Economy

Highlights Biden has enough political capital to pass at least one more major piece of legislation. The next major bill will increase the budget deficit further, adding additional stimulus, though it will consist of structural reforms over a ten-year time frame and with a drag created by tax hikes. Our annual key views are on track: polarization has subsided but remains at peak levels from a historical point of view; structural reform is underway, although any chance of bipartisanship is slipping; the Republicans remain deeply divided despite some signs of regrouping. Investors should remain cyclically bullish although the sharp rise in bond yields, the bounce in the US dollar, China’s growth deceleration, and geopolitical risks all warrant tactical caution in the near term. Feature The first quarter of the year brought a few political surprises – from the Capitol Hill riot to Trump’s second impeachment – but the only significant surprise for the American investor was the Democratic victory in the Georgia Senate runoffs. This victory changed the policy setting, producing a Democratic majority in the US Senate and enabling the Biden administration to project three budget reconciliation bills (for FY2021, 2022, 2023) that require zero Republican votes.  The first of these bills was signed into law promptly as expected. The $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act consists of short-term cash handouts and social spending that will supercharge an economic recovery that is rapidly accelerating due to the rollout of vaccines for COVID-19 (Chart 1). Chart 1American Rescue Plan Boosts GDP The second major piece of legislation, likely the budget reconciliation bill for FY2022, will consist of net increases to the budget deficit, thus further stimulating the economy, albeit along with structural reform, i.e. social safety net and tax hikes, and a 10-year time horizon. In the second quarter investors will learn the parameters of the bill through Biden’s address to a joint session of Congress, an idealistic presidential budget proposal, a more realistic House and Senate budget resolution, and an extended negotiation. Yet Biden’s second bill will probably not be signed into law until the third or even fourth quarter. Big Government Is Back The American Rescue Plan Act cements a new era of “Big Government” that should be ascribed not to any particular party but to underlying populist pressures in the United States. President Trump’s big-spending ways and pandemic relief packages had already produced a major step up in the government contribution to economic output, as shown in Chart 2, and this will go higher once Biden’s 8.7% of GDP bill is added to the mix. This increase in the government role is likely to last beyond the pandemic given that President Trump had already taught the Republicans that fiscal austerity does not win votes. Republicans will still be the party of “limited government” but that is a relative concept and they will not be able to win elections on a platform of slashing spending, at least not until stagflation returns. In the meantime they are out of power and tax-and-spend liberals rule the roost. Chart 2Era Of Big Government Is Back Our updated budget projections show that the decline of stimulus spending will be gradual in the coming years if Biden delivers his second reconciliation bill for FY2022 (Chart 3). Major changes from previous versions have to do with changes to the Congressional Budget Office’s baseline outlook. Our new Democratic Low Spending scenario assumes a $2 trillion dollar green/infrastructure package, a $1 trillion health care reform, and a roughly $2 trillion increase in tax revenue. The Democrats will raise taxes – at least partially repealing Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act and raising a few other taxes. We expect the market to be negatively surprised by the magnitude of tax hikes, at least initially, though the upside risk to the equity market is that tax hikes will be watered down by moderate Democrats in the Senate. We would not bet on a positive tax surprise because even moderate Democrats are in favor of taxing corporations and the wealthy, the taxes can be phased in over a 10-year period, and the economy is on a cyclical upswing combined with mammoth new spending programs. Chart 3US Budget Deficit Booms Under Biden Our presumption that Biden will sign his second major bill into law this fall (even as late as December) rests on the vulnerability of his administration and party. Traditional Democrats, embodied by Biden, Democratic leaders in Congress, and Biden’s technocratic cabinet (Appendix), face a historic accumulation of political pressure from their populist left-wing and from Trump’s populist Republican Party. If they cannot deliver on major “bread and butter” promises to the American people, while including just enough progressive elements to keep the far left at bay, they risk extinction in coming election cycles. This pressure is real and will enable at least one more major legislative achievement. Bottom Line: Government spending has taken a big step up and Biden’s second major legislative initiative will ensure that the step up is permanent rather than a temporary response to a crisis. The macro impact is inflationary on the margin. Biden’s Second Reconciliation Bill Is the Biden administration over-stimulating the economy and setting the US up for overheating? It