally. Chart 12What's Up Brexit? What's Up Brexit? What's Up Brexit? The fall in the nominal effective exchange rate to a 200-year low (Chart 12) is a clear indication of the potential serious long-term damage. With the nation's dependence on foreign direct investment (FDI) to finance its large current account deficit (close to 6% of GDP), more populist policies and increased regulation will hurt corporate profitability, making local assets less profitable to foreigners. The pound is currently caught up in a vicious circle of more depreciation, leading to higher inflation expectations and depressed real rates, which adds further selling pressure. This is the likely path of the pound in the case of a hard Brexit. For U.K. equities, under a hard Brexit that adds downward pressure to the pound, investors should favor firms with global revenues (FTSE 100) and underweight firms exposed more to domestic business and a potential recession (FTSE 250). The opposite holds true in the case of a soft Brexit. Investors should also underweight U.K. REITs because of cyclical and structural factors that will affect commercial real estate. In the case of a hard Brexit, structural long-term impacts to the British economy include: 1) a decline in the financial sector - the EU will introduce regulations that will force euro-denominated transactions out of London; 2) a slowdown in FDI - the U.K. will cease to be a platform for global companies to access the EU, triggering a long-term decline in foreign inflows; 3) weaker growth - with EU immigration into the U.K. expected to fall by 90,000 to 150,000 per year, estimates.6 point to a 3.4% to 5.4% drop in per capita GDP by the year 2030. What Industry Group Tilts Do You Recommend? In October 2015, we advocated that, because long-term returns for major asset classes would fall short of ingrained expectations, investors should increase alpha by diving down into the Industry Group level.7 How have these trades fared, and which would we still recommend? Long Household And Personal Products / Short Energy. We closed the trade for a profit of 12.2% in Q12016. This has proven to be quite timely as oil prices, and Energy stocks along with it, have rallied substantially since. Long Insurance / Short Banks. The early gains from this trade reversed in Q2 as long yields have risen rapidly, leading to yield curve steepening. However, our cyclical view is still intact. Relative performance is still holding its relationship with the yield curve (Chart 13). Historically, Fed tightening has almost always led to bear flattening. We expect the same in this cycle, which should lead to Insurance outperformance. Long Health Care Equipment / Short Materials. This trade generated early returns but has since underperformed as Materials bounced back sharply. Nevertheless, we remain bearish on commodities and EM-related plays, viewing this rise in Materials stocks as more of a technical bounce from oversold valuations (Chart 14). Commodities remain in a secular bear market. On health care, we maintain our structural bullish outlook given aging demographics, increased spending on health care and attractive valuations. Short Retail / Global Broad. We initiated trade in January after the Fed initiated liftoff. Consumer Discretionary stocks collapsed after, and this trade has provided a gain of 2.01%. We maintain this view as the recent hike and 2017 hikes will continue to dampen Retail performance (Chart 15). Additionally, Retail has only declined slightly while other Consumer Discretionary stocks have falling drastically, suggesting downside potential from convergence. Chart 13Flatter Yield Curve Is Bullish bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c13 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c13 Chart 14An Oversold Bounce bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c14 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c14 Chart 15Policy Tightening = Underperformance bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c15 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c15 Global Economy Overview: The macro picture looks fairly healthy, with growth picking up in developed economies and China, though not in most emerging markets. The weak patch from late 2015 through the first half of 2016, with global industrial and profits recessions, appears to be over. The biggest threat to growth now is excessive dollar strength, which would slow U.S. exports and harm emerging markets. U.S.: U.S. growth was surprising on the upside (Chart 16) even before the election. Q2 real GDP growth came in at 3.2% and the Fed's Nowcasting models indicate 2.6-2.7% in Q4. After rogue weak ISMs in August, the manufacturing indicator has recovered to 53.2 and the non-manufacturing ISM to 57.2. However, growth continues to be driven mainly by consumption, with capex as yet showing few signs of recovery. A key question is whether a Trump stimulus will be enough to reignite "animal spirits" and push corporates to invest more. Euro Area: Eurozone growth has also been surprisingly robust. PMIs for manufacturing and services in November came in at 53.7 and 53.8 respectively; the manufacturing PMI has been accelerating all year. This is consistent with the ECB's forecasts for GDP growth of 1.7% for both this year and next. However, risk in the banking system could derail this growth. Credit growth, highly correlated with economic activity, has picked up to 1.8% YOY but could slow if banks turn cautious. Japan: Production data has reacted somewhat to Chinese stimulus, with IP growth positive (Chart 17) for the past three months and the Leading Economic Index inching higher since April. But the strength of the yen until recently and disappointing inflation performance (core CPI -0.4% YOY) have depressed exports and consumer sentiment. The effectiveness of the BoJ's 0% yield cap on 10-year government bonds, which has weakened the yen by 14% in two months, should trigger a mild acceleration of growth in coming quarters. Chart 16U.S. Economy Surprising ##br##On The Upside bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c16 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c16 Chart 17Growth Picks Up In##br## Most DMs And China bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c17 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c17 Emerging Markets: China has continued to see positive effects from its reflation of early 2016, with the manufacturing PMI close to a two-year high. The effects of the stimulus will last a few more months, but the authorities have reined back now and the currency is appreciating against its trade basket. The picture is less bright in other emerging markets, as central banks struggle with weak growth and depreciating currencies. Credit growth is slowing almost everywhere (most notably Turkey and Brazil) which threatens a further slowdown in growth in 2017. Interest rates: Inflation expectations have risen sharply in the U.S. following the election, but less so in the eurozone and Japan. They may rise further - pushing U.S. bond yields close to 3% - if the Trump administration implements a fiscal stimulus anywhere close to that hinted at. This could, in turn, push the Fed to raise rates at least twice more in 2017. The ECB has announced a reduction in its asset purchases starting in April 2017, too, but the Bank of Japan will allow inflation to overshoot before tightening. Chart 18Earnings Bottoming But##br## Valuation Stretched bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c18 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c18 Global Equities Cautiously Optimistic: Global markets have embraced the "hoped for" pro-growth and inflationary policies from the new U.S. administration since Trump's win on November 8. In the latest GAA Monthly Update published on November 30,8 we raised our recommendation for global equities relative to bonds to overweight from neutral on a 6-12 month investment horizon. However, the call was driven more by underweighting bonds than by overweighting equities, given the elevated equity valuations and declining profit margins.(Chart 18) The hoped-for U.S. pro-growth policies would, if well implemented, be positive for earnings growth, but the "perceived" earnings boost has not yet shown up in analysts' earnings revisions (panel 3). In fact, only three sectors (Financials, Technology and Energy) currently have positive earnings revisions, because analysts had already been raising forward earnings estimates since early 2016. According to I/B/E/S data as of November 2016, about 80% of sectors are forecast to have positive 12-month forward earnings growth, while only about 20% have positive 12-month trailing earnings growth (panel 3). Within global equities, we continue to favor developed markets over emerging market on the grounds that most EMs are at an early stage of a multi-year deleveraging.9 We also favor the U.S. over the euro area (see more details on the next page). The Japan overweight (currency hedged) is an overwrite of our quant model: we believe that the BoJ will pursue increasingly unconventional monetary policy measures over the coming 12 months. The quant model (in USD and unhedged) has suggested a large underweight in Japan but has gradually reduced the underweight over the past two months. Our global sector positioning is more pro-cyclical than our more defensively-oriented country allocations. In line with our asset class call, we upgrade Financials to neutral and downgrade Utilities to underweight, and continue to overweight Energy, Technology, Industrials, and Healthcare while underweighting Telecom, Consumer Discretionary and Consumer Staples. Country Allocation: Still Favor U.S. Over Euro Area GAA's portfolio approach is to take risk where it is likely to be best rewarded. Having taken risk at the asset class level (overweight equities vs. bonds), at the global equity sector level with a pro-cyclical tilt, and at the bond class level with credit and inflation tilts, we believe it's appropriate to maintain our more defensive equity tilt at the country level by being market weight in euro area equities on an unhedged USD basis while maintaining a large overweight in the U.S. Chart 19Uninspiring profit Outlook bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c19 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c19 It's true that the euro area PMI has been improving. Relative to the U.S., however, the euro area's cyclical improvement, driven by policy support, has lost momentum. It's hard to envision what would reverse this declining growth momentum, suggesting European earnings growth will remain at a disadvantage to the U.S. (Chart 19, panel 1) It's also true that the underperformance of eurozone equities versus the U.S. has reached an historical extreme in both local and common currency terms, and that euro equities are trading at significant discount to the U.S. But Europe has always traded at a discount, and the current discount is only slightly lower than its historical average. Our work has shown that valuation works well only when it is at extremes, which is not the case currently. Conceptually, a weak euro should boost euro area equity performance at least in local currency terms, yet empirical evidence does not strongly support such a claim: the severe underperformance since 2007 has been accompanied by a 43% drop in the euro versus the USD (Chart 19 panel 2). In fact, in USD terms, the euro area tended to outperform the U.S. when the euro was strong (panel 3), suggesting that currency translation plays a more dominant role in relative performance. Our currency house view is that the euro will depreciate further against the USD, given divergences in monetary and fiscal policy between the two regions. As such, we recommend clients to continue to favor U.S. equities versus the euro area, but not be underweight Europe given that it is technically extremely oversold. Sector Allocation: Upgrade Financials To Neutral Our sector quant model shifted global Financials to overweight in December from underweight, largely driven by the momentum factor. We agree with the direction of the quant model as the interest rate environment has changed (Chart 20, panel 1) and valuation remains very attractive (panels 2), but we are willing to upgrade the sector only to market weight due to our concern on banks in the euro area and emerging markets. Within the neutral stance in the sector, we still prefer U.S. and Japanese Financials to eurozone and emerging market ones. Despite the poor performance of the Financials sector relative to the global benchmark, U.S. and Japanese financials have consistently outperformed eurozone financials, driven by better relative earnings without any valuation expansion (panel 3). U.S. banks have largely repaired their balance sheets since the Great Recession, and the "promised" deregulation by the new U.S. administration will probably help U.S. banks. In the euro area, however, banks, especially in Italy, are still plagued with bad loans (panel 4). We will watch banking stress in the region very closely for signs of contagion (panel 5) The upgrade of financials is mainly financed by downgrading the bond proxy Utilities to underweight from neutral, in line with our asset class view underweighting fixed income. Chart 20Global Financials: Regional Divergence bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c20 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c20 Chart 21Global Equities: No Style Bet bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c21 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c21 Smart Beta Update: No Style Bet In a Special Report on Smart Beta published on July 8 2016,10 we showed that it is very hard to time style shifts and that an equal-weighted composite of the five most enduring factors (size, value, quality, minimum volatility and momentum) outperforms the broad market consistently on a risk-adjusted basis. Year-to-date, the composite has performed in line with the broad market, but over the past three months there have been sharp reversals in the performance of the different factors, with Min Vol, Quality and Momentum sharply underperforming Value and Size (Chart 21 panel 1). We showed that historically the Value/Growth tilt has been coincident with the Cyclical/Defensive sector tilt (panel 3). Panel 2 also demonstrates that the Min Vol strategy's relative performance can also be well explained by the Defensives/Cyclicals sector tilt. Sector composition matters. Compared to Growth, Value is now overweight Financials by 25.6%, Utilities by 13.2%, Energy by 8.3% and Materials by 2.5%, while underweight Tech by 23%, Healthcare by 12.7%, and Consumer Discretionary by 10%. REITs is in pure Growth, while Utilities and Telecom are in pure Value, and Energy has very little representation in Growth. In our global sector allocation, we favor Tech, REITs, Energy, and Healthcare, while underweight Utilities, Consumer Discretionary and Telecoms, and neutral on Financials and Materials. As such, maintaining a neutral stance on Value vs. Growth is consistent with our sector positioning. Government Bonds Maintain slight underweight duration. After 35 years, the secular bull market in government bonds is over. Even with Treasury yields skyrocketing since the Trump victory, the path of least resistance for yields is upward (Chart 22). Yields should grind higher slowly as inflation rises and growth indicators continue to improve. Bullish sentiment has dropped considerably, but there is further downside potential. Additionally, fiscal stimulus from Japan and further rate hikes from the Fed will provide considerable tailwinds. Overweight TIPS vs. Treasuries. Despite still being below the Fed's target, with headline and core CPI readings of 1.6% and 2.2% respectively, U.S. inflation has clearly bottomed for the cycle (Chart 23). This continued rise is a result of cost-push inflation driven by faster wage growth. Trump's increased spending and protectionist trade policies are both inflationary. As real GDP growth should remain around 2% annualized and the labor market continues to tighten, this effect will only intensify. Valuations have become less attractive but very gradual Fed hikes will not be enough to derail the upward momentum in consumer prices. Overweight JGBs. The BoJ has ramped up its commitment to exceeding 2% inflation by expanding its monetary base and locking in 10-year sovereign yields at zero percent. Additionally, the end of the structural decline in interest rates suggests global bonds will perform poorly going forward. During global bond bear markets, low-beta Japanese government debt has typically outperformed (Chart 24). This will likely hold true again as global growth improves and Japanese authorities increase fiscal stimulus while maintaining their cap on bond yields. Chart 22Maintain Slight Underweight Duration bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c22 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c22 Chart 23Inflation Uptrend Intact bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c23 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c23 Chart 24Overweight JGBs bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c24 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c24 Corporate Bonds The BCA Corporate Health Monitor remains deeply in "Deteriorating Health" territory, indicating weakness within corporate balance sheets (Chart 25). Over the last quarter, the rate of deterioration actually slowed, with all six ratios improving slightly. Nevertheless, the trend toward weaker corporate health has been firmly established over the past eleven quarters. This is consistent with the very late stages of past credit cycles. Maintain overweight to Investment Grade debt. In the absence of a recession, spread product will usually outperform. U.S. growth should accelerate in 2017, with consumer confidence being resilient, fiscal spending expected to increase, and the drag from inventories unwinding. Monetary conditions are still accommodative and the potential sell-off from the rate hike should be milder than it was in December 2015 (Chart 26). Additionally, credit has historically outperformed in the early stages of the Fed tightening cycle. However, there are two key risks to our view. The end of the structural decline in interest rates presents a substantial headwind to investment grade performance. Since 1973, median and average returns were slightly negative during months where long-term yields rose. During the blow-off in yields in the late 1970s, corporate debt performed very poorly. However, yields had reached very high levels. Secondly, valuations are unattractive, with OAS spreads at their lowest in about one and a half years (Chart 27). Chart 25Balance Sheets Deteriorating Balance Sheets Deteriorating Balance Sheets Deteriorating Chart 26Still Accommodative bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c26 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c26 Chart 27Expensive Valuations bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c27 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c27 Commodities Secular Perspective: Bearish We reiterate our negative long-term outlook on the commodity complex on the back of a structural downward shift in global demand led primarily by China's transition to a services-driven economy. With this slack in demand, global excess capacity has sent deflationary impulses across the globe, limiting upside in commodity prices.11 Chart 28OPEC To The Rescue bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c28 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c28 Cyclical Perspective: Neutral A divergent outlook for energy and base metals gives us a neutral view for aggregate commodities over the cyclical horizon (Chart 28). Last month's OPEC deal supports our long-standing argument of increasing cuts in oil supply, which will support energy prices. However, metal markets suffer from excess supply. A stronger U.S. dollar will continue to be a major headwind over the coming months. Energy: OPEC's agreement to cut production by 1.2 mb/d has spurred a rally in the crude oil price, as prospects for tighter market conditions next year become the base case. However, with the likelihood that the dollar will strengthen further in coming months, oil will need more favorable fundamentals to rise substantially in price from here. Base Metals: The U.S. dollar has much greater explanatory power12 than Chinese demand in price formation for base metals. The recent rally in base metals is overdone with metals prices decoupling from the dollar; we expect a correction in the near-term driven by further dollar strength. Metal markets remain oversupplied as seen by rising iron ore and copper inventories. We remain bearish on industrial and base metals. Precious Metals: Gold, after decoupling from forward inflation expectations in H1 2016 - rising while inflation expectations were weak - has converged back in line with the long-term inflation gauge. Our expectation of higher inflation, coupled with rising geopolitical uncertainties, remain the two key positives for the gold price. However, our forecast of U.S. dollar appreciation will limit upside potential for the precious metal. Currencies Key Themes: USD: Much of the post-Trump rally in the dollar can be explained by the sharp rally in U.S. bond yields (Chart 29). We expect more upside in U.S. real rates relative to non-U.S. rates, driven by the U.S.'s narrower output gap and the stronger position of its household sector. As labor market slack continues to lessen and wage pressures rise, the Fed will be careful not to fall behind the curve; this will add upward pressure to the dollar. Chart 29Dollar Continues It's Dominance bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c29 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c29 Euro: Since the euro area continues to have a wider output gap than the U.S., the euro will face additional downward pressure on the back of diverging monetary policy. As the slack diminishes, the ECB will respond appropriately - we believe the euro has less downside versus the dollar than does the yen. Yen: Although the Japanese economy is nearing fully employment, the Abe administration continues to talk about additional stimulus. As inflation expectations struggle to find a firm footing despite the stimulus, the BOJ is explicitly aiming to stay behind the curve. Additionally, with the BOJ pegging the 10-year government bond yield at 0% for the foreseeable future, we expect further downward pressure on the currency. EM: We expect more tumult for this group as rising real rates have been negative for EM assets in this cycle. EM spreads have widened in response to rising DM yields which has led to more restrictive local financial conditions. The recovery in commodity prices has been unable to provide any relief to EM currencies - a clear sign of continued weak fundamentals (rising debt, excess capacity and low productivity). Commodity currencies will face more downside driven by their tight correlation with EM equities (0.82) and with EM spreads. Alternatives Overweight private equity / underweight hedge funds. Global growth is fairly stable and has the potential to surprise on the upside. In the absence of a recession, private equity typically outperforms as the illiquidity premium should provide a considerable boost to returns. Hedge funds, on the other hand, have displayed a negative correlation with global growth. Historically, they have outperformed private equity only during recessions or periods of high credit market stress (Chart 30). Overweight direct real estate / underweight commodity futures. Commercial real estate (CRE) assets are in a "goldilocks" scenario: Growth is sufficient to generate sustainable tenant demand without triggering a new supply cycle. Favor Industrials for its income potential and Retail given resilient consumer spending. Overweight trophy markets, as demand remains robust given multiple macro risks. Commodities have bounced, but remain in a secular bear market caused by a supply glut and exacerbated by a market-share war (Chart 31). Overweight farmland & timberland / underweight structured products. The trajectory of Fed policy, the run-up in equity prices and the weak earnings backdrop have increased the importance of volatility reduction. Favor farmland & timberland. Substantial portfolio diversification benefits, resulting from low correlations with traditional assets, coupled with a positive skew, make these assets highly attractive. As the most bond-like alternative, structured products tend to outperform during recessions, which is not our base case (Chart 32). Chart 30PE: Tied To Real Growth bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c30 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c30 Chart 31Commodities: A Secular Bear Market bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c31 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c31 Chart 32Structured Products Outperform In Recessions bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c32 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c32 Risks To Our View Our main scenario is for stronger growth, higher inflation and an appreciating dollar in 2017, leading to equities outperforming bonds. Where could this go wrong? Growth stagnates. U.S. growth could fail to pick up as expected: the stronger dollar will hurt profits, which might lead to companies cutting back on hiring; higher interest rates could affect the housing market and consumer discretionary spending; companies may fail to increase capex, given their low capacity utilization ratio (Chart 33). In Europe, systemic banking problems could push down credit growth which is closely correlated to economic growth. Emerging markets might see credit events caused by the stronger dollar and weaker commodities prices. Political risks. An unconventional new U.S. President raises uncertainty. How much will Trump emphasize his more market-unfriendly policies, such as tougher immigration control, tariffs on Chinese and Mexican imports, and interference in companies' decisions on where to build plants? His more confrontational foreign policy stance risks geopolitical blow-ups. Elections in France, the Netherland and Germany in 2017 could produce populist government. The Policy Uncertainty Index currently is high and this historically has been bad for equities (Chart 34). Chart 33Maybe Companies Won't Increase Capex bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c33 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c33 Chart 34Policy Uncertainty Is High bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c34 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c34 Synchronized global growth. If the growth acceleration were not limited to the U.S. but were to spread, this might mean that the dollar would depreciate, particularly as it is already above fair value (Chart 35). In this environment, given their inverse correlation with the dollar (Chart 36), commodity prices and EM assets might rise, invalidating our underweight positions. Chart 35Dollar Already Above##br## Fair Value Dollar Already Above Fair Value Dollar Already Above Fair Value Chart 36How Would EM And Commodities Move##br## If USD Weakens? bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c36 bca.gaa_qpo_2016_12_15_c36 1 We discuss them in the "What Our Clients Are Asking," section of this Quarterly Portfolio Outlook. 2 Non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment - the level of unemployment below which inflation tends to rise. 3 Please see "How Will The Strong USD Impact Global Earnings," in the What Our Clients Are Asking section of this Quarterly Portfolio Outlook. 4 Please see Global Asset Allocation, "Monthly Portfolio Update: The Meaning of Trump," dated November 30, 2016, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints And Preferences Of The Trump Presidency", dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 According to National Institute of Economic Research.com. 7 Please see Global Asset Allocation Strategy Special Report, "Asset Allocation In A Low-Return World, Part IV: Industry Groups," dated October 25, 2015, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see Global Asset Allocation,"Monthly Portfolio Update," dated November 30, 2016 available at gaa.bcaresearch.com 9 Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report,"Refreshing Our Long-Term Themes," dated December 5, 2016 available at gaa.bcaresearch.com 10 Please see Global Asset Allocation Strategy Special Report, "Is Smart Beta A Useful Tool In Global Asset Allocation?," dated July 8, 2016, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 11,12 Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report, "Refreshing Our Long-Term Themes," dated December 5, 2016 available at gaa.bcaresearch.com Recommended Asset Allocation

