Developed Countries

Highlights Democrats are backing off from corporate tax hikes, a positive surprise for the earnings outlook. However, the reconciliation bill will be even more stimulating than expected at a time when the output gap is closed. Short-run inflation risks are high and Democratic bills will feed into that. Long-run inflation risks will need to be monitored. Compromises on legislation will help Democrats on the margin in the 2022 midterm elections but gridlock would freeze fiscal policy. Maintaining low corporate taxes while boosting government spending on infrastructure, R&D, renewables, and social safety should be good for productivity, potential growth, and the US dollar over the long run.   We still give 65% odds for the reconciliation bill to pass. Reconciliation is the critical means of avoiding a national debt default after the December 3 deadline. This assumes that bipartisan infrastructure passes (80% odds). With the market already pricing the impending Democratic agreement, we are closing our long renewable energy trade for a gain of 30% and our long infrastructure basket for a gain of 8%. Feature A major plot twist in Congress occurred over the past two weeks: corporate and individual tax cuts are on the chopping block as the December 3 deadline approaches for the Biden administration’s signature piece of legislation. This development is uncertain but not unlikely. It would fit with our annual theme of bipartisan structural reform in the sense that it would mark a further Democratic cooptation of the previous Republican administration’s policies for the sake of popular opinion. Investors should not bet on zero tax hikes but they should prepare for positive surprises relative to the 5.5%-7% corporate tax hike that was previously envisioned. Rotation from low-tax to high-tax sectors was already underway prior to this news, which favors that trend (Chart 1). Chart 1Democrats Scrap Corporate Tax Hike? In this report we update investors with the status of negotiations: what is in the bill, what is not, what remains undecided, what will be the net effect, and how will Wall Street respond? Details are subject to change up to the very moment before Congress votes. Here is what we know right now.   What’s Essential To The Bill? Before the reconciliation bill, the $550 billion bipartisan infrastructure bill still has a subjective 80% chance of passage. The Senate already approved it on August 10, with 19 Republicans in favor. It stalled in the House of Representatives because the left wing refused to vote for it until party leaders reached a framework agreement on the larger social spending bill. The latter can only pass via the partisan reconciliation process. That framework could be agreed any day now but even if it suffers a surprise delay the House can push through the infrastructure bill fairly quickly. Infrastructure stocks still have some room to rise in the lead-up to President Biden’s signature but their ability to outperform the market going forward will depend on a range of factors outside politics and policy (Chart 2). Chart 2Infrastructure Bill Already Priced As for the main reconciliation bill, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi claims that “more than 90 percent of everything is agreed to” in the framework agreement – but critical provisions are still in flux. The headline price tag has fallen from $3.5 trillion to $1.5-$2 trillion, leaving $1.75 trillion as the happy medium. The root of the disagreement is that the Democrats are a “big tent” party with two major factions of relatively equal strength. Moderates and conservatives have the upper hand on economics, whereas liberals have the upper hand on social issues (Chart 3). On the spending side, progressives have insisted on five policy priorities: the “care” economy (child care, elderly care), affordable housing, climate change, immigration, and health care. They say they can negotiate on the size and duration of the relevant programs but not on whether they are included.1 The Senate parliamentarian has already ruled out immigration so the other four priorities will be included, albeit watered down.  West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin’s initial demands to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer are highlighted in Table 1. Manchin’s demands for a lower price tag are being met by the progressives’ willingness to pass smaller or short-lived programs with “sunset clauses.” The idea is that Republicans will suffer for allowing them to expire. History shows that it is very difficult to remove an entitlement once it is established. Table 1West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin’s Initial Demands For Biden’s Reconciliation Bill The following items look to be included but pared back in size: The Child Tax Credit (from $450 billion to ~$100 billion). This benefit was enhanced by COVID-19 stimulus and is likely to be kept in place, albeit for one year instead of five years. This sets up a “cliff” in December 2022.   