looks like it, though the size of tax hikes is as yet unknown. Going forward the stock market will be extremely attentive to two risks that cut in different directions: excessive stimulus and excessive tax hikes. The American Rescue Plan alone is more than twice as large as the estimated output gap. The output gap is widely expected to be closed by the end of the year (Chart 4). Even a $1 trillion infrastructure package – much lower than the currently rumored $3 trillion – would be excessive in this context. Chart 4Output Gap Is Virtually Closed The infrastructure package that is being planned – which would include a range of measures in addition to roads and bridges, such as green energy projects, supply chain on-shoring, and digital infrastructure – would take place over a ten-year period and will be coupled with a drag from new taxes. A modern-age infrastructure plan would boost productivity and hence potential GDP growth, which could offset some of the inflationary impact. Speculatively, the simplest path for achieving Biden’s objectives would be to put his health care reform (with other welfare proposals) in the FY2022 reconciliation bill along with tax reform. Tax changes are the purpose of the reconciliation process. Unlike infrastructure, health provisions are virtually guaranteed to pass the arcane rules of reconciliation. This is not a minor concern: the Senate parliamentarian ruled out a federal minimum wage hike in the American Rescue Plan because it was not directly germane to government revenues and expenditures and could do the same to infrastructure. Bear in mind that the Obama administration passed a key component of the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) via reconciliation, setting a precedent that health care is germane. More broadly the Democratic Party has prioritized health care since 1992, now has a chance to clinch it, and has repeatedly benefited at the ballot box on the health agenda. Infrastructure, unlike health and tax reform, could conceivably pass in a regular bill, or piecemeal in annual spending bills, in which Biden would wheel and deal to try to get 60 votes (50 Democrats, 10 Republicans). However, the latest rumors as we go to press suggest the Democrats will prioritize infrastructure and link it to tax reform. Republicans will not vote for tax hikes so reconciliation would still be required in this case. Reconciliation is trickier with infrastructure spending than with health care, though not impossible. What is clear is that Biden’s agenda is too large to fit into one bill, that tax hikes are being planned, and that reconciliation is necessary for tax hikes. Based on our scenarios in Table 1, every realistic scenario involves an increase to the budget deficit, ranging from around $500 billion to $5.4 trillion over the 10-year period. Therefore the economy will receive additional stimulus on top of the unprecedented peacetime stimulus it has already received. Table 1Scenarios For Biden’s Second Reconciliation Bill Two other gleanings from Q1 bear mentioning: Biden’s policies on trade and immigration. On trade, Biden is coopting Trump’s hawkish China policy while trying to improve trade relations with allies and partners. The trade deficit is set to expand along with economic recovery and stimulus, resulting in larger twin deficits (Chart 5). This trend should weigh on the US dollar – but the dollar has strengthened so far this year. Given the US’s inherent strengths – rule of law, innovation, faster relative growth – and the structural rise in global geopolitical tensions, covered regularly by our twin Geopolitical Strategy, we are loathe to bet against a rising dollar. However, investors should note that the BCA House View expects the dollar to relapse and the dollar bear market to continue. On immigration, Biden faces his greatest domestic policy challenge. By easing border and immigration enforcement amid a hyper-charged economic recovery, he has invited a large flow of immigrants and refugees (Chart 6). He is thus forced to take urgent border actions to staunch the flow. If he does what is necessary to maintain order then he will widen the rift with the far left. Meanwhile Republicans are finding an issue over which they can start to reunite. Chart 5US Twin Deficits Balloon Chart 6Immigration A Looming Problem For Biden Bottom Line: The air of crisis is dissipating rapidly and proposed tax hikes will motivate opposition but Biden still has enough political capital to get at least one more budget reconciliation bill passed. The bill will focus on health/welfare (easier to pass but more inflationary) or infrastructure (harder but better for productivity). Either way the net deficit impact will be negative and the dual risk of higher taxes and economic overheating will create hurdles for the stock market rally.   Updating Our Three Key Views For 2021 How do the events of Q1 impact our three key views for 2021? At the start of the year we forecast (1) that the US’s political polarization would subside but remain at historically peak levels; (2) that the US would launch major structural reforms, in some cases on a bipartisan basis; (3) that Republican disunity would enable this contradictory environment of polarization yet occasional bipartisanship. Based on the first quarter’s events, we would draw the following conclusions for the second quarter and beyond: 1.   