Currencies

Highlights Biden’s initial political capital is moderate-to-strong according to our Political Capital Matrix. He will pass his American Rescue Plan and one or two budget reconciliation bills over the next 18 months. Investors will need to discount the impact of tax hikes eventually.  The Democrats’ second impeachment of President Trump is a distraction but the party will not let it derail their legislative agenda. The bipartisan power-sharing agreement in the Senate will keep the filibuster in place for now (though not permanently). This does not affect the most market-relevant aspects of Biden’s policies, at least not in 2021, but beyond that it is an open question.  The stock rally is stretched, so prepare for volatility in the near term. But over the long run continue to prefer stocks over bonds, cyclicals over defensives, and value over growth stocks. Feature The US equity rally is getting frothy even as President Joe Biden kicks off his administration with a flurry of executive orders. Financial exuberance stems from combined monetary and fiscal stimulus that will provide a positive backdrop for risk assets for most of this year. Still, most of the good news is priced so we expect volatility to revive in the short run. The BCA Equity Capitulation Indicator is nearing the highest points of its historic range, which is typically a signal for a 10% equity correction or more (Chart 1). Not all indicators point decisively to a bubble that will pop imminently but several suggest that a bubble is being formed.1 The policy backdrop of fiscal largesse combined with an ultra-dovish Fed makes it easy to see why some parts of the market are getting manic. In this context, the Biden administration’s regulatory and tax agenda will become a negative catalyst in the short run even though its big spending will secure the economic recovery, which is positive in the long run. Chart 1Mania Unfolding Mania Unfolding Mania Unfolding Biden’s First Executive Orders Biden’s initial decrees brought zero surprises so far. He rejoined the Paris climate agreement, canceled the Keystone XL pipeline, suspended new oil and gas leasing on federal land, reversed President Trump’s border emergency and immigration curbs, ordered federal workers to wear masks, and directed the federal government to “Buy American.” The energy sector suffered the brunt of Biden’s initial regulatory salvo but the relative performance of energy stocks did not drop as much as financials, where Biden’s regulatory risks are less immediate. Biden’s policies are negative for health care stocks but they suffered least from what was a general setback for value plays in the context of a small bounce in the dollar and fears about global growth weakness stemming from the pandemic which has not yet been quelled. Large caps in all three of these sectors are underperforming small caps, suggesting that Biden’s new regulations and looming tax hikes are not driving the markets – at least not yet (Chart 2). Rather these cyclical small caps stand to benefit from the administration’s large spending plans, which include the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan currently being negotiated (Table 1). These plans are highly likely to pass as explained below.    Chart 2Biden's Executive Orders: No Surprises So Far Biden's Executive Orders: No Surprises So Far Biden's Executive Orders: No Surprises So Far Table 1Biden’s American Rescue Plan (With Previous COVID Relief) Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital Going forward, Biden’s regulatory onslaught will bring negative surprises eventually as it expands and deepens but these will not counteract the stronger tailwinds of the vaccine and fiscal spending. Democrats have yet to invoke the Congressional Review Act, which enables them rapidly to reverse the regulations that the Trump administration ordered just before leaving office.2 The regulatory risk is greater for health care and energy than it is for financials and tech, though the latter two are not void of risk. Health care is the Democrats’ top priority outside of pandemic relief and economic recovery. (See Appendix for our updated political risk matrix by sector.) While the market can look through Biden’s regulatory threat, at least for now, it cannot look through the impact of higher taxes on corporate earnings forever. Over the next two months House Democrats will start revealing details of their budget proposals, which could serve as a negative catalyst for the overstretched equity rally. Other negative catalysts from an ambitious new administration are also possible with a market at such dizzy heights. Secretary of Treasury Janet Yellen has discouraged raising taxes initially but investors know that taxes will go up sooner or later. Moreover the specific legislative vehicle for Biden to push his agenda – “budget reconciliation” – requires tax hikes to offset spending increases. Thus if Democrats initiate a reconciliation bill in February or March then it will imply at least some revenue offsets, even if the biggest tax increases are saved for the second reconciliation bill for FY2022. Bottom Line: Value stocks have taken a breather but will continue to outperform over the cyclical 12-month time horizon. Looming Democratic tax proposals are more likely to serve as a near-term negative catalyst for the overstretched equity rally than Biden’s regulatory onslaught, which will take time to be felt. We are sticking with value over growth stocks due to the extremely accommodative fiscal and monetary policy setting. The Filibuster Preserved (For Now) A critical check on lawmaking in the Senate, the filibuster, has been preserved – at least for the moment. This is positive news for markets as it lowers the odds of major legislative surprises this year. The filibuster enables senators to block normal legislation through endless debate. Sixty senators are needed to invoke “cloture” and bring debate to a close. Otherwise the bill goes nowhere. With the Senate divided evenly at 50-50 seats between the two parties, Biden’s agenda will now depend on any bills that can garner 10 Republican senators, plus two “budget reconciliation” bills for fiscal 2021-22. Reconciliation bills only require a simple 51-seat majority in the Senate. Eliminating the filibuster will remain a risk over the long run. It was only preserved because two centrist Democratic senators, Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, declared that they would not vote to abolish it. This prompted Republican Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell to drop his chief demand, that the filibuster be kept, in his negotiations with Democratic Majority Leader Chuck Schumer toward an agreement for the two evenly divided parties in the Senate to share power. Now a power-sharing agreement is in place so the legislative process can begin, albeit within the filibuster’s guardrails. Notice that Schumer never conceded to McConnell that the filibuster would be preserved. And two Democrats is not very many. Later these centrists may succumb to party pressure, say amid Republican obstructionism of a voting rights bill, to eliminate the filibuster. The last time the Senate was evenly divided, after the 2000 election, the power-sharing agreement only lasted six months, from January to June 2001. A single retirement or death could turn the balance. Moreover since Democrats have the option of two reconciliation bills first, the filibuster is not a substantial check on them until 2022 or beyond, at which point the centrists could fall under sustained pressure.3 Bottom Line: Preserving the filibuster provides a source of stability – it reduces policy uncertainty and polarization. It restricts Biden’s agenda largely to his major initiatives: entrenching the Affordable Care Act, expanding infrastructure spending, partially repealing Trump tax cuts, and various other tax-and-spend measures known to investors. It lowers the chance that financial markets will be blindsided in 2021 by a sweeping new legislative initiative – for example, the Green New Deal – or radical redistributive schemes. While markets will need to discount the tax hikes they will be able to recover more quickly than if they also expected a stream of unpredictable legislation from a Senate unshackled from the filibuster. Stimulus And The Tax Hike Timeline The American Rescue Plan could pass in February at the earliest or April at the latest. If at least 10 Republican senators cooperate then it will fly through Congress. The advantage of this bipartisan route is that it would achieve an early Biden objective while still leaving Democrats with two full chances to pass reconciliation bills covering fiscal 2021-22. The economic recovery would be on sure footing thereafter, giving Biden more room to maneuver (Charts 3 and 4). Chart 3Is More Stimulus Necessary? Is More Stimulus Necessary? Is More Stimulus Necessary? Bipartisan talks are under way. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia set up talks with about 15 other senators and three White House aides, including National Economic Council director Brian Deese, toward revising and passing the rescue plan.4 Winning over ten Republicans is a tall order but GOP senators are aware that the pandemic is still going and even Republican voter opinion favors more relief. So far Democrats have not allowed any compromise in the size of the deal but that could change to get 60 votes, since they can always make up the difference through reconciliation later. The rescue plan is unlikely to be passed before Trump’s second impeachment trial begins on February 8, however. If 10 Republicans cannot be found, the Senate will be slowed down by juggling reconciliation and impeachment. Trump’s first impeachment took 49 days, leaving the average at 65 days (Table 2). It will keep the Senate busy at least through mid-March. Chart 4More Checks Coming For Households? More Checks Coming For Households? More Checks Coming For Households? Table 2Impeachment Takes At Least A Month Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital Since Democrats are highly unlikely to win over 17 Republicans to convict Trump of inciting insurrection, the impeachment could be a policy mistake. Democrats are determined not to let slide the opportunity to position themselves as the arch defenders of democracy. Acquitting Trump would put several prominent Republicans on record endorsing him even after his alleged interference with the peaceful transition of power. However, impeachment will not be allowed to derail Biden’s agenda. The Democratic Party controls both processes. The Senate can wrap up the trial if it becomes an obstacle. Diagram 1 presents the timeline for these events to occur. The implication is that March 14, when the latest expansion of unemployment benefits starts to expire, will serve as a deadline for Biden’s rescue plan. Diagram 1Timeline Of Impeachment, Budget Reconciliation, And Regular Legislation Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital Budget reconciliation takes seven months on average but it only took three months in 2017, which is the proper analogy for today. Even if tax hikes are passed in Q2 there is an open question as to when they would take effect (Diagram 2). Prudent investors should be prepared for a retroactive January 1, 2021 effective date, even if it is more likely that they will kick in on January 1, 2022 to give the economy more time to recover. Again, taxes pose a risk to the rally. Diagram 2How Long Does It Take To Pass A Budget Reconciliation Bill? Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital If Republicans do not cooperate on Biden’s rescue plan then Democrats will cite it as obstructionism from the beginning, despite Biden’s call to unity, and it will play into any future efforts to eliminate the filibuster. But those will likely center on the period after the two reconciliation bills. Bottom Line: As the House Democrats begin to draft their first budget resolution, to initiate the reconciliation process, tax hikes will come more into focus. The near-term upside risk is that Democrats skip taxes in the first bill and save it for later. But there will have to be at least some revenue raisers in any reconciliation bill. So a near-term pullback is entirely reasonable to expect. We would be buyers on the dip given the extremely accommodative fiscal and monetary backdrop. Introducing Our Political Capital Index To assess any government’s capability – namely its ability to alter the policy setting that affects the economy and financial markets – we need to measure its political capital or grounds of support. To this end we have constructed a Political Capital Index to measure the strength and capability of US ruling parties and presidencies (Table 3). Table 3Political Capital Index Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital The Political Capital Index shows a series of political and economic indicators, as of the latest available data (December or January), as well as the change since Biden’s election in November.5 Below we describe the political and economic categories of political capital that we chose and the data we use to represent them: Political Strength: The most basic measure of political capital is President Biden’s margin of victory in the popular vote (4.4%) and Electoral College vote (306/538), the number of days he has been in power, his party’s Congressional majorities, and the Supreme Court’s ideological leaning. These components will last for two-to-four years and can only be changed by new elections or deaths (Table 4). Even a president elected in a landslide would see his political capital decay over time. The sooner the next election, the less political capital the ruling party has. The president and Congress will have more trouble passing legislation just before the election and will be more careful about what they do pass to avoid punishment at the ballot box. Any difficult economic policies or reforms will tend to be done at the beginning of the term, as political capital is still abundant and the next election is not a clear and present danger. President Biden has moderate political capital. His popular victory was solid, his electoral victory was the same as President Trump’s, but his congressional majorities are weak. His initial legislative efforts should be assumed to pass but aside from his rescue plan and one or two reconciliation bills he will not be able to get much else done. Table 4Political Capital: White House And Congress Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital Household Sentiment: Household sentiment is the origin of political capital since households are voters. We measure it through presidential net approval ratings, both in general and in handling the economy, as well as through consumer confidence (Chart 5). Household sentiment changes easily – it can drive policies and react to them. Even if the economy is objectively improving, sentiment can remain downbeat if politicians fail to communicate their policies, which could cost them the election. Measures that improve household pocketbooks or welfare are more popular than those that impose structural changes like taxes and regulation. But reforms are possible when a politician has sufficient political capital, or when a worse outcome would follow from doing nothing. Biden will start with a higher approval rating than President Trump but his average approval is not much higher at present and consumer confidence has ticked down as a result of the pandemic. His economic stimulus should create an improvement in household sentiment in the coming year. Chart 5US Households: Still Downbeat US Households: Still Downbeat US Households: Still Downbeat Business Sentiment: Business sentiment is another important element of political capital. Businesses that are confident about the economy’s prospects will spend on capex, new orders, and new hires, and they will also deplete their inventories (Table 5). Animal spirits respond to spending, taxation, regulation, and trade – all areas where politicians have