Paid family and medical leave (from $225 billion to ~$100 billion). This benefit looks likely to be lowered from 12 weeks to four weeks and targeted toward low-income groups for a duration of three-to-four years. Medicare benefits expansion to include dental, vision, and hearing aid (from $358 billion to ~$200 billion or less). This provision is under pressure due to costs but Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont insists that it will be included to some extent. Dental is likely to be slashed. This part of the bill was supposed to be paid for by allowing Medicare to negotiate drug prices, which is still being discussed. The Hill reports that the government may be given the power to negotiate prices for Medicare Part B but not Part D.2  On the revenue side, Pelosi says the deal will include a harmonization of overseas taxes. This would include a minimum 15% corporate tax rate on book earnings in keeping with the international agreement the Biden administration has negotiated. An estimated ~$400 billion in new revenue would be raised. Senators Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona agree. Pelosi also claims agreement on tougher tax enforcement and a bulked-up Internal Revenue Service – a measure that is said to bring in $135 billion in revenue but which can be exaggerated to help cover the cost of new spending, at least on paper. What’s Already Been Chopped? Pelosi claims that the climate change disagreements are resolved. Manchin hails from a coal state where every single county favored President Trump for reelection. He  has nixed the Clean Energy Performance Program (CEPP) as well as any tax on carbon emissions.3 However, the $150 billion from CEPP will not be saved but redirected toward various other green energy projects. This solution confirms our view this year that Democrats would provide green subsidies but not punitive green measures. The US and global policy setting is favorable for renewable stocks, though the energy crunch in China and Europe is a sign that this trade is not a one-way trade since popular backlash against green policies is possible in future (Chart 4). Manchin is opposing the expansion of Medicaid to 12 states that have refused to expand it. The other 38 states had to pay 10% of the cost; a federal expansion would give it to the 12 laggards for free. Eliminating the provision entirely would put the onus back on the 12 states (useful for local Democrats) while cutting $141 billion from the overall cost of the reconciliation bill.4 Democrats have also agreed to cut the $88 billion proposal to make two years of community college tuition-free.   Chart 4Renewable Stocks Brush Off Energy Realism (For Now) Universal preschool (pre-kindergarten), which would cost $450 billion, is popular but now under fire. It is not in the list of progressive priorities and could be slashed. Housing aid at $300 billion is expected to be cut by half or more. Elderly care could fall from $400 billion to half or one-third of that. Immigration provisions are unlikely to appear in the final reconciliation bill, as noted above. The Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough has ruled that immigration is not germane to direct fiscal matters, which are the focus of the reconciliation process.5 The Democrats have a vested interest in immigration and are not acting with any urgency on the border in the meantime, setting up an immigration crisis in 2022 and beyond (Chart 5). Table 2 shows the original Democratic spending plan with annotations for the latest developments, which are all subject to change in the very near term. Chart 5Looming Crisis On Southern Border Table 2Senate Democratic Spending Plan Up For Negotiation What’s Next On The Chopping Block? On the revenue side, the following provisions are being debated: Corporate and Individual Tax Hikes: Senator Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona – who won her seat by a 2.4% margin in a state that President Biden carried by only 0.3% of the vote – has ostensibly succeeded in scrapping the corporate tax hike and individual income tax hike from the reconciliation package. Our guess is that these tax hikes will still somehow make it into the bill in a weaker form but if Sinema prevails then $710 billion in new revenue will be forgone.  Billionaire Tax: Democrats are also looking at a “billionaire tax,” although it would more accurately be called a hundred-millionaire tax based on what is known. It would be a yearly tax levied on the unrealized capital gains of those who own $1 billion in assets or who make $100 million in income over three consecutive years. Non-publicly traded assets would be taxed upon sale. This mark-to-market proposal is said to raise $250 billion in revenue, although nobody knows since tax evasion would be rife.6 It would be a popular tax but it is complex to administer, its constitutionality is uncertain, and it is being introduced in the eleventh hour. House negotiators would prefer straightforward corporate and high-income tax hikes.  