Highlights Multipolarity will peak in 2017 - geopolitical risks are spiking; Globalization is giving way to zero-sum mercantilism; U.S.-China relations are the chief risk to global stability; Turkey is the most likely state to get in a shooting war; Position for an inflation comeback; Go long defense, USD/EUR, and U.S. small caps vs. large caps. Feature Before the world grew mad, the Somme was a placid stream of Picardy, flowing gently through a broad and winding valley northwards to the English Channel. It watered a country of simple beauty. A. D. Gristwood, British soldier, later novelist. The twentieth century did not begin on January 1, 1900. Not as far as geopolitics is concerned. It began 100 years ago, on July 1, 1916. That day, 35,000 soldiers of the British Empire, Germany, and France died fighting over a couple of miles of territory in a single day. The 1916 Anglo-French offensive, also known as the Battle of the Somme, ultimately cost the three great European powers over a million and a half men in total casualties, of which 310,862 were killed in action over the four months of fighting. British historian A. J. P. Taylor put it aptly: idealism perished on the Somme. How did that happen? Nineteenth-century geopolitical, economic, and social institutions - carefully nurtured by a century of British hegemony - broke on the banks of the Somme in waves of human slaughter. What does this have to do with asset allocation? Calendars are human constructs devised to keep track of time. But an epoch is a period with a distinctive set of norms, institutions, and rules that order human activity. This "order of things" matters to investors because we take it for granted. It is a set of "Newtonian Laws" we assume will not change, allowing us to extrapolate the historical record into future returns.1 Since inception, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has argued that the standard assumptions about our epoch no longer apply.2 Social orders are not linear, they are complex systems. And we are at the end of an epoch, one that defined the twentieth century by globalization, the spread of democracy, and American hegemony. Because the system is not linear, its break will cause non-linear outcomes. Since joining BCA's Editorial Team in 2011, we have argued that twentieth-century institutions are undergoing regime shifts. Our most critical themes have been: The rise of global multipolarity;3 The end of Sino-American symbiosis;4 The apex of globalization;5 The breakdown of laissez-faire economics;6 The passing of the emerging markets' "Goldilocks" era.7 Our view is that the world now stands at the dawn of the twenty-first century. The transition is not going to be pretty. Investors must stop talking themselves out of left-tail events by referring to twentieth-century institutions. Yes, the U.S. and China really could go to war in the next five years. No, their trade relationship will not prevent it. Was the slaughter at the Somme prevented by the U.K.-German economic relationship? In fact, our own strategy service may no longer make sense in the new epoch. "Geopolitics" is not some add-on to investor's asset-allocation process. It is as much a part of that process as are valuations, momentum, bottom-up analysis, and macroeconomics. To modify the infamous Milton Friedman quip, "We are all geopolitical strategists now." Five Decade Themes: We begin this Strategic Outlook by updating our old decade themes and introducing a few new ones. These will inform our strategic views over the next half-decade. Below, we also explain how they will impact investors in 2017. From Multipolarity To ... Making America Great Again Our central theme of global multipolarity will reach its dangerous apex in 2017. Multipolarity is the idea that the world has two or more "poles" of power - great nations - that pursue their interests independently. It heightens the risk of conflict. Since we identified this trend in 2012, the number of global conflicts has risen from 10 to 21, confirming our expectations (Chart 1). Political science theory is clear: a world without geopolitical leadership produces hegemonic instability. America's "hard power," declining in relative terms, created a vacuum that was filled by regional powers looking to pursue their own spheres of influence. Chart 1Frequency Of Geopolitical Conflicts Increases Under Multipolarity Frequency Of Geopolitical Conflicts Increases Under Multipolarity Frequency Of Geopolitical Conflicts Increases Under Multipolarity The investment implications of a multipolar world? The higher frequency of geopolitical crises has provided a tailwind to safe-haven assets such as U.S. Treasurys.8 Ironically, the relative decline of U.S. power is positive for U.S. assets.9 Although its geopolitical power has been in relative decline since 1990, the U.S. bond market has become more, not less, appealing over the same timeframe (Chart 2) Counterintuitively, it was American hegemony - i.e. global unipolarity after the Soviet collapse - that made the rise of China and other emerging markets possible. This created the conditions for globalization to flourish and for investors to leave the shores of developed markets in search of yield. It is the stated objective of President-elect Donald Trump, and a trend initiated under President Barack Obama, to reduce the United States' hegemonic responsibilities. As the U.S. withdraws, it leaves regional instability and geopolitical disequilibria in its wake, enhancing the value-proposition of holding on to low-beta American assets. We are now coming to the critical moment in this process, with neo-isolationist Trump doubling down on President Obama's aloof foreign policy. In 2017, therefore, multipolarity will reach its apex, leading several regional powers - from China to Turkey - to overextend themselves as they challenge the status quo. Chaos will ensue. (See below for more!) The inward shift in American policy will sow the seeds for the eventual reversal of multipolarity. America has always profited from geopolitical chaos. It benefits from being surrounded by two massive oceans, Canada, and the Sonora-Chihuahuan deserts. Following both the First and Second World Wars, the U.S.'s relative geopolitical power skyrocketed (Chart 3). Chart 2America Is A Safe-Haven,##br## Despite (Because Of?) Relative Decline America Is A Safe-Haven, Despite (Because Of?) Relative Decline America Is A Safe-Haven, Despite (Because Of?) Relative Decline Chart 3America Is Chaos-Proof bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c3 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c3 Over the next 12-24 months, we expect the chief investment implications of multipolarity - volatility, tailwind to safe-haven assets, emerging-market underperformance, and de-globalization - to continue to bear fruit. However, as the U.S. comes to terms with multipolarity and withdraws support for critical twentieth-century institutions, it will create conditions that will ultimately reverse its relative decline and lead to a more unipolar tendency (or possibly bipolar, with China). Therefore, Donald Trump's curious mix of isolationism, anti-trade rhetoric, and domestic populism may, in the end, Make America Great Again. But not for the reasons he has promised-- not because the U.S. will outperform the rest of the world in an absolute sense. Rather, America will become great again in a relative sense, as the rest of the world drifts towards a much scarier, darker place without American hegemony. Bottom Line: For long-term investors, the apex of multipolarity means that investing in China and broader EM is generally a mistake. Europe and Japan make sense in the interim due to overstated political risks, relatively easy monetary policy, and valuations, but even there risks will mount due to their high-beta qualities. The U.S. will own the twenty-first century. From Globalization To ... Mercantilism "The industrial glory of England is departing, and England does not know it. There are spasmodic outcries against foreign competition, but the impression they leave is fleeting and vague ... German manufacturers ... are undeniably superiour to those produced by British houses. It is very dangerous for men to ignore facts that they may the better vaunt their theories ... This is poor patriotism." Ernest Edwin Williams, Made in Germany (1896) The seventy years of British hegemony that followed the 1815 Treaty of Paris ending the Napoleonic Wars were marked by an unprecedented level of global stability. Britain's cajoled enemies and budding rivals swallowed their wounded pride and geopolitical appetites and took advantage of the peace to focus inwards, industrialize, and eventually catch up to the U.K.'s economy. Britain, by providing expensive global public goods - security of sea lanes, off-shore balancing,10 a reserve currency, and financial capital - resolved the global collective-action dilemma and ushered in an era of dramatic economic globalization. Sound familiar? It should. As Chart 4 shows, we are at the conclusion of a similar period of tranquility. Pax Americana underpinned globalization as much as Pax Britannica before it. There are other forces at work, such as pernicious wage deflation that has soured the West's middle class on free trade and immigration. But the main threat to globalization is at heart geopolitical. The breakdown of twentieth-century institutions, norms, and rules will encourage regional powers to set up their own spheres of influence and to see the global economy as a zero-sum game instead of a cooperative one.11 Chart 4Multipolarity And De-Globalization Go Hand-In-Hand bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c4 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c4 At the heart of this geopolitical process is the end of Sino-American symbiosis. We posited in February that Charts 5 and 6 are geopolitically unsustainable.12 China cannot keep capturing an ever-increasing global market share for exports while exporting deflation; particularly now that its exports are rising in complexity and encroaching on the markets of developed economies (Chart 7). China's economic policy might have been acceptable in an era of robust global growth and American geopolitical confidence, but we live in a world that is, for the time being, devoid of both. Chart 5China's Share Of Global##br## Exports Has Skyrocketed... bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c5 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c5 Chart 6And Now China ##br##Is Exporting Deflation bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c6 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c6 China and the U.S. are no longer in a symbiotic relationship. The close embrace between U.S. household leverage and Chinese export-led growth is over (Chart 8). Today the Chinese economy is domestically driven, with government stimulus and skyrocketing leverage playing a much more important role than external demand. Exports make up only 19% of China's GDP and 12% of U.S. GDP. The two leading economies are far less leveraged to globalization than the conventional wisdom would have it. Chart 7China's Steady Climb Up ##br##The Value Ladder Continues Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Chart 8Sino-American ##br##Symbiosis Is Over bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c8 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c8 Chinese policymakers have a choice. They can double down on globalization and use competition and creative destruction to drive up productivity growth, moving the economy up the value chain. Or they can use protectionism - particularly non-tariff barriers, as they have been doing - to defend their domestic market from competition.13 We expect that they will do the latter, especially in an environment where anti-globalization rhetoric is rising in the West and protectionism is already on the march (Chart 9). Chart 9Protectionism On The March Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now The problem with this likely choice, however, is that it breaks up the post-1979 quid-pro-quo between Washington and Beijing. The "quid" was the Chinese entry into the international economic order (including the WTO in 2001), which the U.S. supported; the "quo" was that Beijing would open its economy as it became wealthy. Today, 45% of China's population is middle-class, which makes China potentially the world's second-largest market after the EU. If China decides not to share its middle class with the rest of the world, then the world will quickly move towards mercantilism - particularly with regard to Chinese imports. Mercantilism was a long-dominant economic theory, in Europe and elsewhere, that perceived global trade to be a zero-sum game and economic policy to be an extension of the geopolitical "Great Game" between major powers. As such, net export growth was the only way to prosperity and spheres of influence were jealously guarded via trade barriers and gunboat diplomacy. What should investors do if mercantilism is back? In a recent joint report with the BCA's Global Alpha Sector Strategy, we argued that investors should pursue three broad strategies: Buy small caps (or microcaps) at the expense of large caps (or mega caps) across equity markets as the former are almost universally domestically focused; Favor closed economies levered on domestic consumption, both within DM and EM universes; Stay long global defense stocks; mercantilism will lead to more geopolitical risk (Chart 10). Chart 10Defense Stocks Are A No-Brainer Defense Stocks Are A No-Brainer Defense Stocks Are A No-Brainer Investors should also expect a more inflationary environment over the next decade. De-globalization will mean marginally less trade, less migration, and less free movement of capital across borders. These are all inflationary. Bottom Line: Mercantilism is back. Sino-American tensions and peak multipolarity will impair coordination. It will harden the zero-sum game that erodes globalization and deepens geopolitical tensions between the world's two largest economies.14 One way to play this theme is to go long domestic sectors and domestically-oriented economies relative to export sectors and globally-exposed economies. The real risk of mercantilism is that it is bedfellows with nationalism and jingoism. We began this section with a quote from an 1896 pamphlet titled "Made in Germany." In it, British writer E.E. Williams argued that the U.K. should abandon free trade policies due to industrial competition from Germany. Twenty years later, 350,000 men died in the inferno of the Somme. From Legal To ... Charismatic Authority Legal authority, the bedrock of modern democracy, is a critical pillar of civilization that investors take for granted. The concept was defined in 1922 by German sociologist Max Weber. Weber's seminal essay, "The Three Types of Legitimate Rule," argues that legal-rational authority flows from the institutions and laws that define it, not the individuals holding the office.15 This form of authority is investor-friendly because it reduces uncertainty. Investors can predict the behavior of policymakers and business leaders by learning the laws that govern their behavior. Developed markets are almost universally made up of countries with such norms of "good governance." Investors can largely ignore day-to-day politics in these systems, other than the occasional policy shift or regulatory push that affects sector performance. Weber's original essay outlined three forms of authority, however. The other two were "traditional" and "charismatic."16 Today we are witnessing the revival of charismatic authority, which is derived from the extraordinary characteristics of an individual. From Russia and the U.S. to Turkey, Hungary, the Philippines, and soon perhaps Italy, politicians are winning elections on the back of their messianic qualities. The reason for the decline of legal-rational authority is threefold: Elites that manage governing institutions have been discredited by the 2008 Great Recession and subsequent low-growth recovery. Discontent with governing institutions is widespread in the developed world (Chart 11). Elite corruption is on the rise. Francis Fukuyama, perhaps America's greatest political theorist, argues that American political institutions have devolved into a "system of legalized gift exchange, in which politicians respond to organized interest groups that are collectively unrepresentative of the public as a whole."17 Political gridlock across developed and emerging markets has forced legal-rational policymakers to perform like charismatic ones. European policymakers have broken laws throughout the euro-area crisis, with the intention of keeping the currency union alive. President Obama has issued numerous executive orders due to congressional gridlock. While the numbers of executive orders have declined under Obama, their economic significance has increased (Chart 12). Each time these policymakers reached around established rules and institutions in the name of contingencies and crises, they opened the door wider for future charismatic leaders to eschew the institutions entirely. Chart 11As Institutional Trust Declines, ##br##Voters Turn To Charismatic Leaders As Institutional Trust Declines, Voters Turn To Charismatic Leaders As Institutional Trust Declines, Voters Turn To Charismatic Leaders Chart 12Obama ##br##The Regulator Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Furthermore, a generational shift is underway. Millennials do not understand the value of legal-rational institutions and are beginning to doubt the benefits of democracy itself (Chart 13). The trend appears to be the most pronounced in the U.S. and U.K., perhaps because neither experienced the disastrous effects of populism and extremism of the 1930s. In fact, millennials in China appear to view democracy as more essential to the "good life" than their Anglo-Saxon peers. Chart 13Who Needs Democracy When You Have Tinder? Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Charismatic leaders can certainly outperform expectations. Donald Trump may end up being FDR. The problem for investors is that it is much more difficult to predict the behavior of a charismatic authority than a legal-rational one.18 For example, President-elect Trump has said that he will intervene in the U.S. economy throughout his four-year term, as he did with Carrier in Indiana. Whether these deals are good or bad, in a normative sense, is irrelevant. The point is that bottom-up investment analysis becomes useless when analysts must consider Trump's tweets, as well as company fundamentals, in their earnings projections! We suspect that the revival of charismatic leadership - and the danger that it might succeed in upcoming European elections - at least partly explains the record high levels of global policy uncertainty (Chart 14). Markets do not seem to have priced in the danger fully yet. Global bond spreads are particularely muted despite the high levels of uncertainty. This is unsustainable. Chart 14Are Assets Fully Pricing In Global Uncertainty? Are Assets Fully Pricing In Global Uncertainty? Are Assets Fully Pricing In Global Uncertainty? Bottom Line: The twenty-first century is witnessing the return of charismatic authority and erosion of legal-rational authority. This should be synonymous with uncertainty and market volatility over the next decade. In 2017, expect a rise in EuroStoxx volatility. From Laissez-Faire To ... Dirigisme The two economic pillars of the late twentieth century have been globalization and laissez-faire capitalism, or neo-liberalism. The collapse of the Soviet Union ended the communist challenge, anointing the U.S.-led "Washington Consensus" as the global "law of the land." The tenets of this epoch are free trade, fiscal discipline, low tax burden, and withdrawal of the state from the free market. Not all countries approached the new "order of things" with equal zeal, but most of them at least rhetorically committed themselves to asymptotically approaching the American ideal. Chart 15Debt Replaced Wages##br## In Laissez-Faire Economies Debt Replaced Wages In Laissez-Faire Economies Debt Replaced Wages In Laissez-Faire Economies The 2008 Great Recession put an end to the bull market in neo-liberal ideology. The main culprit has been the low-growth recovery, but that is not the full story. Tepid growth would have been digested without a political crisis had it not followed decades of stagnating wages. With no wage growth, households in the most laissez-faire economies of the West gorged themselves on debt (Chart 15) to keep up with rising cost of housing, education, healthcare, and childcare -- all staples of a middle-class lifestyle. As such, the low-growth context after 2008 has combined with a deflationary environment to produce the most pernicious of economic conditions: debt-deflation, which Irving Fisher warned of in 1933.19 It is unsurprising that globalization became the target of middle-class angst in this context. Globalization was one of the greatest supply-side shocks in recent history: it exerted a strong deflationary force on wages (Chart 16). While it certainly lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in developing nations, globalization undermined those low-income and middle-class workers in the developed world whose jobs were most easily exported. World Bank economist Branko Milanovic's infamous "elephant trunk" shows the stagnation of real incomes since 1988 for the 75-95 percentile of the global income distribution - essentially the West's middle class (Chart 17).20 It is this section of the elephant trunk that increasingly supports populism and anti-globalization policies, while eschewing laissez faire liberalism. In our April report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy," we posited that the pivot away from laissez-faire capitalism would be most pronounced in the economies of its greatest adherents, the U.S. and U.K. We warned that Brexit and the candidacy of Donald Trump should be taken seriously, while the populist movements in Europe would surprise to the downside. Why the gap between Europe and the U.S. and U.K.? Because Europe's cumbersome, expensive, inefficient, and onerous social-welfare state finally came through when it mattered: it mitigated the pernicious effects of globalization and redistributed enough of the gains to temper populist angst. Chart 16Globalization: A Deflationary Shock Globalization: A Deflationary Shock Globalization: A Deflationary Shock Chart 17Globalization: No Friend To DM Middle Class Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now This view was prescient in 2016. The U.K. voted to leave the EU, Trump triumphed, while European populists stumbled in both the Spanish and Austrian elections. The Anglo-Saxon median voter has essentially moved to the left of the economic spectrum (Diagram 1).21 The Median Voter Theorem holds that policymakers will follow the shift to the left in order to capture as many voters as possible under the proverbial curve. In other words, Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders are not political price-makers but price-takers. Diagram 1The Median Voter Is Moving To The Left In The U.S. And U.K. Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now How does laissez-faire capitalism end? In socialism or communism? No, the institutions that underpin capitalism in the West - private property, rule of law, representative government, and enforcement of contracts - remain strong. Instead, we expect to see more dirigisme, a form of capitalism where the state adopts a "directing" rather than merely regulatory role. In the U.S., Donald Trump unabashedly campaigned on dirigisme. We do not expand on the investment implications of American dirigisme in this report (we encourage clients to read our post-election treatment of Trump's domestic politics).22 But investors can clearly see the writing on the wall: a late-cycle fiscal stimulus will be positive for economic growth in the short term, but most likely more positive for inflation in the long term. Donald Trump's policies therefore are a risk to bonds, positive for equities (in the near term), and potentially negative for both in the long term if stagflation results from late-cycle stimulus. What about Europe? Is it not already quite dirigiste? It is! But in Europe, we see a marginal change towards the right, not the left. In Spain, the supply-side reforms of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy will remain in place, as he won a second term this year. In France, right-wing reformer - and self-professed "Thatcherite" - François Fillon is likely to emerge victorious in the April-May presidential election. And in Germany, the status-quo Grand Coalition will likely prevail. Only in Italy are there risks, but even there we expect financial markets to force the country - kicking and screaming - down the path of reforms. Bottom Line: In 2017, the market will be shocked to find itself face-to-face with a marginally more laissez-faire Europe and a marginally more dirigiste America and Britain. Investors should overweight European assets in a global portfolio given valuations, relative monetary policy (which will remain accommodative in Europe), a weak euro, and economic fundamentals (Chart 18), and upcoming political surprises. For clients with low tolerance of risk and volatility, a better entry point may exist following the French presidential elections in the spring. From Bias To ... Conspiracies As with the printing press, the radio, film, and television before it, the Internet has created a super-cyclical boom in the supply and dissemination of information. The result of the sudden surge is that quality and accountability are declining. The mainstream media has dubbed this the "fake news" phenomenon, no doubt to differentiate the conspiracy theories coursing through Facebook and Twitter from the "real news" of CNN and MSNBC. The reality is that mainstream media has fallen far short of its own vaunted journalistic standards (Chart 19). Chart 18Europe's Economy Is Holding Up Europe's Economy Is Holding Up Europe's Economy Is Holding Up Chart 19 "Mainstream Media" Is A Dirty Word For Many "Mainstream Media" Is A Dirty Word For Many We are not interested in this debate, nor are we buying the media narrative that "fake news" delivered Trump the presidency. Instead, we are focused on how geopolitical and political information is disseminated to voters, investors, and ultimately priced by the market. We fear that markets will struggle to price information correctly due to three factors: Low barriers to entry: The Internet makes publishing easy. Information entrepreneurs - i.e. hack writers - and non-traditional publications ("rags") are proliferating. The result is greater output but a decrease in quality control. For example, Facebook is now the second most trusted source of news for Americans (Chart 20). Cost-cutting: The boom in supply has squeezed the media industry's finances. Newspapers have died in droves; news websites and social-media giants have mushroomed (Chart 21). News companies are pulling back on things like investigative reporting, editorial oversight, and foreign correspondent desks. Foreign meddling: In this context, governments have gained a new advantage because they can bring superior financial resources and command-and-control to an industry that is chaotic and cash-strapped. Russian news outlets like RT and Sputnik have mastered this game - attracting "clicks" around the world from users who are not aware they are reading Russian propaganda. China has also raised its media profile through Western-accessible propaganda like the Global Times, but more importantly it has grown more aggressive at monitoring, censoring, and manipulating foreign and domestic media. Chart 20Facebook Is The New Cronkite? Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Chart 21The Internet Has Killed Journalism Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now The above points would be disruptive enough alone. But we know that technology is not the root cause of today's disruptions. Income inequality, the plight of the middle class, elite corruption, unchecked migration, and misguided foreign policy have combined to create a toxic mix of distrust and angst. In the West, the decline of the middle class has produced a lack of socio-political consensus that is fueling demand for media of a kind that traditional outlets can no longer satisfy. Media producers are scrambling to meet this demand while struggling with intense competition from all the new entrants and new platforms. What is missing is investment in downstream refining and processing to convert the oversupply of crude information into valuable product for voters and investors.23 Otherwise, the public loses access to "transparent" or baseline information. Obviously the baseline was never perfect. Both the Vietnam and Iraq wars began as gross impositions on the public's credulity: the Gulf of Tonkin Incident and Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction. But there was a shared reference point across society. The difference today, as we see it, is that mass opinion will swing even more wildly during a crisis as a result of the poor quality of information that spreads online and mobilizes social networks more rapidly than ever before. We could have "flash mobs" in the voting booth - or on the steps of the Supreme Court - just like "flash crashes" in financial markets, i.e. mass movements borne of passing misconceptions rather than persistent misrule. Election results are more likely to strain the limits of the margin of error, while anti-establishment candidates are more likely to remain viable despite dubious platforms. What does this mean for investors? Fundamental analysis of a country's political and geopolitical risk is now an essential tool in the investor toolkit. If investors rely on the media, and the market prices what the media reports, then the same investors will continue to get blindsided by misleading probabilities, as with Brexit and Trump (Chart 22). While we did not predict these final outcomes, we consistently advised clients, for months in advance, that the market probabilities were too low and serious hedging was necessary. Those who heeded our advice cheered their returns, even as some lamented the electoral returns. Chart 22Get Used To Tail-Risk Events Get Used To Tail-Risk Events Get Used To Tail-Risk Events Bottom Line: Keep reading BCA's Geopolitical Strategy! Final Thoughts On The Next Decade The nineteenth century ended in the human carnage that was the Battle of the Somme. The First World War ushered in social, economic, political, geopolitical, demographic, and technological changes that drove the evolution of twentieth-century institutions, rules, and norms. It created the "order of things" that we all take for granted today. The coming decade will be the dawn of the new geopolitical century. We can begin to discern the ordering of this new epoch. It will see peak multipolarity lead to global conflict and disequilibrium, with globalization and laissez-faire economic consensus giving way to mercantilism and dirigisme. Investors will see the benevolent deflationary impulse of globalization evolve into state intervention in the domestic economy and the return of inflation. Globally oriented economies and sectors will underperform domestic ones. Developed markets will continue to outperform emerging markets, particularly as populism spreads to developing economies that fail to meet expectations of their rising middle classes. Over the next ten years, these changes will leave the U.S. as the most powerful country in the world. China and wider EM will struggle to adapt to a less globalized world, while Europe and Japan will focus inward. The U.S. is essentially a low-beta Great Power: its economy, markets, demographics, natural resources, and security are the least exposed to the vagaries of the rest of the world. As such, when the rest of the world descends into chaos, the U.S. will hide behind its Oceans, and Canada, and the deserts of Mexico, and flourish. Five Themes For 2017: Our decade themes inform our view of cyclical geopolitical events and crises, such as elections and geopolitical tensions. As such, they form our "net assessment" of the world and provide a prism through which we refract geopolitical events. Below we address five geopolitical themes that we expect to drive the news flow, and thus the markets, in 2017. Some themes are Red Herrings (overstated risks) and thus present investment opportunities, others are Black Swans (understated risks) and are therefore genuine risks. Europe In 2017: A Trophy Red Herring? Europe's electoral calendar is ominously packed (Table 1). Four of the euro area's five largest economies are likely to have elections in 2017. Another election could occur if Spain's shaky minority government collapses. Table 1 Europe In 2017 Will Be A Headline Risk Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now We expect market volatility to be elevated throughout the year due to the busy calendar. In this context, we advise readers to follow our colleague Dhaval Joshi at BCA's European Investment Strategy. Dhaval recommends that BCA clients combine every €1 of equity exposure with 40 cents of exposure to VIX term-structure, which means going long the nearest-month VIX futures and equally short the subsequent month's contract. The logic is that the term structure will invert sharply if risks spike.24 While we expect elevated uncertainty and lots of headline risk, we do not believe the elections in 2017 will transform Europe's future. As we have posited since 2011, global multipolarity increases the logic for European integration.25 Crises driven by Russian assertiveness, Islamic terrorism, and the migration wave are not dealt with more effectively or easily by nation states acting on their own. Thus far, it appears that Europeans agree with this assessment: polling suggests that few are genuinely antagonistic towards the euro (Chart 23) or the EU (Chart 24). In our July report called "After BREXIT, N-EXIT?" we posited that the euro area will likely persevere over at least the next five years.26 Chart 23Support For The Euro Remains Stable Support For The Euro Remains Stable Support For The Euro Remains Stable Chart 24Few Europeans Want Out Of The EU Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Take the Spanish and Austrian elections in 2016. In Spain, Mariano Rajoy's right-wing People's Party managed to hold onto power despite four years of painful internal devaluations and supply-side reforms. In Austria, the establishment candidate for president, Alexander Van der Bellen, won the election despite Austria's elevated level of Euroskepticism (Chart 24), its central role in the migration crisis, and the almost comically unenthusiastic campaign of the out-of-touch Van der Bellen. In both cases, the centrist candidates survived because voters hesitated when confronted with an anti-establishment choice. Next year, we expect more of the same in three crucial elections: The Netherlands: The anti-establishment and Euroskeptic Party for Freedom (PVV) will likely perform better than it did in the last election, perhaps even doubling its 15% result in 2012. However, it has no chance of forming a government, given that all the other parties contesting the election are centrist and opposed to its Euroskeptic agenda (Chart 25). Furthermore, support for the euro remains at a very high level in the country (Chart 26). This is a reality that the PVV will have to confront if it wants to rule the Netherlands. Chart 25No Government For Dutch Euroskeptics Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Chart 26The Netherlands & Euro: Love Affair The Netherlands & Euro: Love Affair The Netherlands & Euro: Love Affair France: Our high conviction view is that Marine Le Pen, leader of the Euroskeptic National Front (FN), will be defeated in the second round of the presidential election.27 Despite three major terrorist attacks in the country, unchecked migration crisis, and tepid economic growth, Le Pen's popularity peaked in 2013 (Chart 27). She continues to poll poorly against her most likely opponents in the second round, François Fillon and Emmanuel Macron (Chart 28). Investors who doubt the polls should consider the FN's poor performance in the December 2015 regional elections, a critical case study for Le Pen's viability in 2017.28 Chart 27Le Pen's Polling: ##br##Head And Shoulder Formation? Le Pen's Polling: Head And Shoulder Formation? Le Pen's Polling: Head And Shoulder Formation? Chart 28Le Pen Will Not Be##br## Next French President Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Germany: Chancellor Angela Merkel's popularity is holding up (Chart 29), the migration crisis has abated (Chart 30), and there remains a lot of daylight between the German establishment and populist parties (Chart 31). The anti-establishment Alternative für Deutschland will enter parliament, but remain isolated. Chart 29Merkel's Approval Rating Has Stabilized Merkel's Approval Rating Has Stabilized Merkel's Approval Rating Has Stabilized Chart 30Migration Crisis Is Abating bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c30 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c30 Chart 31There Is A Lot Of Daylight... bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c31 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c31 The real risk in 2017 remains Italy. The country has failed to enact any structural reforms, being a laggard behind the reform poster-child Spain (Chart 32). Meanwhile, support for the euro remains in the high 50s, which is low compared to the euro-area average (Chart 33). Polls show that if elections were held today, the ruling Democratic Party would gain a narrow victory (Chart 34). However, it is not clear what electoral laws would apply to the contest. The reformed electoral system for the Chamber of Deputies remains under review by the Constitutional Court until at least February. This will make all the difference between further gridlock and a viable government. Chart 32Italy Is Europe's bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c32 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c32 Chart 33Italy Lags Peers On Euro Support bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c33 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c33 Chart 34Italy's Next Election Is Too Close To Call bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c34 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c34 Investors should consider three factors when thinking about Italy in 2017: The December constitutional referendum was not a vote on the euro and thus cannot serve as a proxy for a future referendum.29 The market will punish Italy the moment it sniffs out even a whiff of a potential Itexit referendum. This will bring forward the future pain of redenomination, influencing voter choices. Benefits of the EU membership for Italy are considerable, especially as they allow the country to integrate its unproductive, poor, and expensive southern regions.30 Sans Europe, the Mezzogiorno (Southern Italy) is Rome's problem, and it is a big one. The larger question is whether the rest of Italy's euro-area peers will allow the country to remain mired in its unsustainable status quo. We think the answer is yes. First, Italy is too big to fail given the size of its economy and sovereign debt market. Second, how unsustainable is the Italian status quo? OECD projections for Italy's debt-to-GDP ratio are not ominous. Chart 35 shows four scenarios, the most likely one charting Italy's debt-to-GDP rise from 133% today to about 150% by 2060. Italy's GDP growth would essentially approximate 0%, but its impressive budget discipline would ensure that its debt load would only rise marginally (Chart 36). Chart 35So What If Italy's Debt-To-GDP Ends Up At 170%? bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c35 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c35 Chart 36Italy Has Learned To Live With Its Debt Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now This may seem like a dire prospect for Italy, but it ensures that the ECB has to maintain its accommodative stance in Europe even as the Fed continues its tightening cycle, a boon for euro-area equities as a whole. In other words, Italy's predicament would be unsustainable if the country were on its own. Its "sick man" status would be terminal if left to its own devices. But as a patient in the euro-area hospital, it can survive. And what happens to the euro area beyond our five-year forecasting horizon? We are not sure. Defeat of anti-establishment forces in 2017 will give centrist policymakers another electoral cycle to resolve the currency union's built-in flaws. If the Germans do not budge on greater fiscal integration over the next half-decade, then the future of the currency union will become murkier. Bottom Line: Remain long the nearest-month VIX futures and equally short the subsequent month's contract. We have held this position since September 14 and it has returned -0.84%. The advantage of this strategy is that it is a near-perfect hedge when risk assets sell off, but pays a low price for insurance. Investors with high risk tolerance who can stomach some volatility should take the plunge and overweight euro-area equities in a global equity portfolio. Solid global growth prospects, accommodative monetary policy, euro weakness, and valuations augur a solid year for euro-area equities. Politics will be a red herring as euro-area stocks climb the proverbial wall of worry in 2017. U.S.-Russia Détente: A Genuine Investment Opportunity Trump's election is good news for Russia. Over the past 16 years, Russia has methodically attempted to collect the pieces from the Soviet collapse. Putin sought to defend the Russian sphere of influence from outside powers (Ukraine and Belarus, the Caucasus, Central Asia). Putin also needed to rally popular support at various times by distracting the public. We view Ukraine and Syria through this prism. Lastly, Russia acted aggressively because it needed to reassure its allies that it would stand up for them.31 And yet the U.S. can live with a "strong" Russia. It can make a deal if the Trump administration recognizes some core interests (e.g. Crimea) and calls off the promotion of democracy in Russia's sphere, which Putin considers an attempt to undermine his rule. As we argued during the Ukraine invasion, it is the U.S., not Russia, which poses the greatest risk of destabilization.32 The U.S. lacks constraints in this theater. It can be aggressive towards Russia and face zero consequences: it has no economic relationship with Russia and does not stand directly in the way of any Russian reprisals, unlike Europe. That is why we think Trump and Putin will reset relations. Trump's team may be comfortable with Russia having a sphere of influence, unlike the Obama administration, which explicitly rejected this idea. The U.S. could even pledge not to expand NATO further, given that it has already expanded as far as it can feasibly and credibly go. Note, however, that a Russo-American truce may not last long. George W. Bush famously "looked into Putin's eyes and ... saw his soul," but relations soured nonetheless. Obama went further with his "Russian reset," removing European missile defense plans from Poland and the Czech Republic. These are avowed NATO allies, and this occurred merely one year after Russian troops marched on Georgia. And yet Moscow and Washington ended up rattling sabers and meddling in each other's internal affairs anyway. Chart 37Thaw In Russian-West##br## Cold War Is Bullish Europe bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c37 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c37 Ultimately, U.S. resets fail because Russia is in structural decline and attempting to hold onto a very large sphere of influence whose citizens are not entirely willing participants.33 Because Moscow must often use blunt force to prevent the revolt of its vassal states (e.g. Georgia in 2008, Ukraine in 2014), it periodically revives tensions with the West. Unless Russia strengthens significantly in the next few years, which we do not expect, then the cycle of tensions will continue. On the horizon may be Ukraine-like incidents in neighboring Belarus and Kazakhstan, both key components of the Russian sphere of influence. Bottom Line: Russia will get a reprieve from U.S. pressure. While we expect Europe to extend sanctions through 2017, a rapprochement with Washington will ultimately thaw relations between Europe and Russia by the end of that year. Europe will benefit from resuming business as usual. It will face less of a risk of Russian provocations via the Middle East and cybersecurity. The ebbing of the Russian geopolitical risk premium will have a positive effect on Europe, given its close correlation with European risk assets since the crisis in Ukraine (Chart 37). Investors who want exposure to Russia may consider overweighing Russian equities to Malaysian. BCA's Emerging Market Strategy has initiated this position for a 55.6% gain since March 2016 and our EM strategists believe there is more room to run for this trade. We recommend that investors simply go long Russia relative to the broad basket of EM equities. The rally in oil prices, easing of the geopolitical risk premium, and hints of pro-market reforms from the Kremlin will buoy Russian equities further in 2017. Middle East: ISIS Defeat Is A Black Swan In February 2016, we made two bold predictions about the Middle East: Iran-Saudi tensions had peaked;34 The defeat of ISIS would entice Turkey to intervene militarily in both Iraq and Syria.35 The first prediction was based on a simple maxim: sustained geopolitical conflict requires resources and thus Saudi military expenditures are unsustainable when a barrel of oil costs less than $100. Saudi Arabia overtook Russia in 2015 as the globe's third-largest defense spender (Chart 38)! Chart 38Saudi Arabia: Lock And Load Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now The mini-détente between Iran and Saudi Arabia concluded in 2016 with the announced OPEC production cut and freeze. While we continue to see the OPEC deal as more of a recognition of the status quo than an actual cut (because OPEC production has most likely reached its limits), nevertheless it is significant as it will slightly hasten the pace of oil-market rebalancing. On the margin, the OPEC deal is therefore bullish for oil prices. Our second prediction, that ISIS is more of a risk to the region in defeat than in glory, was highly controversial. However, it has since become consensus, with several Western intelligence agencies essentially making the same claim. But while our peers in the intelligence community have focused on the risk posed by returning militants to Europe and elsewhere, our focus remains on the Middle East. In particular, we fear that Turkey will become embroiled in conflicts in Syria and Iraq, potentially in a proxy war with Iran and Russia. The reason for this concern is that the defeat of the Islamic State will create a vacuum in the Middle East that the Syrian and Iraqi Kurds are most likely to fill. This is unacceptable to Turkey, which has intervened militarily to counter Kurdish gains and may do so in the future. We are particularly concerned about three potential dynamics: Direct intervention in Syria and Iraq: The Turkish military entered Syria in August, launching operation "Euphrates Shield." Turkey also reinforced a small military base in Bashiqa, Iraq, only 15 kilometers north of Mosul. Both operations were ostensibly undertaken against the Islamic State, but the real intention is to limit the Syrian and Iraqi Kurds. As Map 1 illustrates, Kurds have expanded their territorial control in both countries. Map 1Kurdish Gains In Syria & Iraq Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Conflict with Russia and Iran: President Recep Erdogan has stated that Turkey's objective in Syria is to remove President Bashar al-Assad from power.36 Yet Russia and Iran are both involved militarily in the country - the latter with regular ground troops - to keep Assad in power. Russia and Turkey did manage to cool tensions recently. Yet the Turkish ground incursion into Syria increases the probability that tensions will re-emerge. Meanwhile, in Iraq, Erdogan has cast himself as a defender of Sunni Arabs and has suggested that Turkey still has a territorial claim to northern Iraq. This stance would put Ankara in direct confrontation with the Shia-dominated Iraqi government, allied with Iran. Turkey-NATO/EU tensions: Tensions have increased between Turkey and the EU over the migration deal they signed in March 2016. Turkey claims that the deal has stemmed the flow of migrants to Europe, which is dubious given that the flow abated well before the deal was struck. Since then, Turkey has threatened to open the spigot and let millions of Syrian refugees into Europe. This is likely a bluff as Turkey depends on European tourists, import demand, and FDI for hard currency (Chart 39). If Erdogan acted on his threat and unleashed Syrian refugees into Europe, the EU could abrogate the 1995 EU-Turkey customs union agreement and impose economic sanctions. The Turkish foray into the Middle East poses the chief risk of a "shooting war" that could impact global investors in 2017. While there are much greater geopolitical games afoot - such as increasing Sino-American tensions - this one is the most likely to produce military conflict between serious powers. It would be disastrous for Turkey. The broader point is that the redrawing of the Middle East map is not yet complete. As the Islamic State is defeated, the Sunni population of Iraq and Syria will remain at risk of Shia domination. As such, countries like Turkey and Saudi Arabia could be drawn into renewed proxy conflicts to prevent complete marginalization of the Sunni population. While tensions between Turkey, Russia, and Iran will not spill over into oil-producing regions of the Middle East, they may cloud Iraq's future. Since 2010, Iraq has increased oil production by 1.6 million barrels per day. This is about half of the U.S. shale production increase over the same time frame. As such, Iraq's production "surprise" has been a major contributor to the 2014-2015 oil-supply glut. However, Iraq needs a steady inflow of FDI in order to boost production further (Chart 40). Proxy warfare between Turkey, Russia, and Iran - all major conventional military powers - on its territory will go a long way to sour potential investors interested in Iraqi production. Chart 39Turkey Is Heavily Dependent On The EU Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Chart 40Iraq Is The Big, And Cheap, Hope bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c40 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c40 This is a real problem for global oil supply. The International Energy Agency sees Iraq as a critical source of future global oil production. Chart 41 shows that Iraq is expected to contribute the second-largest increase in oil production by 2020. And given Iraq's low breakeven production cost, it may be the last piece of real estate - along with Iran - where the world can get a brand-new barrel of oil for under $13. In addition to the risk of expanding Turkish involvement in the region, investors will also have to deal with the headline risk of a hawkish U.S. administration pursuing diplomatic brinkmanship against Iran. We do not expect the Trump administration to abrogate the Iran nuclear deal due to several constraints. First, American allies will not go along with new sanctions. Second, Trump's focus is squarely on China. Third, the U.S. does not have alternatives to diplomacy, since bombing Iran would be an exceedingly complex operation that would bog down American forces in the Middle East. When we put all the risks together, a geopolitical risk premium will likely seep into oil markets in 2017. BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy argues that the physical oil market is already balanced (Chart 42) and that the OPEC deal will help draw down bloated inventories in 2017. This means that global oil spare capacity will be very low next year, with essentially no margin of safety in case of a major supply loss. Given the political risks of major oil producers like Nigeria and Venezuela, this is a precarious situation for the oil markets. Chart 41Iraq Really Matters For Global Oil Production Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Chart 42Oil Supply Glut Is Gone In 2017 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c42 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c42 Bottom Line: Given our geopolitical view of risks in the Middle East, balanced oil markets, lack of global spare capacity, the OPEC production cut, and ongoing capex reductions, we recommend clients to follow BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy view of expecting widening backwardation in the new year.37 U.S.-China: From Rivalry To Proxy Wars President-elect Trump has called into question the U.S.'s adherence to the "One China policy," which holds that "there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China" and that the U.S. recognizes only the People's Republic of China as the legitimate Chinese government. There is widespread alarm about Trump's willingness to use this policy, the very premise of U.S.