Peak Polarization: Polarization has indeed subsided (Chart 7). The country is still vulnerable to major polarizing events, including domestic extremists of whatever stripe, though any major terrorist attack would likely strengthen support for the sitting government. A fall in polarization is just one positive factor in Biden’s overall political capital, which we measure through our US Political Capital Index (Table 2). We consider Biden’s political capital moderate-to-strong because consumer confidence and the economy will likely improve. However, passing legislation will gradually get harder. The Obama administration had considerably greater strength in the Senate than the Biden administration, though, as mentioned, reconciliation guarantees Biden one or two more major pieces of legislation (Chart 8). Democrats can still overturn the filibuster, which requires a 60-vote majority on regular legislation, as we have long highlighted. But for now they seem to accept a watering-down of the filibuster (a “talking filibuster”) that will still give the minority Republicans the ability to halt controversial legislation. Chart 7Polarization Slips But Remains Elevated Table 2Biden’s Political Capital Is Moderate To Strong Chart 8Major Legislation Can Pass Early In Presidential Term 2.   Bipartisan Structural Reform: The fact that not a single Republican senator voted for the American Rescue Plan Act, despite the lingering pandemic and air of crisis, suggests that bipartisanship is extremely limited, e.g. limited to the seven Republican senators who voted to convict Trump (Table 3). However, bipartisanship is still possible on an infrastructure package if the Democrats do not link it with tax hikes. Table 3Centrist Senators – And Republicans Who Voted To Convict Trump Beneath the surface there is bipartisanship when it comes to trade, supply chains, and countering China. Tariffs bottomed under the Obama administration and Biden started off with another round of “Buy America” provisions and a tentative decision to maintain Trump’s tariffs on China (Chart 9). Measures to boost US supply chain resilience in technology, health, and defense could be rolled up into an infrastructure package to help garner 10 Republican votes. Republicans have prepared for possible compromise by clearing the way for the use of “earmarks,” or constituency-based legislative incentives, otherwise known as pork-barrel spending.  Chart 9Tarriff Levels Bottomed Under Obama The market currently expects an infrastructure bill to pass, as indicated by the outperformance of infrastructure-related stocks, industrials, and materials relative to the market. Our BCA Infrastructure basket is outperforming (Chart 10). The market does not currently expect the Democrats to focus on health care policy, which creates the likelihood of a negative surprise for this sector (Chart 11). Chart 10Market Says Infrastructure Will Pass (One Way Or Another) The managed health care sub-sector (the insurance companies) staged a surprise rally over the past month that should reverse as Biden’s legislative proposals become known. However, Big Pharma and biotech continue to sell off as expected. Again, the simplest FY2022 reconciliation bill would consist of Biden’s health reform plus tax reform. The market is having some doubts about Democrats’ climate change agenda, which will be stuffed into the infrastructure package, given that the US renewable energy index has rolled over relative to global renewables. US cyclicals are also outperforming renewables (Chart 12). If Democrats do not use reconciliation, they may not get many green projects passed. If they do use reconciliation, their health and welfare reforms will have to wait until a FY2023 reconciliation bill that may not get passed. Chart 11More Pain Coming For Health Insurers, Big Pharma Chart 12Market Skeptical About Biden Climate Agenda Passage   3.   Republicans In The Wilderness: Although Republicans have begun to regroup faster than many expected, the divisions within the party have not been healed and will continue to flare up in disputes that threaten to wreck the party. Trump and the populist wing are preparing to put up primary election challengers to establishment Republican senators and representatives who voted against Trump or otherwise who vote against his “America First” agenda. Yet it is possible that 10 Republicans will find it impossible to vote against Biden’s infrastructure package if it is well-designed regarding supply chains and China and not linked with tax hikes. Trump could split the party via his personal following (which may be enhanced by a new social media outlet) and his ability to divide the party’s votes if he forms a “Patriot Party.” We recently showed, via the “Prisoner’s Dilemma” in game theory, that the Republicans must choose a Trumpist agenda of fiscal largesse, trade protectionism, and border security if they are to succeed. Yet Trump may or may not choose to run for president again or form a third party. The result is that Trump is more likely than not to be the Republican candidate in 2024 but there are huge risks to the party’s coherence as the party establishment tries to convince Trump to bow out and support a successor (Diagram 1). The point is that Trump remains a loose cannon and is capable of dividing the party single-handedly. Since investors cannot predict Trump’s behavior they should not expect the Republicans to unite in the near term. Diagram 1Game Theory Says Republicans Will Court Trump Bottom Line: Our three key views for 2021 are broadly on track – polarization is subsiding but still near peak levels, structural reform is underway (though bipartisanship is clearly at risk), and the Republicans remain divided and ineffectual. The Democrats’ handling of their infrastructure package will determine if bipartisanship can reinforce structural reform but the FY2022 reconciliation process enables them to achieve some reform regardless. Investment Takeaways The Federal Reserve expects GDP to grow by 6.5% in 2021 as a whole (up from the 4.2% estimate in December) and the unemployment rate to fall to 4.5% by the end of the year (down from 5% previously). Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen is expected to predict full employment by 2022. Households are likely to spend at least a third of the $699 billion in dole money they receive (stimulus checks and topped-up unemployment benefits), according to surveys highlighted by our Global Investment Strategy. This summer will have a party on every block, whether authorized or not. While details are scant about the exact makeup of the Biden administration’s next major legislation, what is clear is that it will have a net negative impact on the budget balance. Democrats will raise taxes but not so much as to jeopardize the economic recovery and their election prospects in 2022-24. This ultra-easy fiscal policy coincides with an ultra-easy monetary policy in which the Fed has insisted it will not raise rates through 2023. The market expects four rate hikes by that time, which would put the Fed funds rate at about 1.1%. The Fed will eventually have to adjust its path for the Fed funds rate and start thinking about thinking about tapering asset purchases. But the main thing to remember is that the Fed has committed to generating an inflation overshoot.   In this context, US investors should be cyclically bullish albeit tactically guarded given the sharp rise in bond yields and rising dollar. A pro-cyclical orientation would favor small caps over large caps, cyclicals over defensives, and value over growth stocks. All of these positions have recently met with some resistance and could face a healthy near-term correction. Cyclical stocks are historically very elevated relative to defensives (Chart 13). But over a 12-month period the recovery and stimulus will reinforce the bullish view, as rising bond yields will not stop equities from rising if the Fed stands pat. Chart 13Cyclicals Look Toppy Versus Defensives The chief risks to the pro-cyclical orientation stem from any breakout in the US dollar, the rollover in China’s growth momentum, and the Biden administration’s tax hikes and foreign policy challenges. These risks are all immediate and serious, especially given high stock market valuations. China’s policy tightening will not be fully felt in the economy until the second half of the year and Biden’s specific foreign policy challenges can result in negative geopolitical shocks at any time this year or over the next four years. The point is to buy on the dips unless surprise events fundamentally alter the reflationary cyclical backdrop. With regard to equity sectors, our US Political Risk Matrix highlights the chief policy risks to our US Equity Strategy’s views. Generally speaking Biden poses upside risks to industrials and consumer discretionary sectors and downside risks to energy, health care, tech, and communications (Table 4). After a quarter’s worth of information on markets and policy, these views are mostly confirmed: stay cyclically bullish on industrials and financials, bearish on tech and health care. Table 4US Political Risk Matrix In the case of energy we continue to be neutral-to-bullish over a 12-month time horizon as long as demand is recovering, global inventories are drawing down, and the immediate geopolitical scene is conducive to tit-for-tat attacks in the Middle East, as is the case in the first half of the year. But Biden’s regulatory risks and disruptive climate change agenda can bring negative surprises for US oil producers and Biden’s foreign policy would ultimately be positive for Middle East oil supply. In the case of communications services we are neutral-to-bearish. The Biden administration is allied with Big Tech but it is tightening regulation and anti-trust enforcement gradually to gain greater control over the sector.1 The Treasury selloff is set to continue. Yields are starting to reach pre-COVID levels and have a way to go until they challenge 2018 levels. From peak to trough in the Bloomberg Barclays Treasury Index, the current selloff is not as bad as in the past four recoveries, as our US Bond Strategy has shown. As the economic rebound shows up in hard data over the course of this year, the Fed’s revised expectations will confirm the bond selloff in the financial market. We would thus favor high-yield corporate bonds. We remain overweight TIPS and municipal bonds relative to duration-matched nominal bonds. In recent years presidential approval has correlated remarkably well with the stock-to-bond ratio about two months later (Chart 14). The implication is that higher presidential approval is consistent with receding uncertainty and greater consumer optimism about the economy, which is reflected in rising bond yields and share prices. Neither Biden’s approval rating nor the stock-to-bond ratio is likely to go much higher without a consolidation phase, however, as implied by the chart. Chart 14Stock-To-Bond Ratio Needs A Breather In Q2 Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Table A1BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment   Table A1CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Table A2Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Footnotes 1     Biden is expected to nominate anti-trust scholar Lina Khan for FTC commissioner.  