Tax On Stock Buybacks: There is also a proposal to levy a 2% tax on stock buybacks, which would be popular and not so hard to implement as a wealth tax. But it is also being introduced late in the game. SALT Deduction Cap: Democrats from high tax states have relentlessly pushed to remove the cap on their deductions passed by Republicans. A temporary repeal for 2022-23 is being discussed but would be a handout to the upper and upper-middle class. Total repeal could deprive the overall package of $85 billion per year in revenue. Tobacco and E-Cigarettes: This tax is estimated to raise $97 billion but is regressive. Table 3 highlights the tax provisions according to the original Democratic plan along with annotations for recent developments. Table 3Democratic Tax Plan Up For Negotiation The Hyde amendment is lurking under the radar and could torpedo the entire bill – but we bet it will not. This provision has been included in legislation for half a century to prevent taxpayer money from directly funding abortion. President Biden, a Catholic, supported it until his 2020 presidential campaign when he caved to pressure from the progressives to remove it. However, Manchin insists on it.7 Since abortion is a moral dilemma, Manchin cannot compromise on it. Yet his “nay” would sink the entire reconciliation bill. So this is a mini-crisis waiting to happen and Hyde will most likely be included to save the bill. What’s The Time Frame? There are three soft deadlines and one hard deadline for these bills to pass. The soft deadlines are the following: October 31 – Transportation Funding Expires: House members want to pass the bipartisan infrastructure bill by October 31, along with a renewal of transport funds. This is a good plan because it separates bipartisan infrastructure from partisan reconciliation. But a short-term extension is also an option for transportation funding. It may be necessary if reconciliation is further delayed and House progressives refuse to support an infrastructure vote. November 1-2 – World Leaders Summit and UN Climate Change Conference: Democrats want a climate deal before Biden arrives in Glasgow, Scotland for the COP26 climate talks. It looks as if this will be achieved as we go to press. If not, Biden can offer vague promises instead. There will be no shortage of promises at Glasgow. November 9 – US Special Elections: If Democrats passed something before the various off-year elections are held then they would give their candidates a badly needed boost. Biden’s collapsing approval rating has been an albatross for Democratic candidates, including in the Virginia gubernatorial race (Chart 6). A signing ceremony at the White House would help take it off their necks. But lawmakers cannot speed up complex and controversial legislation just to save Terry McAuliffe’s bacon. The hard deadline is December 3, the new deadline for funding the federal government and raising the national debt limit. Republicans are unlikely to vote to raise the debt ceiling a second time this year so Democrats will most likely be forced to include it in the reconciliation bill. Importantly, the debt ceiling will help to ensure the reconciliation bill’s passage. Any Democratic senator or lawmaker who votes against the bill will bear unique responsibility for a default on the national debt and financial turmoil, not to mention the doom of his or her party in the midterm elections.  If anything this extreme cost suggests that our 65% subjectively probability for the bill’s passage is too low. What Are The Investment Implications? Democrats are likely to produce a $1.75-$2 trillion spending bill that raises around $1 trillion in new tax revenue. Our previous estimates of a net deficit impact of $1.2-$1.6 trillion for both the infrastructure and reconciliation bills will be updated when the framework reconciliation bill is put into writing but so far does not look far off the mark. Estimates for fiscal multipliers range widely (Table 4). The bipartisan infrastructure bill, with traditional or “hard” public investments, could have a multiplier of 0.4 to 2.2, based on the CBO’s retrospective 2015 estimates for the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (the stimulus passed during the Great Recession). The partisan reconciliation bill, with “human infrastructure” and social welfare spending, could have a fiscal multiplier ranging from 0.6x (the average of the COVID-19 relief in 2020) to 1.2 or 1.4 (Moody’s estimates of the impact of expanding the Child Tax Credit in 2010).  Table 4Range Of Fiscal Multipliers For Government Spending However, the US output gap is virtually closed and stands at a positive 1.5% of GDP, according to Bloomberg consensus estimates (Chart 7). Thus additional deficit spending is inflationary on the margin. Core inflation is elevated and there is no immediate prospect for commodity prices to fall drastically in the next few months given tight global supplies, the approach of winter weather, and the looming conflict over Iran’s nuclear program in the Persian Gulf. A future political liability is thus taking shape. American consumers and small businesses are becoming increasingly concerned about inflation, much more so than taxes and regulation (Chart 8). By the time of the midterm election in fall 2022, inflation may have subsided. But if it has not then the Democrats will take the blame. Chart 7The Vanishing Output Gap Chart 8The Inflation Threat The equity sectors that stood to suffer the most from any repeal of President Trump’s Tax