-China relations since 1978, as a negotiating tool. And indeed, Sino-U.S. relations are very alarming, as we have warned our readers since 2012.38 Trump is a dramatic new agent reinforcing this trend. Trump's suggestion that the policy could be discarded - and his break with convention in speaking to the Taiwanese president - are very deliberate. Observe that in the same diplomatic document that establishes the One China policy, the United States and China also agreed that "neither should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region or in any other region." Trump is initiating a change in U.S. policy by which the U.S. accuses China of seeking hegemony in Asia, a violation of the foundation of their relationship. The U.S. is not seeking unilaterally to cancel the One China policy, but asking China to give new and durable assurances that it does not seek hegemony and will play by international rules. Otherwise, the U.S. is saying, the entire relationship will have to be revisited and nothing (not even Taiwan) will be off limits. The assurances that China is expected to give relate not only to trade, but also, as Trump signaled, to the South China Sea and North Korea. Therefore we are entering a new era in U.S-China relations. China Is Toast Asia Pacific is a region of frozen conflicts. Russia and Japan never signed a peace treaty. Nor did China and Taiwan. Nor did the Koreas. Why have these conflicts lain dormant over the past seventy years? Need we ask? Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong have seen their GDP per capita rise 14 times since 1950. China has seen its own rise 21 times (Chart 43). Since the wars in Vietnam over forty years ago, no manner of conflict, terrorism, or geopolitical crisis has fundamentally disrupted this manifestly beneficial status quo. As a result, Asia has been a region synonymous with economics - not geopolitics. It developed this reputation because its various large economies all followed Japan's path of dirigisme: export-oriented, state-backed, investment-led capitalism. This era of stability is over. The region has become the chief source of geopolitical risk and potential "Black Swan" events.39 The reason is deteriorating U.S.-China relations and the decline in China's integration with other economies. The Asian state-led economic model was underpinned by the Pax Americana. Two factors were foundational: America's commitment to free trade and its military supremacy. China was not technically an ally, like Japan and Korea, but after 1979 it sure looked like one in terms of trade surpluses and military spending (Chart 44).40 For the sake of containing the Soviet Union, the U.S. wrapped East Asia under its aegis. Chart 43The Twentieth Century Was Kind To East Asia Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Chart 44Asia Sells, America Rules bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c44 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c44 It is well known, however, that Japan's economic model led it smack into a confrontation with the U.S. in the 1980s over its suppressed currency and giant trade surpluses. President Ronald Reagan's economic team forced Japan to reform, but the result was ultimately financial crisis as the artificial supports of its economic model fell away (Chart 45). Astute investors have always suspected that a similar fate awaited China. It is unsustainable for China to seize ever greater market share and drive down manufacturing prices without reforming its economy to match G7 standards, especially if it denies the U.S. access to its vast consumer market. Today there are signs that the time for confrontation is upon us: Since the Great Recession, U.S. household debt and Chinese exports have declined as a share of GDP, falling harder in the latter than the former, in a sign of shattered symbiosis (see Chart 8 above). Chinese holdings of U.S. Treasurys have begun to decline (Chart 46). China's exports to the U.S., both as a share of total exports and of GDP, have rolled over, and are at levels comparable to Japan's 1980s peaks (Chart 47). China is wading into high-tech and advanced industries, threatening the core advantages of the developed markets. The U.S. just elected a populist president whose platform included aggressive trade protectionism against China. Protectionist "Rust Belt" voters were pivotal to Trump's win and will remain so in future elections. China is apparently reneging on every major economic promise it has made in recent years: the RMB is depreciating, not appreciating, whatever the reason; China is closing, not opening, its capital account; it is reinforcing, not reforming, its state-owned companies; and it is shutting, not widening, access to its domestic market (Chart 48). Chart 45Japan's Crisis Followed Currency Spike bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c45 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c45 Chart 46China Backing Away From U.S. Treasuries bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c46 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c46 There is a critical difference between the "Japan bashing" of the 1980s-90s and the increasingly potent "China bashing" of today. Japan and the U.S. had established a strategic hierarchy in World War II. That is not the case for the U.S. and China in 2017. Unlike Japan, Korea, or any of the other Asian tigers, China cannot trust the United States to preserve its security. Far from it - China has no greater security threat than the United States. The American navy threatens Chinese access to critical commodities and export markets via the South China Sea. In a world that is evolving into a zero-sum game, these things suddenly matter. Chart 47The U.S. Will Get Tougher On China Trade bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c47 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c47 Chart 48China Is De-Globalizing bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c48 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c48 That means that when the Trump administration tries to "get tough" on longstanding American demands, these demands will not be taken as well-intentioned or trustworthy. We see Sino-American rivalry as the chief geopolitical risk to investors in 2017: Trump will initiate a more assertive U.S. policy toward China;41 It will begin with symbolic or minor punitive actions - a "shot across the bow" like charging China with currency manipulation or imposing duties on specific goods.42 It will be critical to see whether Trump acts arbitrarily through executive power, or systematically through procedures laid out by Congress. The two countries will proceed to a series of high-level, bilateral negotiations through which the Trump administration will aim to get a "better deal" from the Xi administration on trade, investment, and other issues. The key to the negotiations will be whether the Trump team settles for technical concessions or instead demands progress on long-delayed structural issues that are more difficult and risky for China to undertake. Too much pressure on the latter could trigger a confrontation and broader economic instability. Chart 49China's Demographic Dividend Is Gone bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c49 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c49 The coming year may see U.S.-China relations start with a bang and end with a whimper, as Trump's initial combativeness gives way to talks. But make no mistake: Sino-U.S. rivalry and distrust will worsen over the long run. That is because China faces a confluence of negative trends: The U.S. is turning against it. Geopolitical problems with its periphery are worsening. It is at high risk of a financial crisis due to excessive leverage. The middle class is a growing political constraint on the regime. Demographics are now a long-term headwind (Chart 49). The Chinese regime will be especially sensitive to these trends because the Xi administration will want stability in the lead up to the CCP's National Party Congress in the fall, which promises to see at least some factional trouble.43 It no longer appears as if the rotation of party leaders will leave Xi in the minority on the Politburo Standing Committee for 2017-22, as it did in 2012.44 More likely, he will solidify power within the highest decision-making body. This removes an impediment to his policy agenda in 2017-22, though any reforms will still take a back seat to stability, since leadership changes and policy debates will absorb a great deal of policymakers' attention at all levels for most of the year.45 Xi will also put in place his successors for 2022, putting a cap on rumors that he intends to eschew informal term limits. Failing this, market uncertainty over China's future will explode upward. The midterm party congress will thus reaffirm the fact that China's ruling party and regime are relatively unified and centralized, and hence that China has relatively strong political capabilities for dealing with crises. Evidence does not support the popular belief that China massively stimulates the economy prior to five-year party congresses (Chart 50), but we would expect all means to be employed to prevent a major downturn. Chart 50Not Much Evidence Of Aggressive Stimulus Ahead Of Five-Year Party Congresses bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c50 bca.gps_so_2016_12_14_c50 What this means is that the real risks of the U.S.-China relationship in 2017 will emanate from China's periphery. Asia's Frozen Conflicts Are Thawing Today the Trump administration seems willing to allow China to carve a sphere of influence - but it is entirely unclear whether and where existing boundaries would be redrawn. Here are the key regional dynamics:46 The Koreas: The U.S. and Japan are increasingly concerned about North Korea's missile advances but will find their attempts to deal with the problem blocked by China and likely by the new government in South Korea.47 U.S. threats of sanctioning China over North Korea will increase market uncertainty, as will South Korea's political turmoil and (likely) souring relations with the U.S. Taiwan: Taiwan's ruling party has very few domestic political constraints and therefore could make a mistake, especially when emboldened by an audacious U.S. leadership.48 The same combination could convince China that it has to abandon the post-2000 policy of playing "nice" with Taiwan.49 China will employ discrete sanctions against Taiwan. Hong Kong: Mainland forces will bring down the hammer on the pro-independence movement. The election of a new chief executive will appear to reinforce the status quo but in reality Beijing will tighten its legal, political, and security grip. Large protests are likely; political uncertainty will remain high.50 Japan: Japan will effectively receive a waiver from Trump's protectionism and will benefit from U.S. stimulus efforts; it will continue reflating at home in order to generate enough popular support to pass constitutional revisions in 2018; and it will not shy away from regional confrontations, since these will enhance the need for the hawkish defense component of the same revisions. Vietnam: The above issues may provide Vietnam with a chance to improve its strategic position at China's expense, whether by courting U.S. market access or improving its position in the South China Sea. But the absence of an alliance with the U.S. leaves it highly exposed to Chinese reprisals if it pushes too far. Russia: Russia will become more important to the region because its relations with the U.S. are improving and it may forge a peace deal with Japan, giving it more leverage in energy negotiations with China.51 This may also reinforce the view in Beijing that the U.S. is circling the wagons around China. What these dynamics have in common is the emergence of U.S.-China proxy conflicts. China has long suspected that the Obama administration's "Pivot to Asia" was a Cold War "containment" strategy. The fear is well-grounded but the reality takes time to materialize, which is what we will see playing out in the coming years. The reason we say "proxy wars" is because several American allies are conspicuously warming up to China: Thailand, the Philippines, and soon South Korea. They are not abandoning the U.S. but keeping their options open. The other ASEAN states also stand to benefit as the U.S. seeks economic substitutes for China while the latter courts their allegiance.52 The problem is that as U.S.-China tensions rise, these small states run greater risks in playing both sides. Bottom Line: The overarching investment implications of U.S.-China proxy wars all derive from de-globalization. China was by far the biggest winner of globalization and will suffer accordingly (Chart 51). But it will not be the biggest loser, since it is politically unified, its economy is domestically driven, and it has room to maneuver on policy. Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore are all chiefly at risk from de-globalization over the long run. Chart 51Globalization's Winners Will Be De-Globalization's Losers Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now Japan is best situated to prosper in 2017. We have argued since well before the Bank of Japan's September monetary policy shift that unconventional reflation will continue, with geopolitics as the primary motivation for the country's "pedal to the metal" strategy.53 We will look to re-initiate our long Japanese equities position in early 2017. ASEAN countries offer an opportunity, though country-by-country fundamentals are essential. Brexit: The Three Kingdoms The striking thing about the Brexit vote's aftermath is that no recession followed the spike in uncertainty, no infighting debilitated the Tory party, and no reversal occurred in popular opinion. The authorities stimulated the economy, the people rallied around the flag (and ruling party), and the media's "Bregret" narrative flopped. That said, Brexit also hasn't happened yet.54 Formal negotiations with Europe begin in March, which means uncertainty will persist for much of the year as the U.K. and EU posture around their demands for a post-exit deal. However, improving growth prospects for Britain, Europe, and the U.S. all suggest that the negotiations are less likely to take place in an atmosphere of crisis. That does not mean that EU negotiators will be soft. With each successive electoral victory for the political establishment in 2017, the European negotiating position will harden. This will create a collision of Triumphant Tories and Triumphant Brussels. Still, the tide is not turning much further against the U.K. than was already the case, given how badly the U.K. needs a decent deal. Tightercontrol over the movement of people will be the core demand of Westminster, but it is not necessarily mutually exclusive with access to the common market. The major EU states have an incentive to compromise on immigration with the U.K. because they would benefit from tighter immigration controls that send highly qualified EU nationals away from the U.K. labor market and into their own. But the EU will exact a steep price for granting the U.K. the gist of what it wants on immigration and market access. This could be a hefty fee or - more troublingly for Britain - curbs on British financial-service access to euro markets. Though other EU states are not likely to exit, the European Council will not want to leave any doubt about the pain of doing so. The Tories may have to accept this outcome. Tory strength is now the Brexit voter base. That base is uncompromising on cutting immigration, and it is indifferent, or even hostile, to the City. So it stands to reason that Prime Minister Theresa May will sacrifice the U.K.'s financial sector in the coming negotiations. The bigger question is what happens to the U.K. economy in the medium and long term. First, it is unclear how the U.K. will revive productivity as lower labor-force growth and FDI, and higher inflation, take shape. Government "guidance" of the economy - dirigisme again - is clearly the Tory answer. But it remains to be seen how effectively it will be done. Second, what happens to the United Kingdom as a nation? Another Scottish independence referendum is likely after the contours of the exit deal take shape, especially as oil prices gin up Scottish courage to revisit the issue. The entire question of Scotland and Northern Ireland (both of which voted to stay in the EU) puts deeper constitutional and governmental restructuring on the horizon. Westminster is facing a situation where it drastically loses influence on the global stage as it not only exits the European "superstate" but also struggles to maintain a semblance of order among the "three kingdoms." Bottom Line: The two-year timeframe for exit negotiations ensures that posturing will ratchet up tensions and uncertainty throughout the year - invoking the abyss of a no-deal exit - but our optimistic outlook on the end-game (eventual "soft Brexit") suggests that investors should fade the various crisis points. That said, the pound is no longer a buy as it rises to around 1.30. Investment Views De-globalization, dirigisme, and the ascendancy of charismatic authority will all prove to be inflationary. On the margin, we expect less trade, less free movement of people, and more direct intervention in the economy. Given that these are all marginally more inflationary, it makes sense to expect the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," as our colleague Peter Berezin argued in July.55 That said, Peter does not expect the bond bull market to end in a crash - and neither do we. There are many macroeconomic factors that will continue to suppress global yields: the savings glut, search for yield, and economic secular stagnation. In addition, we expect peak multipolarity in 2017 and thus a rise in geopolitical conflict. This geopolitical context will keep the U.S. Treasury market well bid. However, clients may want to begin switching their safe-haven exposure to gold. In a recent research report on safe havens, we showed that gold and Treasurys have changed places as safe havens in the past.56 Only after 2000 did Treasurys start providing a good hedge to equity corrections due to geopolitical and financial risks. The contrary is true for gold - it acted as one of the most secure investments during corrections until that time, but has since become correlated with S&P 500 total returns. As deflationary risks abate in the future, we suspect that gold will return to its safe-haven status. In addition to safe havens, U.S. and global defense stocks will be well bid due to global multipolarity. We recommend that clients go long S&P 500 aerospace and defense relative to global equities on a strategic basis. We are also sticking with our tactical trade of long U.S. defense / short U.S. aerospace. On the equity front, we have closed our post-election bullish trade of long S&P 500 / short gold position for an 11.53% gain in just 22 days of trading. We are also closing our long S&P 600 / short S&P 100 position - a play on de-globalization - for an 8.4% gain. Instead, we are initiating a strategic long U.S. small caps / short U.S. large caps, recommended jointly with our colleague Anastasios Avgeriou of the BCA Global Alpha Sector Strategy. We are keeping our EuroStoxx VIX term-structure hedge due to mounting political risk in Europe. However, we are looking for an opening into European stocks in early 2017. For now, we are maintaining our long USD/EUR - return 4.2% since July - and long USD/SEK - return 2.25% since November. The first is a strategic play on our view that the ECB has to remain accommodative due to political risks in the European periphery. The latter is a way to articulate de-globalization via currencies, given that Sweden is one of the most open economies in the world. We are converting it from a tactical to a strategic recommendation. Finally, we are keeping our RMB short in place - via 12-month NDF. We do not think that Beijing will "blink" and defend its currency more aggressively just because Donald Trump is in charge of America. China is a much more powerful country than in the past, and cannot allow RMB appreciation at America's bidding. Our trade has returned 7.14% since December 2015. With the dollar bull market expected to continue and RMB depreciating, the biggest loser will be emerging markets. We are therefore keeping our strategic long DM / short EM recommendation, which has returned 56.5% since November 2012. We are particularly fond of shorting Brazilian and Turkish equities and are keeping both trades in place. However, we are initiating a long Russian equities / short EM equities. As an oil producer, Russia will benefit from the OPEC deal and the ongoing risks to Iraqi stability. In addition, we expect that removing sanctions against Russia will be on table for 2017. Europe will likely extend the sanctions for another six months, but beyond that the unity of the European position will be in question. And the United States is looking at a different approach. We wish our clients all the best in health, family, and investing in 2017. Thank you for your confidence in BCA's Geopolitical Strategy. Marko Papic Senior Vice President Matt Gertken Associate Editor Jesse Anak Kurri Research Analyst 1 In Michel Foucault's famous The Order of Things (1966), he argues that each period of human history has its own "episteme," or set of ordering conditions that define that epoch's "truth" and discourse. The premise is comparable to Thomas Kuhn's notion of "paradigms," which we have referenced in previous Strategic Outlooks. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2012," dated January 27, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2013," dated January 16, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think," dated October 4, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Underestimating Sino-American Tensions," dated November 6, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, and "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2014 - Stay The Course: EM Risk - DM Reward," dated January 23, 2014, and Special Report, "The Coming Bloodbath In Emerging Markets," dated August 12, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Stairway To (Safe) Haven: Investing In Times Of Crisis," dated August 25, 2016, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Multipolarity And Investing," dated April 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 A military-security strategy necessary for British self-defense that also preserved peace on the European continent by undermining potential aggressors. 11 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Trump And Trade," dated December 8, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "De-Globalization," dated November 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see Max Weber, "The Three Types Of Legitimate Rule," Berkeley Publications in Society and Institutions 4 (1): 1-11 (1958). Translated by Hans Gerth. Originally published in German in the journal Preussische Jahrbücher 182, 1-2 (1922). 16 We do not concern ourselves with traditional authority here, but the obvious examples are Persian Gulf monarchies. 17 Please see Francis Fukuyama, Political Order And Political Decay (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2014). See also our review of this book, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Transformative Vs. Transactional Leadership," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see Irving Fisher, "The Debt-deflation Theory of Great Depressions," Econometrica 1(4) (1933): 337-357, available at fraser.stlouisfed.org. 20 Please see Milanovic, Branko, "Global Income Inequality by the Numbers: in History and Now," dated November 2012, Policy Research Working Paper 6250, World Bank, available at worldbank.org. 21 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 22 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints And Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 In some way, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy was designed precisely to fill this role. It is difficult to see what would be the point of this service if our clients could get unbiased, investment-relevant, prescient, high-quality geopolitical news and analysis from the press. 24 Please see BCA European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Roller Coaster," dated March 31, 2016, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 25 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst, "Europe's Geopolitical Gambit: Relevance Through Integration," dated November 2011, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 26 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "After BREXIT, N-EXIT?" dated July 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 27 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "Will Marine Le Pen Win?" dated November 16, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 28 Despite winning an extraordinary six of the 13 continental regions in France in the first round, FN ended up winning zero in the second round. This even though the election occurred after the November 13 terrorist attack that ought to have buoyed the anti-migration, law and order, anti-establishment FN. The regional election is an instructive case of how the French two-round electoral system enables the establishment to remain in power. 29 Please see BCA European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Italy: Asking The Wrong Question," dated December 1, 2016, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 30 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Europe's Divine Comedy: Italian Inferno," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 31 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Cold War Redux?" dated March 12, 2014, and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Russia: To Buy Or Not To Buy?" dated March 20, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 32 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Russia-West Showdown: The West, Not Putin, Is The 'Wild Card,'" dated July 31, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 33 Please see BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Russia's Trilemma And The Coming Power Paralysis," dated February 21, 2012, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 34 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Middle East: Saudi-Iranian Tensions Have Peaked," in Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 35 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Scared Yet? Five Black Swans For 2016," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 36 President Erdogan, speaking at the first Inter-Parliamentary Jerusalem Platform Symposium in Istanbul in November 2016, said that Turkey "entered [Syria] to end the rule of the tyrant al-Assad who terrorizes with state terror... We do not have an eye on Syrian soil. The issue is to provide lands to their real owners. That is to say we are there for the establishment of justice." 37 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "2017 Commodity Outlook: Energy," dated December 8, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 38 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Power And Politics In East Asia: Cold War 2.0?" dated September 25, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 39 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think," dated October 4, 2013, and "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 40 In recent years, however, China's "official" defense budget statistics have understated its real spending, possibly by as much as half. 41 Please see "U.S. Election Update: Trump, Presidential Powers, And Investment Implications" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Socialism Put," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 42 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 43 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 44 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "China: Two Factions, One Party - Part II," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 45 The National Financial Work Conference will be one key event to watch for an updated reform agenda. 46 Please see "East Asia: Tensions Simmer ... Will They Boil?" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Partem Mirabilis," dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 47 Please see "North Korea: A Red Herring No More?" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Partem Mirabilis," dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 48 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Scared Yet? Five Black Swans For 2016," dated February 10, 2016, and "Taiwan's Election: How Dire Will The Straits Get?" dated January 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 49 The Trump administration has signaled a policy shift through Trump's phone conversation with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen. The "One China policy" is the foundation of China-Taiwan relations, and U.S.-China relations depend on Washington's acceptance of it. The risk, then, is not so much an overt change to One China, a sure path to conflict, but the dynamic described above. 50 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Hong Kong: From Politics To Political Economy," dated September 8, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 51 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Can Russia Import Productivity From China?" dated June 29, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 52 Please see "Thailand: Upgrade Stocks To Overweight And Go Long THB Versus KRW" in BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "The EM Rally: Running Out Of Steam?" dated October 19, 2016, and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Philippine Elections: Taking The Shine Off Reform," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 53 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Japan: The Emperor's Act Of Grace," dated June 8, 2016, and "Unleash The Kraken: Debt Monetization And Politics," dated September 26, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 54 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit," dated September 16, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 55 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 56 Please see Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Stairway To (Safe) Haven: Investing In Times Of Crisis," dated August 15, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights Trump is adding stimulus and potential rigidities to the U.S. economy as the labor market slack vanishes. This evocates the 1970s and stagflation. This risk could resonate among investors as there are enough similarities with the late 1960s / early 1970s. But as well, crucial differences greatly reduce the likelihood of such a scenario. Ultimately, the Fed holds the key. If the Fed stays behind the curve for too long, inflation will emerge. Our bet is that the Fed will not fall behind the curve significantly. On a cyclical basis, the dollar will remain strong and the yen will underperform massively. Feature On November 11 we argued that the first round effect of a Trump victory would be to boost an already improving U.S. economy, giving the Fed more reason to increase interest rates faster than was priced in by markets.1 However, we did conclude our economic assessment of Trump by highlighting the potential for a dangerous outcome: "In the long-run, the Trump growth dividend is likely to require a payback, but this discussion is for another day." What will be the nature of this payback? Goosing up the economy as the U.S. approaches full employment evokes the inflationary policies of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Back then, the Vietnam War caused the Federal government deficit to increase while economic slack was limited. Stagflation ensued. While this parallel is appealing, it is also too simplistic. Trump's policies will be inflationary, but, key structural factors will prevent the fiery inflationary inferno that engulfed the 1970s. Policymakers will need to be careful, however, because while stagflation and the 1970s are only distant risks today, a Pandora's box is being opened. The Similarities The first similarity between the late 1960s / early 1970s is that Trump promises to inject stimulus exactly as the economy hits full employment. When President Johnson increased the U.S.'s involvement in Vietnam, the U.S. output gap was already closed. The result of this fiscal stimulus was to create excess demand. This excess demand not only put upward pressure on wages and prices, but also caused the U.S. current account deficit to balloon. Trump wants to cut taxes by US$6.2 trillion, as expected by the Tax Policy Institute. Before November 8, the labor market had already tightened and wage growth was already accelerating (Chart 1). Stimulating in this context could unleash potent inflationary forces. The second similarity to Vietnam-era stagflation is that Trump's fiscal stimulus will materialize as monetary policy remains easy. By 1969, U.S. real short rates were already hovering near 0%, and were negative for three years between 1974 and 1977 (Chart 2). Today, we are also experiencing deeply negative real rates. However, back then these easy monetary conditions were being felt at the tail end of a multi-decade boom. Today, they reflect the aftermath of a financial crisis that has greatly increased the demand for precautionary savings and depressed the private sector's appetite for credit. Chart 1Tightening Labor Market Tightening Labor Market Tightening Labor Market Chart 2Similarity: Low Real Rates Similarity: Low Real Rates Similarity: Low Real Rates The third parallel comes from the liquidity on bank balance sheets. Today, as was the case in the late 1960s and early 1970s, banks are flush with liquid assets (Chart 3). Thus, banks have the fuel to aggressively lend and create money. Outside of banking crises, the willingness of banks to lend is often closely correlated with the demand for loans.2 Both respond to the same economic shocks, whether positive or negative. After the 1970 recession, the Fed eased aggressively, and business investment rebounded quickly. Today, Trump's fiscal reflation could revive animal spirits in a similar fashion. In both instances, banks have the wherewithal to support growing capex and loan demand. Another troubling resemblance is the illiquid state of household balance sheets. Today, household liquidity represents as small a share of disposable income as it did in 1970 (Chart 4). In fact, compared to total liabilities, household liquidity remains in the lower end of the historical distribution. Why does this matter? Chart 3Similarity: Bank Liquidity Similarity: Bank Liquidity Similarity: Bank Liquidity Chart 4Similarity: Household Illiquidity Similarity: Household Illiquidity Similarity: Household Illiquidity Under this set of circumstances, households will have a higher political tolerance for inflation. Except for the rich, the average household has little to lose from inflation, especially if the rise in prices emanates from an over-stimulated labor market. Inflation does decrease the real value of household liquid assets, but it does the same thing to their much larger debt burdens. The large increase over the past 30 years in U.S. income inequality only reinforces these dynamics (Chart 5). Chart 5Growing Inequalities Trump: No Nixon Redux Trump: No Nixon Redux The last parallel is the potential for a return to pre-Reagan economic rigidities. Trump has talked about imposing tariffs on global exporters in order "to make America great again." He also mentioned limiting immigration in the U.S. Neither of these promises are clear, and like the fiscal stimulus, they could be greatly dialed back compared to the campaign-trail promises. What would be the impact of such a move away from globalization? Our Global Investment Strategy service argues that the growth impact would be limited. Academic models show that since 1990, only 5% of the increase in global GDP growth can be attributed to deeper trade linkages.3 However, the integration of China in the global supply chain and the expansion of the American labor force through immigration has depressed wages for less skilled U.S. workers. Yet, the emergence of new markets outside of the G10 has boosted profits for U.S. multinationals. This has accentuated income inequality. Meanwhile, the marginal propensity to save of rich households is around 60%, while that of the middle class and the poor sits much closer to zero. Thus, the change in the U.S. income distribution has depressed U.S. consumption by 3% since 1980 (Chart 6). This has created a strong deflationary impact on in the economy. Chart 6Unequal Income Depresses Consumption bca.fes_sr_2016_12_02_c6 bca.fes_sr_2016_12_02_c6 Therefore, if Trump does implement a protectionist and anti-immigration agenda, it would likely put upward pressure on prices by causing both a small inward shift in U.S. aggregate supply as well as from the increase in demand resulting from higher middle class wages (and therefore consumption). Bottom Line: Today, like in the late 1960s / early 1970s, five conditions are present to lift inflation: Trump is set to stimulate the economy as it is hitting full employment; Monetary policy is extremely accommodative; Banks have plenty of liquidity to fuel any resurgence in excess demand; household balance sheet make them politically friendly to inflationary dynamics; And by moving away from globalization and immigration, Trump may add further fuel to any inflationary developments The Differences While there are troubling parallels between Trump and the 1970s, key differences could prove to be just as important if not even more so than the similarities. The first difference between now and then is the structure of the labor market. Unionization rates have collapsed from 30% of employees in 1960 to 11% today. The accompanying fall in the weight of wages and salaries in national income demonstrates the decline in the power of labor (Chart 7). Without this power, it is much more difficult for household income to grow as fast as it did in the 1960s and 1970s. In conjunction, cost-of-living-adjustment clauses have vanished from U.S. labor contracts (Chart 8). Hence, the key mechanism that fed the vicious inflationary circle between wages and prices is now extinct. Chart 7Difference: Labor Has Lost Its Power Difference: Labor Has Lost Its Power Difference: Labor Has Lost Its Power Chart 8With No Bargaining Power, Concessions To Labor Ceased... Trump: No Nixon Redux Trump: No Nixon Redux Second, the broad capacity utilization picture could not be more different than in the 1970s. In 1970, the U.S was at the tail end of a decade of strong cyclical spending, which was powered by consumer durable-goods purchases, not by capex and capacity growth (Chart 9). In fact, the stock of fixed assets as a percent of GDP is much higher today than it was back then, pointing to excess capacity in the system, at least relative to the 1970s (Chart 10). Chart 9Difference: Cyclical Spending Difference: Cyclical Spending Difference: Cyclical Spending Chart 10Difference: Capital Stock Difference: Capital Stock Difference: Capital Stock Corroborating this image, capacity utilization remains quite low by historical standards. Interestingly, this series continues to hold good explanatory power for inflation (Chart 11). While a Trump stimulus would cause this measure to perk up, and for deflationary risk to vanish, we are nowhere near levels associated with a major inflation outbreak. Chart 11Difference: Capacity Utilization Difference: Capacity Utilization Difference: Capacity Utilization Even when we look at capacity in the labor market, the picture is once again markedly different. Today, unemployment is only beginning to flirt with its equilibrium after nearly nine years of deep labor market slack. In contrast, by the late 1960s, the unemployment gap had been negative for seven years. It barely moved into positive territory during the 1970 recession and only surged higher after 1974 (Chart 12). This was a very inflationary labor market. Mirroring the U.S., global capacity utilization is depressed and the rest of the world remains a deflationary anchor (Chart 13). In the late 1960s and early 1970s, non-U.S. inflation was just as high as U.S. inflation, as global capacity was tight and global money growth was strong. Today, heavy capex in EM means that despite a sharp slowdown in DM investment after 2000, global capex has remained at 25% or so of global GDP - a very high level compared to history - for 7 out of the last 10 years. Chart 12Difference: Labor Market Difference: Labor Market Difference: Labor Market Chart 13Global Capacity Utilization Is Low Global Capacity Utilization Is Low Global Capacity Utilization Is Low Third, in the 1960s and 1970s, animal spirits were running wild. Despite growing government deficits and rising borrowing costs, the crowding out of the private sector never materialized (Chart 14). This was a testament to the optimistic belief of the era, a belief fed by the resilience of the economy since 1950, as well as by the implicit support created by decades of Keynesian policies. Today, fiscal stimulus and rising consumer spending could resurrect animal spirits. However, this would be a nascent phenomenon, not a multi-decade one, implying a very different set of expectations for investors, consumers, and business than in the late 1960s / early 70s. Fourth, the monetary picture is very different. Today, both the money multiplier and money velocity are extremely depressed, a sign that monetary constipation still defines our age. In the 1960s and 1970s, money velocity and the money multiplier were both elevated or experiencing sharp upturns (Chart 15). This is why low real rates of that era did translate into accelerated economic activity and inflation, unlike the uninspiring effects of low rates or QE programs today. Chart 14Raging Animal Spirits Raging Animal Spirits Raging Animal Spirits Chart 15Difference: Monetary Backdrop Difference: Monetary Backdrop Difference: Monetary Backdrop Finally and most crucially, the rising inflation of the late 1960s only mutated into genuine stagflation after the economy was hit by a massive supply shock: the 1973 oil embargo. In the wake of the Yom Kippur War, OPEC tripled the price of oil - the commodity powering the modern economic machine. Global capacity utilization was already tight, but this shock created a massive inward shift in global aggregate supply, ratcheting aggregate price levels higher while hurting aggregate output (Chart 16). But the true coup de grace only emerged when fiscal and monetary authorities massively eased policy in response to this shock: The U.S. federal deficit skyrocketed from 2.3% of GDP in 1974 to 8% in 1975 and short rates fell from 8.9% in 1974 to 4.9% in 1976. This boosted aggregate demand back to its original level, but with sharply more elevated price levels (Chart 16). Chart 16Mechanics Of A Supply Shock Trump: No Nixon Redux Trump: No Nixon Redux Today, we have seen oil prices collapse by 56% since 2014 in response to a positive supply shock, and global capacity utilization is low. Thus, while fiscal stimulus could push aggregate price levels upward as it lifts aggregate demand, the effect on inflation should prove much more muted than when such policies are implemented in the face of a supply shock. Bottom Line: Important similarities exist between the potential effect of Trump's suggested policies and the economic environment of the late 1960s / early 1970s. However, five structural and cyclical differences suggest that Trump is not bound to recreate stagflation: The de-unionization of the labor force has removed its pricing power, capacity utilization is now infinitely more benign than back then, animal spirits are only recovering today while they were running wild in the late 1960s / early 1970s, the monetary environment backdrop is also much less inflationary, and finally, we are not experiencing the kind of supply shock and mistaken policy response that hit the world in the wake of the 1973 oil embargo. Question Marks Key to the outlook is the Fed itself. Trump's policies will put upward pressure on prices. However, the Fed continues to avoid committing to a tighter policy path beyond this December. The Fed has good reasons to do so: Trump has offered the world no clarity regarding his actual plans while in office. With little labor market slack, any stimulus is inflationary; how inflationary will be a function of the details. So should be the Fed's response. For inflation to truly emerge in the system, the Fed will need to keep policy easy even as Trump's plans become clearer. In the 1970s, a too-easy Fed spurred excess demand that lifted inflation and inflation expectations. Moreover, if the Fed had not cut rates as aggressively as it did in 1974 - a policy that boosted demand but that did nothing to compensate for the shortfall in aggregate supply - the inflationary shock from the oil embargo should have proven much more transitory. The Fed's recent talk of a "high-pressure" economy evokes a repeat of the 1970s mistake. However, there is no guarantee that this error will be repeated. For one, the references to a "high-pressure" economy predated the Trump victory. Second, fiscal stimulus is what the Fed has wanted for a long time. Trump is giving the FOMC the cover they have needed to do what they have tried to do since 2014: increase rates. Finally, inflation expectations are beginning to move upward. This is what the Fed needs to push interest rates higher. Moreover, this is happening as long-term inflation expectations begin decoupling from oil prices (Chart 17). This is important as it suggests that the economy is gaining traction and that markets are starting to anticipate a lift off from the zero lower bound. Thus, while we think a lagging Fed is a risk, it is not currently our base-case scenario. The second question mark is the dollar. One of the key factors that prompted the dis-anchoring of inflation and inflation expectations in the early 1970s was the suspension of the dollar's convertibility to gold in August 1971. This unleashed a period of weakness for the greenback that culminated in a 30% devaluation by 1980 (Chart 18). Moreover, a weak dollar fueled the commodity bull market. Chart 17The Fed Must Enjoy This The Fed Must Enjoy This The Fed Must Enjoy This Chart 18The Dollar Added To Inflation The Dollar Added To Inflation The Dollar Added To Inflation Today, the dollar is strong and expensive, creating a deflationary anchor in the U.S. economy. Our expectations that the Fed will not fall behind the curve once the nature of the Trump stimulus becomes clearer would re-inforce this trend. However, a failure by the Fed to tighten monetary policy appropriately, leaving the U.S. central bank behind the curve, would have a negative impact on the dollar. Not only would it put downward pressure on real rate differentials between the U.S. and the rest of the world, but it would also depress the PPP fair value of the dollar by increasing domestic inflation. Bottom Line: The two key swing factors are the Fed's policy response and the dollar. In the late 1960s / early 1970s, the Fed kept policy too easy. Not only did this greatly fan the underlying inflationary dynamics that were already present in the economy, but it also created a very negative environment for the dollar, prompting the end of the dollar peg in August 1971. This further lifted inflation in the economy. The Endgame And Investment Conclusion Given all these conflicting forces, how will this experiment end? Pure stagflation with late 1970s-style inflation is out of the picture. However, inflation of 4% to 5% is very possible, but it could take time to show up in the data. In the 1960s, it took U.S. inflation until mid-1968 to hit 4%. By that time, the output gap had been positive for around 5 years, hitting 6% of GDP in 1966 (Chart 19). Unemployment had been below its equilibrium rate since 1963, and by 1968 was 2.5% below NAIRU. Chart 19No Slack In The 1960s No Slack In The 1960s No Slack In The 1960s This suggests that unless the Fed falls significantly behind the curve, even 4% inflation may take a long time to emerge this cycle. However, inflationary risks will grow considerably after the next recession. We do not know when this recession will happen, but we know what the result will be: more policy easing. It took until the 1970 recession and the associated policy boost to genuinely dis-anchor inflation expectations in the U.S. Today, an easing in policy and an associated fall in the dollar are likely to be the key criteria to generate real inflation risk in the U.S. As for currency implications, the lack of an inflationary outburst along with a responsible Fed will continue to support the dollar and hurt precious metals. In terms of exchange rates, USD/JPY should perform particularly well. The Japanese economy is near full employment and the Abe administration also is talking about additional stimulus. Yet, while the Fed will not stay behind the curve for long, the BoJ is explicitly aiming at staying behind the curve. This is a recipe for a higher dollar/yen on a 12-18 months basis. The euro is likely to continue to weaken as there remains more slack in the euro area than the U.S. However, this slack is diminishing and the ECB would respond to its disappearance, which implies that EUR/USD has less downside than the yen on a 12-18 months basis. Commodities are unlikely to repeat their amazing performance seen in the 1970s. Thus, commodity currencies should continue to suffer from dollar strength. The pound will be dominated by its own set of dynamics. While the probability of a soft Brexit has been growing ever since the High Court's ruling was issued, the appeal decision still needs to be made. Moreover, headline risk remains very elevated. Thus while valuation argues in favor of GBP, buying GBP today is a high-risk gamble. Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "Reaganomics 2.0?", dated November 11, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 2 William F. Bassett, Mary Beth Chosak, John C. Driscoll, and Egon Zakrajsek, "Changes In Bank Lending Standards And The Macroeconomy," Journal of Monetary Economics 62 (2014): pp. 23-40. 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Elusive Gains From Globalization", dated November 25, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

Highlights Trump's foreign policy proposals will exacerbate geopolitical risks. Sino-American relations are the chief risk - they will determine global stability. A Russian reset will benefit Europe, especially outside the Russian periphery. Trump will retain the gist of the Iran nuclear deal. Turkey and North Korea are wildcards. Feature Chart 1Market Rally Redoubled After Trump's Win Market Rally Redoubled After Trump's Win Market Rally Redoubled After Trump's Win Financial markets rallied sharply after the election of Donald Trump and the resulting prospect of lower taxes, fewer regulations, and greater fiscal thrust (Chart 1). But is the euphoria justified in light of Trump's unorthodox views on U.S. foreign policy and trade? Is Trump's "normalization" amid the transition to the White House a reliable indicator that the geopolitical status quo will largely be preserved? We believe Trump's election marks a substantial increase in geopolitical risk that is being understated by markets.1 This is not because of his personality, though that is not particularly reassuring, but rather because of his policy proposals. If acted on, Trump's geopolitical agenda would exacerbate global trends that are already underway: Waning U.S. Dominance: American power, relative to other nations, has been declining in recent years as a result of the emergence of new economic and military powers like China and India (Chart 2). If Trump allows himself to be sucked into another conflict despite his campaign promises - say, by overturning the nuclear deal with Iran - he could embroil the U.S. at a time when it is relatively weak. Multipolarity: America's relative decline has emboldened various other nations to pursue their interests independently, increasing global friction and creating a world with multiple "poles" of influence.2 If Trump keeps his word on reducing foreign commitments he will speed along this historically dangerous process. Lesser powers like Russia and Turkey will try to fill vacuums created by the U.S. with their own ambitions, with competition for spheres of influence potentially sparking conflict. Multipolarity has already increased the incidence of global conflicts (Chart 3). De-Globalization: The greatest risk of the incoming administration is protectionism. Trump ran on an overtly protectionist platform. Democratic-leaning economic patriots in the American "Rust Belt" handed him the victory (Chart 4), and he will enact policies to maintain these pivotal supporters in 2018 and 2020 elections. This will hasten the decline of trade globalization, which we signaled was peaking back in 2014.3 It does not help that multipolarity and collapse of globalization have tended to go hand in hand in the past. And historically speaking, big reversals in global trade do not end well (Chart 5). Chart 2U.S. Power Eroding In A Relative Sense U.S. Power Eroding In A Relative Sense U.S. Power Eroding In A Relative Sense Chart 3Multipolarity Increases Conflict Frequency bca.gis_sr_2016_12_02_c3 bca.gis_sr_2016_12_02_c3 Chart 4 Chart 5Declines In Global Trade Preceded World Wars Declines In Global Trade Preceded World Wars Declines In Global Trade Preceded World Wars In what follows we assess what we think are likely to be the most important geopolitical effects of Trump's "America First" policies. We see Russia and Europe as the chief beneficiaries, and China and Iran as the chief risks. A tougher stance on China, in particular, will feed broader strategic distrust; the combination of internal and external pressures on China will ensure that the latter will not be as flexible as in the past. For the past five years, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has stressed that the deterioration in Sino-American cooperation is the greatest geopolitical risk for investors - and the world. Trump's election will accelerate this process. Trump And Eurasia Chart 6 Trump's election is clearly a boon for Russia. Over the past 16 years, Russia has methodically attempted to collect the pieces from the Soviet collapse. The purpose of Putin's assertiveness has been to defend the Russian sphere of influence (namely Ukraine and Belarus in Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia) from outside powers: the U.S. and NATO seemed eager to "move in for the kill" after Russia