Special Report

Dear client, Next week, in lieu of our weekly report, I will be hosting a webcast on Tuesday, March 30 at 9:00 am HKT and Tuesday, March 30 at 10:00 am EDT. In the webcast, I will share our outlook on China’s post-pandemic economic and policy dynamics. Best regards, Jing Sima, China Strategist   Highlights China is aiming for a massive adoption of new energy vehicles (NEVs) to help achieve its 2030 peak carbon dioxide emissions target. The country’s NEV share of total vehicle sales will likely rise significantly to 40% in 2030, from only 5.4% in 2020. This will translate into a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 24%-25% in Chinese NEV sales in this decade. China will become increasingly competitive and important in the global NEV supply chain. The country will maintain its leading position in global electric vehicle battery production while reducing its dependence on imported auto chips.   The Chinese NEV production/sales boom will likely reduce the country’s crude oil consumption while increasing the country’s copper demand during 2021-2030. It will also impact more positively on nickel and lithium demand than on cobalt demand. The Chinese NEV stocks could be a good long-term investment, but we recommend waiting for a better entry point. Feature China's production and sales of new energy vehicles (NEVs) have ranked first in the world for six consecutive years. The country’s NEV sales quadrupled during 2015-2020, propelled by supporting policies such as significant amounts of subsidies to buyers.  We believe China will continue to be the leader in both global NEV sales and production this decade. The country’s NEV production and sales will get supercharged by continuing favorable polices and increasing consumers’ interest in NEVs. Many market-driven factors, including falling NEV prices, longer driving range per charge, rapid expansion in the NEV charging/battery-swapping network, as well as new functions including autonomous driving and more software applications-based services, will accelerate NEV adoption in China during 2021-2030. According to the country’s NEV development roadmap, the NEV share of total vehicle sales in China aims to rise to at least 40% in 2030, from only 5.4% in 2020. This will likely translate to a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 24%-25% in Chinese NEV sales in this decade. In 2030, the NEV sales in units could be eight to nine times its 2020 level, rising from 1.37 million units to 12-13 million units (Chart 1). Benefiting from the massive scale of the domestic NEV market, China will become increasingly competitive and important in the global NEV supply chain. The country will maintain its leading position in global electric vehicle battery production while reducing its dependence on imported auto chips. The Chinese NEV production/sales boom will help reduce transportation fuel consumption, leading to less carbon dioxide emissions (Chart 2).  Chart 1Chinese NEV Sales: A Supercharged Decade Ahead Chart 2China: Booming NEV Sales Reduce Oil Demand, Leading To Less CO2 Emissions In addition, the country’s copper demand will likely be increase due to booming NEV production during 2021-2030. Meanwhile, the impact will be more positive on nickel and lithium demand than on cobalt demand. Given such  significant growth ahead for the Chinese NEV market, we believe Chinese NEV-related stocks are a potential good buy, but we recommend waiting for a better entry point.   China’s NEV Market: A Supercharged Decade Chinese NEV market is entering a supercharged decade (Box 1). Box 1 Our Forecast Of China’s NEV Sales In 2030 Our estimates of China’s NEV sales in 2030 were derived from two assumptions. First, we assume the NEV share of total Chinese automobile sales in 2030 to be 40%. Based on last October’s report, “Technology Roadmap 2.0 for Energy-Saving and New Energy Vehicles,” published by the China Society of Automotive Engineers (China-SAE), the China-SAE projects that NEVs will account for at least 40% of total automobile sales in China in 2030. The China-SAE is under the supervision of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT). Second, as car ownership – the share of households owning one car – has already risen to over 50% in China, we assume the CAGR of the country’s automobile sales will slow to 1.5%-2.5% in the next decade from 3.4% in the past decade. Based on this assumption, China’s automobile annual sales will likely increase to 29-32 million units in 2030. What Are The Underlying Drivers For Such Significant Growth? First, the interest in buying a NEV is rapidly growing in China. In a September 2020 survey done by Roland Berger, 80% of surveyed potential car buyers in China were considering buying an electric vehicle as their next car, the highest among major economies (Chart 3). Last year, this surveyed number for China was only 60%. We believe this shift in buying intention will continue and