Cuts And Jobs Act of 2017 were real estate, technology, health care, and utilities. The sectors that stood to suffer least were energy, industrials, consumer staples, and materials. If Democrats maintain Trump’s corporate rate then the former sectors will see a relief rally. However, Big Tech will suffer marginally from the imposition of a minimum global corporate tax. The global macro context favors cyclical sectors and value stocks over defensive sectors and growth stocks as long as bond yields and inflation expectations continue to rise. Chart 9 shows that companies that were formerly high tax companies rallied tremendously in the wake of Trump’s tax cuts, while those with high foreign tax risk underperformed. That process will likely be reaffirmed if Trump’s headline corporate rate is preserved while the minimum rate is imposed on companies with high foreign tax risk. Over the long run, inflation may or may not prove to be as big of a problem. The Biden bills should boost productivity, on top of the productivity improvement that has already occurred as a result of COVID-19 digitization efforts. US corporates would maintain a high degree of competitiveness if the corporate rate were to stay put. The original Biden plan would have put the US back at the highest level of integrated corporate income taxes out of all the OECD countries. Keeping corporate rates low, combined with public investments in infrastructure, the digital economy, renewable energy, and the social safety net should boost productivity, potential growth, and the US dollar. Chart 9High-Tax Basket Stands To Benefit - Along With Value Stocks If Congress returns to gridlock after the 2022 midterm elections as expected, then the fiscal splurge may be on pause at least until 2025. In that case the inflation risk in coming years will depend more on global rather than domestic developments. We have long argued that inflation risks are rising due to populism and fiscal extravagance in the United States. The Biden administration’s legislation marks a return of Big Government and a net increase in the budget deficit over the coming decade. However, the latest developments suggest it will not be the extravagant democratic-socialist blowout originally envisioned. If that proves true, then its long-run impact will be beneficial for the US economy and politics.  On a deeper level, the most important takeaway from the above analysis is that the Democrats remain limited by checks and balances. Beneath all the partisan acrimony, a new consensus is emerging in the US in favor of proactive fiscal policy (infrastructure, social safety net) and more hawkish trade policy (supply chain resilience, onshoring). The drivers of this new consensus are powerful: the elites do not want rebellion, the masses want a more favorable domestic economy, and both want greater strategic security relative to foreign competitors. The likely passage of the Strategic Competition Act by the end of the year, or at least the semiconductor portion of it, and the passage of a bulked up annual defense bill despite Democrats’ allegedly dovish bias, will further emphasize this point.  By compromising the plan to come closer to moderate senators’ demands, the Democrats are courting the median US voter and likely to minimize their losses in the midterm elections. Even assuming they still lose the House of Representatives at least, the new policy consensus will continue to develop because it shares core elements with the Republican agenda.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix   Footnotes 1     See Congressional Progressive Caucus, “CPC Calls For 5 Key Priorities To Be Included In The American Jobs Plan,” April 9, 2021, progressives.house.gov. See also Tyler Stone, “Rep. Ilhan Omar: If Our Progressive Priorities Aren’t Met, No Legislation Will Pass,” July 30, 2021, realclearpolitics.com. 2     See Jennifer Scholtes, Marianne Levine, and Alice Miranda, “What’s Still In The Dem Megabill? Cheat Sheet On 12 Big Topics,” Politico, October 25, 2021, politico.com; Jordain Carney, “Sanders draws red lines on Medicare expansion, drug pricing plan in spending bill,” The Hill, October 26, 2021, thehill.com.  3    Benjamin J. Hulac, “Manchin Tries To Slow Clean Energy Shift As West Virginia Clings To Coal,” Roll Call, October 26, 2021, rollcall.com. 4    Jordain Carney, “Manchin Says Framework ‘Should’ Be Possible This Week,” The Hill, October 25, 2021, thehill.com. 5    Lisa Desjardins, “Read the Senate rules decision that blocks Democrats from putting immigration reform in the budget,” PBS, September 20, 2021, pbs.org.  6    See Naomi Jagoda, “Billonaire Tax Gains Momentum,” The Hill, October 26, 2021, thehill.com; Steven M. Rosenthal, “Wyden’s Billionaire Income Tax Is Ambitious But Problematic,” Tax Policy Center, October 25, 2021, taxpolicycenter.org; Scott A. Hodge, “The Rich Are Not Monolithic and Taxing Their Wealth Invites Tax Collection Volatility,” Tax Foundation, October 26, 2021, taxfoundation.org. 7     Sam Dorman, “Biden says he’d sign reconciliation package including Hyde Amendment,” Fox News, October 6, 2021, foxnews.com.   