emerged from the ashes. Putin also needed to rally popular support at various times by distracting the public with "rally around the flag" operations. We view Ukraine and Syria through this analytical prism. Lastly, Russia acted aggressively because it needed to reassure its allies that it would stand up for them.4 And yet the U.S. can live with a "strong" Russia. It can make a deal with Russia if the Trump administration recognizes some core interests (e.g. Crimea) and calls off the "democracy promotion" activities that Putin considers to be directly aimed at the Kremlin. As we argued during the Ukraine invasion, it is the U.S., not Russia, which poses the greatest risk of destabilization.5 That is because the U.S. lacks constraints. It can be aggressive towards Russia and face zero consequences: it has no economic relationship with Russia (Chart 6) and does not stand directly in the way of any retaliation, as Europe does. That is why we think Trump and Putin will manage to reset relations. The U.S. can step back and allow Russia to control its sphere of influence. Trump's team may be comfortable with the concept, unlike the Obama administration, whose Vice-President Joe Biden famously pronounced that America "will not recognize any nation having a sphere of influence." We could even see the U.S. pledging not to expand NATO from this point onwards, given that it has already expanded as far as it can feasibly and credibly go. Note, however, that a Russo-American truce may not last long. George W. Bush famously "looked into Putin's eyes and ... saw his soul," but relations soured nonetheless. Obama went further with his "Russian reset," removing European missile defense plans from avowed NATO allies Poland and Czech Republic merely one year after Russian troops invaded Georgia. And yet Moscow and Washington ended up rattling sabers and meddling in each other's internal affairs. Ultimately, U.S. resets fail because Russia is in a structural decline as a great power and is attempting to hold on to a very large sphere of influence whose denizens are not entirely willing participants.6 Because Moscow often must use blunt force to prevent the revolt of its vassal states (e.g. Georgia in 2008, Ukraine in 2014), it renews tensions with the West. Unless Russia strengthens significantly in the next few years, we would expect the cycle to continue. On the horizon may be Ukraine-like incidents in neighboring Belarus and Kazakhstan, both key components of the Russian sphere of influence. Bottom Line: Russia will get a reprieve from U.S. pressure under Trump. While we expect Europe to extend sanctions through the end of 2017, a rapprochement with Washington could ultimately thaw relations by the end of next year. Europe stands to benefit, being able to resume business as usual with Russia and face less of a risk of Russian provocations via the Middle East, like in Syria. The recent decline in refugee flows will be made permanent with Russia's cooperation. The losers will be states in the Russian periphery that will feel less secure about American, EU and NATO backing, particularly Ukraine, but also Turkey. Countries like Belarus, which enjoyed playing Moscow against the West in the past, will lose the ability to do so. Once the U.S. abandons plans to prop up pro-West regimes in the Russian sphere of influence, Europeans will drop their designs to do the same as well. Trump And The Middle East Trump's "America First" foreign policy promises to be Obama's "geopolitical deleveraging" on steroids. He is opposed to American adventurism and laser-focused on counter-terrorism and U.S. domestic security. He also wants to deregulate the U.S. energy sector aggressively to encourage even greater energy independence (Chart 7). The chief difference from Obama - and a major risk to global stability - is Iran, where Trump could overturn the Obama administration's 2015 nuclear deal, potentially setting the two countries back onto the path of confrontation. Nevertheless, this deal never depended on Obama's preferences but was rooted in a strategic logic that still holds:7 Iraqi stability: The U.S. needed to withdraw troops from Iraq without creating a power vacuum that would open up a regional war or vast terrorist safe haven. With the advent of the Islamic State, this plan clearly failed. However, Iran did provide a Shia-led central government that has maintained security for investments and oil outflows (Chart 8). Iranian defenses: Bombing Iran is extremely difficult logistically, and the U.S. did not want to force the country into a corner where asymmetric warfare, like cutting off shipping in the Straits of Hormuz, seemed necessary. Despite growing American oil production, the U.S. will always care about the transit of oil through the Straits of Hormuz, as this impacts global oil prices.8 China's emergence: Strategic threats grew rapidly in Asia while the U.S. was preoccupied in Iraq and Afghanistan. China has emerged as a more technologically advanced and assertive global power that threatens to establish hegemony in the region. The deal with Iran was therefore a crucial piece of President Obama's "Pivot to Asia" strategy. Chart 7U.S. Becoming More Energy Independent U.S. Becoming More Energy Independent U.S. Becoming More Energy Independent Chart 8U.S. Policy Boosts Iraqi And Iranian Oil bca.gis_sr_2016_12_02_c8 bca.gis_sr_2016_12_02_c8 None of the above will change with Obama's moving on. Nor will the other powers that participated in sanctioning Iran (Germany, France, the U.K., Russia, and China) be convinced to re-impose sanctions now, just as they gain access to Iranian resources and markets. It is also not clear why Trump would seek confrontation with Iran in light of his desire to improve relations with Russia and concentrate U.S. firepower on ISIS - both objectives make Iran the ideal and obvious partner. Trump will therefore begrudgingly agree to the détente with Iran, perhaps after tweaking some aspects of the deal to save face. Meanwhile, it will serve the hawks in both countries if they can go back to calling each other "Satan." Iran itself is comfortable with the current situation, so it does not have an incentive to reverse the deal. It controls almost half of Iraq (and specifically the portion of Iraq that produces oil), its ally Hezbollah is safe in Lebanon, its ally Bashar Assad will win in Syria (more so with Trump in charge!), and its allies in Yemen (Houthi rebels) are a status quo power secure in a mountain fortress in the north of the country. It is hard to see where Trump would dislodge Iranian influence if he sought to do so. The U.S. is a powerful country that could put a lot of resources into rolling back Iranian influence, but the logic for such a move simply does not exist. Trump will also maintain Obama's aloof policy toward Saudi Arabia, which keeps it constrained (Chart 9).9 The country is in some ways the stereotype of the "ungrateful ally" that Trump wants to downgrade. For instance, Trump supported the law allowing victims of the September 11 attacks to sue the kingdom (a law that Obama tried unsuccessfully to veto). He has blamed the Saudis for the rise of ISIS and the failure to take care of Syrian refugees. His primary focus is on preventing terrorists from striking the U.S., and to that end he wants to cooperate with Russia and stabilize the region's regimes. This entails the relative neglect of Sunni groups under Shia rule in Syria and Iraq. Indeed, the few issues where the Saudis will welcome Trump - opposition to the Iran nuclear deal, support for Egypt's military ruler Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and opposition to aggressive democracy promotion - are so far rhetorical, not concrete, commitments. Chart 9Saudi Arabia Sees The U.S. Stepping Back Saudi Arabia Sees The U.S. Stepping Back Saudi Arabia Sees The U.S. Stepping Back Will Trump get sucked into the region to intervene against ISIS? We do not think so. A bigger risk is Turkey.10 President Recep Erdogan may think that Trump will either be too complacent about Turkish interests in Syria, or that Trump is in fact a "kindred nationalist spirit" who will not prevent Turkey from pursuing its own sphere of influence in Syria and northern Iraq. Trump's foreign policy of "offshore balancing" would call for the U.S. to prevent Turkey from resurrecting any kind of regional empire, especially if it risks a war with Russia and Iran or comes at the cost of regional influence for American allies like the Kurds.11 Turkey will also be starkly at odds on Syria and ISIS. This means Turkey and the U.S. could see already tense relations get substantially worse in 2017. We would not be surprised to see President Trump threaten Erdogan with expulsion from NATO within his first term. Bottom Line: The biggest risk to our view is that Trump rejects the consensus of the intelligence and defense establishment and pushes Iran too far, leading to conflict. We do not think this will happen, but his rhetoric on the nuclear deal has been consistently negative and he seems likely to favor "Middle East hands" for top cabinet positions. He could involve the country in new Middle East entanglements if he does not show discipline in adhering to his non-interventionist preferences - particularly if he overreacts to an attack. Nonetheless, we believe that America's policy of geopolitical deleveraging from the Middle East will continue. Trump may have a mandate to be tough on terrorism from his voters, but he definitely does not have a free hand to commit military resources to the region. Trump And Asia Trump criticized China furiously during the campaign, declaring that he would name China a currency manipulator on his first day in office and threatening to impose a 45% tariff on Chinese imports. However, there is a familiar pattern of China bashing in U.S. presidential elections that leads to no sharp changes in policy.12 Will Trump be different? Some would argue that relations may actually improve, given how bad they already are. First, Trump's chief concern is to fire up the U.S. economy's animal spirits, and that would support China's ailing economy as long as he does not couple his tax cuts and fiscal stimulus with aggressive protectionist measures (Chart 10). Proponents of this view would point out that Trump's tougher measures may be called off when he realizes that the Chinese current account surplus has fallen sharply in recent years (Chart 11), and that the PBoC is propping up the RMB, not suppressing it. Similarly, Trump's China-bashing trade advisor, the former steel executive Dan DiMicco, may not get much traction given that the U.S. has largely shifted to Brazilian steel imports (Chart 12). In short, the U.S. could take a somewhat tougher stance on specific trade spats without provoking a vicious spiral of discriminatory actions. The fact that the U.S. is more exposed than ever to trade with emerging markets only reinforces the idea that it does not want to spark a real trade war (Chart 13). Chart 10A Trump Boom, Sans Protectionism, Would Lift Chinese Growth A Trump Boom, Sans Protectionism, Would Lift Chinese Growth A Trump Boom, Sans Protectionism, Would Lift Chinese Growth Chart 11China's Economy Rebalancing China's Economy Rebalancing China's Economy Rebalancing Chart 12China Already Lost The China Already Lost The "Steel Wars" China Already Lost The "Steel Wars" Chart 13A Reason To Eschew Protectionism A Reason To Eschew Protectionism A Reason To Eschew Protectionism Second, the Obama administration's "Pivot to Asia" and attempts to undermine China's economic influence in the region through the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have aggravated China with little substantive gain. By contrast, Trump may emphasize American business access to China over Chinese citizens' freedoms - which could reduce the risk of conflict. He may not go beyond symbolic protectionist moves, like the currency manipulation charge, and meanwhile canceling the never-ratified TPP would be a net gain for China.13 In essence, Trump, despite his populist rhetoric, could prove both pragmatic and willing to inherit the traditional Republican stance of business-oriented positive engagement with China. Chart 14 This is a compelling argument and we take it seriously. But it is not our baseline case. Rather, we think Trump will eventually take concrete populist steps that will mark a departure from U.S. policy in recent memory. As mentioned, it was protectionist blue-collar voters in the Midwest who gave Trump the White House, and he will need to retain their loyalty in coming elections. Moreover, the secular flatlining of American wages and the growth of income inequality have moved the median U.S. voter to the left of the economic spectrum, as we have argued.14 Neo-liberal economic policy has fewer powerful proponents than in the recent past. Thus, in the long run, we expect the grand renegotiation with China to fall short of market hopes, and Sino-American tensions to resume their upward trajectory.15 Why are we so pessimistic? Three main reasons: The "Thucydides Trap": Sino-U.S. tensions are fundamentally driven not by trade disputes but by the U.S.'s fear of China's growing capability and ambition.16 Great conflicts in history have often occurred when a new economic and military power emerged and tried to alter the regional political arrangements set up by the dominant power. This was as true in late nineteenth-century Europe, with the rise of Germany vis-à-vis the U.K. and France (Chart 14), as it was in ancient Greece. The rise of Japan in the first half of the twentieth century had a similar effect in Asia (Chart 15). Trump could, of course, endorse Xi's idea of a "new type of great power relations," which is supposed to avoid this problem. But nobody knows what that would look like, and greater trade openness is the only conceivable foundation for it. Chart 15AThe Disruptive Rise Of Germany The Disruptive Rise Of Germany The Disruptive Rise Of Germany Chart 15BThe Disruptive Rise Of Japan The Disruptive Rise Of Japan The Disruptive Rise Of Japan China's economic imbalances: A caustic dose of trade remedies from the Trump administration will compound internal economic pressures in China resulting from rampant credit expansion, misallocation of capital, excessive money printing, and capital outflows (Chart 16).17 The combination of internal and external pressures is potentially fatal and China's leaders will fight it. Otherwise, they risk either the fate of the Soviets or of the Asian strongman regimes that succumbed to democracy after embracing capitalism fully. Instead, China will avoid rushing its structural reforms (it is, after all, currently closing its capital account), and protect its consumer market, which it hopes to be the growth engine going forward. This is not a strong basis for the "better deal" that Trump will demand. President Trump will want China to open up further to U.S. manufacturing, tech, and service exports. Economics and the security dilemma: China and the U.S. will not be able to prevent economic tensions from spilling over into broader strategic tensions. Compare the spike in trade tensions with Japan in the 1980s, when Japanese exports to the U.S. peaked and the U.S. strong-armed Japan into appreciating its currency (Chart 17). The U.S. had nurtured Japan and South Korea out of their post-war devastation by running large trade deficits and enabling them to focus on manufacturing exports while minimizing spending on defense. China joined this system in the 1980s and has largely resembled the formal U.S. allies (Chart 18). Given that China has largely followed Japan's path, it was inevitable that the U.S. would eventually lose patience and become more competitive with China. China has seized a greater share of the U.S. market than Japan had done at that time, and its exports are even more important to the U.S. as a share of GDP (Chart 19). Comparing the exchange rates then and now, the Trump administration will be able to argue that China's currency is overdue for appreciation (Chart 20). However, in the 1980s, the U.S. and Japan faced no risk of military conflict - their strategic hierarchy was entirely settled in 1945. The U.S. and China have no such understanding. There is no way of assuring China that U.S. economic pressure is not about strategic dominance. In fact, it is about that. So while China may be cajoled into promising faster reforms - given that its trade surplus with the U.S. is the only thing that stands between it and current account deficits (Chart 21) - nevertheless it will tend to dilute and postpone these reforms for the sake of its own security, putting Trump's resolve to the test. Chart 16Flashing Red Light On China's Economy Flashing Red Light On China's Economy Flashing Red Light On China's Economy Chart 17The U.S. Forced Structural Changes On Japan The U.S. Forced Structural Changes On Japan The U.S. Forced Structural Changes On Japan Chart 18Asia Sells, America Rules Asia Sells, America Rules Asia Sells, America Rules Chart 19The U.S. Will Get Tougher On China Trade The U.S. Will Get Tougher On China Trade The U.S. Will Get Tougher On China Trade Chart 20China Drags Its Feet On RMB Appreciation China Drags Its Feet On RMB Appreciation China Drags Its Feet On RMB Appreciation Chart 21A Reason For China To Kowtow A Reason For China To Kowtow A Reason For China To Kowtow Trump's victory may also heighten Beijing's fears that it is being surrounded by the U.S. and its partners. That is because Trump will make the following developments more likely: Better Russian relations: From a bird's eye view, Trump's thaw with Putin could mark an inversion of Nixon's thaw with Mao. China is the only power today that can stand a comparison with the Soviet Union during the Cold War. The U.S. at least needs to make sure the Sino-Russian relationship does not become too warm (Chart 22).18 Russo-Japanese peace treaty: The two sides are already working on a treaty, never signed after World War II. Aside from their historic territorial dispute, the U.S. has been the main impediment by demanding Japan help penalize Russia after the invasion of Ukraine. Yet negotiations have advanced regardless, and Japanese air force scrambles against Russia have fallen while those against China have continued to spike (Chart 23). The best chance for a deal since the 1950s is now, with Abe and Putin both solidly in power until 2018. This would reduce Russian dependency on China for energy markets and capital investment, and free up Japan's security establishment to focus on China and North Korea. American allies are not defecting: The United States armed forces are deeply embedded in the Asia Pacific region and setbacks to the "pivot" policy should not be mistaken for setbacks to U.S. power in the absolute.19 U.S. allies like Thailand, the Philippines, and (soon) South Korea are in the headlines for seeking to warm up ties with China, but there is no hard evidence that they will turn away from the U.S. security umbrella. Rather, the pivot reassured them of U.S. commitment, giving them the flexibility to focus on boosting their economies, which means sending emissaries to Beijing. The problem is that Beijing knows this and will therefore still suspect that a "containment" strategy is underfoot over time. Better Indian relations: The Bush administration made considerable progress in improving ties with India. Trump also seems India-friendly, which would be supported by better ties with Russia and Iran. India could therefore become a greater obstacle to China's influence in South and Southeast Asia. Chart 22Energy A Solid Foundation For Sino-Russian Ties Energy A Solid Foundation For Sino-Russian Ties Energy A Solid Foundation For Sino-Russian Ties Chart 23Japan's Strategic Predicament Japan's Strategic Predicament Japan's Strategic Predicament From the above, we can draw three main conclusions: The U.S. role in the Pacific will determine global geopolitical stability under the Trump administration. The primary question is whether China is willing and able to accede to enough of Trump's demands to ensure that the U.S. and China have at least "one more fling," a further extension to the post-1979 trade relationship. It is possible that China is simply unable to do so and in the face of any concrete sanctions by Trump, will batten down the hatches, rally people around the flag, and shore up the state-led economy. There may be a tactical U.S.-China "improvement" over the next year - relative to the worst fears of trade war under Trump - but it will not be durable. The year 2017 will be the year of Trump's "honeymoon," while Xi Jinping will be focused on internal politics ahead of the Communist Party's crucial National Party Congress in the fall.20 Thus, after Trump gives China a "shot across the bow," like charging it with currency manipulation, the two sides will likely settle down at the negotiating table and send positive signals to the world about their time-tried ability to manage tensions. Financial markets will see through Trump's initially symbolic actions and begin to behave as if nothing has changed in U.S.-China relations. However, this calm will be deceiving, since economic and security tensions will eventually rise to the surface again, likely in a more disruptive way than ever before. China's periphery will be decisive, especially the Korean peninsula. The Koreas could become the locus of East Asia tensions for two reasons. First, North Korea's nuclear weaponization has reached a level that is truly alarming to the U.S. and Japan.21 New sanctions, if enforced, have real teeth because they target commodity exports (Chart 24). The problem is that China is unlikely to enforce them and South Korean politics are likely to turn more China-friendly and more pacific toward the North with the impending change of ruling parties. This will leave the U.S. and Japan with legitimate security grievances but less of an ability to change the outcome through non-military means. That is an arrangement ripe for confrontation. Separately, China's worsening relations with Taiwan, Vietnam's resistance to China's power-grab in the South China Sea, and conflicts between India and Pakistan will be key barometers of regional stability vis-à-vis China. Chart 24Will China Cut Imports From Here? Will China Cut Imports From Here? Will China Cut Imports From Here? The risk to this view, again, is that a Middle East crisis could distract the Trump administration. This would mark an excellent opportunity for China to build on its growing regional sway, and it would delay our baseline view that the Asia Pacific is now the chief source of geopolitical risk in the world. Investment Conclusions There is no geopolitical risk premium associated with Sino-American tensions. Our clients, colleagues, and friends in the industry are at a loss when we ask how one should hedge tensions in the region. This is a major risk for investors as the market will have to price emerging tensions quickly. Broadly speaking, Sino-American tensions will reinforce the ongoing de-globalization. If the top two global economies are at geopolitical loggerheads, they are more likely to see their geopolitical tensions spill over to the economic sphere. Unwinding globalization implies that inflation will make a comeback, as the reduction in flows of goods, services, capital, and people gradually increases supply constraints. This is primarily bad for bonds, which have enjoyed a bull market for the past three decades that we see reversing.22 At the same time, these trends suggest that investors should favor consumer-oriented sectors and countries relative to their export-reliant counterparts, and small-to-medium sized businesses over externally-exposed multinationals. BCA Geopolitical Strategy's long S&P 600 / short S&P 100 trade is up 7.4% since inceptionon November 9. Finally, these trends, combined with the associated geopolitical risks of various powers struggling for elbow room, warrant a continuation of the Geopolitical Strategy theme of favoring Developed Markets over Emerging Markets, which has made a 45.5% return since inception in November 2012. The centrality of China risk only reinforces this view. Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see our initial discussion of Trump's foreign policy, "U.S. Election Update: Trump, Presidential Powers, And Investment Implications," in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Socialism Put," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Multipolarity And Investing," dated April 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Apex Of Globalization: All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, and, more recently, "Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see "In Focus - Cold War Redux?" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "It's A Long Way Down From The 'Wall Of Worry,'" dated March 2014, and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Russia: To Buy Or Not To Buy?" dated March 20, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Russia-West Showdown: The West, Not Putin, Is The 'Wild Card,'" dated July 31, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Russia's Trilemma And The Coming Power Paralysis," dated February 21, 2012, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Out Of The Vault: Explaining The U.S.-Iran Détente," dated July 15, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "End Of An Era For Oil And The Middle East," dated April 8, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Saudi Arabia's Choice: Modernity Or Bust," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Turkey: Strategy After The Attempted Coup," dated July 18, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see John J. Meirsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "The Case For Offshore Balancing: A Superior U.S. Grand Strategy," Foreign Affairs, July/August 2016, available at www.foreignaffairs.com. 12 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy, "China As A Currency Manipulator?" dated November 24, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 13 One of his foreign policy advisors, former CIA head James Woolsey, has floated the idea that the U.S. could turn positive about Chinese initiatives like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the One Belt One Road program to link Eurasian economies. Please see Woolsey, "Under Donald Trump, the US will accept China's rise - as long as it doesn't challenge the status quo," South China Morning Post, dated November 10, 2016, available at www.scmp.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Joint Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see Graham Allison, "The Thucydides Trap: Are The U.S. And China Headed For War?" The Atlantic, September 24, 2015, available at www.theatlantic.com. 17 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "China's Money Creation Redux And The RMB," dated November 23, 2016, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Can Russia Import Productivity From China?" dated June 29, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Philippine Elections: Taking The Shine Off Reform," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "De-Globalization," dated November 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 21 Please see "North Korea: A Red Herring No More?" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Partem Mirabilis," dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 22 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights Investors continue to overstate the constraints the Trump administration faces; Tax reform will happen, likely much sooner than the markets appreciate; Infrastructure spending will be modest, but will also face no constraints; Trump's de-globalization agenda - on both immigration and trade - faces few, if any, constraints; Book gains on long S&P 500 / short gold, long Japanese equities, long USD/JPY, and close long European versus global equities for a small loss. Maintain a long SMEs / short MNCs strategic outlook as a play on de-globalization. Feature "It used to be cars were made in Flint, and you couldn't drink the water in Mexico. Now, the cars are made in Mexico and you can't drink the water in Flint." - President-Elect Donald J. Trump, Flint, Michigan, September 14, 2016 Regular readers of BCA's Geopolitical Strategy know that our methodology emphasizes policymakers' constraints over their preferences. We abide by the simple maxim that preferences are optional and subject to constraints, while constraints are neither optional nor subject to preferences. President-elect Donald J. Trump is not unique. In the long term, his preferences will be cajoled and imprisoned by his constraints. However, investors may be overstating the impact of constraints in the short term. This is because Trump is a transformational - rather than merely transactional - leader whose election is a product of the yearning for significant change by the U.S. electorate.1 The key difference between the two leadership styles is that transformational leaders seek change by influencing and motivating their followers to break with convention. They make an appeal on normative and ideological grounds. Meanwhile, transactional leaders seek to maintain the status quo by satisfying their followers' basic needs. The latter use sticks and carrots, the former inspire. In the long term, even transformational leaders like Trump will be whipsawed by their material and constitutional constraints into the narrow tunnel of available options. But as we discuss in this Special Report, President-elect Trump will have a lot more room to maneuver than investors may think. That will be good for some assets, bad for others. Trump's Blue-Collar Base To understand the priorities of the Trump administration - as well his lack of political constraints - investors need to respect Trump's shock victory on November 8. Trump won the election because he was able to extend his "White Hype" strategy to the Midwest states of Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania (and came close to winning Minnesota) (Map 1).2 Map 1Electoral College Vote, Nov. 29, 2016 Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency To extend the Republican voting base into these traditionally "blue" states, Trump appealed to white blue-collar workers, many of whom voted for President Obama in 2012. Though he squeaked by with narrow vote-margins, he was not expected to be competitive in these states at all: Hillary Clinton did not visit Wisconsin once during her campaign (Chart 1). Trade was a chief concern of these disenchanted "Rust Belt" voters. Exit polls show that they agreed with Trump's message that globalization and neoliberal trade policies have sapped the U.S. of jobs, wages, and job security (Chart 2). Chart 1Hillary Failed To##br## Ride Obama's Coattails Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Chart 2Trump's Winning Constituency##br## Angry About Trade Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Infrastructure, and government spending more broadly, were also major concerns - Trump's election was effectively an "anti-austerity" vote. Throughout the campaign Trump showed himself to be indifferent to budget deficits and debt, at least relative to the GOP leadership of the past six years. Instead he shattered GOP orthodoxy by promising to avoid any cuts to entitlement spending and contravened the party's fiscal hawks by promising to spend $1 trillion (later $550 billion) on infrastructure, e.g. the "bad drinking water" problem referred to in the quote at the start of this report. By contrast, Trump paid less attention to tax reform. Yes, he promised to slash taxes, even after reducing the scope of his extravagant September 2015 tax cut proposal. But no, this was not the focus of his campaign and did not get him elected. Instead, it is an area of common ground between himself and the GOP, and it has been the party's main pursuit in recent years. No one knows what Trump is going to do when he takes office. His statements are famously all over the place and he often positions himself at the opposite sides of a policy issue at the same time, prompting us to label him America's first "Quantum Politician."3 His cabinet is only beginning to take shape. Therefore, his main agenda and priorities - traditionally outlined in the upcoming Inaugural Address on January 20 - remain inchoate at best. Nevertheless, trade protections and better infrastructure were core demands of Trump's blue-collar electoral coalition and we expect him to follow through with actions, not least because he needs these states for upcoming elections in 2018 and 2020. Bottom Line: Trump's personal policy preferences are shrouded in mystery. However, investors should assume that he will take the preferences of the Midwest blue-collar voters seriously. They delivered him the presidency. Tax Reform The main reason for the market's exuberance since the election - aside from a "relief rally" given that the sky has not fallen4 - has been the prospect of substantial tax cuts. With Republicans holding all levels of government - and Democrats unable to filibuster tax reform in the Senate due to the "reconciliation procedure"5 - investors are rightly optimistic that the U.S. will finally see significant reforms. We review the plan, investigate its constraints, and assess the impact below. The Plan Trump is asking for much bigger tax cuts than the Republican Party's major alternative, House Speaker Paul Ryan's "A Better Way" plan.6 Trump would slash the corporate tax rate to 15% for all businesses, with flow-through businesses (80% of all U.S. businesses) eligible to pay the 15% rate instead of being taxed under the individual income tax rate (as currently).7 The GOP, by contrast, would set the corporate rate at 20% and the flow-through business rate at 25%. Trump and the GOP agree that the individual income tax should be reduced from seven to three brackets, with the marginal rates at 12%, 25%, and 33%. This would cut the top marginal rate from 39.6% to 33%, but would also leave a significant number of Americans with an increase, or no change, to their marginal tax rate.8 Where Trump and the GOP differ is on how to handle deductions, the flow-through businesses, child tax credits, and other issues - with Trump generally more inclined toward government largesse. Another element of tax reform is the proposed repatriation tax on overseas corporate earnings. An estimated $2.6-$3 trillion is stashed "abroad" (often only in a legal sense), which enables companies to defer paying the corporate tax rate due upon repatriation. Trump is following in the footsteps of President Obama and presidential candidate Hillary Clinton in attempting to collect these taxes - with the Republicans also broadly on board.9 Overall, Trump's plan would cut taxes and tax revenues much more aggressively than the GOP plan. Trump would see $1.3 trillion more in personal tax cuts and $1.7 trillion more in corporate taxes than the GOP plan over the coming decade (Chart 3). The country's debt-GDP ratio would grow by 25%, well above the GOP's 10-12% increase (Chart 4). Chart 3Trump Would Outdo##br## The GOP On Tax Cuts Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Chart 4Trump Would Outdo##br## The GOP On Debt Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency The Constraints We see no significant political or constitutional constraints facing the GOP and Trump. If we had to pick, we would assume that the ultimate deal will look a lot more like the GOP plan. The two sides will be able to hammer out a compromise for the following reasons: Given the reconciliation rules in the Senate, the Democrats cannot filibuster tax-cutting legislation. Both the Reagan and Bush administrations passed tax cuts in their first year in office - Reagan signed them into law in August, Bush in June. Trump, like Bush, has the advantage of GOP control of both houses of Congress. He and his party would have to fumble the ball very badly to fail on comprehensive tax reform in 2017. Republicans have been demanding tax reform since 2010 and have several "off-the-shelf" plans to draw from, including Ryan's plan. Staffers know the issues. Trump has also already reduced his original ambitions to meet them halfway. Since Trump's campaign did not focus on tax reform, he can afford to let the GOP take the lead on it - he will still get credit for the resulting deal and will expect GOP support on infrastructure, immigration, and trade in turn. The first constraint that does exist is complexity. Comprehensive tax reform has not occurred since 1986, under Reagan, because it is fiendishly tricky. This means the timing could be delayed - perhaps as late as the third quarter of 2017, despite the eagerness of both Congress and the White House for reform. The second constraint is one of priorities. Trump and the GOP have a busy agenda for the first half of 2017, with taxes, Obamacare, and Trump's infrastructure plan. Rumors suggest that Congress will use its first reconciliation bill to repeal Obamacare. But since they do not know what will replace the current law yet, it would make more sense to reverse the order and do tax reform first. This will be easier, again, because tax reform has been a major issue for Republicans for a decade. Third is the problem of permanence. Assuming the Republicans use reconciliation to pass their tax reform, they will not be allowed to increase the federal budget deficit beyond the ten-year time frame of the budget resolution. They will have to include a "sunset" clause on the tax cuts, as occurred with the Bush tax cuts in 2001, leaving them vulnerable to expiration under the next administration.10 The Impact What will a sweeping tax reform plan mean? Headline U.S. corporate taxes are higher than every other country in the OECD, so the U.S. corporate sector will ostensibly gain competitiveness (Chart 5). This factor, combined with repatriation and threats of protectionism against outsourcing multi-national corporates (MNCs), should lift corporate investment in the U.S. Chart 5U.S. Companies Will Get Competitive Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Reducing loopholes would broaden the corporate tax base, the key value of the reform from the perspective of revenues and the country's economic structure. Multinational corporations already pay a lower effective tax rate than the official 35% corporate rate, so the impact will depend on their current effective rate as well as the new rate. Trump's plan would only increase effective taxes for firms in the utilities sector, while the GOP plan could increase effective taxes for firms in finance, electronics, transportation, and leasing. In both cases, companies in construction, retail, agriculture, refining, and non-durable manufacturing stand to benefit the most (Chart 6). Chart 6Tax Cuts Benefit Some Sectors More Than Others Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency A key question is how flow-through businesses are treated: whether they get Trump's 15% or the GOP's 25%. In the latter case they would see a tax hike (from an average rate of 19%) and thereafter be punished relative to more capital-heavy "C" corporations. Trump is a "populist" insofar as his plan would support flow-through businesses. Bottom Line: The quickest and biggest impact of Trump's fiscal policies on GDP growth will come from his tax cuts. With the Republicans long preparing for tax reform, and fully controlling Congress, tax reform is all but a done deal - and probably by Q3 2017 at latest. The outstanding question is whether Trump's infrastructure spending will be included in tax reform and thus compound the positive fiscal impact in 2017, or be pushed off into 2018. Fiscal Spending Trump's proposed $550 billion in new infrastructure investment is as nebulous as many of his other promises. However, as outlined above, we believe that Trump's victory partly depended on this issue and investors should not ignore Trump's commitment to it. Constraints are overstated. The Plan Trump's first clear infrastructure proposal came from two of his special advisers, Wilbur Ross and Peter Navarro.11 They propose government tax credits for private entities who invest in infrastructure projects. They argue that $1 trillion in new infrastructure investment - the same number cited on Trump's campaign website as the country's estimated needs over the next decade - would require $167 billion in equity investment, which could then be leveraged. To raise these sums, they propose the government offer a tax credit equal to 82% of the equity amount. They contend that the plan would be deficit-neutral because payments for the government tax credit would be matched with tax revenues from the labor involved in construction and the corporate profits flowing from the projects, charged at Trump's 15% corporate rate. The other component of the Ross-Navarro plan consists in combining infrastructure financing with the tax repatriation plan - a common proposal in Washington. Companies that are repatriating their earnings at the lower 10% rate could thus invest in infrastructure projects and use the 82% tax credit on that investment to cover the cost of their repatriation taxes. If the Trump administration sticks with this proposal, it will require the GOP to include the infrastructure plan in the tax reform bill. Or, given the bipartisan support for both a new repatriation tax and building infrastructure, Trump could turn to the Democrats for a separate bill covering these two policies. However, the specifics of the Ross-Navarro plan can be chucked out the window at will. They were designed to win the election, not to bind the administration's hands. Already, Trump has reversed his stance on the possibility of a state-run infrastructure bank (one of Clinton's proposals) as a way of financing new projects. What matters is that Trump and his top advisors are enthralled by the idea of a populist or "big government"-style conservatism that takes advantage of historically low interest rates - the post-financial crisis "Keynesian" moment - to stimulate the economy and improve U.S. productivity in the long run.12 Trump's emphasis on this issue in his November 8 victory speech says it all. Thus Trump's infrastructure ambitions are likely to be prioritized and will certainly not be abandoned. Unless Trump drastically alters his handling of the issue on January 20 - which we consider highly unlikely - it should be considered a top priority. The Constraints What are the constraints? President Obama's stimulus plan passed in February 2009, immediately after taking office, but that was in the midst of a financial crisis. Now conditions are different. Infrastructure is popular, but the timing with the economic cycle is not perfect, and the fiscal hawks in the GOP will try to water down Trump's proposals. Our clients are particularly concerned that the Tea Party-linked Republicans in Congress will be a major political hurdle. We disagree. On the issue of funding, what is important for legislative passage is not whether the plan ends up being "deficit neutral" as promised, but whether it can be marketed as such. Key Republicans like Kevin Brady, chair of the House Ways and Means Committee, have already admitted that some of the revenues from repatriated earnings will go toward infrastructure. Public-private partnerships will give Republicans a way of presenting the project as deficit-friendly. And it is true that interest rates are low for borrowers (at least for now), including state and local authorities - which account for the clear majority of infrastructure spending in the U.S. Political constraints are few. Public support for infrastructure is a no-brainer, opinion polls show that the public wants better infrastructure (Chart 7). It is also one of the least polarizing issues of all the issues in a recent Pew survey (Chart 8). Chart 7The 'Right' Kind Of ##br##Government Spending: Infrastructure Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Chart 8Infrastructure Is Not##br## A Partisan Issue Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Moreover, there is no reason to believe that modern Republican presidents are particularly fiscally austere - Nixon, Reagan, and the Bushes were not (Chart 9). And Republican voters are not so fearful of big government when their party is at the helm as when they are in opposition (Chart 10). Election results show that voters consistently approve of about 70% of local transportation funding initiatives, which means they vote in favor of higher taxes to receive better infrastructure (Chart 11). Chart 9Fact: Republicans Run Bigger Budget Deficits bca.gps_sr_2016_11_30_c9 bca.gps_sr_2016_11_30_c9 Chart 10No Ruling Party Fears Big Government bca.gps_sr_2016_11_30_c10 bca.gps_sr_2016_11_30_c10 What about the Tea Party? It is true that fiscal conservatives in the GOP are skeptical of Trump's infrastructure ambitions. The Tea Party and Freedom Caucus make up about 60 combined votes. However, Trump's combination of Eisenhower big-spending Republicanism and populism won the election and has therefore written austerity's obituary. Furthermore, voters identifying with the Tea Party voted for Trump in the Republican primaries, according to exit polls (Chart 12). Hesitancy to support Trump on ideological grounds even caused the former Chairman of the Tea Party Caucus, Tim Huelskamp (R-KS), to lose his primary election to a more Trump-friendly challenger. Given that all members of the House of Representatives must run for re-election in 2018 - with campaigning starting in merely 18 months - they will dare not oppose Trump for fear of being Huelskamped themselves. Chart 11The 'Right' Kind Of Tax Hike: Paying For Roads Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Chart 12Trump Won The Tea Party Vote Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency The political winds against austerity were shifting even before Trump. In January 2015, the GOP-controlled Congress approved of "dynamic scoring," an accounting method that considers the holistic impact of budget measures - spending and/or tax cuts - on revenue and thus deficits.13 The GOP has also recently come close to readmitting "earmarks," legislative tags that direct funding to special interests in representatives' home districts. Earmarks were done away with in 2011, but they have crept back in different guises (Chart 13). Republican members of Congress can hear the gravy train and are scrambling to ensure they get on board. They want to be able to ride the new wave of spending all the way back to re-election in their home districts. Chart 13Pork-Barrel Prohibition Is Ending Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Finally, if Congress takes up an infrastructure-repatriation tax bill separately from the more partisan tax cuts, Trump may be able to offset any holdout fiscal hawks with support from Democrats. In late 2015, Democrats and Republicans voted together on the first highway funding bill in ten years, with large margins in both houses, easily overwhelming dissent from the Tea Party and Freedom Caucus. Vulnerable Democrats in the now "Trump Blue" states of Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Ohio will be particularly interested in crossing the aisle on any infrastructure spending legislation. The Impact What will be the size and impact of Trump's infrastructure spending? Currently his transition team says he will oversee $550 billion in new investments, albeit offering no details or timeframe. This would be 72% of Obama's 2009 five-year stimulus at a time when there is little or no output or unemployment gap. In other words, the plan is pro-cyclical stimulus that will likely end up generating "too much" growth at a time when inflation expectations are already rising and the output gap is closing. The downside could be a rate-hike induced recession in 12-18 months. In terms of its impact on debt levels, infrastructure spending is less of a concern. The federal share of that $550 billion - i.e. the size of the tax credit for private participants - is going to be much smaller. During the campaign Trump implied $1 trillion in new investments over ten years, but the federal tax credit would have been a "deficit neutral" $137 billion. Applying the same ratio, back of envelope, Trump now aims for a $75 billion tax credit for the $550 billion worth of projects. But there will also likely be other components to the plan, such as federal support for state and local debt-financed infrastructure. Thus the headline size of Trump's infrastructure plan is far bigger than the federal commitment. Still, investors should appreciate that despite its modest size, the plan marks a break from the austerity-focused past. Bottom Line: Trump's election signals an anti-austerity turn in U.S. politics from which the fiscal hawks in the GOP cannot hide. Trump will ultimately receive congressional support on infrastructure spending, possibly bipartisan, and this "Return of G" will mark an important inflection point in U.S. economic policy.14 Immigration Globalization is, broadly defined, the free movement of goods, services, capital, and people. Trump began his campaign in June 2015 with a blistering speech opposing illegal immigration. His anti-immigrant rhetoric ratcheted up from that point, but while the media focused on the alleged xenophobia of his comments, Trump's message was consistently focused on the economic downside of an "open borders" policy. Since the election, Trump's rhetoric on immigration has dramatically softened. The Plan There are two components of Trump's immigration plan as far as we can tell: deportation and border enforcement. On the first, Trump's primary goal is to terminate Obama's "two illegal executive amnesties," i.e. Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Deferred Action for Parents of Americans (DAPA).15 This means he opposes two programs that are already frozen. In addition, he has pledged to deport 2-3 million undocumented immigrants, emphasizing criminals and drug offenders. This is comparable to Obama's 2.5 million deportations from 2009-15, the highest clip on record. We expect Trump to accelerate the pace of deportations, but it is by no means clear that he will do so, or do so dramatically. There is as yet no clear plan to deal with high-skilled immigrants, especially those arriving on H-1B non-immigrant visas authorizing temporary employment. Trump has made conflicting statements regarding the H-1B program, saying he wanted to keep attracting highly skilled workers to the U.S. but also criticizing the program specifically during a debate. Trump's pick for the attorney general, Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions, is a big opponent of the program. There is considerable evidence that the H-1B program hurts the wages of domestic workers, particularly in the tech sector.16 As for Trump's notorious "border wall," it is shaping up to be a change in degree, not kind. The Clinton administration's "deterrence through prevention" policy, beginning in 1994, and the Secure Fence Act of 2006, have led to extensive fencing and wall construction along the border over the past two decades. Trump will seek to fill gaps, reinforce border barriers, and probably erect better fences near population centers as more visible signs of his achievements. But he will not be building a Great Wall of Trump. The Constraints There are no major constitutional constraints on any of the proposals, since Trump is reversing the Obama administration's illegal non-enforcement of existing immigration law.17 The chief constraint Trump faces when it comes to increasing the pace of deportations and building enhanced walling and fencing is the cost. The threat to make Mexico provide all the funds is going to be watered down in negotiations.18 Trump could increase the Department of Homeland Security's budget, which slowed from 12% annual growth under Bush to 2.7% under Obama. Presumably congressional opposition would not be too virulent given the purpose. But spending on immigration enforcement already outpaces that of all other federal law enforcement agencies combined. A bigger constraint is whether, after the border is "normalized," Trump will follow through on his promise to make a "determination" on what to do with the non-criminal illegal immigrants. This language implies that he is ultimately amenable to comprehensive immigration reform and even a path to citizenship - a proposal that has already passed the Senate in an earlier form. To pass such a comprehensive reform bill, however, Trump will need to work with the Democrats in the Senate as they can and will filibuster any immigration reform bill that does not have a path towards some form of amnesty for the immigrants in the country. What of the timing? Deportations can begin promptly upon taking office - the agencies are already capable. Increasing border enforcement and structures will likely go into his first fiscal 2018 budget request - we expect the GOP Congress to be receptive. As for broader immigration reform, these will be the slowest to materialize, if ever. Previous GOP immigration reform laws passed after the midterm elections in 1986 and 1990, so 2018 may be a useful marker. The Impact On the margin, less immigration into the U.S. should raise domestic wages, particularly for the two sectors where low-skilled immigrants are most likely to be employed: agriculture and construction. Bottom Line: Trump's immigration policy is hardly revolutionary, despite his campaign focus on the issue. He has few constraints to his announced policies, but they are likely to be unimpressive in scope. There are three potential risks to our sanguine view. First, Trump decides to deport all the 11 million illegal migrants in the country, causing considerable political and social unrest. Second, he actually means what he says about Mexico paying for the wall. Third, he tries to end the H-B1 high-skilled temporary workers program. Reforming the overall immigration process - including a possible pathway to citizenship - is constrained by Democrats' control of the Senate and will therefore likely proceed on a longer timeframe (perhaps even after 2020). Trade Trump's trade protectionism is the main risk to markets and global risk assets. His victory represents a true break with the past seventy years of ever-greater globalization (Chart 14). We have expected the trend of de-globalization since, at least, 2014. However, we are surprised how quickly the issue became the electoral issue. Chart 14Globalization Peaked Before Trump Globalization Peaked Before Trump Globalization Peaked Before Trump Investors now have to re-price numerous assets for the de-globalization premium. The Plan Trump has threatened to name China a currency manipulator on day one in office, impose a 45% across-the-board tariff on Chinese goods, and a 35% tariff on Mexican goods. He has committed to canceling the U.S.'s biggest trade initiative in the twenty-first century, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and he has threatened to renegotiate NAFTA and withdraw from the WTO, leaving U.S. tariffs with nothing but Smoot-Hawley to keep them tethered to earth. Thus Trump's victory threatens to become not only the chief symptom of "peak globalization"19 but also a great aggravator of it and cause of further de-globalization going forward (Chart 15). Chart 15De-Globalization To Continue bca.gps_sr_2016_11_30_c15 bca.gps_sr_2016_11_30_c15 There are signs that Trump may act on his rhetoric and enact a radical change in U.S. trade policy. Two of his top advisers, Dan DiMicco and Robert Lighthizer, are outspoken economic nationalists and "China bashers." DiMicco has dedicated his life to fighting Chinese mercantilism and believes that the U.S. and China are "already in a trade war; we [the U.S.] just haven't shown up yet."20 Yet there are also signs that Trump intends only to drive a hard bargain, not start a trade war. For instance, he says his first action will be to rip up the TPP, but this deal has not been ratified and was internationally controversial because it excluded China (as well as U.S. allies Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines). Moreover, while Trump says he will deem China a currency manipulator on day one in office, this is largely a symbolic act that entails no automatic, concrete punitive measures.21 Therefore Trump could take these two actions alone, or other symbolic ones, to prove that he is an economic patriot, and then settle down to "renegotiate" key trade relationships along the lines of the status quo. It is too soon to draw conclusions, but we do not think things will turn out as peachy as the best-case scenario. This is in large part due to the fact that the U.S. president has tremendous leeway on trade. The Constraints The U.S. president has few constraints when it comes to trade policy, for the following reasons:22 Delegated powers from Congress: Congress is the constitutional power that governs trade with foreign states. However, Congress passes laws that delegate authority to the executive branch to administer and enforce trade agreements and to exercise prerogative amid exigencies. Even when Congress approves a trade deal like NAFTA, it is the president who is empowered to lower tariffs - and therefore the president can issue a new proclamation raising them. The past century has produced a series of laws that give Trump considerable latitude - not only the right to impose a 15% tariff for up to 150 days, as in the Trade Act of 1974, but also unrestricted tariff and import quota powers during wartime or national emergencies, as in the Trading With The Enemy Act of 1917 (Table 1).23 A president's legal advisors are only too happy to use their imaginations. Nixon invoked the Korean War, which ended in 1952, as a justification for a 10% surcharge tariff on all dutiable goods in 1971, simply because the Korean state of emergency had never officially ended! Table 1Trump Faces Few Constraints On Trade Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency Executive power over foreign policy: The executive branch is the constitutional power that governs foreign relations. Since international economics are inseparable from foreign relations and national security, the president has prerogative over matters even remotely touching trade. Both Congress and the judicial branch will tend to defer to a president in exercising these powers as well - at least until a gross subversion of national interest occurs. And even then, it is not clear how the constitutional struggle would play out - the courts always bow to the executive on matters of national security. Wars do not have to be declared for wartime trade powers, so all the U.S.'s various military operations across the world provide fodder for Trump to invoke the Trading With The Enemy Act, giving him power to regulate all forms of trade and seize foreign assets. Time is on the executive's side: Even assuming that Congress or the Supreme Court move to oppose the executive, it will likely be too late to avoid serious ramifications and retaliation from abroad. Congress is unlikely to vote to overrule the president until the damage has already been done - especially given Trump's powers delegated from Congress.24 As for the courts, the executive could swamp them with justifications for its actions; the courts would have to deem the executive likely to lose every single one of these cases in order to issue a preliminary injunction against each of them and halt the president's orders. Any final Supreme Court ruling would take at least a year. International law would be neither speedy nor binding. The Impact Trump is deeply committed to a tougher trade stance, has few constraints, and his protectionism deeply resonated with key swing voters. We doubt he will settle for cosmetic changes and the establishment Republican "business as usual." This means China relations are a major risk, especially in the long run. We will expand on these tensions, which will become geopolitical, in an upcoming report. What happens if Trump pursues protectionism wholeheartedly? First, the good. On the margin, some trade protections could attract foreign companies to relocate to the U.S. and discourage American companies from outsourcing - boosting investment and wages. It could also help slow the decline of American manufacturing employment. A simple comparison with Europe and Japan shows that the decrease of manufacturing jobs has been more dramatic in the U.S., so policy may be able to conserve what is left (Chart 16). Second, the bad. All the developed countries have seen manufacturing jobs decrease, and not only because of globalization. Technological advancement has played a major role as well. You can block off foreign goods, but you cannot roll back the march of the automatons (Chart 17), as our colleagues at U.S. Investment Strategy recently pointed out.25 Trump's blue collar workers may realize, after four years of protectionism that jobs are not coming back while the WalMart bills are getting pricier. Who will they vote for after that realization sets in? Chart 16U.S. Manufacturing Decline##br## Sharper Than In Other DM U.S. Manufacturing Decline Sharper Than In Other DM U.S. Manufacturing Decline Sharper Than In Other DM Chart 17Reasons For Robots##br## To Replace Workers Reasons For Robots To Replace Workers Reasons For Robots To Replace Workers Third, the ugly. If the U.S. goes protectionist, it will pull the rug out from neoliberalism globally and provide cover for similar protectionist realignments around the world - retaliatory as well as copy-cat. A falling tide lowers all boats. Worse than that, the decline in trade, insofar as it forces countries to rely on domestic markets, pursue spheres of influence, and protect access to vital commodities, could spark military conflict. Germany and Japan both started World War II precisely because their autarkic fantasies required expansion and pre-emptive warfare. This would be the mercantilist future that we warned clients of earlier this year.26 None of this is a foregone conclusion. There is simply too little information to judge which way the Trump administration will go - and how fast. But the fact remains that on trade, more so than anything else, Trump will be unconstrained. Bottom Line: De-globalization is the major risk of the Trump presidency.27 How Trump handles relations with China in 2017 will be the key indicator of whether he aims to revolutionize U.S. trade policy to the detriment of global exports and growth. If he blows past the rule of law and imposes steep "retribution" tariffs or quotas right away, then fasten your seat belt. Investment Conclusions For several years we have warned clients that austerity is kaput.28 It was never politically sustainable in the post-Debt Supercycle, low -growth environment that followed the 2008 Great Recession. The pendulum is swinging hard the opposite way, with Trump's heavy-handed, somewhat haphazard approach, adding momentum. Once the U.S. moves against austerity, we expect policymakers in other countries to follow. In the near term, the carnage in long-dated Treasury markets may pause as investors overthink the constraints to "G." Bond yields have already moved quite a bit. Structurally, however, the 35-year bond bull market is over.29 We continue to recommend that clients play the 2-year/30-year Treasury curve steepener, a position that is in the black by 11.2 basis points since November 1. In the long term, Trump's anti-globalization policies will impact investors the most. More protectionism, less immigration, and dollar-bullish fiscal policies will all be negative for America's MNCs. Meanwhile, fiscal spending, a stronger USD, and corporate tax reform that benefits small and medium enterprises (SMEs) paying the high marginal tax rate will benefit Main Street. As such, the way to play de-globalization in the U.S. is to go long SMEs / short MNCs, a view that we will expand upon in an upcoming collaborative report with BCA's Global Alpha Sector Strategy. Beyond the U.S., de-globalization will favor domestic consumer-oriented sectors and countries and will imperil international export-oriented sectors and countries. We particularly fear for export-heavy emerging markets, which depend on globalization for both capital and market access. Developed markets should have an easier time transitioning into a more protectionist world. As such, we continue to recommend a structural overweight in DM versus EM. For the time being, we are booking gains on our long S&P 500 / short gold trade, for a gain of 11.53% since November 8, due to our concern that equities may have already priced-in the lifting of animal spirits but not the negatives of de-globalization. Near term risk also abounds for our high-beta positions such as our long Japanese equities trade (gain of 3.99% since initiation on September 26) and long USD/JPY (gain of 3.57%, same initiation day). We will book gains and look to reinitiate both at a later date, given that our positive view on Japan remains the same. We will also close our long European versus global equities view, for a small loss of 1.34%. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Transformative Vs. Transactional Leadership," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Election: The Great White Hype," dated March 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 In physics, the Heisenberg's uncertainty principle - fundamental to quantum mechanics - supposes that the more precisely the position of a particle is determined, the less precisely its momentum can be known. Trump does not merely "flip flop" on policy issues - as his opponent Secretary Hillary Clinton was often accused of doing - but literally embodies two opposing policy views at the same time. 4 #TrumpisnotLucifer. 5 Reconciliation is a legislative process in the U.S. Senate that limits debate on a budget bill to twenty hours, thus preventing the minority from using the filibuster to veto the process. The procedure has also been used to enact tax cuts. In both 2001 and 2003, the Republican-held Senate used the procedure to pass President George W. Bush's tax cuts. 6 Please see Paul Ryan, "A Better Way For Tax Reform," available at abetterway.speaker.gov. For analysis, please see Jim Nunns et al, "An Analysis of the House GOP Tax Plan," Tax Policy Center, September 16, 2016, available at www.taxpolicycenter.org. 7 A "flow-through" entity passes income on to the owners and/or investors. As such, the business can avoid double taxation, where both investors and the business are taxed. Only the investors and owners of a flow-through business are taxed on revenues. 8 Several groups would see no substantial tax cuts under the plan. Those making $15,000-$19,000 would see their tax rate increase from 10% to 12%. Those making $52,500-101,500 would see their rate stay the same at 25%, while those making $127,500-$200,500 would see their rate rise from 28% to 33%. Please see Jim Nunns et al, "An Analysis Of Donald Trump's Revised Tax Plan," Tax Policy Center, October 18, 2016, available at www.taxpolicycenter.org. 9 A favorable rate of 10% (4% for non-cash assets) will be applied to accumulated earnings prior to 2017, while future overseas earnings will be subject to the corporate tax rate of 15%. The Tax Policy Center projects that $148 billion worth of unpaid tax revenue can be collected through the "deemed" (mandatory) repatriation. 10 The Bush tax cuts were extended in the American Taxpayer Relief Act of 2012, with some exceptions, like for the highest income groups. 11 Please see "Trump Versus Clinton On Infrastructure," October 27, 2016, available at peternavarro.com. The Trump campaign initially implied a decade-long total investment of $1 trillion "Trump Infrastructure Plan," with the government contributing a seed amount. The $1 trillion infrastructure-gap estimate comes from the National Association of Manufacturers, "Build to Win," dated 2016, available at www.donaldjtrump.com. The Trump team has reduced its total infrastructure investment goal to $550 billion, a number reaffirmed on Trump's White House transition website, www.greatagain.gov. 12 Please see Daniella Diaz, "Steve Bannon: 'Darkness is good,'" CNN, November 19, 2016, available at edition.cnn.com. Bannon, Trump's chief strategist, said: "Like (Andrew) Jackson's populism, we're going to build an entirely new political movement ... It's everything related to jobs. The conservatives are going to go crazy. I'm the guy pushing a trillion-dollar infrastructure plan. With negative interest rates throughout the world, it's the greatest opportunity to rebuild everything. Shipyards, iron works, get them all jacked up. We're just going to throw it up against the wall and see if it sticks. It will be as exciting as the 1930s, greater than the Reagan revolution - conservatives, plus populists, in an economic nationalist movement." 13 Dynamic-scoring, also known as macroeconomic modeling, is a favorite tool of Republican legislators when passing tax cut legislation. It allows them to cut taxes and then score the impact on the budget deficit holistically, taking into consideration the supposed pro-growth impact of the legislation. However, there is no reason why Republicans, under Trump, could not use the methodology for infrastructure spending as well. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Nuthin' But A G Thang," dated August 12, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 By these executive orders, the Obama administration sought to prioritize the deportation of "high-risk" illegal immigrants while delaying action on more sympathetic groups. However, only one program was actually implemented (DACA), and both ground to a halt when the Supreme Court ordered an injunction. The justices concurred with lower courts that halted the programs as a result of the burden they would place on state finances. 16 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Immigration Wars: The Coming Battle For Skilled Migrants," dated March 13, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 The courts have already done the heavy lifting. Moreover the nullification of DACA only makes illegal immigrant children eligible for deportation, it does not necessitate that Trump actually deport them - that would require increasing the budget and capacity of Immigration and Customs Enforcement to cope with an additional four million deportees, all "low risk" and politically sympathetic. We doubt Trump will do this. 18 If Trump acts on his promise to make Mexico pay for the wall - a claim notably missing from his transition website greatagain.gov - then he may need to precipitate a foreign policy crisis (not to mention court opposition) through his own series of controversial executive orders. Alternatively, he could try to get Congress to amend the Patriot Act to allow the U.S. to extract payments from remittances from the U.S. to Mexico, but he would be at risk of a Senate filibuster. Both pose significant constraints. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Apex Of Globalization: All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see Lisa Reisman, "Nucor Provides Testimony To US House Ways And Means Committee On China Exchange Rate Policy," Metal Miner, September 16, 2010, available at www.agmetalminer.com. 21 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy, "China As A Currency Manipulator?" dated November 24, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 22 In what follows we are indebted to an excellent paper by Marcus Noland et al, "Assessing Trade Agendas In The US Presidential Campaign," Peterson Institute for International Economics, PIIE Briefing 16-6, dated September 2016, available at piie.com. 23 See in particular the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (Section 232b), the Trade Act of 1974 (Sections 122, 301), the Trading With The Enemy Act of 1917 (Section 5b), and the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977. 24 A Federal District Court and the Supreme Court ruled against Harry Truman's executive orders to seize steel mills during the Korean War, but Truman's lawyers did not provide a statutory basis for his actions - they simply argued that the constitution did not limit the president's powers! 25 Please see BCA U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Easier Fiscal, Tighter Money?," dated November 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 26 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 27 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "De-Globalization," dated November 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 28 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Austerity Is Kaput," dated May 8, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 29 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com.

Recommended Allocation Monthly Portfolio Update Monthly Portfolio Update The Meaning Of Trump Sudden large shocks in markets are rare. But the election of Donald Trump as U.S. President is one such. After a shock of this magnitude, markets tend initially to overreact, then correct, before settling on a new course. Market action since November 9th has caused many asset prices to overshoot short term. It is likely that U.S. bond yields, inflation expectations, the performance of bank and materials stocks, and the U.S. dollar (Chart 1) will correct over the next month or so, perhaps triggered by the Fed's likely rate hike on December 14th or simply by shifting expectations for Trump's economic policies. But what is the likely long-term course, which should set our asset allocation for the next 6 to 12 months? We think investors should take Trump at least partly at his word when he says he will enact tax cuts and increase infrastructure investment. BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service sees few constraints on Trump from Congress in the short term.1 The OECD in its latest Economic Outlook has given its imprimatur, arguing that "a stronger fiscal policy response is needed," and estimating that U.S. fiscal stimulus could add 0.1 percentage point to global growth next year and 0.3 points in 2018.2 If such a policy boosted growth and inflation, it would be negative for bonds. The only question, with 10-year U.S. Treasury bond yields having already risen by almost 100 bps since July, is how much of this is priced in. In the long run, government bond yields are broadly correlated with nominal GDP growth (Chart 2). In H1 2016, U.S. nominal GDP growth was 2.7%, and for 2016 as a whole probably about 3.2%. If it picks up to 4-5% in 2017 (2.5-3% real, plus inflation of 1.5-2%), an additional rise of 50-100 bps in the 10-year yield would not be surprising (though ECB and BoJ asset purchases might somewhat limit the rise in yields). Moreover, growth was already accelerating before Trump's victory. The effects of 2015's commodity shock and industrial and profits recessions have passed, with U.S. Q3 GDP growth revised up to 3.2% and the Fed's NowCasting models suggesting 2.5%-3.6% for Q4. The Citi Economic Surprise Index has surprised on the upside in recent weeks both in the U.S. and Europe - though not in emerging markets (Chart 3). And the Q3 earnings season in the U.S. was well above expectations, with EPS coming in at +3.3% YoY (compared to a consensus forecast pre-results of -2.2%). Analysts' forecasts for 2017 EPS growth are a comparatively modest 11%. Chart 1Some Short-Term Overshoots bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c1 bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c1 Chart 2Bond Yields Relate To Nominal Growth bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c2 bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c2 Chart 3Growth Was Already Surprising On The Upside Growth Was Already Surprising On The Upside Growth Was Already Surprising On The Upside But whether this new world will be positive for equities is harder to answer. Trump's unpredictability raises policy uncertainty: how much emphasis, for example, will he put on trade protectionism or confrontational foreign policy? This should raise the risk premium. The Fed's response will also be key. Futures have now priced in the rate hike in December and (almost) the two further rate hikes in the Fed's dots for 2017 (Chart 4). But the market still sees the long-term equilibrium rate (as expressed in five-year five-year forwards) as only just over 2%, compared to the Fed's 2.9%. And, although Janet Yellen has suggested that the Fed will act only after Trump's policies take effect ("We will be watching the decisions that Congress makes and updating our economic outlook as the policy landscape becomes clearer," she said), if core PCE inflation continues to pick up in 2017 beyond the current 1.7% and a strong stimulus package is implemented, the Fed might accelerate its rate hikes. More worryingly, Trump's fundamental views on monetary policy are unknown: does he, as a businessman, like low rates, or will he listen to his "hard money" advisers who believe the Fed has been too lax? Since he can appoint six FOMC governors in his first year in office, he will be able to influence monetary policy. Too fast a rise in Fed rates would be negative for equities. On balance, in this environment we see equities outperforming bonds over the next 12 months. It is unusual for the stock-to-bond ratio to decline outside of a global recession (Chart 5) - and, with the extra boost from fiscal policy (with Trump possibly joined by Japan, the U.K., China and others), a recession is unlikely over our forecast horizon. Chart 4Market Has Priced In 2017 Fed Hikes - ##br##But Not The Long-Term bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c4 bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c4 Chart 5Stocks Don't Often ##br##Underperform Outside Recession bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c5 bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c5 Accordingly, we are raising our recommendation for global equities to overweight, and lowering bonds to underweight. The problem is timing: we recognize that there may be a better entry point over the next couple of months. Some investors may, therefore, want to implement the change gradually. In addition, some recent market moves are not fundamentally justified: for example, we cannot see how the materials sector would be a significant beneficiary from a Trump fiscal stimulus. We plan to make further detailed adjustments to our equity country and sector recommendations and bond-class recommendations in the next Quarterly Portfolio Update, to be published on December 15th. Currencies: Stronger U.S. growth and tighter monetary policy suggest that the USD will continue to appreciate. The dollar looks somewhat expensive but is still well below the peak of overvaluation at the end of previous bouts of strength in 1985 and 2002. The Bank of Japan's policy of capping the 10-year JGB yield at 0% has worked well (pushing the yen down by 12% against the dollar in the past two months) and, as rates elsewhere rise, this implies further long-run yen weakness. The euro is likely to weaken less, with eurozone growth recently surprising on the upside and the ECB therefore likely to reconsider the amount of asset purchases at some point next year, though probably not at its meeting on December 8th. Emerging market currencies continue to look particularly vulnerable. Equities: In common currency terms, U.S. equities are more attractive than European ones. In local currency terms, however, the call is closer since the strong dollar will depress U.S. earnings relative to those in Europe, and an acceleration of global economic growth should help the more cyclical eurozone stock market. On the other hand, Europe faces structural issues, such as the chronically poor profitability of its banking system, and political risk from a series of upcoming elections (starting with the Italian referendum on December 4th). We continue to like Japan (on a currency hedged basis) and expect that the BoJ's policy will be bolstered by government fiscal and employment policies. We remain underweight on emerging markets. They have always been vulnerable during periods of dollar strength, and political side-effects from their bout of economic weakness in 2011-5 are starting to spread, recently to Turkey, Malaysia, India, Brazil, Korea and South Africa. Fixed Income: The risk of tighter Fed policy and higher yields suggest investors should remain underweight duration. We have liked U.S. TIPS over nominal bonds all year and, with 10-year breakeven inflation still only at 1.8%, they remain attractive in the current environment. We reduced high-yield bonds to neutral on September 30th, on the grounds that investors were no longer being sufficiently compensated for default risk: they have subsequently given -3% return, while equities rallied. We recommend investment grade credits for those investors who need to pick up yield (Chart 6). Commodities: After the OPEC agreement on production cuts, we expect the oil price to move towards $55 in the first few months of 2017 as inventories are drawn down. Over the longer run the risk is to the upside as a dearth of new projects, following cancellations last year, will tighten the supply/demand balance. Metals prices have strengthened since Trump's victory, with the CRB Raw Industrials Index up sharply (Chart 7). This makes little sense. Trump's stimulus will be centered on tax, not infrastructure. China remains a far more important factor: the U.S. represented only 7% of global steel consumption in 2015, for example, compared to 43% for China. And China's recent stimulus is running out of steam. Chart 6Yield On Investment Grade Credits ##br##Still Attractive Yield On Investment Grade Credits Still Attractive Yield On Investment Grade Credits Still Attractive Chart 7Trump Shouldn't Have ##br##This Much Effect On Metals Prices bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c7 bca.gaa_mu_2016_11_30_c7 Garry Evans, Senior Vice President Global Asset Allocation garry@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report,"U.S. Election: Outcomes and Investment Implications," dated November 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see OECD Global Economic Outlook, November 2016, available at http://www.oecd.org/economy/outlook/economicoutlook.htm. Recommended Asset Allocation