will consequently translate into a boom in NEV sales during 2021-2030. NEV battery costs have decreased by nearly 90% since 2010 and will continue to fall (Chart 4). This will drive down average NEV selling prices as the battery in general accounts 40-45% of the total production cost of NEVs, thereby making them more appealing to buyers. Chart 3China: Rising Interest In NEV Purchases Chart 4NEV Battery Costs Will Continue To Fall The average driving range per charge for NEVs will continue to rise. The average driving mileage per charge in China has nearly doubled, from 190km in 2016 to 360km in 2019.1 Currently, a growing proportion of NEV vehicles on the market can even achieve a mileage of 600km and above with a single charge. This is already comparable to traditional gasoline-powered vehicles, which can also cover approximately 600km per fuel tank.  More models with a wide range of selling prices will soon be on the market. Last June, the cheapest electric car with a selling price of only RMB 28,800 (about US$4,000) was released into the Chinese market. Since then the sales of this model have quickly surpassed the Tesla Model 3 to become the hottest seller in China. This shows consumer enthusiasm for affordable NEVs. In the meantime, the success of Tesla electric cars in China demonstrated Chinese consumers’ strong interest in high-quality and expensive NEVs. Chart 5China Has The Most NEV Models In The World Chart 5 shows that China is the country with most electric vehicle models in the world. The number of available electric vehicle models  was 227 in China in 2019, significantly higher than all other individual countries. According to McKinsey, more than 250 new battery electric vehicle (BEV) and plug-in hybrid electric vehicle (PHEV) models will be introduced in the next two years alone. Most of these models will likely be sold in China, adding more purchase options for Chinese consumers. Faster charging time for EV batteries as well as expanding charging/battery-swapping networks are in the making. This will greatly reduce recharge waiting time for NEV drivers. Chart 6Chinese NEV Charging Infrastructure: The Rapid Expansion Will Continue Based on the data from the China Electric Vehicle Charging Infrastructure Promotion Alliance (EVCIPA), the number of both public and private charging poles has increased significantly from 2015 to 2020. In addition,  the number of private ones has already exceeded the number of public ones each year since 2017 (Chart 6). The rapid expansion in the country’s charging station network will continue. The number of total charging poles will likely rise from 1.7 million units to the government’s target of 5 million units in 2025. In addition, Wood Mackenzie last May forecasted this number could reach 9.8 million units in 2030. Roland Berger last September reported that the number of charging locations per 100 km of roadway was about 6.1 in China, significantly higher than 2.2 in Germany and 0.5 in the US (Chart 7). In terms of the number of charging stations per 1000 NEVs, China has also significantly exceeded other major automobile producing countries (Chart 8). Chart 7The Number Of Charging Locations Per 100 km Of Roadway Is Higher In China Than In Many Other Countries… Chart 8…The Same Is True Of The Number Of Charging Stations Per 1,000 NEVs Meanwhile, the Chinese government is also promoting an expansion of battery-swapping networks. The Chinese auto manufacturer Nio has been the leader in this area. The company currently has a network of 178 battery-swapping stations located in and between major cities such as Beijing and Shenzhen; by the end of the year, it plans to have 500 stations. The battery-swapping time for the Nio EV now can be as fast as 90 seconds, even faster than fueling up with gasoline. EVs will become increasingly equipped with functions such as autonomous driving and more software applications-based services. EVs will also become more integrated with intelligent and interactive networks. All these features will make EVs more attractive to automobile buyers.  Second, with the 2030 target for peak emissions, the Chinese authorities will likely continue to develop favorable polices for the domestic NEV sector. China’s key policy support tools for NEVs include tax reductions, direct subsidies to manufacturers, consumer subsidies, and mandated government procurements. In the past, China has provided immense support for NEVs by spending billions of dollars on direct subsidies to manufacturers2 and on consumer subsidy programs.3 In the future, the country’s policy focus will be on NEV charging/battery-swapping network development as well as on NEV-related technology research and investment. For example, since 2019, auto manufacturers have received credits for each NEV produced. The credits take into consideration factors such as the type of vehicle, as well as its maximum speed, energy consumption, weight, and range. This measure will encourage NEV automakers to put more emphasis on technological change. These government supports of technology and network development, coupled with strong interest in NEV purchases by domestic consumers, should offset the impact of the government’s reduced direct subsidies for NEV production and sales. China has reduced overall direct subsidies to both NEV manufacturers and consumers, and vehicles must meet minimum technical and performance criteria to qualify. In 2021, subsidies