Highlights Bank of Canada: Rising inflation, high capacity utilization, and monetary policy constraints will force the Bank of Canada to taper further and move up the timing of its first rate hike to H1/2022. Stay underweight Canadian government bonds in global government bond portfolios. Also, upgrade Canadian real return bonds to neutral within the underweight allocation to better reflect the mixed signals from our suite of Canadian inflation breakeven indicators. Bank of England: Markets have aggressively shifted UK interest rate expectations, with a rate hike now expected before year-end. We expect that outcome to occur, but the vote will be close. Stay underweight UK Gilts in global bond portfolios. Maintain a curve steepening bias that would win if a hike is delayed to 2022 or, counterintuitively, even if the Bank of England does indeed hike in November or December - longer-term UK yields are still too low relative to the likely peak in Bank Rate. Feature Chart of the WeekAn Inflation Shock For Bond Yields Steadily climbing inflation expectations, fueled by rising energy prices and persistent supply-chain disruptions, remain a thorn in the side of global bond markets. 10-year US TIPS breakevens have climbed to a 15-year high of 2.7%, while breakevens on 10-year German inflation-linked bonds are at a 9-year high of 2%. Rising inflation expectations are keeping upward pressure on nominal bond yields in the major developed economies, as markets start to slowly reprice the pace and timing of future interest rate increases (Chart of the Week). Market expectations on interest rates, however, can adjust much more quickly when policymakers change their tune. We have already seen that recently in smaller countries like Norway and New Zealand. Rate hikes delivered by the Norges Bank and Reserve Bank of New Zealand over the past month - which were telegraphed well in advance by the central banks – were a negative shock that pushed up bond yields in those countries. The next central bank “liftoff” within the developed economies is expected to occur in the UK and Canada, according to pricing in overnight index swap (OIS) curves (Table 1). In this report, we consider the outlook for monetary policy and government bond yields in both countries, which represent two of our highest conviction underweight recommendations. Table 1Markets Are Pulling Forward Rate Hikes Canada: Watch For A Bond Bearish Policy Shift In Canada, given the economic backdrop and policy constraints, we believe the Bank of Canada (BoC) will have to deliver on the hawkish market-implied path for interest rates, which calls for an initial rate hike to occur in Q2/2022 – much sooner than the central bank’s current messaging on liftoff. Chart 2ACanadian Inflation Not Looking So "Transitory" Anymore First on the BoC’s mind is inflation. Canadian CPI inflation came in at 4.4% year-over-year in September, blowing through analyst expectations and hitting an 18-year high (Charts 2A and 2B). The CPI-trim, a measure of core inflation which strips out extreme price movements, hit 3.4% year-over-year, the highest reading since 1991. All eight major components of the CPI rose on a yearly basis. On an annualized monthly basis, the energy-driven Transportation aggregate declined and less volatile components like Shelter (+1.1%) and Clothing (+0.7%) led the pack in terms of their contribution to the overall figure.   The data show that inflationary pressures are clearly broadening out in the Great White North, no longer constrained to “transitory” sectors. The effect of this inflationary pressure is also starting to make its mark on consumer and business sentiment. Chart 3Rising Inflation Expectations Are Hurting Canadian Consumer Sentiment According to the BoC Survey of Consumer Expectations, the 1-year-ahead forecast of inflation reached a series high of 3.7% in Q3/2021 (Chart 3). While longer-term inflation expectations are more subdued, that doesn’t mean that inflation is not a worry for the Canadian consumer. With inflation expected to run much higher than expected wage growth (+2%) over the next year, consumers expect a decline in their real purchasing power. Correspondingly, consumer confidence is taking a hit—the Bloomberg/Nanos consumer sentiment index has fallen 7.3 points since the July peak. Canadian businesses are much more upbeat. The overall summary indicator from the BoC’s Business Outlook Survey for Q3/2021 climbed to the highest level in the 18-year history of the series (Chart 4). Firms reported continued expectations of strong demand, but with capacity constraints starting to weigh on sales - a quarter of firms surveyed reporting that a lack of capacity and skills will have a negative impact on sales over the next twelve months. In response, more companies are planning on increasing capital expenditure and hiring over the next year (Chart 4, middle panel). More than half of firms surveyed by the BoC indicated that investment spending will be higher over the next two years compared to typical pre-pandemic levels. Chart 4Canadian Businesses Are Brushing Up Against Capacity Constraints However, hiring plans will likely face difficulty, given the large share of firms (64%), reporting more intense labor shortages (Chart 4, bottom panel). A net 50% of respondents now expect wage growth to accelerate over the coming year, driven by a need to attract and retain workers amid strong labor demand. With regards to inflation, the BoC Business Outlook Survey measures the share of respondents that expect inflation over the next two years to fall within four different ranges—below 1%, between 1% and 2%, between 2% and 3%, and above 3% (Chart 5). We can “back out” a point estimate of expected inflation for Canadian firms by assigning a specific level to each of these ranges – 0.5, 1.5%, 2.5%, and 3.5%, respectively – and using the shares of respondents to calculate a weighted average expected inflation rate for the next two years.1 Based on this estimate, Canadian business inflation expectations have bounced rapidly since the 2020 trough and are now at all-time highs. The BoC has already begun to respond to the normalization of the economy and rising inflationary pressures indicated by its business survey by tapering the pace of its bond buying program. The Bank is now targeting weekly bond purchases of C$2bn, down from C$5bn at the start of the program and with another reduction expected at this week’s policy meeting (Chart 6). The size of the balance sheet has also fallen in absolute terms, driven by the Bank drawing down its holdings of treasury bills to virtually zero while also ending pandemic emergency liquidity programs. Chart 5Putting A Number To Canadian Business Inflation Expectations Chart 6The BoC Is Moving Towards Normalizing Policy The BoC now owns a massive 36.5% of Canadian government bonds outstanding – a share acquired in a very short time for this pandemic-era stimulus program. Thus, tapering now is not only necessary from a forward guidance perspective, signaling an eventual shift to less accommodative monetary policy and rate hikes, but also to ensure liquidity in the Canadian sovereign bond market. The remaining BoC tapering will be fairly quick, setting up the more important shift to the timing of the first rate increase. The Canadian OIS curve is currently pricing in BoC liftoff in April 2022, ahead of the BoC’s current guidance of a likely rate hike in the second half of the year (Chart 7). Given the developments on the inflation front, we are inclined to side with the market’s assessment of an earlier hike. In the longer run, rates might even be able to rise further than discounted in swap curves. The real policy rate, calculated as the policy rate minus the BoC’s CPI-trim measure, is negative and a significant distance from the New York Fed’s Q2/2020 estimate of the natural real rate of interest (R-star) for Canada of 1.4%. Admittedly, those estimates have not been updated by the New York Fed for over a year, given the uncertainties over trend growth and output gap measurement created by the pandemic shock. The BoC’s own estimates for the neutral nominal policy interest rate - last updated in April 2021 and therefore inclusive of any structural impacts of the pandemic on potential growth - range from 1.75% to 2.75%.2 The OIS forward curve expects the BoC to only lift rates to 2% in the next hiking cycle, barely in the lower end of the BoC’s neutral range of estimates. After subtracting the mid-point of the BoC’s 1-3% inflation target, presumably a level of inflation consistent with a neutral policy rate, the BoC’s implied real policy rate range is -0.25% to +0.75%. The current level of the real policy rate is near the bottom of that range. Thus, real rates, and the real bond yields that track them over time, have room to rise if the BoC begins to hike rates at a faster pace, and to a higher level, than the market expects. We see this as a likely outcome given the extent of the Canadian inflation overshoot and the robust optimism evident in Canadian business sentiment, thus justifying our current negative view on Canadian government bonds. To think about this mix of rising inflation expectations and increased BoC hawkishness down the road, and its implication for the Canadian inflation-linked bond market, we turn to our Canadian comprehensive breakeven indicator (Chart 8). This indicator combines three measures, on an equal-weighted and standardized basis, to determine the upside potential for 10-year inflation breakevens: the distance from fair value based on our models, the spread between headline inflation and the midpoint of the BoC’s 1-3% target inflation, and the gap between market-based and survey-based measures of inflation expectations. Going forward, we will be using the Canadian Business Outlook Survey measure of inflation expectations, introduced in Chart 5, for this indicator. Chart 8Upgrade Canadian Inflation-Linked Bonds To Neutral Two out of three measures point towards Canadian breakevens having further upside. Firstly, they are cheap under our fair value model, where the rise in breakevens has lagged the yearly growth in oil prices. Secondly, breakevens are a long distance away from the survey-based business inflation expectations. However, both forces are more than counteracted with Canadian headline inflation nearly two standard deviations from the BoC’s target, which indicates that the central bank must step in to address high realized inflation. Given these diverging signals on the upside potential for breakevens, we see a neutral allocation to Canadian linkers as more appropriate for the time being Bottom Line: Rising inflation, high capacity utilization, and monetary policy constraints will force the Bank of Canada to taper further and move up the timing of its first rate hike to H1/2022. Stay underweight Canadian government bonds in global government bond portfolios. Also, upgrade Canadian real return bonds to neutral within the underweight allocation to better reflect the mixed signals from our suite of Canadian inflation breakeven indicators. Will The BoE Actually Hike By December? Chart 9UK Gilts Have Been Hammered By BoE Hawkishness We downgraded our recommended stance on UK government bonds to underweight on August 11 and, since then, Gilts have severely underperformed their developed market peers (Chart 9).3 We had anticipated that the Bank of England (BoE) would be forced to shift their policy guidance in a less dovish direction because of rising UK inflation expectations. Yet we have been surprised by how quickly the BoE has shifted to an open discussion about the potential for imminent interest rate hikes. The BoE’s new chief economist, Huw Pill, commented in the Financial Times last week that UK inflation will likely hit, or even exceed, 5% by early next year, and that the November 4 Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) was “live” with regards to a potential rate hike.4 This followed BoE Governor Andrew Bailey’s comment that the Bank “will have to act” to contain rising inflation expectations. Mixed signals on economic momentum are not making the BoE’s decisions any easier. The preliminary October Markit PMIs ticked higher for both manufacturing and services, but remain below the peak seen last May. At the same time, UK consumer confidence has fallen since August, thanks in part to rapidly rising inflation that has reduced the perceived real buying power of UK consumers. High Inflation Might Last Longer Chart 10Why The BoE Is More Worried About Inflation The BoE’s last set of economic forecasts, published in August, called for headline inflation to temporarily climb to 4% by year-end, before gradually returning to the central bank’s 2% target level in 2022. Yet the BoE’s newfound nervousness over inflation is well-founded, for a number of reasons (Chart 10): The domestic economic recovery has led to a robust labor market, with job vacancies relative to unemployment fully recovering to pre-COVID levels. The 3-month moving average of wage growth remains elevated at 6.9%, although the BoE believes some of that increase could be due to compositional issues related to the pandemic. The BoE is projecting that the UK output gap is narrowing rapidly and would be fully closed in the second half of 2022. This suggests growing underlying inflation pressures were already in place before the latest boost to inflation from global supply-chain disruptions. UK energy costs are soaring, particularly for natural gas which remains the main source for UK electricity production. UK natural gas inventories are the lowest within Europe, yet the supply response from major providers has been slow to develop – most notably, Russia, which is seeking regulatory approval to begin shipping gas through the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. While natural gas prices have stopped rising, for now, inadequate supplies during an expected cold UK winter could keep the upward pressure on UK inflation from energy. UK house price inflation remains well supported, even with the recent expiration of the stamp duty reductions initiated as a form of pandemic economic stimulus. According to the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors (RICS), the ratio of UK home sales to inventories is still quite elevated (bottom panel). Given a still-favorable demand/supply balance, and low borrowing costs, UK house price inflation will likely not cool as much as the BoE would prefer to see. Stay Defensive On UK Rates Exposure The combination of rising UK inflation and increasingly hawkish BoE comments has resulted in a rapid upward repricing of UK interest rate expectations over the past few months (Chart 11). Markets now expect the BoE to raise Bank Rate to 1%, from the current 0.1%, by late 2022. More interesting is what is discounted after that. The OIS curve is pricing in no additional rate increases in 2023 and a rate cut in 2024. In other words, the market now believes that the BoE is about to embark on a policy mistake with rate hikes that will need to be quickly reversed. Chart 11Markets Are Pricing In A BoE Policy Error We think there is a risk of a more aggressive-than-expected BoE tightening cycle. The surge in UK inflation expectations is not trivial nor “transitory”. Looking at survey-based measures of expectations like the YouGov/Citigroup survey, or market-based measures like CPI swaps, inflation is expected to reach at least 4% both in the short-term and over the longer-run (Chart 12). If Bank Rate were to peak at a mere 1%, as indicated in the OIS curve, that would still leave UK real interest rates in deeply negative territory even if there was a pullback in inflation expectations. We expect the votes on whether to hike rates at either the November or December MPC meetings to be close. There will be a new Monetary Policy Report published for the November 4 meeting, which will include a new set of economic and inflation forecasts that will give the BoE a platform to signal, or deliver, a rate hike. In the end, we think that the senior leadership on the MPC has already revealed too much of its hawkish hand, and a rate hike will occur by year-end. Looking beyond liftoff into 2022, we still see markets pricing in too shallow a path for Bank Rate over the next couple of years, leaving us comfortable to maintain our underweight stance on UK Gilts. With regards to positioning along the Gilt yield curve, however, we see the potential for more curve steepening even if after the BoE begins to lift rates. The implied path for UK real interest rates, taken as the gap between the UK OIS forwards and CPI swap forwards, shows that markets expect the BoE to keep policy rates well below expected inflation for well into the next decade (Chart 13). At the same time, the wide current gap between the actual real policy rate (Bank Rate minus headline inflation) and the New York Fed’s most recent estimate of the UK neutral real rate (r-star) suggests that the Gilt curve is far too flat (bottom panel). Chart 12The BoE Cannot Ignore This Perversely, this creates a situation where the UK curve steepeners can be an attractive near-term hedge to an underweight stance on UK Gilts. If the BoE does not deliver on the strongly hinted rate hike in November or December, the Gilt curve can steepen as shorter-maturity Gilt yields fall but longer-dated yields remain boosted by high inflation expectations.However, if the BoE does hike and more tightening is signaled, longer-term yields will likely rise more than shorter-term yields as the market prices in a higher future trajectory for policy rates. Bottom Line: Stay underweight UK Gilts in global bond portfolios, but maintain a curve steepening bias that would win if a hike is delayed to 2022 or, counterintuitively, even if the Bank of England does indeed hike in November or December - longer-term UK yields are still too low relative to the likely peak in Bank Rate. Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Shakti Sharma Senior Analyst ShaktiS@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, CFA Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For this calculation, we exclude firms that did not provide a response to the BoC Business Outlook Survey. 2 The Bank of Canada’s Staff Analytical Note on neutral rate estimation can be found here: https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2021/04/staff-analytical-note-2021-6/ 3 Please see BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy and European Investment Strategy Report, "The UK Leads The Way", dated August 11, 2021, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. 4https://www.ft.com/content/bce7b1c5-0272-480f-8630-85c477e7d69 Recommendations Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Recommended Positioning     Active Duration Contribution: GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. Custom Performance Benchmark The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index

With 119 S&P 500 companies having reported Q3-2021 earnings, it’s time to take a pulse of the interim results. So far, the blended earnings growth rate is 34.8% while actual reported growth rate is 49.9%. The blended sales growth rate is 14.4%, while the actual reported rate is 16.6%. Analysts expected Q3-2021 earnings to be 6% below the Q2-2021 level. As of now, this quarter’s earnings are only 3% lower. Most of the companies that have reported are beating analysts’ forecasts are surprising to the upside. Currently, 83% of companies reported EPS above expectations, with five out of eleven sectors delivering an impressive 100% beat score. In terms of the magnitude of the beats, the overall number currently stands at 14% with Financials and Technology leading the pack. However, these results are bound to change as more companies report: less than 5% of the market cap has reported within the Energy, Materials, Real Estate, and Utilities sectors. The big theme for the current earnings season is input cost inflation. Many industrial giants, including Honeywell (HON), are complaining about supply-chain cost increases, and their potential adverse effect on margins. As a result, many companies are reducing guidance for the fourth quarter. So far, there are 59 positive pre-announcements, and 45 negative. On the bright side, the majority of companies are reporting that demand for their products remains strong, potentially offsetting some of the cost increases. This is especially the case with consumer demand: a few consumer staples companies, such as P&G, commented that their recent price hikes have not dampened demand for their products and have fortified their bottom line against rising costs. Bottom Line: The earnings season is gaining speed, and so far, it appears that Q3-2021 growth expectations are set at a low bar, that is easy to clear for most companies.