some control. Table 5Political Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital Policymakers can run down business sentiment by enacting painful policies for business, in favor of government or households or personal whim – or they can pass business-friendly policies to boost animal spirits. Businesses cannot vote like households but they have a powerful influence over politicians through lobbyists and political donations and a powerful influence on voters through employment. Higher animal spirits encourage new employment, which improves household welfare, thus boosting political capital. Biden is starting out fairly strong with respect to business sentiment, with the exception of the service sector, which is still beaten down by the pandemic. This is an area where his political capital could decay over time. Big business was happy to get rid of Trump’s trade war but now it faces larger government encroachment. This risk is flagged by small businesses, which are already highly distrustful of new taxes and regulation (Chart 6). Chart 6US Business Sentiment US Business Sentiment US Business Sentiment Chart 7Measures Of Polarization Measures Of Polarization Measures Of Polarization Political Polarization: Starkly divided populations and governments are often gridlocked or obstructionist, preventing policies from getting approved or implemented (Chart 7). Our polarization proxy measures the difference in approval of the sitting president according to party, while our economic polarization measure does the same for economic sentiment. Structural polarization is a low-frequency data series from political science literature that measures whether House members and senators tend to vote with the “party line” or “reach across the aisle.”6 The Philly Fed Partisan Index also measures the degree of political disagreement among politicians at the federal level. A highly polarized environment ensures that there will be strong opposition to any policy put forward by lawmakers and a higher likelihood of reversal by the next governing party. This leads to erratic policymaking and policy uncertainty among households and businesses. Lower polarization increases the durability of policies. Fiscal Policy: The government sector contributes to political capital through fiscal policy, especially fiscal thrust (the change in the cyclically adjusted primary budget deficit) (Table 6). An expansionary fiscal policy affords policymakers greater latitude – especially in times and places where inflation is not a public concern. It can also be an effort by the ruling party to boost its political capital when it is low, or when an election looms. The Biden administration is lucky to start off with a new business cycle, as Obama did in 2009, but the large dose of fiscal support today will become a fiscal drag by 2024 so the long-term effectiveness of today’s “pump priming” will be essential. Table 6Political Capital: The Economy And Markets Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital Economic Conditions: Economic conditions are arguably the most important component of political capital. We included several objective measures of household wellbeing such as unemployment, inflation, gasoline prices at the pump, and wage growth. If voters have seen their quality of life improve under the current set of leaders then they are more likely to vote to continue their windfall. To judge whether a party will be re-elected, it is critical to know whether household wellbeing has changed since the last election. High unemployment, high inflation, high economic uncertainty, and high bankruptcy levels point to struggling voters who are more likely to take their grievances to the ballot box. By the same token, leaders will struggle to get anything done if voters are beset with these ills. Asset Markets: Asset markets play at least some role in determining political capital. Most voters are not highly exposed to the stock market, though they care about their pension fund. Most voters are highly exposed to the property market. A euphoric stock market will not necessarily buoy the political capital of a president or ruling party, as demonstrated by the recent election: President Trump’s approval was closely linked to the stock market, which also restrained his actions, yet a rallying market did not get him re-elected. A market crash will always hurt policymakers, especially if it happens just before an election. We watch the stock market primarily as a downside risk to the ruling party’s political capital rather than upside. Bottom Line: Our Political Capital Index is how we will monitor President Biden’s and the Democratic Party’s capability in the coming months and years. The administration begins with moderate political capital but it is likely to improve on economic recovery, which will be secured through control of Congress and the purse strings. Our confidence that Biden’s American Rescue Plan and one or two reconciliation bills will pass stems from this assessment. This means a large spending program and tax hikes are highly probable and investors should prepare for them. Investment Takeaways Signs of mania – from Bitcoin to TESLA to GameStop – have gripped the market as the combined effect of ultra-dovish monetary and fiscal policy is priced. This process can continue beyond reasonable expectations. Nevertheless we are prepared for near-term volatility and a correction at any time. The rollout of the COVID-19 vaccine faces inevitable bumps and the pandemic is still triggering government lockdown measures and consumer caution – though these will improve over time. Biden’s regulatory agenda and especially looming tax hikes will also spur some risk aversion in the near term as the House Democrats begin preparing a reconciliation bill. Overcoming the hurdle of Trump’s impeachment will free up the Senate to move forward on reconciliation as well, which means tax hikes will fall under the market’s radar sooner or later. A regular bill could be passed in February without new taxes but otherwise a reconciliation bill will pass as early as April and include at least some new taxes, even if they take effect next year. We would still use the opportunity to buy into any further weakness in value plays relative to growth plays (Chart 8). Fundamentally the economy is set to improve this year, the pandemic is set to subside, and the policy support will be reinforced and expanded as necessary. Chart 8A Setback For Growth Versus Value A Setback For Growth Versus Value A Setback For Growth Versus Value Chart 9Equity Correction Looms Equity Correction Looms Equity Correction Looms The reflation trade is technically over-extended, investors are complacent, and some profit-taking is due. The extremely depressed put-to-call ratio tracks well with the US dollar index, both of which are showing signs of life (Chart 9). We would fade a rebound in the dollar, however, as the Democratic Party’s policies will ensure widening twin deficits (budget and trade deficits) even as the Fed demonstrates its commitment to its new goal of allowing an inflation overshoot to make up for past undershoots.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital Table A2Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Biden's Political Capital Biden's Political Capital   Footnotes 1     See BCA Research US Equity Strategy, “Overdose?” January 25, 2021, bcaresearch.com. 2     The Congressional Review Act of 1996 enables Congress to speed up the removal of regulations that were adopted recently, in this case since August 21, 2020. The process requires both houses of Congress to repeal a regulation but the Senate cannot prevent repeal via filibuster. The Trump administration used the law aggressively to remove several of President Barack Obama’s outgoing regulations. See Jonathan H. Adler, “Will Democrats Learn To Love The Congressional Review Act?” Reason, January 23, 2021, reason.com.  3    Democrats are explicitly interested in repealing the filibuster, as Biden and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer have indicated (not to mention former President Obama who characterized it as a relic of the racist Jim Crowe era). 4    See Ed O’Keefe et al, “16 senators from both parties meet with White House on COVID-19 relief plan,” CBS News, January 25, 2021, cbsnews.com; Aamer Madhani and Lisa Mascaro, “White House Begins Talks With Lawmakers On COVID-19 Relief,” Associated Press, January 25, 2021, apnews.com.  5    Biden’s term technically began on January 20 but voters in 2024 will judge the president and ruling party based on whether they are better off than they were four years ago, i.e. when they last made a major judgment. 6    See Jeffrey Lewis, Keith Poole, Howard Rosenthal, et al, at voteview.org.  

Highlights A positive backdrop still supports a cyclical bull market in Chinese stocks, but the upside in prices could be quickly exhausted. Investors may be overlooking emerging negative signs in China’s onshore equity market.  The breadth of the A-share price rally has sharply declined since the beginning of this year; historically, a rapid narrowing in breadth has been a reliable indicator for pullbacks in the onshore market. Recent stock price rallies in some high-flying sectors of the onshore market are due to earnings multiples rather than earnings growth. Overstretched stock prices relative to earnings risk a snapback. We remain cautious on short-term prospects for China’s onshore equity markets.  Feature Market commentators remain sharply divided about whether Chinese stocks will continue on their cyclical bull run or are in a speculative frenzy ready to capitulate. Stock prices picked up further in the first three weeks of 2021, extending their rallies in 2020. The positives that support a bull market, such as China’s economic recovery and improving profit growth, are at odds with the negatives. The downside is that the intensity of post-pandemic stimulus in China has likely peaked and monetary conditions have tightened. In addition, China’s stock markets may be showing signs of fatigue. While aggregate indexes have recorded new highs, the breadth of the rally—the percentage of stocks for which prices are rising versus falling—has been rapidly deteriorating. In the past, a sharp narrowing in breadth led to corrections and major setbacks in Chinese stock prices. Timing the eventual correction in stock prices will be tricky in an environment where plentiful cash on the sidelines from stimulus invites risk-taking. For now, there is little near-term benefit for investors to chase the rally in Chinese stocks. While we are not yet negative on Chinese stocks on a cyclical basis, the risks for a near-term price correction are significant. Investors looking to allocate more cash to Chinese stocks should wait until a correction occurs. Positive Backdrop On a cyclical basis, there are still some aspects that could push Chinese stocks even higher. The question is the speed of the rally. The more earnings multiples expand in the near term, the more earnings will have to do the heavy lifting in the rest of the year to pull Chinese stocks higher. The following factors have provided tailwinds to Chinese stocks, but may have already been discounted by investors: Chart 1Chinas Economic Recovery Continues Chinas Economic Recovery Continues Chinas Economic Recovery Continues China’s economic recovery continues. China was the only major world economy to record growth in 2020. The massive stimulus rolled out last year should continue to work its way through the economy and support the ongoing uptrend in the business cycle (Chart 1). China’s relative success containing domestic COVID-19 outbreaks also provides confidence for the country’s consumers, businesses and investors. Chinese consumers have saved money—a lot of it. Although the household sector has been a laggard in China’s aggregate economy, much of the consumption weakness has been due to a slower recovery in service activities, such as tourism and catering (Chart 2). More importantly, Chinese households have accumulated substantial savings in the past two years. Unlike investors in the US, Chinese households have limited investment choices. Historically, sharp increases in household savings growth led to property booms (Chart 3, top panel). Given that Chinese authorities have become more vigilant in preventing further price inflation in the property market, Chinese households have been increasingly investing in the domestic equity market (Chart 3, middle and bottom panels). Reportedly, there has been a sharp jump in demand for investment products from households; mutual funds in China have raised money at a record pace, bringing in over 2 trillion yuan ($308 billion) in 2020, which is more than the total amount for the previous four years. The equity investment penetration remains low in China compared with developed nations such as the US.1 Thus, there is still room for Chinese households to deploy their savings into domestic stock markets. Chart 2Consumption Has Been A Laggard In Chinas Economic Recovery Consumption Has Been A Laggard In Chinas Economic Recovery Consumption Has Been A Laggard In Chinas Economic Recovery Chart 3But Chinese Households Have Saved A Lot Of Dry Powder But Chinese Households Have Saved A Lot Of Dry Powder But Chinese Households Have Saved A Lot Of Dry Powder   Global growth and the liquidity backdrop remain positive. The combination of extremely easy monetary policy worldwide and a new round of fiscal support in the US will provide a supportive backdrop for both global economic growth and liquidity conditions. Foreign investment has flocked into China’s financial markets since last year and has picked up speed since the New Year (Chart 4). On a monthly basis, portfolio inflows account for less than 1% of the onshore equity market trading volume, but in recent years foreign portfolio inflows have increasingly influenced China’s onshore equity market sentiment and prices (Chart 5). Chart 4Foreign Investors Are Piling Into The Chinese Equity Market Foreign Investors Are Piling Into The Chinese Equity Market Foreign Investors Are Piling Into The Chinese Equity Market Chart 5And Have Become A More Influential Player In The Chinese Onshore Market And Have Become A More Influential Player In The Chinese Onshore Market And Have Become A More Influential Player In The Chinese Onshore Market Geopolitical risks are abating somewhat. We do not expect that the Biden administration will be quick to unwind Trump’s existing trade policies on China. However, in the near term, the two nations will likely embark on a less confrontational track than in the past two and a half years. Slightly eased Sino-US tensions will provide global investors with more confidence for buying Chinese risk assets. Lastly, localized COVID-19 outbreaks have flared up in several Chinese cities, prompting local authorities to take aggressive measures, including community lockdowns and stepping up travel restrictions. A deterioration in the situation could delay the recovery of household consumption; however, any negative impact on China’s aggregate economy will more than likely be offset by market expectations that policymakers will delay monetary policy normalization. Domestic liquidity conditions could improve, possibly providing a short-term boost to the rally in Chinese stocks. Bottom Line: Much of the positive news may already be priced into Chinese stocks. Non-Negligible Downside Risks There is a consensus that Chinese authorities will dial back their stimulus efforts this year and continue to tighten regulations in sectors such as real estate. Investors may disagree on the pace and magnitude of policy tightening, but the policy direction has been explicit from recent government announcements. However, the market may have ignored the following factors and their implications on stock performance: Deteriorating equity market breadth. In the past three weeks, the rally in Chinese stocks has been supported by a handful of blue-chip companies. The CSI 300 Index, which aggregates the largest 300 companies listed on both the Shanghai and Shenzhen stock exchanges (i.e. the A-share market) outperformed the broader A-share market by a large margin (Chart 6). Crucially, stock market breadth has declined rapidly (Chart 7). In short, the majority of Chinese stocks have relapsed. Chart 6Large Cap Stocks Outperform The Rest By A Sizable Margin Large Cap Stocks Outperform The Rest By A Sizable Margin Large Cap Stocks Outperform The Rest By A Sizable Margin Chart 7The Breadth Of Onshore Stock Price Rally Has Narrowed Sharply The Breadth Of Onshore Stock Price Rally Has Narrowed Sharply The Breadth Of Onshore Stock Price Rally Has Narrowed Sharply   Chart 8Narrowing Market Breadth Has Historically Led To Price Pullbacks Narrowing Market Breadth Has Historically Led To Price Pullbacks Narrowing Market Breadth Has Historically Led To Price Pullbacks Previously, Chinese stocks experienced either price corrections or a major setback as the breadth of the rally narrowed (Chart 8). However, the relationship has broken down since October last year; the number of stocks with ascending prices has fallen, while the aggregate A-share prices have risen. In other words, breadth has narrowed and the rally in the benchmark has been due to a handful of large-cap stocks.   Top performers do not have enough weight to support the broad market. An overconcentration of returns in itself may not necessarily lead to an imminent price pullback in the aggregate equity index. The five tech titans in the S&P 500 index have been dominating returns since 2015, whereas the rest of the 495 stocks in the index barely made any gains. Yet the overconcentration in just a few stocks has not stopped the S&P 500 from reaching new highs in the past five years. Unlike the tech titans which represent more than 20% of the S&P index, the overconcentration in the Chinese onshore market has been more on the sector leaders rather than on a particular sector. China’s own tech giants such as Alibaba, Tencent, and Meituan, represent 35% of China’s offshore market, but most of the sector leaders in China’s onshore market account for only two to three percent of the total equity market cap (Table 1). Given their relatively small weight in the Shanghai and Shenzhen composite indexes, it is difficult for these stocks to lift the entire A-share market if prices in all the other stocks decline sharply.  The CSI 300 Index, which aggregates some of China’s largest blue-chip companies and industry leaders, including Kweichow Moutai, Midea Group, and Ping An Insurance, is not insulated from gyrations in the aggregate A-share market. Historically, when investors crowded into those top performers, the weight from underperforming companies in the broader onshore market would create a domino effect and drag down the CSI 300 Index. In other words, the magnitude of returns on the CSI 300 Index can deviate from the broader onshore market, but not the direction of returns.  Table 1Top 10 Constituents And Their Weights In The CSI 300, Shanghai Composite, And Shenzhen Composite Indexes Chinese Stocks: Which Way Will The Winds Blow? Chinese Stocks: Which Way Will The Winds Blow? Chinese “groupthinkers” are pushing the overconcentration. With the explosive growth in mutual fund sales, Chinese institutional investors and asset managers have started to play important roles in the bull market. Unlike their Western counterparts, Chinese fund managers’ performances are ranked on a quarterly or even monthly basis by asset owners, including retail investors. As such, they face intense and constant pressure to outperform the benchmarks and their peers, and have great incentive to chase rallies in well-known companies. In a late-state bull market when uncertainties emerge and assets with higher returns are sparse, fund managers tend to group up in chasing fewer “sector winners,” driving up their share prices. Chart 9Forward Earnings Growth Has Stalled Forward Earnings Growth Has Stalled Forward Earnings Growth Has Stalled Earnings outlook fails to keep up with multiple expansions. Despite the massive stimulus last year and improving industrial profits, forward earnings growth in both the onshore and offshore equity markets rolled over by the end of last year (Chart 9). Earnings from some of China’s high-flying sectors have been mediocre (Chart 10). Even though the ROEs in the food & beverage, healthcare and aerospace sectors remain above the domestic industry benchmarks, the sharp upticks in their share prices are largely due to an expansion of forward earnings multiples rather than earnings growth (Chart 11). The stretched valuation measures suggest that investors have priced in significant earnings growth, which may be more than these industries can deliver in 2021. Chart 10Other Than Healthcare, High-Flying Sectors Have Seen Mediocre Earnings Other Than Healthcare, High-Flying Sectors Have Seen Mediocre Earnings Other Than Healthcare, High-Flying Sectors Have Seen Mediocre Earnings Chart 11Too Much Growth Priced In Too Much Growth Priced In Too Much Growth Priced In Cyclical stocks may be sniffing out a peak in the market. The performance in cyclical stocks relative to defensives in both the onshore and offshore equity markets has started to falter, after outperforming throughout 2020 (Chart 12). Historically, the strength in cyclical stocks relative to defensives corresponds with improving economic activity (and vice versa). Therefore, the recent rollover in the outperformance of cyclical stocks versus defensives indicates that China’s economic recovery and the equity rally could soon peak.   An IPO mania. New IPOs in China reached a record high last year, jumping by more than 100% from 2019. IPOs on the Shanghai, Shenzhen and Hong Kong stock exchanges together were more than half of all global IPOs in 2020. The previous rounds of explosive IPOs in China occurred in 2007, 2010/11, and 2014/15, most followed by stock market riots (Chart 13). Chart 12Cyclical Stocks May Be Sniffing Out A Peak In The Market Cyclical Stocks May Be Sniffing Out A Peak In The Market Cyclical Stocks May Be Sniffing Out A Peak In The Market Chart 13IPO Manias In The Past Have Led To Market Riots IPO Manias In The Past Have Led To Market Riots IPO Manias In The Past Have Led To Market Riots Bottom Line: Investors may be neglecting some risks and pitfalls in the Chinese equity markets, which could lead to near-term price corrections. Investment Conclusions We still hold a constructive view on Chinese stocks in the next 6 to 12 months. Yet the equity market rally has been on overdrive for the past several weeks. The higher Chinese stock prices climb in the near term, the more it will eat into upside potentials and thus push down expected returns. The divergence between forward earnings and PE expansions in Chinese stocks is reminiscent of the massive stock market boom-bust cycle in 2014/15 (Chart 14A and 14B). This is in stark contrast with the picture at the beginning of the last policy tightening cycle, which started in late 2016 (Chart 15A and 15B). Valuation is a poor timing indicator and investor sentiment is hard to pin down. Nevertheless, the wide divergence between the earnings outlook and multiples indicates that Chinese stock prices are overstretched and at risk of price setbacks. Chart 14AA Picture Looking Too Familiar A Picture Looking Too Familiar A Picture Looking Too Familiar Chart 14BA Picture Looking Too Familiar A Picture Looking Too Familiar A Picture Looking Too Familiar Chart 15AAnd A Sharp Contrast From The Last Policy Tightening Cycle And A Sharp Contrast From The Last Policy Tightening Cycle And A Sharp Contrast From The Last Policy Tightening Cycle Chart 15BAnd A Sharp Contrast From The Last Policy Tightening Cycle And A Sharp Contrast From The Last Policy Tightening Cycle And A Sharp Contrast From The Last Policy Tightening Cycle We remain cautious on the short-term prospects for the broad equity market. Investors looking to allocate more cash to Chinese stocks should wait until a price correction occurs. Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1Only 20.4% of Chinese households’ total net worth is in financial assets versus the US, where the share is 42.5%. PBoC, “2019 Chinese Urban Households Assets And Liabilities Survey.” Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights Global Yields: The fall in global bond yields over the past two weeks represents a corrective pullback from an overly rapid rise in inflation expectations, especially in the US. The underlying reflationary themes that drove yields higher, however, remain intact, even with uncertainty over COVID-19 vaccine distribution and mixed messages on future central bank policy moves. Duration Strategy: We maintain our broad core recommendations on global government bonds: stay below-benchmark on overall duration exposure, overweighting non-US markets versus US Treasuries, while favoring inflation-linked debt over nominal bonds. Australia vs. US: Following from the conclusions of our Special Report on Australia published last week, we are initiating a new cross-country spread trade in our Tactical Overlay portfolio: long 10-year Australian government bond futures versus short 10-year US Treasury futures. Feature Chart of the WeekCentral Banks Will Stay Very Dovish Central Banks Will Stay Very Dovish Central Banks Will Stay Very Dovish The benchmark 10-year US Treasury yield fell to 1.04% yesterday as this report went to press, after reaching a high of 1.18% on January 12th. 10-year government bond yields have also fallen over the same period, but by lesser amounts ranging between 5-10bps, in Germany, France, the UK and Australia. We view these moves as a consolidation before the next upleg in global yields, and not the start of a new bullish cyclical phase for government bond markets. Our Central Bank Monitors for the major developed economies are all showing diminished pressure for easier monetary policies, but are not yet signaling a need for tightening to slow overheating economies (Chart of the Week). Realized inflation and breakevens from inflation-linked bond markets remain below levels consistent with central bank policy targets, even in the US after the big run-up in TIPS breakevens. Reflationary, pro-growth monetary (and fiscal) policies are still necessary. Policymakers can talk all they want about optimism on future global growth with COVID-19 vaccines now being rolled out in more countries, but it is far too soon to expect any shift away from a maximum dovish monetary policy stance that is bearish for bonds and bullish for risk assets. We continue to recommend a below-benchmark overall stance on global cyclical duration exposure, with a country allocation focused most intensely on underweighting US Treasuries. The Global Backdrop Remains Bond Bearish Optimism over a potential boom in global economic growth in the second half of 2021 - fueled by the rollout of COVID-19 vaccines, massive pandemic income support programs and other increased government spending measures, and ongoing easy monetary policies – has become an increasingly consensus view among investors. As evidence of this, the latest edition of the widely-followed Bank of America Fund Managers’ Survey highlighted that the biggest tail risks for financial markets all relate to that bullish narrative: a disappointing vaccine rollout, a “Tantrum” in bond markets, a bursting of the US equity bubble and rising inflation expectations.1 We can understand why investors would be most worried about the success of the COVID-19 vaccine distribution which has started with mixed results. According to the Oxford University COVID-19 database, the UK has now delivered 10.38 vaccinations per 100 people, while the US has given out 6.6 shots per 100 people (Chart 2). By comparison, the pace of the vaccine rollout has been far slower in Germany, France, Italy and China. Note that this data shows total vaccine shots administered and does not represent a count of the total number of inoculated citizens, as a full dose requires two shots. Chart 2Vaccine Rollout So Far: Operation Impulse Power A Pause, Not A Peak, In Global Bond Yields A Pause, Not A Peak, In Global Bond Yields Success on the vaccine front is what is needed for investors to envision an eventual end to the pandemic … or at least an end to the growth-damaging lockdowns related to the pandemic. So a slower-than-expected rollout does justify somewhat lower bond yields, all else equal. However, the news on the spread of the virus itself has turned more encouraging during this “dark winter” of COVID-19. The latest data on new cases of the virus shows that the severe surge in the US and UK appears to have peaked (Chart 3). In the euro area, the overall number of new cases is at best stabilizing with more divergence between countries: cases are continuing to explode higher in Italy and Spain but slowing in large economies like Germany and the Netherlands (and stabilizing in France). The growth in new virus-related hospitalizations, however, has clearly slowed across those major economies, including in places with surging new case numbers like Italy. Chart 3Lockdowns Will Not Last Forever Lockdowns Will Not Last Forever Lockdowns Will Not Last Forever Chart 4European Lockdowns Taking A Bite Out Of Growth European Lockdowns Taking A Bite Out Of Growth European Lockdowns Taking A Bite Out Of Growth A reduction in the strain on hospital bed capacity gives hope that the current severe economic restrictions seen in Europe and parts of the US can soon begin to be lifted. This can help sustain the cyclical upturn in global economic growth, especially in countries where lockdowns have been most onerous like the UK, which saw a sharp plunge in the preliminary Markit PMI data for January (Chart 4). So on the COVID-19 front, we interpret the overall backdrop as more positive for global growth expectations, and hence more supportive of higher global bond yields. Chart 5Reflationary Expectations Remain Well Entrenched Reflationary Expectations Remain Well Entrenched Reflationary Expectations Remain Well Entrenched Expectations are still tilted towards rising yields, judging by the ZEW survey of global financial market professionals (Chart 5). The survey shows that the bias continues to lean towards expectations of both higher long-term interest rates and inflation, but without any expected increase in short-term interest rates. This fits with the overall yield curve steepening theme that has driven global bond markets since last summer, which has been consistent with the dovish messaging from central banks. The Fed, ECB and other major central banks continue to project a very slow recovery of labor markets from the COVID-19 shock, with no return to pre-pandemic levels until at least 2024 (Chart 6). This is forcing central banks to maintain as dovish a policy mix as possible, including projecting stable policy rates over the next several years supported by ongoing quantitative easing (QE). These policies have helped support the rise in global inflation expectations and helped fuel the “Everything Rally” that has stretched the valuations of risk assets worldwide. So it is also not surprising that worries about a bond “Tantrum”, rising inflation expectations and a bursting of equity bubbles would also top the tail risks highlighted in that Bank of America investor survey. All are connected to the next moves of the major global central banks. Chart 6Central Banks Must Stay Easy For A Long Time Central Banks Must Stay Easy For A Long Time Central Banks Must Stay Easy For A Long Time On that front, we are not worried about any premature shift to a less dovish stance, given the lingering uncertainties over COVID-19 and with actual inflation – and inflation expectations - remaining below central bank targets. Several officials from the world’s most important central bank, the US Federal Reserve, have made comments in recent weeks discussing the outlook for US monetary policy. A few FOMC members raised the possibility of a potential discussion of slower bond purchases by year-end, if the US economy grows faster than expected and the vaccine rollout goes smoothly. Although the majority of FOMC members, including Fed Chair Jerome Powell and Vice-Chairman Richard Clarida, noted that any such discussion was premature and would not take place until 2022 at the earliest. In our view, the Fed will not begin to signal any shift to a less dovish policy stance before US inflation and inflation expectations have all sustainably returned to levels consistent with the Fed’s 2% target (Chart 7). That means seeing TIPS breakevens rise to the 2.3-2.5% range that has prevailed during previous periods when headline PCE inflation as at or above 2%. Chart 7US Inflation Still Justifies Maximum Fed Dovishness US Inflation Still Justifies Maximum Fed Dovishness US Inflation Still Justifies Maximum Fed Dovishness Chart 8The Fed Is Not Yet Worried About Overly Easy Financial Conditions The Fed Is Not Yet Worried About Overly Easy Financial Conditions The Fed Is Not Yet Worried About Overly Easy Financial Conditions Such a shift by the Fed could happen by year-end, but only if there was also concern within the FOMC that financial conditions in the US had become overly stimulative and risked future instability of overvalued asset prices (Chart 8). At the present time, however, the Fed will continue to focus on policy reflation and worry about any negative spillover effects on financial markets at a later date. Financial conditions are also a potential issue for other central banks, but from a different perspective – currencies. Financial conditions in more export-focused economies like the euro area and Australia are more heavily influenced by the impact on competitiveness from currency values (Chart 9). Chart 9Currencies Dictate Financial Conditions Outside The US Currencies Dictate Financial Conditions Outside The US Currencies Dictate Financial Conditions Outside The US Chart 10Projected Relative QE Favors UST Underperformance Projected Relative QE Favors UST Underperformance Projected Relative QE Favors UST Underperformance The combination of the Fed’s lingering dovish policy bias and the improving global growth backdrop should keep the US dollar under cyclical downward pressure. The weaker greenback means that non-US central banks must try to maintain an even more dovish bias than the Fed to limit the upward pressure on their own currencies. A desire to fight unwanted currency appreciation via a more rapid pace of QE relative to the Fed – at a time when US Treasury yields are likely to remain under upward pressure from rising inflation expectations – should support a narrowing of non-US vs US bond spreads over the next 6-12 months (Chart 10). Bottom Line: The underlying reflationary themes that drove global bond yields higher over the past several months remain intact, even with uncertainty over COVID-19 vaccine distribution and mixed messages on future central bank policy moves. Stay below-benchmark on overall global duration exposure, overweighting non-US government bond markets versus US Treasuries, while also favoring global inflation-linked debt over nominal bonds. A New Cross-Country Spread Trade: Long Australian Government Bonds Vs. US Treasuries In last week’s Special Report on Australia, which we co-authored jointly with BCA Research Foreign Exchange Strategy, we concluded that a neutral exposure to Australian government debt within global bond portfolios was still warranted.2 Uncertainty over the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) reaction function and the future path of Australia’s yield beta, which measures the sensitivity of Australian yields to global yields and remains elevated, justified a neutral stance. We do, however, have a higher conviction view that Australian government debt will outperform US Treasuries – especially given our expectation that US yields have more cyclical upside – given that the yield beta of the former to the latter has declined (Chart 11). Chart 11Australian Government Bonds Are "Defensive" When US Yields Are Rising Australian Government Bonds Are "Defensive" When US Yields Are Rising Australian Government Bonds Are "Defensive" When US Yields Are Rising This week, we translate that view into a new tactical trade—going long 10-year Australian government bonds versus shorting 10-year US Treasuries. This trade will be implemented through bond futures (details of the trade can be seen in our trade table on page 15). In addition to the yield beta argument, the Australia-US 10-year spread looks attractive on a fair value basis. Chart 12 presents our new Australia-US 10-year spread valuation model, based on fundamental factors such as relative policy interest rates, inflation and unemployment. The model also accounts for the impact from the massive bond buying by the Fed and Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA); we include as an independent variable the relative central bank balance sheets as a share of respective nominal GDP. Although the Australia-US spread has converged somewhat towards fair value since the blow out in March 2020, it is still at attractive levels at 13bps or 0.8 standard deviations above fair value. The model-implied fair value of the Australia-US spread could also fall further, thereby creating a lower anchor point for spreads to gravitate towards. While the policy rate differential will likely remain unchanged until 2023, other factors will move to drag down the spread fair value (Chart 13). The gap in relative headline inflation should, much to the RBA’s chagrin, move further into negative territory given the relatively weaker domestic and foreign price pressures in Australia. On the QE front, the RBA also has much more room to expand its balance sheet relative to developed market peers, and will feel pressured to do so if the Australian dollar continues to rally. Finally, the RBA expects a much slower recovery in Australian unemployment than the Fed does for the US. This should further push down fair value if the central bank forecasts play out as expected. Chart 12The Australia-US 10-Year Spread Is Undervalued The Australia-US 10-Year Spread Is Undervalued The Australia-US 10-Year Spread Is Undervalued Technical considerations also seem to be in favor of our trade (Chart 14). While the deviation of the Australia-US 10-year spread from its 200-day moving average, and its 26-week change, are both slightly negative, the 2008 period is instructive. Chart 13Relative Fundamentals Point Towards A Lower Australia-US Spread Relative Fundamentals Point Towards A Lower Australia-US Spread Relative Fundamentals Point Towards A Lower Australia-US Spread Chart 14Technicals Favor Further Reduction In The Australia-US Spread Technicals Favor Further Reduction In The Australia-US Spread Technicals Favor Further Reduction In The Australia-US Spread For both measures, after blowing up to around the +75-150bps zone, they likewise fell by a commensurate amount, attributable to a strong “base effect”. A similar dynamic should play out now after the dramatic 2020 spike in spread momentum. Meanwhile, duration positioning in the US, while it is short on net, is still far from levels where it has troughed. Lastly and most importantly, forward curves are pricing in an Australia-US spread close to zero, which provides us a golden opportunity to “beat the forwards” as the spread tightens without incurring negative carry. As a reference, we are initiating this trade with the cash 10-year Australia-US bond spread at 4bps, with a target range of -30bps to -80bps over the usual 0-6 month horizon that we maintain for our Tactical Overlay positions. Bottom Line: We seek to capitalize on our view that Australian yields will be slower to rise relative to US yields by introducing a new spread trade: buy Australian government bond 10-year futures and sell US 10-year Treasury futures. Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Shakti Sharma Research Associate ShaktiS@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1https://www.bloombergquint.com/markets/record-number-of-fund-managers-overweight-on-emerging-markets-says-bofa-survey 2 Please see BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency?", dated January 20, 2021, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com.   Recommendations The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index A Pause, Not A Peak, In Global Bond Yields A Pause, Not A Peak, In Global Bond Yields Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Highlights Chinese equities have rallied enthusiastically since the COVID-19 outbreak and are now exposed to underlying political and geopolitical risks. Xi Jinping’s intention is to push forward reform and restructuring, creating a significant risk of policy overtightening over the coming two years. In the first half of 2021, the lingering pandemic and fragile global environment suggest that overtightening will be avoided. But the risk will persist throughout the year. Beijing’s fourteenth five-year plan and new focus on import substitution will exacerbate growing distrust with the US. We still doubt that the Biden administration will reduce tensions substantially or for very long. Chinese equities are vulnerable to a near-term correction. The renminbi is at fair value. Go long Chinese government bonds on the basis that political and geopolitical risks are now underrated again. Feature The financial community tends to view China’s political leadership as nearly infallible, handling each new crisis with aplomb. In 2013-15 Chinese leaders avoided a hard landing amid financial turmoil, in 2018-20 they blocked former President Trump’s trade war, and in 2020 they contained the COVID-19 pandemic faster than other countries. COVID was especially extraordinary because it first emerged in China and yet China recovered faster than others – even expanding its global export market share as the world ordered more medical supplies and electronic gadgets (Chart 1). COVID-19 cases are spiking as we go to press but there is little doubt that China will use drastic measures to curb the virus’s spread. It produced two vaccines, even if less effective than its western counterparts (Chart 2). Monetary and fiscal policy will be utilized to prevent any disruptions to the Chinese New Year from pulling the rug out from under the economic recovery. Chart 1China Grew Global Market Share, Despite COVID China Grew Global Market Share, Despite COVID China Grew Global Market Share, Despite COVID Chart 2China Has A Vaccine, Albeit Less Effective China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 In short, China is seen as a geopolitical juggernaut that poses no major risk to the global bull market in equities, corporate bonds, and commodities – the sole backstop for global growth during times of crisis (Chart 3). The problem with this view is that it is priced into markets already, the crisis era is fading (despite lingering near-term risks), and Beijing’s various risks are piling up. Chart 3China Backstopped Global Growth Again China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 First, as potential GDP growth slows, China faces greater difficulty managing the various socioeconomic imbalances and excesses created by its success – namely the tug of war between growth and reform. The crisis shattered China’s attempt to ensure a smooth transition to lower growth rates, leaving it with higher unemployment and industrial restructuring that will produce long-term challenges (Chart 4). Chart 4China's Unemployment Problem China's Unemployment Problem China's Unemployment Problem The shock also forced China to engage in another blowout credit surge, worsening the problem of excessive leverage and reversing the progress that was made on corporate deleveraging in previous years. Second, foreign strategic opposition and trade protectionism are rising. China’s global image suffered across the world in 2020 as a result of COVID, despite the fact that President Trump’s antics largely distracted from China. Going forward there will be recriminations from Beijing’s handling of the pandemic and its power grab in Hong Kong yet Trump will not be there to deflect. By contrast, the Biden administration holds out a much greater prospect of aligning liberal democracies against China in a coalition that could ultimately prove effective in constraining its international behavior. China’s turn inward, toward import substitution and self-sufficiency, will reinforce this conflict. In the current global rebound, in which China will likely be able to secure its economic recovery while the US is supercharging its own, readers should expect global equity markets and China/EM stocks to perform well on a 12-month time frame. We would not deny all the positive news that has occurred. But Chinese equities have largely priced in the positives, meaning that Chinese politics and geopolitics are underrated again and will be a source of negative surprises going forward. The Centennial Of 1921 The Communist Party will hold a general conference to celebrate its 100th birthday on July 1, just as it did in 1981, 1991, 2001, and 2011. These meetings are ceremonial and have no impact on economic policy. We examined nominal growth, bank loans, fixed asset investment, industrial output, and inflation and observed no reliable pattern as an outcome of these once-per-decade celebrations. In 2011, for example, General Secretary Hu Jintao gave a speech about the party’s triumphs since 1921, reiterated the goals of the twelfth five-year plan launched in March 2011, and reminded his audience of the two centennial goals of becoming a “moderately prosperous society” by 2021 and a “modern socialist country” by 2049 (the hundredth anniversary of the People’s Republic). China is now transitioning from the 2021 goals to the 2049 goals and the policy consequences will be determined by the Xi Jinping administration. Xi will give a speech on July 1 recapitulating the fourteenth five-year plan’s goals and his vision for 2035 and 2049, which will be formalized in March at the National People’s Congress, China’s rubber-stamp parliament. As such any truly new announcements relating to the economy should come over the next couple of months, though the broad outlines are already set. There would need to be another major shock to the system, comparable to the US trade war and COVID-19, to produce a significant change in the economic policy outlook from where it stands today. Hence the Communist Party’s 100th birthday is not a driver of policy – and certainly not a reason for authorities to inject another dose of massive monetary and credit stimulus following the country’s massive 12% of GDP credit-and-fiscal impulse from trough to peak since 2018 (Chart 5). The overarching goal is stability around this event, which means policy will largely be held steady. Chart 5China's Big Stimulus Already Occurred China's Big Stimulus Already Occurred China's Big Stimulus Already Occurred Far more important than the centenary of the Communist Party is the political leadership rotation that will begin on the local level in early 2022, culminating in the twentieth National Party Congress in the fall of 2022.1 This was supposed to be the date of Xi’s stepping down, according to the old schedule, but he will instead further consolidate power – and may even name himself Chairman Xi, as the next logical step in his Maoist propaganda campaign. This important political rotation will enable Xi to elevate his followers to higher positions and cement his influence over the so-called seventh generation of Chinese leaders, pushing his policy agenda far into the future. Ahead of these events, Beijing has been mounting a new battle against systemic risks, as it did in late 2016 and throughout 2017 ahead of the nineteenth National Party Congress. The purpose is to prevent the economic and financial excesses of the latest stimulus from destabilizing the country, to make progress on Xi’s policy agenda, and to expose and punish any adversaries. This new effort will face limitations based on the pandemic and fragile economy but it will nevertheless constitute the default setting for the next two years – and it is a drag on growth rather than a boost. The importance of the centenary and the twentieth party congress will not prevent various risks from exploding between now and the fall of 2022. Some political scandals will likely emerge as foreign or domestic opposition attempts to undermine Xi’s power consolidation – and at least one high-level official will inevitably fall from grace as Xi demonstrates his supremacy and puts his followers in place for higher office. But any market reaction to these kinds of events will be fleeting compared to the reaction to Xi’s economic management. The economic risk boils down to the implementation of Xi’s structural reform agenda and his threshold for suffering political pain in pursuit of this agenda. For now the risk is fairly well contained, as the pandemic is still somewhat relevant, but going forward the tension between growth and reform will grow. Bottom Line: The hundredth birthday of the Communist Party is overrated but the twentieth National Party Congress in 2022 is of critical importance to the governance of China over the next ten years. These events will not prompt a major new dose of stimulus and they will not prevent a major reform push or crackdown on financial excesses. But as always in China there will still be an overriding emphasis on economic and social stability above all. For now, this is supportive of the new global business cycle, commodity prices, and emerging market equities. The Fourteenth Five-Year Plan (2021-25) The draft proposal of China’s fourteenth five-year plan (2021-25) will be ratified at the annual “two sessions” in March (Table 1). The key themes are familiar from previous five-year plans, which focused on China’s economic transition from “quantity” to “quality” in economic development. Table 1China’s 14th Five Year Plan China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China is seen as having entered the “high quality” phase of development – and the word quality is used 40 times in the draft. As with the past five years, the Xi administration is highlighting “supply-side structural reform” as a means of achieving this economic upgrade and promoting innovation. But Xi has shifted his rhetoric to highlight a new concept, “dual circulation,” which will now take center stage. Dual circulation marks a dramatic shift in Chinese policy: away from the “opening up and reform” of the liberal 1980s-2000s and toward a new era of import substitution and revanchism that will dominate the 2020s. Xi Jinping first brought it up in May 2020 and re-emphasized it at the July Politburo meeting and other meetings thereafter. It is essentially a “China First” policy that describes a development path in which the main economic activity occurs within the domestic market. Foreign trade and investment are there to improve this primary domestic activity. Dual circulation is better understood as a way of promoting import substitution, or self-reliance – themes that emerged after the Great Recession but became more explicit during the trade war with the US from 2018-20. The gist is to strengthen domestic demand and private consumption, improve domestic rather than foreign supply options, attract foreign investment, and build more infrastructure to remove internal bottlenecks and improve cross-regional activity (e.g. the Sichuan-Tibet railway, the national power grid, the navigation satellite system). China has greatly reduced its reliance on global trade already, though it is still fairly reliant when Hong Kong is included (Chart 6). The goals of the fourteenth five-year plan are also consistent with the “Made in China 2025” plan that aroused so much controversy with the Trump administration, leading China to de-emphasize it in official communications. Just like dual circulation, the 2025 plan was supposed to reduce China’s dependency on foreign technology and catapult China into the lead in areas like medical devices, supercomputers, robotics, electric vehicles, semiconductors, new materials, and other emerging technologies. This plan was only one of several state-led initiatives to boost indigenous innovation and domestic high-tech production. The response to American pressure was to drop the name but maintain the focus. Some of the initiatives will fall under new innovation and technology guidelines while others will fall under the category of “new types of infrastructure,” such as 5G networks, electric vehicles, big data centers, artificial intelligence operations, and ultra-high voltage electricity grids. With innovation and technology as the overarching goals, China is highly likely to increase research and development spending and aim for an overall level of above 3% of GDP (Chart 7). In previous five-year plans the government did not set a specific target. Nor did it set targets for the share of basic research spending within research and development, which is around 6% but is believed to need to be around 15%-20% to compete with the most innovative countries. While Beijing is already a leader in producing new patents, it will attempt to double its output while trying to lift the overall contribution of technology advancement to the economy. Chart 6China Seeks To Reduce Foreign Dependency China Seeks To Reduce Foreign Dependency China Seeks To Reduce Foreign Dependency Dual circulation will become a major priority affecting other areas of policy. Reform of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), for example, will take place under this rubric. The Xi administration has dabbled in SOE reform all along, for instance by injecting private capital to create mixed ownership, but progress has been debatable. Chart 7China Will Surge R&D Spending China Will Surge R&D Spending China Will Surge R&D Spending The new five-year plan will incorporate elements of an existing three-year action plan approved last June. The intention is to raise the competitiveness of China’s notoriously bloated SOEs, making them “market entities” that play a role in leading innovation and strengthening domestic supply chains. However, there is no question that SOEs will still be expected to serve an extra-economic function of supporting employment and social stability. So the reform is not really a broad liberalization and SOEs will continue to be a large sector dominated by the state and directed by the state, with difficulties relating to efficiency and competitiveness. Notwithstanding the focus on quality, China still aims to have GDP per capita reach $12,500 by 2025, implying 5%-5.5% annual growth from 2021-25, which is consistent with estimates of the International Monetary Fund (Chart 8). This kind of goal will require policy support at any given time to ensure that there is no major shortfall due to economic shocks like COVID-19. Thus any attempts at reform will be contained within the traditional context of a policy “floor” beneath growth rates – which itself is one of the biggest hindrances to deep reform. Chart 8China's Growth Target Through 2025 China's Growth Target Through 2025 China's Growth Target Through 2025 Chart 9Stimulus Correlates With Carbon Emissions Stimulus Correlates With Carbon Emissions Stimulus Correlates With Carbon Emissions As the economy’s potential growth slows the Communist Party has been shifting its focus to improving the quality of life, as opposed to the previous decades-long priority of meeting the basic material needs of the society. The new five-year plan aims to increase disposable income per capita as part of the transition to a domestic consumption-driven economy. The implied target will be 5%-5.5% growth per year, down from 6.5%+ previously, but the official commitment will be put in vague qualitative terms to allow for disappointments in the slower growing environment. The point is to expand the middle-income population and redistribute wealth more effectively, especially in the face of stark rural disparity. In addition the government aims to increase education levels, expand pension coverage, and, in the midst of the pandemic, increase public health investment and the number of doctors and hospital beds relative to the population. Beijing seems increasingly wary of too rapid of a shift away from manufacturing – which makes sense in light of the steep drop in the manufacturing share of employment amid China’s shift away from export-dependency. In the thirteenth five-year plan, Beijing aimed to increase the service sector share of GDP from 50.5% to 56%. But in the latest draft plan it sets no target for growing services. Any implicit goal of 60% would be soft rather than hard. Given that manufacturing and services combined make up 93% of the economy, there is not much room to grow services further unless policymakers want to allow even faster de-industrialization. But the social and political risks of rapid de-industrialization are well known – both from the liquidation of the SOEs in the late 1990s and from the populist eruptions in the UK and US more recently. Beijing is likely to want to take a pause in shifting away from manufacturing. But this means that China’s exporting of deflation and large market share will persist and hence foreign protectionist sentiment will continue to grow. The fourteenth five-year plan ostensibly maintains the same ambitious targets for environmental improvement as in its predecessor, in terms of water and energy consumption, carbon emissions, pollution levels, renewable energy quotas, and quotas for arable land and forest coverage. But in reality some of these targets are likely to be set higher as Beijing has intensified its green policy agenda and is now aiming to hit peak carbon emissions by 2030. China aims to be a “net zero” carbon country by 2060. Doubling down on the shift away from fossil fuels will require an extraordinary policy push, given that China is still a heavily industrial economy and predominantly reliant on coal power. So environmental policy will be a critical area to watch when the final five-year plan is approved in March, as well as in future plans for the 2026-30 period. As was witnessed in recent years, ambitious environmental goals will be suspended when the economy slumps, which means that achieving carbon emissions goals will not be straightforward (Chart 9), but it is nevertheless a powerful economic policy theme and investment theme. Xi Jinping’s Vision: 2035 On The Way To 2049 At the nineteenth National Party Congress, the critical leadership rotation in 2017, Xi Jinping made it clear that he would stay in power beyond 2022 – eschewing the nascent attempt of his predecessors to set up a ten-year term limit – and establish 2035 as a midway point leading to the 2049 anniversary of the People’s Republic. There are strategic and political goals relevant to this 2035 vision – including speculation that it could be Xi’s target for succession or for reunification with Taiwan – but the most explicit goals are, as usual, economic. Chart 10Xi Jinping’s 2035 Goals China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 Officially China is committing to descriptive rather than numerical targets. GDP per capita is to reach the level of “moderately developed countries.” However, in a separate explanation statement, Xi Jinping declares, “it is completely possible for China to double its total economy or per capita income by 2035.” In other words, China’s GDP is supposed to reach 200 trillion renminbi, while GDP per capita should surpass $20,000 by 2035, implying an annual growth rate of at least 4.73% (Chart 10). There is little reason to believe that Beijing will succeed as much in meeting future targets as it has in the past. In the past China faced steady final demand from the United States and the West and its task was to bring a known quantity of basic factors of production into operation, after lying underutilized for decades, which made for high growth rates and fairly predictable outcomes. In the future the sources of demand are not as reliable and China’s ability to grow will be more dependent on productivity enhancements and innovation that cannot be as easily created or predicted. The fourteenth five-year plan and Xi’s 2035 vision will attempt to tackle this productivity challenge head on. But restructuring and reform will advance intermittently, as Xi is unquestionably maintaining his predecessors’ commitment to stability above all. Outlook 2021: Back To The Tug Of War Of Stimulus And Reform The tug of war between economic stimulus and reform is on full display already in 2021 and will become by far the most important investment theme this year. If China tightens monetary and fiscal policy excessively in 2021, in the name of reform, it will undermine its own and the global economic recovery, dealing a huge negative surprise to the consensus in global financial markets that 2021 will be a year of strong growth, rebounding trade, a falling US dollar, and ebullient commodity prices. Our view is that Chinese policy tightening is a significant risk this year – it is not overrated – but that the government will ultimately ease policy as necessary and avoid what would be a colossal policy mistake of undercutting the economic recovery. We articulated this view late last year and have already seen it confirmed both in the Politburo’s conclusions at the annual economic meeting in December, and in the reemergence of COVID-19, which will delay further policy tightening for the time being. The pattern of the Xi administration thus far is to push forward domestic reforms until they run up against the limits of economic stability, and then to moderate and ease policy for the sake of recovery, before reinitiating the attack. Two key developments initially encouraged Xi to push forward with a new “assault phase of reform” in 2021: First, a new global business cycle is beginning, fueled by massive monetary and fiscal stimulus across the world (not only in China), which enables Xi to take actions that would drag on growth. Second, Xi Jinping has emerged from the US trade war stronger than ever at home. President Trump lost the election, giving warning to any future US president who would confront China with a frontal assault. The Biden administration’s priority is economic recovery, for the sake of the Democratic Party’s future as well as for the nation, and this limits Biden’s ability to escalate the confrontation with China, even though he will not revoke most of Trump’s actions. Biden’s predicament gives Beijing a window to pursue difficult domestic initiatives before the Biden administration is capable of turning its full attention to the strategic confrontation with China. The fact that Biden seeks to build a coalition of states first, and thus must spend a great deal of time on diplomacy with Europe and other allies, is another advantageous circumstance. China is courting and strengthening relations with Europe and those very allies so as to delay the formation of any effective coalition (Chart 11). Chart 11China Courts EU As Substitute For US China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 Thus, prior to the latest COVID-19 spike, Beijing was clearly moving to tighten monetary and fiscal policy and avoid a longer stimulus overshoot that would heighten the country’s long-term financial risks and debt woes. This policy preference will continue to be a risk in 2021: Central government spending down: Emergency fiscal spending to deal with the pandemic will be reduced from 2020 levels and the budget deficit will be reined in. The Politburo’s chief economic planning event, the Central Economic Work Conference in December, resulted in a decision to maintain fiscal support but to a lesser degree. Fiscal policy will be “effective and sustainable,” i.e. still proactive but lower in magnitude (Chart 12). Local government spending down: The central government will try to tighten control of local government bond issuance. The issuance of new bonds will fall closer to 2019 levels after a 55% increase in 2020. New bonds provide funds for infrastructure and investment projects meant to soak up idle labor and boost aggregate demand. A cut back in these projects and new bonds will drag on the economy relative to last year (Chart 13). Chart 12China Pares Government Spending On The Margin China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 Chart 13China Pares Local Government Spending Too China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 Monetary policy tightening up: The People’s Bank of China aims to maintain a “prudent monetary policy” that is stable and targeted in 2021. The intention is to avoid any sharp change in policy. However, PBoC Governor Yi Gang admits that there will be some “reasonable adjustments” to monetary policy so that the growth of broad money (M2) and total social financing (total private credit) do not wildly exceed nominal GDP growth (which should be around 8%-10% in 2021). The risk is that excessive easiness in the current context will create asset bubbles. The implication is that credit growth will slow to 11%-12%. This is not slamming on the brakes but it is a tightening of credit policy. Macro-prudential regulation up: The People’s Bank is reasserting its intention to implement the new Macro-Prudential Assessment (MPA) framework designed to tackle systemic financial risk. The rollout of this reform paused last year due to the pandemic. A detailed plan of how the country’s various major financial institutions will adopt this new mechanism is expected in March. The implication is that Beijing is turning its attention back to mitigating systemic financial risks. This includes closer supervision of bank capital adequacy ratios and cross-border financing flows. New macro-prudential tools are also targeting real estate investment and potentially other areas. Larger established banks will have a greater allowance for property loans than smaller, riskier banks. At the same time, it is equally clear that Beijing will try to avoid over-tightening policy: The COVID outbreak discourages tightening: This outbreak has already been mentioned and will pressure leaders to pause further policy tightening at least until they have greater confidence in containment. The vaccine rollout process also discourages economic activity at first since nobody wants to go out and contract the disease when a cure is in sight. Local government financial support is still robust: Local governments will still need to issue refinancing bonds to deal with the mountain of debt coming into maturity and reduce the risk of widespread insolvency. In 2020, they issued more than 1.8 trillion yuan of refinancing bonds to cover about 88% of the 2 trillion in bonds coming due. In 2021, they will have to issue about 2.2 trillion of refinancing bonds to maintain the same refinancing rate for a larger 2.6 trillion yuan in bonds coming due (Table 2). Thus while Beijing is paring back its issuance of new bonds to fund new investment projects, it will maintain a high level of refinancing bonds to prevent insolvency from cascading and undermining the recovery. Table 2Local Government Debt Maturity Schedule China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 China Geopolitical Outlook 2021 Monetary policy will not be too tight: The People’s Bank’s open market operations in January so far suggest that it is starting to fine-tune its policies but that it is doing so in an exceedingly measured way so as not to create a liquidity squeeze around the traditionally tight-money period of Chinese New Year. The seven-day repo rate, the de facto policy interest rate, has already rolled over from last year’s peak. The takeaway is that while Beijing clearly intended to cut back on emergency monetary and fiscal support this year – and while Xi Jinping is clearly willing to impose greater discipline on the economy and financial system prior to the big political events of 2021-22 – nevertheless the lingering pandemic and fragile global environment will ensure a relatively accommodative policy for the first half of 2021 in order to secure the economic recovery. The underlying risk of policy tightening is still significant, especially in the second half of 2021 and in 2022, due to the underlying policy setting. Investment Takeaways The CNY-USD has experienced a tremendous rally in the wake of the US-China phase one trade deal last year and Beijing’s rapid bounce-back from the pandemic. The trade weighted renminbi is now trading just about at fair value (Chart 14). We closed our CNY-USD short recommendation and would stand aside for now. China’s current account surplus is still robust, real reform requires a fairly strong yuan, and the Biden administration will also expect China not to depreciate the currency competitively. Thus while we anticipate the CNY-USD to suffer a surprise setback when the market realizes that the US and China will continue to clash despite the end of the Trump administration, nevertheless we are no longer outright short the currency. Chinese investable stocks have rallied furiously on the stimulus last year as well as robust foreign portfolio inflows. The rally is likely overstretched at the moment as the COVID outbreak and policy uncertainties come to the fore. This is also true for Chinese stocks other than the high-flying technology, media, and telecom stocks (Chart 15). Domestic A-shares have rallied on the back of Alibaba executive Jack Ma’s reappearance even though the clear implication is that in the new era, the Communist Party will crack down on entrepreneurs – and companies like fintech firm Ant Group – that accumulate too much power (Chart 16). Chart 14Renminbi Fairly Valued Renminbi Fairly Valued Renminbi Fairly Valued Chart 15China: Investable Stocks Overbought China: Investable Stocks Overbought China: Investable Stocks Overbought Chart 16Communist Party, Jack Ma's Boss Communist Party, Jack Ma's Boss Communist Party, Jack Ma's Boss Chart 17Go Long Chinese Government Bonds Go Long Chinese Government Bonds Go Long Chinese Government Bonds Chinese government bond yields are back near their pre-COVID highs (though not their pre-trade war highs). Given the negative near-term backdrop – and the longer term challenges of restructuring and geopolitical risks over Taiwan and other issues that we expect to revive – these bonds present an attractive investment (Chart 17). Housekeeping: In addition to going long Chinese 10-year government bonds on a strategic time frame, we are closing our long Mexican industrials versus EM trade for a loss of 9.1%. We are still bullish on the Mexican peso and macro/policy backdrop but this trade was premature. We are also closing our long S&P health care tactical hedge for a loss of 1.8%. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Yushu Ma Research Associate yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Indeed the 2022 political reshuffle has already begun with several recent appointments of provincial Communist Party secretaries.

Highlights Pandemic uncertainty and global economic policy uncertainty likely will rebound with increasing COVID-19 infection, hospitalization and death rates, which will keep the USD well bid as a safe haven, and continue to stymie the near-term revival of oil demand globally (Chart of the Week). OPEC 2.0 will continue to calibrate production with demand, which will keep the rate of supply growth in check, keeping inventories on a downward trajectory. US shale-oil production is holding up a bit better than expected, suggesting rig productivity is improving. This is lifting our output forecast slightly this year and next. In line with the World Bank’s forecast, we expect global growth to expand by 4% this year and 3.8% next year.1 These estimates drive our expectation global oil demand will rise by 6.9mm b/d this year and 2.6mm b/d next year (Chart 2). Our 2021 Brent forecast remains $63/bbl; our 2022 forecast is for Brent to average $71/bbl. We expect greater vaccine availability will power demand higher, but COVID-19-related risks remain elevated. Feature Our maintained hypothesis for oil prices – i.e., OPEC 2.0 will keep the rate of growth in production below that of consumption – continues to work. Chart of the WeekPandemic Fuels Global Uncertainty Brent Forecast: $63 This Year, $71 Next Year Brent Forecast: $63 This Year, $71 Next Year Chart 2Global Recovery Drives Oil Demand Growth Global Recovery Drives Oil Demand Growth Global Recovery Drives Oil Demand Growth Our maintained hypothesis for oil prices – i.e., OPEC 2.0 will keep the rate of growth in production below that of consumption – continues to work, as was demonstrated earlier this month when the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) unilaterally announced it would cut 1mm b/d of output in February and March.2 This keeps inventories drawing in this month’s balances estimates, and continues to power prices out of the nadir reached in April 2020. We expect the USD to resume its bear market as soon as safe-haven demand driven by disappointing vaccine distribution is addressed. This will reduce global economic policy uncertainty, which will reduce safe-haven demand for the USD. The other powerful fundamental supporting our expectation of higher oil prices this year and next – i.e., USD weakness – keeps getting interrupted by bouts of renewed global economic policy uncertainty, which can largely be laid at the feet of the uneven progress in combating the COVID-19 pandemic. This is amply demonstrated in the Chart of the Week. As we have shown in previous research, safe-haven demand for the USD moves in lock-step with economic policy uncertainty (Chart 3). The sporadic success in distributing COVID-19 vaccines, particularly in the US, will keep the dollar well bid. This is occurring at a time when massive fiscal stimulus – exceeding 25% of GDP in the US as the Biden administration takes the reins of government – and fulsome support for ultra-accommodative monetary policy by the Fed could be expected to push the USD sharply lower (Chart 4). Chart 3Global Policy Uncertainty Fuels USD Safe-Haven Demand Global Policy Uncertainty Fuels USD Safe-Haven Demand Global Policy Uncertainty Fuels USD Safe-Haven Demand Chart 4Massive Fiscal, Monetary Stimulus Should Push USD Lower Brent Forecast: $63 This Year, $71 Next Year Brent Forecast: $63 This Year, $71 Next Year We expect the USD to resume its bear market as soon as safe-haven demand driven by disappointing vaccine distribution is addressed. This will reduce global economic policy uncertainty, which will reduce safe-haven demand for the USD. Our high-conviction view is that once markets get tangible proof the distribution problems have been addressed, commodity prices – but most especially oil – will move sharply higher. Oil Supply Growth Will Remain Subdued From its inception, OPEC 2.0’s goal has been to drain unintended inventory accumulations OPEC 2.0 remains the determinant force on the supply side’s response to COVID-19. We expect continued adherence to the coalition’s overall production management strategy, which is directed toward draining global storage levels and targeting a price level acceptable to both KSA and its allies and Russia and its allies. We treat the coalition as the oil market’s dominant supplier, and those outside OPEC 2.0 as a price-taking cohort. We believe a range of $60 to $70/bbl for Brent is consistent with meeting these disparate market views – KSA wants a higher price to fund its diversification and is willing to forego some market share, while Russia appears to be more focused on market share particularly vis-à-vis the US shales. Russia's production could be higher, as it is not recouping the totality of the decline in its market share (Chart 5). From its inception, OPEC 2.0’s goal has been to drain unintended inventory accumulations following the brief market-share war launched by Russia in March of last year; the COVID-19 demand destruction of 2020, which still lingers; and residual unintended inventories left over from OPEC’s 2014-16 market-share war. If successful, this will backwardate the forward curve. We have shown in prior research how this backwardation will develop. OPEC 2.0’s massive spare capacity, judicious inventory and shipping management and forward guidance – i.e., reminding the market its low-cost capacity can be brought to market quickly – should allow it to respond to changes in demand on the downside and the upside, and keep the rate of growth in production below that of consumption (Chart 6). Chart 5OPEC 2.0 Leaders Expected Market Shares OPEC 2.0 Leaders Expected Market Shares OPEC 2.0 Leaders Expected Market Shares Chart 6OPEC 2.0 Keeps Supply Growth Below Demand Growth OPEC 2.0 Keeps Supply Growth Below Demand Growth OPEC 2.0 Keeps Supply Growth Below Demand Growth This will drain inventories, which will backwardate the forward curve (Chart 7). If the coalition is successful in reaching this goal, its members’ term contracts, which are indexed to spot prices, will realize the highest price on the forward curve when they sell their oil. By 2H22, OPEC 2.0 will have to raise production to keep Brent from exceeding $80/bbl. OPEC 2.0 still has to navigate the return of unstable supply sources, chiefly from Libya and Iran, which we expect to increase production next year (Chart 8). We believe the coalition will be able to accommodate these states’ increasing volumes, as they have shown in years past (Table 1). Chart 7...Which Allows Inventories To Draw ...Which Allows Inventories To Draw ...Which Allows Inventories To Draw Chart 8Sporadic Producers Will Be Accomodated Sporadic Producers Will Be Accomodated Sporadic Producers Will Be Accomodated Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) Brent Forecast: $63 This Year, $71 Next Year Brent Forecast: $63 This Year, $71 Next Year US Shale Production Improving Slightly The marginal producer in the price-taking cohort – exemplified by the US shale producers – will be hedging at lower prices closer to their marginal costs, which will limit the amount of oil they are able to produce. The price-taking cohort is further limited by a lack of access to capital, which will only be reversed if this group is able to demonstrate it is capable of generating returns in excess of their cost of capital. Unless and until they can return capital to shareholders via stock buybacks, or maintain and increase dividends, most of their growth will come from retained earnings. EIA data suggests shale production is holding up better than expected, likely due to higher rig productivity, which caused us to revise our output estimate. However, output will remain far from its 2019 peak (Chart 9). In our latest estimates, we increased the number of drilled-but-uncompleted (DUC) wells completed over the next few months, which marginally increases our production estimate. For 2022, we have production recovering, but believe this will be restrained because of (1) a possible fracking ban on federal lands imposed by the incoming Biden administration, which could depress sentiment in the industry and reduce drilling, and (2) capital discipline continues, which reduces the elasticity of oil prices vs rig counts, which, in our models, is based on the historical relationships reflecting a higher sensitivity to price levels. For this year, we expect US Lower 48 crude production to be at 8.64mm b/d (vs. 8.88mm b/d for the EIA) and at 9.35mm b/d (vs. 9.27mm b/d) next year. Chart 9US Shale Production Will Be Slightly Higher US Shale Production Will Be Slightly Higher US Shale Production Will Be Slightly Higher Stronger GDP Growth Boosts Demand The World Bank expects global growth in real GDP (constant 2010 USD) of 4% this year and 3.8% next year, which we show in Chart 2. In our modeling, we have revealed a strong relationship between real GDP and oil consumption, which has persisted despite the demand-destruction brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic. The Bank’s estimates drive our overall expectation global oil demand will rise by 6.9mm b/d this year and 2.6mm b/d next year. Of that, 3.8mm b/d comes from EM economies in 2021, and 3.1mm b/d comes from DM economies. Next year, EM demand is expected to increase 1.3mm b/d, with DM accounting for 1.4mm b/d. Global demand is being stymied by a strong dollar, which, given the massive fiscal stimulus already deployed in the US – with more expected from the Biden administration – and the Fed’s oft-repeated insistence it is in no rush to taper or tighten doesn’t make sense to us. Particularly given the high likelihood the Fed will tolerate lower rates even as inflation moves higher, which will keep real rates negative into the foreseeable future. USD Safe-Haven Bid Is Back The strengthening of the USD in the wake of higher global economic policy uncertainty is being fueled by higher pandemic uncertainty. This has stymied the oil-price rally over the past few weeks. Based on the USD’s performance these past few weeks as lockdowns have proliferated in response to, more potent variants of COVID-19 spreading around the globe, markets are once again concerned the public-health response to the pandemic – particularly in the US – is faltering. This has re-introduced safe-haven demand into FX markets, which is keeping the USD well bid. This can be seen in the Chart of the Week. Systematically important governments are now racing to vaccinate as many people as possible in a relatively short period so as to not fall behind the accelerated spread of these new variants, and the risk that additional mutations of the COVID-19 virus become more virulent. We highlighted this risk last week.3 While we believe odds favor an effective public-health response that arrests the spread of the COVID-19 virus, these risks remain elevated. This is what is showing up in the Pandemic Uncertainty Index, which feeds into the Global Economic Policy Uncertainty Index. Bottom Line: Our Brent forecast for 2021 remains at $63/bbl, based on our latest assessment of global supply-demand fundamentals. For next year, we expect OPEC 2.0’s production-management strategy, limited recovery in the US shales and in provinces outside the OPEC 2.0 member states and continued recovery in demand to lift prices to $71/bbl (Chart 10). The strengthening of the USD in the wake of higher global economic policy uncertainty is being fueled by higher pandemic uncertainty. This has stymied the oil-price rally over the past few weeks. We expect the public-health response to get out ahead of the pandemic, which will reduce policy uncertainty and reduce the safe-haven bid for dollars. This will allow the USD bear market to resume. But this is not without risk. Chart 10USD71 Brent Expected in 2021 USD71 Brent Expected in 2021 USD71 Brent Expected in 2021   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger Associate Editor Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish Canadian oil production has recovered most of its pull back due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which sent WCS prices down to $3.8/bbl in April. Western Canadian production fell by close to 1mm b/d amid the crisis reaching a low of 3.4mm b/d in May 2020. Production has now almost fully rebounded and is expected to reach record levels this year. Still, recent news the Biden administration is considering revoking the presidential permit required to build the Keystone XL pipeline could pressure the WCS-WTI spread (Chart 11). With production on the rise in Alberta, transportation constraints could emerge over the next few years and deter investors sentiment and willingness to deploy capital to the sector. Base Metals: Bullish A fire at a Vale loading pier could reduce exports of the Brazilian iron-ore producer over coming weeks. According to mining.com, the Ponta da Madeira maritime terminal (TPPM) in Maranhão state is “one of the most important iron ore and manganese loading terminals in the world.” The loss of the pier could remove ~ 32mm MT of Vale’s export capacity of high-grade (65% Fe) ore from an already-tight market this year. Precious Metals: Bullish Gold prices remain flat since last week at ~ $1,840/oz after falling earlier this month from above $1,950/oz. Inflows to gold-backed ETFs moved up in the last week of December following close to 2 months of outflows (Chart 12). We expect investors will continue allocating capital to gold markets as supportive monetary and fiscal policies keep pressuring the USD and real yields down and pushing inflation expectations up. The US fiscal policy’s stimulative stance was further established earlier this week by Janet Yellen – Joe Biden’s nominee to run the Treasury Department – which said the US must act big with its next relief package to boost its economy. Ags/Softs: Neutral Rains in Brazil earlier this week resulted in lower corn prices, as fear of drought diminished. Separately, China’s grain imports set records last year, as reuters.com reported the country imported 11.3mm MT of corn, exceeding its previous import record by a factor of two. Chart 11 Recovering Canadian Oil Production Pushes WCS Prices Lower Recovering Canadian Oil Production Pushes WCS Prices Lower Chart 12 Brent Forecast: $63 This Year, $71 Next Year Brent Forecast: $63 This Year, $71 Next Year     Footnotes 1     Please see the Bank's Global Economic Prospects released 5 January 2021 entitled Subdued Global Economic Recovery. 2     Please see our January 7, 2021 report KSA Output Cut, Weak Dollar Support Oil. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3    Please see Higher Inflation On The Way, which highlighted an MIT Technology Review article entitled We may have only weeks to act before a variant coronavirus dominates the US published 13 January 2021.   Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Summary of Closed Trades Higher Inflation On The Way Higher Inflation On The Way

Highlights Policy Responses: Australian policymakers have responded forcefully to the COVID-19 pandemic through massive fiscal stimulus and unprecedented monetary easing measures. The dovish pivot of the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) could last for longer given persistent inflation undershoots and an Australian dollar fundamentally supported more by an improving terms of trade and less by interest rate differentials. Bond Market Strategy: Maintain a below-benchmark strategic (6-12 months) stance on Australian duration exposure, as local bond yields will not be immune to the continued cyclical rise in global yields that we expect. Stay neutral on the country allocation to Australia in dedicated global bond portfolios, however, until there is greater clarity that the RBA’s recent dovish shift is indeed more lasting – an outcome that would turn Australia into a “low-beta” bond market that outperforms when global yields rise. FX Strategy: External conditions will likely dominate the trajectory of the Australian dollar in 2021. This argues for a modestly higher Aussie, which remains fundamentally undervalued. Beyond then, perceptions of the RBA’s policy bias should once again become an important driver for the trade-weighted currency when global reflation pressures begin to fade. Feature For investors with a global focus, Australia has always had a well-understood role within their portfolios. Australian bonds typically offer high yields relative to their developed market peers, largely due to a more inflationary economy that requires relatively higher central bank policy rates. The Australian dollar (AUD) is a commodity currency that benefits from stronger global growth but is also a “risk-on/risk-off” currency that performs better when uncertainty and volatility are low. Like all market correlations, however, there is no guarantee these will persist if the fundamental backdrop shifts. In this Special Report, jointly written by BCA Research’s Global Fixed Income Strategy and Foreign Exchange Strategy services, we discuss the cyclical outlook for bond yields and the currency in Australia. Our conclusion: the nature of both may have fundamentally changed as a result of the policy responses, both globally and within Australia, to the COVID-19 pandemic amid persistently low inflation Down Under. This Is Not Your Parents’ RBA 2020 was an exceptional year for global bond markets as yields collapsed due to the negative COVID-19 shock to global growth and dramatic easing of monetary policies. Australian sovereign debt, however, was a market laggard, delivering a total return of 4.4% (in USD-hedged terms) that underperformed much of the Bloomberg Barclays Global Treasury index universe (Chart 1). This occurred even with the RBA cutting its policy interest rate to near 0% and introducing large-scale quantitative easing (QE), while also maintaining a yield target on 3-year government bonds. Chart 1Australian Government Bonds Were A Global Underperformer In 2020 Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? The decline in Australian interest rates was not solely related to the pandemic. The process of interest rate compression of Australia versus the other developed economies dates back to the 2008 Global Financial Crisis. The RBA Cash Rate was over 400bps higher than a GDP-weighted average of policy rates in the major developed markets before the Lehman default. That rate advantage is now gone, with the reduced interest rate support weighing heavily on the Australian dollar over the past decade (Chart 2). Chart 2Australia Is No Longer A High-Yielder Australia Is No Longer A High-Yielder Australia Is No Longer A High-Yielder Chart 3RBA Policy Is Reflationary RBA Policy Is Reflationary RBA Policy Is Reflationary Something has shifted, however, since the trough in Australian economic growth in mid-2020. Our RBA Monitor, designed to measure cyclical pressure for monetary policy changes, is indicating a substantially reduced need for additional RBA easing. Inflation expectations have also recovered from the pandemic lows, with the 5-year/5-year forward Australian CPI swap rate now up to 2.5% - right in the middle of the RBA’s 2-3% inflation target band (Chart 3). The Australian dollar has also rallied solidly, up 22.4% from the 2020 low on a trade-weighted basis. All of this has occurred with virtually no support from higher Australian interest rates or even the threat of a more hawkish RBA. This is a common theme seen in other countries over the past several months. Markets are pricing in the reflationary aspects of recovering global growth and, potentially, an end to the pandemic as vaccines are now being distributed globally. At the same time, investors are taking the highly dovish forward guidance of the major central banks at face value, pricing in very moderate increases in policy rates over the next few years. Inflation expectations are rising as a result, as markets see central bankers taking more inflationary risks than in years past. This is most evident in the US where the Federal Reserve has changed its inflation targeting strategy while also signaling that monetary tightening would not begin before US inflation returned sustainably to the Fed’s 2% target. In Australia, the RBA has suggested no such change to how it approaches its 2-3% inflation target. The central bank, however, has also indicated that it will not consider any premature rate hikes without actual inflation (and inflation expectations) returning sustainably to the target band. Markets have taken the RBA’s message to heart, with the Australian overnight index swap (OIS) curve pricing in only 25bps of rate increases by the end of 2023 (Chart 4). The result has been a steady increase in Australian inflation expectations, and a decline in real bond yields, as markets discount a continued economic recovery but without any offsetting response from the RBA. Chart 4Markets Expect A Dovish RBA Markets Expect A Dovish RBA Markets Expect A Dovish RBA Thus, the RBA’s next policy moves remain critical to the outlook for Australian bond yields. If the RBA continues on this highly dovish path, keeping rates on hold while rapidly expanding its balance sheet via QE even as global growth recovers, then Australian bonds will continue to behave in the “low-beta” fashion seen over the past year. That means Australian yields will be less sensitive to changes in the overall movements of global bond yields compared to years past, because of a less active RBA – especially if the Australian dollar continues to strengthen without the support of higher interest rates (more on that later). It is still unclear if the RBA has permanently changed its “reaction function” such that investors should perceive of Australian government bonds as having a lower beta to global yields. One way to assess if such a shift is occurring is to compile a list of indicators that would likely put pressure on the RBA to turn less dovish, and then monitor them versus the RBA’s policy guidance. Introducing Our RBA Checklist The RBA’s extraordinary policy measures taken over the past year have been undertaken to help the Australian economy deal with the disinflationary shock of the COVID-19 pandemic. Any attempt to begin unwinding that policy accommodation would therefore require evidence that the impacts of the pandemic on economic growth, inflation and financial stability were evolving such that aggressive monetary stimulus was no longer required. The most important things for the central bank to monitor, described below, comprise what we will call our “RBA Checklist". 1. The Vaccination Process Goes Smoothly And Quickly Australia has been one of the more fortunate countries during the entire COVID-19 pandemic with case numbers being a tiny fraction of what has taken place in the US or UK (Chart 5A). A big reason for this is that the Australian government has been aggressive on border control and international travel restrictions. This has limited the potential for outbreaks being “imported” into the country, while also reducing the need for the kind of draconian restrictions now in place in Europe and parts of the US like California (Chart 5B). Chart 5AAustralia Has Handled The Pandemic Well... Australia Has Handled The Pandemic Well... Australia Has Handled The Pandemic Well... Chart 5B...With Fewer Restrictions ...With Fewer Restrictions ...With Fewer Restrictions Australia has been very prudent in planning for the distribution of COVID-19 vaccines. Federal authorities have purchased 10 million doses of the Pfizer vaccine and 54 million doses of the Astra-Zeneca vaccine. For a country with a population of just over 25 million, this means that there are enough doses of the vaccine available to inoculate the entire nation. The government plans to begin the vaccine rollout in February. If the distribution can take place smoothly and efficiently, herd immunity could be achieved in Australia by the fourth quarter of 2021. That could prompt the RBA to begin planning to withdraw some of the extraordinary monetary accommodation measures. 2. Private Sector Demand Accelerates Alongside Fiscal Stimulus The Australian government’s fiscal stimulus response to the pandemic was one of the largest in the world, equal to A$267 billion (14% of GDP) through the 2023-24 fiscal year according to the IMF.1 A good portion of those measures have been in the form of wage subsidies and hiring credits for businesses, as well as personal income tax cuts and other household income support measures. The latter has been particularly effective at helping boost consumer confidence – the Westpac-Melbourne Institute index of consumer sentiment hit a ten-year high in December. Business confidence also rebounded in the latter half of 2020, but remains at relatively subdued levels according to the National Australia Bank survey (Chart 6). Chart 6Consumers Are Very Optimistic, Businesses Less So Consumers Are Very Optimistic, Businesses Less So Consumers Are Very Optimistic, Businesses Less So Part of the most recent rebound in economic confidence is related to the positive news on COVID-19 vaccines, as well as the lack of a surge of new COVID cases in Australia. Chart 7Government Income Support Is Fuel For A Consumer Rebound Government Income Support Is Fuel For A Consumer Rebound Government Income Support Is Fuel For A Consumer Rebound Chart 8No Fiscal Tightening Expected In 2021 Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? The consumer confidence response has been much larger than the business confidence response, however, as the income boosting measures for households have been massive. The JobKeeper wage subsidy program alone was equal to nearly 5% of Australian GDP. The net result of that income support on household finances was impressive. Over the first three quarters of 2020, real household disposable income growth accelerated by 5 percentage points while the household savings ratio rose by a whopping 14 percentage points (Chart 7). This provides a strong base for a recovery in consumer spending, especially if the vaccine rollout is successful and existing economic restrictions can be eased. Australia is one of the rare countries that is not projected to suffer a fiscal drag on growth in 2021, even when compared to the massive stimulus measures introduced in 2020 (Chart 8). A sharper than expected rebound in consumer spending, coming on top of sustained fiscal stimulus, may embolden the RBA to consider a less dovish mix of monetary policies. 3. China Reins In Policy Stimulus By Less Than Expected Australia’s economy is inextricably linked to export demand from China, which is by far the country’s largest trading partner. BCA Research’s China strategists expect Chinese policymakers to begin tightening up on some of their own COVID-19 policy stimulus measures, with the “credit impulse” expected to peak by mid-2021 (Chart 9). Chart 92020 China Stimulus Will Boost 2021 Australian Exports 2020 China Stimulus Will Boost 2021 Australian Exports 2020 China Stimulus Will Boost 2021 Australian Exports The China credit impulse leads the growth rate of Australian exports to China by about twelve months. Thus, Australia’s economy should continue to benefit from the lagged impact of China stimulus throughout 2021, but then see some pullback in 2022 as Chinese import demand slows. It is still uncertain how large of a pullback in credit expansion will take place, but our China strategists think it could be between 1.5% and 3% of Chinese GDP. If Chinese policymakers opt for the former, and Australian export demand is projected to remain solid in 2022, then the RBA could be prompted to begin taking its foot off the monetary policy accelerator. 4. Inflation, Both Realized And Expected, Returns To The RBA’s 2-3% Target Range The RBA will obviously need to reconsider its current policy stance if Australian inflation were to sustainably return to the RBA's 2-3% target range. The key word there is “sustainably”, as the last time Australian headline CPI inflation was even as high as 2.3% was 2014. A major reason for the underwhelming performance of Australian inflation has come from the lack of domestically generated price pressures. For example, the RBA wage price index, a measure of employment costs, has been in a structural decline for most of the past decade (Chart 10). The 2020 recession resulted in a sharp rise in Australian unemployment that further pushed down wage inflation. The sharp snapback in the under-employment rate - which measures employment in terms of hours worked and is much more strongly correlated to Australian wage inflation than the headline unemployment rate - in the latter half of 2020 suggests that wage growth could bottom faster than the RBA currently expects (bottom panel). The RBA’s own inflation forecasts call for headline CPI inflation, and more smoothed measures like the trimmed mean inflation rate, to remain below 2% through the end of 2022 (Chart 11). The RBA also expects the unemployment rate to remain nearly one full percentage point above the pre-COVID low by the end of next year. Chart 10Is The RBA Too Pessimistic On Employment? Is The RBA Too Pessimistic On Employment? Is The RBA Too Pessimistic On Employment? Chart 11No Inflationary Trigger For A Less Dovish RBA...Yet No Inflationary Trigger For A Less Dovish RBA...Yet No Inflationary Trigger For A Less Dovish RBA...Yet Any upside surprise in the Australian labor market that boosts wage growth would likely coincide with some improvement in the non-tradables component of Australian CPI inflation (bottom panel). This could trigger a more hawkish response from the RBA, as even the tradables component of inflation appears to be bottoming out despite a stronger Australian dollar. 5. House Price Inflation Begins To Accelerate The RBA may become concerned that its monetary policy settings are too stimulative if there are signs of asset price inflation that could endanger financial stability. The biggest concern, as always in Australia, is the housing market and the pace of house price inflation. The latest data on house prices at the national level show that annual growth rate slowed from a pre-COVID high of 8.1% to 5.0% in Q3/2020 (Chart 12). While building approvals picked up over that same period, this appeared to be entirely related to demand for owner-occupied homes rather than houses purchased as a speculative investment. The relative trends in housing loans to both groups of buyers shows steady growth for owner-occupied lending and no growth for investor-related loans (bottom panel). The lack of evidence of a speculative push higher in house price inflation should diminish RBA concerns that its near-0% interest rate policy was fueling a new housing bubble. More generally, there is little evidence of a pickup in credit growth outside of housing, even with money supply aggregates soaring in a likely response to fiscal support measures that are boosting household liquidity (Chart 13). Chart 12RBA Policy Has Not Boosted House Prices...Yet RBA Policy Has Not Boosted House Prices...Yet RBA Policy Has Not Boosted House Prices...Yet Chart 13Monetary/Fiscal Policy Mix Boosting Liquidity, Not Credit Monetary/Fiscal Policy Mix Boosting Liquidity, Not Credit Monetary/Fiscal Policy Mix Boosting Liquidity, Not Credit If house price inflation started to pick up alongside a rebound in investor-related home loans, the RBA may feel that its low-rate policy is starting to become a problem for financial stability, requiring some monetary tightening. Summing it all up, none of the elements in our RBA Checklist are signaling an imminent need for the RBA to consider withdrawing any of its extraordinary policy measures or signal future rate hikes. More likely, there is a greater chance that the RBA extends some of the programs that are set to expire in the next few months. The latest round of QE bond purchases, equal to A$100 billion, is set to expire in April. Also, the Term Funding Facility that has provided cheap funding for banks to continue lending during the pandemic is scheduled to end by mid-year. We think it is more likely that the RBA will look to extend those programs, while also maintaining the yield curve control target on 3-year government bond yields at 0.1%, until the end of 2021. This would give the central bank more time to evaluate the progress on vaccine distribution, while also giving some policy flexibility to offset the impact of a stronger Aussie dollar. The Australian Dollar: External Conditions Are Now The Main Driver The benign reading from our RBA Checklist suggests that Australian bond yields are likely to maintain their recent lower beta to global bond yields. At first blush, this suggests the Australian dollar’s high-beta status in currency markets might also ebb. The key will be whether the RBA is successful in steering the currency on a path that eases financial conditions for domestic concerns. This is especially important since the AUD has diverged from its traditional relationship with relative interest rates. Instead, an improving terms of trade, fueled by rising commodity prices, has become the more important driver of the Aussie’s performance and will remain so over the next 6-12 months as the cyclical commodity bull market is set to continue. While there are signs that the sharp rally in industrial commodity prices could be approaching an exhaustion point in the near-term, our bias is that this will be a buying opportunity for the Aussie. There are five key reasons for this. First, Australia’s basic balance remains very wide, even if it is rolling over from fresh secular highs (Chart 14). There is anecdotal evidence that some of the imports of Australia’s key commodities in 2020 were driven by restocking, rather than final demand. However, even if restocking hits an air pocket sometime this year, the supply side remains sufficiently tight to prevent a collapse in prices. As an example, global inventories for copper are hitting new cycle lows (Chart 15). Chart 14AUD Has Underperformed The Improvement In The Basic Balance AUD Has Underperformed The Improvement In The Basic Balance AUD Has Underperformed The Improvement In The Basic Balance Chart 15Supply-Side Constraints On Key Commodities Like Copper Supply-Side Constraints On Key Commodities Like Copper Supply-Side Constraints On Key Commodities Like Copper Second, Chinese stimulus is slated to peak this year as discussed earlier. The impact on Chinese demand will be felt long after liquidity injections ease, due to the lag between monetary policy and economic activity. Assuming Chinese bond yields are a proxy for domestic policy settings, Chart 16 shows that Chinese domestic imports are tracking the easing in financial conditions we saw last year. As a result, imports of key raw materials such as copper, iron ore, steel, and crude oil should remain strong in 2021, even if growth rates subside. These will continue to benefit Australian export volumes. Third, there has been increasing relative competitiveness in the types of raw materials that China needs and wants. For example, Australian exporters produce higher-grade ore, which is more expensive, but pollutes less and is in high demand in China. Recent supply disruptions in South America are also helping Australian commodity exporters gain a greater share of Chinese commodity demand. Fourth, the Aussie will continue to benefit from the long-term tailwind of liquefied natural gas (LNG) exports. This is primarily driven by a tectonic shift in China: an energy policy shift away from coal and towards natural gas. Given that reducing, if not outright eliminating pollution is a long-term strategic goal in China, this will provide a multi-year tailwind to Australian LNG demand. Chart 16Easy Financial Conditions Should Support Chinese Spending And Imports Easy Financial Conditions Should Support Chinese Spending And Imports Easy Financial Conditions Should Support Chinese Spending And Imports Finally, the Aussie dollar is not yet expensive. It is undervalued by 3% on a purchasing power parity (PPP) basis and by 11% relative to its terms of trade (Chart 17). At a minimum, the Aussie could bounce by this magnitude, and not derail the domestic recovery. Chart 17The AUD Remains Undervalued, Relative To Terms Of Trade The AUD Remains Undervalued, Relative To Terms Of Trade The AUD Remains Undervalued, Relative To Terms Of Trade Beyond the near term, as Chinese stimulus peaks and the impulse of commodity demand relapses, most likely sometime in 2022, the RBA will regain more control over the direction of the Aussie. This will be the point where relative interest rates become increasingly important. Should the RBA continue to maintain a more dovish bias, then the Aussie will become a lower-beta currency, relative to history. Investment Conclusions The goal of this report was to determine if bond yields and the currency in Australia now trade under a “new set of rules” compared to previous years. We conclude that there has indeed been a change in how Australian bond yields behave relative to movements in global bond yields. It is not yet clear, however, if the lower yield beta of Australian government debt is a lasting change or merely a cyclical response to the RBA’s emergency pandemic related monetary policies. We will monitor our RBA Checklist in the months ahead to determine if the central bank’s reaction function has changed in such a way as to make the shift in the yield beta more permanent. This will also have ramifications for the Australian dollar when the fundamental support from soaring commodity prices begins to fade. Our analysis leads us to make the following investment conclusions on a strategic (6-12 months) investment horizon. Duration: We recommend maintaining a below-benchmark stance for dedicated Australian fixed income portfolios. Yields are only now starting to respond to improving domestic and global growth prospects, and a growing “risk-on” mentality in financial markets fueled by COVID-19 vaccine optimism. Even though the RBA has plenty of scope to increase its QE buying of government debt compared to the experience of other countries (Chart 18), this will only limit, and not prevent, additional increases in Australian bond yields. Country allocation: We recommend maintaining a neutral allocation to Australian government debt within global bond portfolios. The uncertainty over the RBA’s reaction function, and the future path of the Australian yield beta, makes it unclear how to position Australian bonds within a dedicated bond portfolio. We do have more conviction that Australian government debt will outperform US Treasuries, however, as the yield beta of the former to the latter has clearly declined (Chart 19). Chart 18The RBA Has Room To Expand QE, If Necessary The RBA Has Room To Expand QE, If Necessary The RBA Has Room To Expand QE, If Necessary Chart 19Australian Bond Strategy For 2021 Australian Bond Strategy For 2021 Australian Bond Strategy For 2021 Yield Curve: We recommend positioning for a steeper Australian government bond yield curve. The RBA is anchoring the short-end of the government bond yield curve, which is likely to be maintained until at least year-end. This leaves the slope of the curve to be driven more by longer-term inflation expectations that should continue drifting higher as the Australian economy continues its post-pandemic recovery. Currency: We recommend positioning for additional gains in the Australian dollar. Supportive external conditions will likely dominate the trajectory of the currency in 2021. This argues for a modestly higher Aussie, which remains fundamentally undervalued. Inflation-linked bonds: This is admittedly a trickier call to make, as our valuation model suggests 10-year inflation breakevens have overshot relative to their main drivers – the trend of realized inflation and the growth rate of oil prices denominated in AUD – by a substantial amount (Chart 20). As discussed earlier in this report, we see the sharp run-up in Australian inflation breakevens (and CPI swap rates) as a sign that markets view the RBA’s policy stance as highly reflationary. This suggests that real yields should continue moving lower, and breakevens should continue drifting higher, until the RBA begins to signal a shift to a less dovish policy stance (Chart 21). Our RBA Checklist should also prove useful in timing the peak in breakevens. Chart 20Australian Inflation Breakevens Are Overvalued Australian Inflation Breakevens Are Overvalued Australian Inflation Breakevens Are Overvalued Chart 21Markets Discounting Negative Real Policy Rates For Longer Markets Discounting Negative Real Policy Rates For Longer Markets Discounting Negative Real Policy Rates For Longer Chart 22Downgrade Australian Corporates To Neutral Vs Government Debt Downgrade Australian Corporates To Neutral Vs Government Debt Downgrade Australian Corporates To Neutral Vs Government Debt Corporate bonds: We recommend downgrading Australian corporate bonds to neutral from overweight. This is purely a valuation-based recommendation, as there is limited scope for additional yield compression after the massive tightening since the spring of 2020 (Chart 22). Corporates will likely turn into a pure carry trade at tight spreads, which no longer justifies an overweight position even in a cyclical Australian growth upturn.     Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Full details of policy responses to COVID-19 at the country level can be found here: https://www.imf.org/en/Topics/imf-and-covid19/Policy-Responses-to-COVID-19.