will be reduced by 20% on NEVs for personal use, and by 10% on NEVs for public transport, including buses and taxis, from their respective 2020 level. In addition, NEV subsidies and tax exemptions will expire at the end of 2022 and subsidies will be limited to 2 million NEVs per year from 2020 to 2022. A vehicle price limit for passenger cars of CNY300,000 has also been introduced. The NEV subsidy level is currently less in China than in European countries as well as in the US, showing the Chinese NEV market’s diminishing dependence on subsidies. Bottom Line: The country’s NEV production and sales will get supercharged by continuing favorable polices and by increasing consumer interest in NEVs during 2021-2030. We expect China’s NEV sales to reach 12 to 13 million units in 2030, eight to nine times its 2020 level of 1.37 million units. Growing China’s Competitiveness In The Global NEV Supply Chain The global NEV market has two main subsectors – plug-in hybrid electric vehicles (PHEV) and battery electric vehicles (BEV). The former can be operated in either the electric-powered mode or internal-combustion engines (ICE) mode. The BEVs can only run in electric mode and are also called pure electric vehicles. Traditional ICE vehicle manufacturers from Europe, US, Japan, and South Korea have more competitive advantages in the global PHEV subsector supply chain due to their long-term dominance in the global traditional ICE vehicle market. Chart 9BEVs Account For Over 80% Of Chinese NEV Sales China has been putting more focus on the new BEV market as it has enabled a level playing field with traditional ICE vehicle players. Hence, China has stronger competitiveness in the global BEV subsector. BEVs account for approximately 82% of Chinese NEV sales (Chart 9). According to China-SAE, this ratio could reach 95% by 2035 as China will increase its development of the BEV market and the adoption of BEV vehicle options.   We expect China’s competitiveness will continue to grow along the global NEV supply chain, especially in the BEV subsector. Having the largest domestic NEV market in the world gives China the advantage of attracting NEV manufacturers and building a more integrated global supply chain. During 2017-2020, accumulated world NEV sales were about 8.8 million units, with the largest share of 49% coming from China, higher than 31% for Europe and 14% for the US (Chart 10).   China is the largest NEV battery producer in the global NEV supply chain. The battery is the most important component of a NEV, and its technological progress holds the key to transitioning away from fossil fuel dependence. Data shows that six out of the world’s top ten NEV battery producers are Chinese companies, together accounting for 41% of global battery sales in kwh last year (Chart 11). Chinese company CATL has been the largest NEV battery producer for the past four years. Chart 10China Has The Largest NEV Market In The World Chart 11Chinese Companies: Major Players In The Global NEV Battery Market The development of charging/battery-swapping infrastructure will continue to be faster in China than in other countries/regions due to the country’s much larger scale of EV users and related policy support. This allows China to collect more NEV charging-related data, which may be used to improve the country’s NEV manufacturing process, charging pole production, and the country’s charging infrastructure development.  The development of the 5G network is much more advanced in China than in any other countries. This allows NEV makers to work closely with IT/internet companies such as Huawei, Baidu, Tencent and Alibaba to test integrated applications such as the autonomous driving and AI functions of NEVs. This will help promote the technology advancement related to NEVs in all aspects in China. Chart 12Chinas NEV Net Exports Are Set To Go Up Due to its competitive advantages, China has become a net exporter of electric vehicles (Chart 12). In 2019, Chinese NEV sales abroad accounted for only 1.7% of the world total in US dollar terms, far below the US (31%), Germany (15%), and South Korea (9%). We expect growing competitiveness will allow China to gain share in global NEV exports. The area China needs to work on the most along the NEV supply chain is the design/manufacturing of automotive chips. There is still no Chinese company among the top ten global auto chip semiconductor companies based on sales revenue (Chart 13). Chart 13China’s Greatest Weaknesses Lie In Automotive Chip Design/Manufacturing Non-Chinese companies account for about 90% of the global auto chip supply while China contributes no more than 5%. The current automotive chip shortage has done much more severe damage to automakers in China than in any other country. Bloomberg recently reported the global auto industry might lose US$61 billion of 2021 sales from chip shortages, with 42% of the losses from China. In the recent National People’s Congress, the Chinese government reiterated the importance of addressing this weak link, with an urgency on reducing the country’s dependence on foreign auto chips. Bottom Line: China will become globally more competitive in the NEV supply chain. Impact On Commodity Markets The evolution in China’s NEV markets in this decade will have various impacts on commodities such as crude oil, copper, nickel, cobalt, and lithium. During 2021-2030, massive NEV adoption will only modestly reduce Chinese crude oil consumption for the transportation sector, while significant growth in NEV/charging pole/battery production will increase the country’s copper demand. Meanwhile, as NEV battery production requires raw materials including nickel, cobalt and lithium, rapid growth in NEV battery production will also have different impacts on these commodity markets.    Crude oil: In 2019, the total number of vehicles in China was 252.6 million units and the country’s total gasoline and diesel consumption was about 6,800 thousand barrels per day (kbpd) of crude oil equivalent. This equals 26.7 kbpd per 1000 vehicles. Annual NEV sales in China will rise from 1.37 million units in 2020 to about 12 million units in 2030. Assuming all these NEVs are only using their electric battery, this will cut oil consumption/imports by an increasing amount every year, ranging from 50 kbpd in 2021 to 320 kbpd in 2030. The reduction from increased NEV sales will have a relatively minuscule impact on China’s total crude oil imports. A 50-kbpd reduction in 2021 would account for less than half a percent of China’s 2020 crude oil imports. By 2030, this number could potentially rise to 1-3%, but is still insignificant. Copper: An average gasoline powered car uses only about 20kg of copper, while a hybrid car uses about 40 kg and a fully electric car uses roughly 80kg. In addition, NEV batteries and charging station chargers also require copper. Table 1 shows our rough calculation of the copper demand from the expansion of Chinese NEV market. Chinese copper demand may increase by 210 thousand tons in 2021 and by about 1,500 thousand tons in 2030. To put this into perspective, China consumed about 15 million tons of copper in 2020 based on World Bureau of Metal Statistics (WBMS) data. The increase in copper demand in 2021 is only 1.4% of 2020 copper consumption in China. However, when it increases to 1,500 thousand tons in 2030, it will account for 10% of China’s current copper consumption. Table 1China's Copper Demand Due To EV Adoption In 2021 And 2030 Chart 14Chinas NEV Boom Will Have A More Positive Impact On Nickel And Lithium Demand Than On Cobalt Demand Nickel: The NEV battery technology is on a trend to reduce the use of cobalt given its high price and limited supply, while increasing the use of nickel. This will be a long-term positive factor for nickel prices (Chart 14, top panel). Cobalt: EV battery makers are trying to reduce or even avoid the use of cobalt. In the next couple of years, the demand for cobalt will likely remain strong as the technology of non-cobalt batteries is still in the developing stage. Non-cobalt batteries in development include solid-state , lithium-sulphur, sodium-ion and lithium-air batteries. However, cobalt prices may face increasing headwinds in the longer term (Chart 14, middle panel). Lithium: Lithium is a very abundant mineral produced from either brines or hard rock sources, with products from clays also in the pipeline. There is no structural constraint on global lithium production. Lithium prices may remain elevated in the near term but as the supply catches up over a longer run, we expect lithium prices to go down (Chart 14, bottom panel). Bottom Line: The massive growth in the Chinese NEV market in this decade will have a small negative impact on crude oil demand and a more positive impact on commodity demand such as copper, nickel, cobalt, and lithium. However, cobalt may face a substitution risk due to its elevated prices while lithium may face the risk of increasing supply. Investment Implications On NEV-related Stocks Chart 15The Chinese NEV stocks: A Good Long-term Investment, But We Recommend Waiting For A Better Entry Point We believe share prices of the Chinese NEV makers and NEV battery producers will deliver considerable positive long-term returns. The basis for this assumption is that many of them will experience strong revenue growth over this decade. While NEV maker stock prices have recently fallen considerably, we think they are still overpriced and recommend waiting for a better entry point (Chart 15).    Ellen JingYuan He     Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1Source: “Technology Roadmap 2.0 for Energy-Saving and New Energy Vehicles,” released on October 27, 2020 by the China Society of Automotive Engineers (China-SAE). 2For example, as part of China’s 2012 “Energy-Saving and New Energy Vehicle Industry Development Plan (2012–2020),” the central government allocated over $15 billion to support the development of energy-efficient vehicles and NEVs, pilot car projects, and electric vehicle infrastructure. Source: "Chinese Government Support for New Energy Vehicles as a Trade Battleground", published by The National Bureau of Asian Research" on September 27, 2017. 3For example, the central government had provided 60,000 yuan (approximately $8,700) and 50,000 yuan (approximately $7,250) per car in subsidies for electric vehicles and plug-in hybrid vehicles, respectively, covering 40%–60% of the cost of the vehicle. Local governments also created their own subsidy programs that provided additional discounts for NEV purchases through cash subsidies, free parking, or free license plates. Source: "Chinese Government Support for New Energy Vehicles as a Trade Battleground", published by The National Bureau of Asian Research" on September 27, 2017. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations