Asia

Highlights The faster-than-expected oil-demand recovery from the COVID-19 omicron variant points to higher EM trade volumes this year and next, which, along with a weaker USD, will boost base-metals demand and prices (Chart of the Week). The recovery in iron-ore prices on the back of China stimulus and omicron-induced labor shortages at miners will lift copper prices, the base-metals' bellwether.  Supply-demand balances in refined copper showed a physical deficit of 438K MT for the January-October 2021 period, indicating the market extended its years-long deficit in 2021. Despite the IMF's mark-down in global growth due to slowdowns in the US and China this year, metals demand will continue to exceed supply, which will support prices. Short squeezes – most recently in nickel, following a headline-grabbing copper squeeze in October – will keep base metals' inventories under pressure and forward curves backwardated. We remain long the S&P GSCI and the COMT ETF, as well as the PICK ETF, to remain exposed to backwardation.  At tonight's close, we are getting long the SPDR S&P Metals and Mining ETF (XME) ETF, following its recent sell-off. We are raising our 2022 copper target to $5.00/lb on COMEX, and keeping our 2023 expectation at $6.00/lb. Feature Inadequate development in new base metals supply, which has been apparent for years, means economic recovery and expansion will continue to tax existing supplies over the short run (to end-2023).1  Chart of the WeekExpected Global Trade Pick-Up Will Boost Base Metals Demand Expected Global Trade Pick-Up Will Boost Base Metals Demand Expected Global Trade Pick-Up Will Boost Base Metals Demand Chart 2Physical Deficits Will Persists In Copper... Physical Deficits Will Persists In Copper... Physical Deficits Will Persists In Copper... At a global level, prolonged supply-demand imbalances mean inventories will continue to be drawn hard to cover for prompt supply shortfalls.  This can be seen in the principal base metals we cover: copper (Chart 2), aluminum (Chart 3), nickel (Chart 4), and zinc (Chart 5).  As a result, short squeezes in base metals markets will continue to grab headlines, as persistent physical deficits periodically drain inventories.2   Longer term, the global effort to decarbonize energy supply could be stretched out well beyond 2050, when most policymakers assume the task of replacing fossil-fuel energy sources will largely be completed.  The longer it takes to mobilize capex, the more expensive the energy transition becomes, as markets are continually forced to adjust to short-term shortages leading to price spikes and squeezes in an effort to meet demand. Chart 3...Aluminum... ...Aluminum... ...Aluminum... Chart 4...Nickel... ...Nickel... ...Nickel... Chart 5...And Zinc. ...And Zinc. ...And Zinc. Faster Demand Recovery In Metals Faster-than-expected oil-demand recovery will translate to higher trade volumes globally this year and next.  This is particularly important for EM markets, given oil and metals prices – particularly copper, the base metals bellwether – share a common long-term equilibrium (i.e., they're cointegrated, as seen in the Chart of the Week).3 A pick-up in EM trade volumes, along with a weakening USD this year, will help lift copper prices.  Most trade is in manufactured goods, which will translate into a pick-up in cyclical stocks vs. defensive stocks as well, which also is supportive of copper prices (Chart 6). Copper prices also will be supported by the recovery in iron-ore prices, which have been bid up on the back of increasing stimulus in China and global growth ex-China, as well as omicron-induced labor shortages among miners.  As is typical, copper demand will follow in the wake of steel demand, as construction and infrastructure projects are finished off (i.e., plumbing and wiring are installed) (Chart 7). Chart 6Global Trade Recovery Will Boost Copper Global Trade Recovery Will Boost Copper Global Trade Recovery Will Boost Copper Chart 7Iron Ore Rally Will Boost Copper Iron Ore Rally Will Boost Copper Iron Ore Rally Will Boost Copper Supply Side Remains Challenged Impressive gains put up on the supply side last year in Indonesia – which, according to the International Copper Study Group, posted a 51% increase in copper output at the Grasberg mine over the first 10 months of 2021, – and other smaller producers notwithstanding, geopolitical uncertainty continues to dominate the supply-side risks to base metals generally, copper in particular.4 Economic and political uncertainty in Chile and Peru, which account for 30% and 10% of global copper output, respectively, will continue to keep miners hesitant in their capex allocations, in our view.  Both states have elected left-of-center governments, which still are working through how they will deliver on their election mandates, including revenue re-distribution, taxation and royalties.5 The combination of stronger demand and tepid supply growth will keep base metals inventories under pressure, which will translate into continued backwardation.  This is particularly apparent in the copper (Chart 8) and nickel (Chart 9).  Both of these squeezes resulted from buyers treating the London Metal Exchange as a supplier of last resort – which is an extremely rare occurrence in futures markets – and both required the intervention of the London Metal Exchange to address.6 Chart 8Copper Backwardation Will Persist Copper Backwardation Will Persist Copper Backwardation Will Persist Chart 9...As Will Nickels ...As Will Nickels ...As Will Nickels Investment Implications Base metals markets will continue to find it difficult to match supply with demand, as they have for the past several years.  This further compounds the global energy transition – largely because the suppliers of the metals needed to pull it off are starting from a deep physical deficit position – and likely delays it considerably. In an environment in which obstacles to developing the supply needed to phase out fossil fuels in favor of renewable generation continue to mount, we remain long commodity index exposure – the S&P GSCI and COMT ETF – and favor exposure to miners and trading companies that are responsible for moving metals around the globe. At tonight's close, we are getting long the SPDR S&P Metals and Mining ETF (XME) ETF, following its recent sell-off of 10% for its highs of $47/share.  Our view on base metals is they are a long-term value play, in which miners and the supply side generally, will benefit from the high prices needed to develop the supply the energy transition will require.  The big risk here is these companies once again lose the plot and fail to control costs to produce at the expense of the health of their margins.  If we see this, we will exit the position.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com Paula Struk Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy paula.struk@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish We expect OPEC 2.0 to announce they'll continue with the return of another 400k b/d at next week's monthly meeting.  In reality, the producer coalition most likely will fail to return these volumes to market and will fall short of the mark again.  The real news markets are waiting for is whether the four states capable of increasing supply and sustaining higher output – Saudi Arabia, Iraq, the UAE and Kuwait – will step up to cover the growing gap between volumes that were pledged and what's actually been delivered.  The coalition agreed in July 2021 to begin returning some of the 5.8mm b/d of output pulled from the market during the COVID-19 pandemic starting in August 2021.  To date, the producer group has fallen short by about 800k b/d, based on the IEA's January 2022 estimates. Failure to increase production by the four core OPEC 2.0 states could keep prices above $90/bbl this year and next (Chart 10). Base Metals: Bullish Iron ore prices have rallied ~ 14% since the start of this year, as markets expect China to ease steel production cuts in 2022 and loosen monetary policy.  Last week, the People’s Bank of China (PBoC) cut its policy interest rate for the first time in nearly two years.  Markets expect more stimulus and policy easing in China as the central bank and government attempt to stimulate an economy mired by COVID-19 lockdowns, a property market slump and high energy prices.  Higher stimulus implies more commodity refining and manufacturing activity, including steel production, which will lead to higher iron ore demand. Precious Metals: Bullish In line with market expectations, the Federal Reserve signaled an initial rate hike in March, in its January Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) meeting. While nominal interest rates will rise, the Fed will remain behind the inflation curve. The US CPI reading for December showed that inflation was 7% higher year-on-year, the highest annual increase in inflation since 1982 (Chart 11). High inflation and the Fed’s slow start to raise nominal interest rates will keep real rates, the opportunity cost of holding gold, low. Chart 10 Brent Forecast Restored To $80/bbl For 2022 Brent Forecast Restored To $80/bbl For 2022 Chart 11 Short Squeezes In Copper, Nickel Highlight Tight Metals Markets Short Squeezes In Copper, Nickel Highlight Tight Metals Markets     Footnotes 1     Please see 2022 Key Views: Past As Prelude For Commodities, published on December 16, 2021 for additional discussion. 2     Please see Column: Nickel gripped by ferocious squeeze as stocks disappear: Andy Home, published by reuters.com on January 20, 2022; and LME copper spreads backwardated amid stock squeeze, published by argusmedia.com on October 20, 2021. 3    This was flagged most recently in the IEA's January 2022 Oil Market Report, which noted, "While the number of Omicron cases is surging worldwide, oil demand defied expectations in 4Q21, rising by 1.1 mb/d to 99 mb/d. In 1Q22, demand is set for a seasonal decline, exacerbated by more teleworking and less air travel. We have raised our global demand estimates by 200 kb/d for 2021 and 2022 – resulting in growth of 5.5 mb/d and 3.3 mb/d, respectively – due to softer Covid restrictions."  Please see Higher Output Needed To Constrain Oil Prices for our latest oil balances and price forecasts.  We published this report last week. 4    Please see International Copper Study Group press release of January 2022. 5    Please see Add Local Politics To Copper Supply Risks, which we published on November 25, 2021, for a discussion of these risks. 6    Please see Footnote 2 above.     Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed In 2021 Image

HighlightsUpgrade odds of Russia invading Ukraine from 50% to 75%. The US and allies are transferring arms to Ukraine while seeking alternate energy supply for Europe.Of the 75% war risk, we give 10% odds to Russia conquering all of Ukraine, as discussed in our “Five Black Swans For 2022.” Russia’s limited war aims worked in 2014 and President Putin tends to take calculated military risks. Full-scale invasion would force the West to unify.The remaining 25% goes to diplomatic resolution. It appears that the US is not offering Russia sufficient security guarantees. Ukrainian leaders do not have a domestic mandate to surrender and have not done so for eight years. Russia cannot accept the  status quo now that it has made armed demands for big change.Our third key view for 2022 – that oil producing states have geopolitical leverage – is vividly on display.Tactically stay defensive. But cyclically stay invested. Book 10% gain on long DM Europe / short EM Europe. Book a 8.6% gain on long CAD-RUB.FeatureUkraine’s economy is small but investors rightly worry that an expansion of the still simmering 2014 war there will cause Europe’s energy supply to tighten, pushing up prices and dragging on European demand. Russia would cut off natural gas to Ukraine, which would cut off 6.6% of Europe’s natural gas imports, 18% of Germany’s, 77% of Hungary’s, and 38% of Italy’s (Chart 1). Chart 1Ukraine Hinges On Germany All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update) All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update)  If Europe retaliates against Russia with crippling sanctions, Russia and Belarus could conceivably cut off another 20% of Europe’s imports and 60% of Germany’s imports. The Czech Republic, Finland, and Hungary get almost 100% of their natural gas from Ukraine and Russia, while Finland, Poland, and Hungary get more than half of their oil from Russia. In other words, Europe will try to avoid war and try to limit sanctions so that Russia does not further reduce supply.Yet Russia, if waging war, will prefer to receive revenues from Europe, as long as Europe is still buying. Thus Russia will keep its military aims limited so that Germany and other countries have a basis for watering down sanctions to keep the energy flowing and avoid a recession. The US has already committed to sweeping sanctions against Russia and is much more likely to follow through (though President Biden also wants to avoid an energy shock ahead of midterm elections).Energy consumption amounts to only 2% of European GDP, though it could rise to 5% in the event of a shock, as our European Investment Strategist Mathieu Savary has shown. This number would not be far from the 7% reached in 2008, which coincided with financial crisis and recession. All of Europe will suffer from high prices, not only those that import via Ukraine, and Europe’s supply squeeze would push up global prices as well. So the risk of a recession in Europe will rise if the energy squeeze worsens, even if a recession is ultimately avoided.Whatever Russia ends up doing with its military, it may start off with shock and awe. Europe might see its first major war since World War II. Global investors will react very negatively, at least until they can be assured that the conflict will remain contained in Ukraine. According to our market-based quantitative indicators of Russian geopolitical risk, there is still complacency – the ruble has not fallen as far as one would expect based on key macro variables (Chart 2). Chart 2Russia Geopolitical Risk: Two Quantitative Indicators Russia Geopolitical Risk: Two Quantitative Indicators Russia Geopolitical Risk: Two Quantitative Indicators   Chart 3Russian Market Reaction Amid Ukraine Crisis Russian Market Reaction Amid Ukraine Crisis Russian Market Reaction Amid Ukraine Crisis  Investors will sell European – especially eastern European – equities and currencies even more rapidly if a war breaks out (Chart 3). It is too soon to buy the dip. What is needed is a Russian decision and then clarity on the scope of the western reaction. Even then, developed Europe and non-European emerging markets will be more attractive.Looking at global equities: How did the market respond to previous Russian invasions?Few conclusions can be drawn from Russia’s invasion of Georgia in 2008, given Georgia’s lack of systemic importance and the simultaneous global financial crisis (Chart 4). Stocks underperformed bonds and cyclicals underperformed defensives, but value caught a bid relative to growth.Russia’s initial invasion of Ukraine in 2014 occurred in a different macroeconomic context but saw stocks flat relative to bonds, cyclicals fall relative to defensives (except energy stocks), and small caps roll over relative to large caps (Chart 5). Value stocks, however, outperformed growth stocks. Chart 4Market Reaction To Russian Invasion Of Georgia Market Reaction To Russian Invasion Of Georgia Market Reaction To Russian Invasion Of Georgia ​​​​​  Chart 5Market Reaction To Russian Invasion Of Crimea Market Reaction To Russian Invasion Of Crimea Market Reaction To Russian Invasion Of Crimea ​​​​​  Chart 6Ukraine Crisis And Energy: 2022 Versus 2014 Ukraine Crisis And Energy: 2022 Versus 2014 Ukraine Crisis And Energy: 2022 Versus 2014  However, in today’s context, these cyclical trends are looking stretched, so a temporary pullback from these trends should be expected. Value stocks, especially energy stocks, have skyrocketed relative to growth and defensives and are likely to pull back in a global risk-off move (Chart 6). Tactically we recommend American over European assets, defensives over cyclicals, large caps over small caps, and safe-haven assets like gold and the Japanese yen.Washington Offers “No Change” To MoscowWhy is a diplomatic solution less likely than before?The US offered no concessions to Russia in its formal written response to Russia’s demands on January 26. “No change, and there will be no change” in longstanding policies, according to Secretary of State Antony Blinken.1 The relevant policies are not about NATO membership – Ukraine is never going to join NATO – but rather about the US and NATO making Ukraine a de facto member by providing arms and defense cooperation. Russia obviously sees a US-armed Ukraine as a threat to its national security.One of the few realistic demands of Russia’s – that the US and NATO stop providing arms – has been flung back in Russia’s face. Blinken pointed out in his press conference that the US has given more defense aid to Ukraine in the past year than in any previous year. He said the US will continue to provide arms while pursuing diplomacy, including five MI-17 helicopters on the way. He also noted that the US has authorized allies to transfer American-origin arms to Ukraine.2The importance of the defense cooperation is not the quality of the arms being transferred (so far) but the long-term potential for the US to turn Ukraine into Russia’s Taiwan, i.e. a foreign-backed military enemy on its doorstep. The costs of inaction today could be checkmate from Russia’s long-term strategic point of view. Russia has warned for 14 years that it saw Ukraine as a red line and yet the US and NATO have increased defense cooperation. It is a moot point whether the US provides arms because it does not empathize with Russia’s security interests or because it believes Russia will attack Ukraine regardless.A diplomatic solution could still come from the US, if more information comes to light, or from Ukraine itself, under French and German pressure. Ukraine could make promises to respect Russia’s national security interests and implement the Minsk Protocols it was forced into after Russia seized Crimea in 2014.3If Ukraine surrenders, Russia can claim victory and reduce the threat of war, at least temporarily. But it would not eliminate the long-term risk of war since Ukraine’s government may not be willing or able to implement any such agreement. Ukraine views the Minsk agreement as a Russian imposition and it has rejected key parts of it (such as federalization and granting rights and privileges to Russian separatists in Donbass) for eight years already.4The joint statement from Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany on January 26 reaffirms the ceasefire in the Donbass.5 It is unlikely that Russia can walk away with this ceasefire alone, having made fundamental demands regarding Russia’s long-term security and the European order. It is more likely that any Ukrainian violation of the ceasefire will now offer a pretext for Russia to respond with military force.Russia’s military advantage is immediate whereas diplomatic attempts by Ukraine to buy time could help it stage a more formidable defense against Russia in future, given ongoing US and NATO defense cooperation. This is why the continuation of arms transfers is the signal. Russia is incentivized to take action sooner rather than later now that the western willingness and urgency to provide arms has increased.Putin has succeeded with his “small war” and “hybrid war” strategy thus far. Russian forex and gold reserves at $630 billion (38% of GDP), gradual diversification away from the dollar (16% of forex reserves), low short-term external debt (5% of GDP), an alternative bank communication system, a special economic relationship with China, a Eurasian Economic Union that can help circumvent sanctions, all provide Russia with some buffer against US sanctions.GeoRisk Indicators: Europe Chart 7European GeoRisk Indicator Amid Ukraine Crisis European GeoRisk Indicator Amid Ukraine Crisis European GeoRisk Indicator Amid Ukraine Crisis  In our Q3 2021 outlook, we argued that European political risk had bottomed due to Russia. Our geopolitical risk indicators show that financial markets tend to price European political risks in line with the USD-EUR exchange rate. The dollar rallied in 2021 and has since fallen back but a war and energy squeeze in Europe should help the dollar stay resilient, as should Federal Reserve rate hikes (Chart 7).If Russia attacks, the Ukrainians will fall back and then mount an insurgency. This will make the war more difficult than its planners initially believe. It will also raise the risk that war will spill over. Neighbors that provide economic aid – not to mention military aid – will eventually make themselves vulnerable to Russian attack, either to destroy commerce or cut insurgency supply lines.NATO will fortify its borders with troops but then tensions will grow on those borders, reducing security and raising uncertainty in the Baltics, Poland, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. Ukraine could become a war zone like Libya or Syria except that this time the US and Russia would truly be fighting a proxy war against each other.Other European Risks Pale In ComparisonWe will monitor the French election in case the Ukraine conflict causes dynamics to shift against President Emmanuel Macron. Most likely Macron’s diplomatic flourishes, combined with France’s insulation from Russia and Ukraine, will benefit him at the ballot box.In the UK, Prime Minister Boris Johnson faces a leadership challenge. He will probably survive but the Conservative Party faces a serious challenge over the coming years. Labour’s comeback will build ahead of the next election, given that the pandemic has dealt a powerful blow against the Tories, who have been in power since 2010 and are therefore becoming stale. Labour has gotten over the Jeremy Corbyn problem.What matters is whether the UK rejoins the EU, whether Scotland leaves the UK, and whether the next government has a strong majority with which to lead. So far there have not been major changes on these issues:The Tories still have a 75-seat majority through 2024.Support for Scottish independence is stuck at 45% where it has been since 2014.Polling is still evenly divided on Brexit. Labour taking power is a prerequisite to any reunion with the EU, Labour does not want to campaign on re-opening the Brexit issue. While Labour will want to run against inflation, and win back the middle class, rather than for the EU.Thus political risk will be flat, not returning to Brexit highs anytime soon, which is marginally good news for pound sterling over a cyclical horizon (Chart 8). Chart 8UK GeoRisk Indicator And Boris Johnson's Troubles UK GeoRisk Indicator And Boris Johnson's Troubles UK GeoRisk Indicator And Boris Johnson's Troubles  India Enters Populist Phase Of Election Cycle2022 will mark the beginning of India’s election season in full earnest, even though general elections are not due until 2024. This is because within the five-year election cycle spanning from 2019-2024, this year will see elections in some of India’s largest states (Chart 9).More importantly 2022 will see elections take place in most of India’s northern region (Chart 10), which is a key constituency for the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Chart 9India: Major State Elections This Year All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update) All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​  Chart 10North India In Focus With State Elections All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update) All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​ Of all the state elections due this year, the most critical will be those in Uttar Pradesh, where voting will begin on February 10, 2022. Final results will be declared a month later on March 10, 2022.Uttar Pradesh Will Disappoint BJPAt the last state elections held in Uttar Pradesh in 2017, BJP stormed into power with one of the strongest mandates ever seen in this sprawling and heterogenous state. The BJP boosted its seat share to an extraordinary 77%, leaving competitors far behind (Chart 11). Chart 11Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) Stormed Into Power In Uttar Pradesh (UP) In 2017 All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update) All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update)  Cut to 2022, the BJP appears likely to cross the 50% majority threshold but will cede seat share to a regional party called the Samajwadi Party (SP).What will drive this reduction in seats? The reduction will be driven by a degree of anti-incumbency sentiment and some adverse socio-political arithmetic. In a state where voting is still driven to a large extent by identity politics, it is worth recalling that the BJP was able to win the 2017 elections by pulling votes from three distinct communities:BJP’s core constituency of upper caste Hindus.A subset of Other Backward Classes (OBCs).A subset of a community belonging historically to one of the lowest social levels in India called Dalits.This winning formula of 2017 may not work in 2022 as the BJP faces resentment from parts of each of these three communities as well as from farmers (who were against farm law reforms that the BJP tried to pass).There is a chance that these groups may flock to the regional Samajwadi Party in 2022. The latter is in a position of strength as it is expected to retain support from its core constituency of Muslims and upper-caste OBCs too.Yet the risk is to the downside for the ruling party. Modi and the BJP have suffered a hit to their popular support from the global pandemic and recession, like other world leaders.Reading The Tea Leaves For 2024The pro-Modi wave that began in 2014, and gained steam in Uttar Pradesh in 2017, became a tsunami by 2019, causing the BJP to win a decisive 56% of seats in the national assembly. So, if the BJP loses seats in Uttar Pradesh this year, what will be the implications for the general elections of 2024?In a base case scenario, the Modi-led BJP appears set to emerge as the single largest party in the 2024 elections (albeit with a lower seat share than the 62 of 80 seats that the BJP managed in 2019). As the BJP administration ages, it is expected to lose a degree of seat share in its core constituency of north India. But these losses should be partially offset by gains in regions like east India where the BJP continues to make inroads. Also, national parties tend to attract higher vote share at general elections as compared to state elections, and this is true for the BJP. Most likely the pandemic will have fallen away by 2024 and the economy will be expanding.However, a lot can change in two years, and a major disappointment at Uttar Pradesh would sound alarm bells. By 2024, the BJP will have been in power for ten years. So it is not a foregone conclusion that the BJP will win a single-party majority for a third time, even if it does remain the biggest party.Regional parties like the Samajwadi Party (from Uttar Pradesh), Trinamool Congress (from West Bengal), Shiv Sena (from Maharashtra) and Aam Aadmi Party (from New Delhi) are small but rising and may incrementally eat into the BJP’s national seat share.Policy Implications For 2022 Chart 12India’s Fiscal Report Card May Worsen With Populism All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update) All Bets Are Off ... Well, Some (A GeoRisk Update)  India’s central government will unveil its budget for FY23 on Feb 1, 2022 in the Indian parliament. We expect the government to announce a fiscal deficit of 6.6% of GDP which will be marginally lower than the FY22 target of 6.8% of GDP. However, with key elections around the corner, we allocate a high probability to the government announcing a big-bang pro-farmer or pro-poor scheme from this pulpit. This high focus on populism and inadequate focus on capital expenditure could lead markets to question India’s fiscal well-being at a time when its debt levels are high (Chart 12).Distinct from policy risks in the short run, geopolitical risks confronting India are elevated too. India’s relationship with China continues to fester. Sino-Indian frictions could easily take a turn for the worst in 2022 as India enters the business end of its five-year election cycle on one hand and China’s all-important 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (NCCCP) is due in the fall of 2022. China could take advantage of US distraction in Ukraine to flex its muscles in Asia. A geopolitical showdown with China would likely only cause a temporary drop in Indian equities, but taken with other factors, now is not the time to buy.Bottom Line: We remain positive on India on a strategic horizon. However, in view of India approaching the business-end of its five-year election cycle, when policy risks tend to become elevated, we reiterate our tactical sell on India.GeoRisk Indicators: Rest Of WorldNeutral China: China’s performance relative to emerging markets may be starting to bottom but we do not recommend buying it. Domestic political risk is still rising according to our indicator and we expect it to keep rising (Chart 13). Negative political surprises will occur in the lead up to the twentieth national party congress and the March 2023 implementation of the “Common Prosperity” plan. Any Russian conflict will distract the US and enable General Secretary Xi Jinping to cement his second ten-year term in office – and China’s reversion to autocracy – with minimal foreign opposition. The US’s conflict with China is one reason Russia believes it has a window of opportunity. Chart 13CHINA GEORISK INDICATOR CHINA GEORISK INDICATOR CHINA GEORISK INDICATOR  Short Taiwan: Taiwan’s geopolitical risk has paused far short of previous peaks as the country’s currency and stock market benefit from the ongoing semiconductor shortage. But a peak may be starting to form in relative equity performance (Chart 14). We doubt that China will see any Russian attack on Ukraine in 2022 as an opportunity to invade Taiwan, although economic sanctions and cyber-attacks are an option that we fully anticipate. Invading Taiwan is far more difficult militarily than invading Ukraine and China is less ready than Russia for such an operation. However, China might be able to exploit a Russian attack as soon as 2024. Chart 14TAIWAN TERRITORY GEORISK INDICATOR TAIWAN TERRITORY GEORISK INDICATOR TAIWAN TERRITORY GEORISK INDICATOR  Long South Korea: South Korea’s presidential election is approaching on March 9 and this event combined with North Korea’s new cycle of missile provocations will keep political risk elevated (Chart 15). The conservative People Power party has pulled ahead in opinion polling and the incumbent Democratic Party has been weakened by the pandemic. But the race is still fairly tight and a viable third party candidate could make a comeback. China’s policy easing should eventually benefit South Korea. Chart 15SOUTH KOREA GEORISK INDICATOR SOUTH KOREA GEORISK INDICATOR SOUTH KOREA GEORISK INDICATOR  Long Australia: Australia’s federal election must be held by May 21 and anti-incumbency feeling has taken hold, with the Liberal-National coalition collapsing in opinion polls relative to the Australian Labor Party. Australia still faces shockwaves from the pandemic and China’s secular slowdown, reversion to autocracy, and conflict with the US, especially if the US gets distracted in Europe. Political risk is high and rising (Chart 16). However, Australia benefits from rising commodity prices and we favor developed markets outside the United States. Chart 16AUSTRALIA GEORISK INDICATOR AUSTRALIA GEORISK INDICATOR AUSTRALIA GEORISK INDICATOR  Long Canada: Canada’s recapitalized its political system with last year’s general election and political risk is subsiding (Chart 17). Canada benefits from rising oil and commodity prices and close proximity to the hyper-stimulated US economy. Chart 17CANADA GEORISK INDICATOR CANADA GEORISK INDICATOR CANADA GEORISK INDICATOR  Neutral Turkey: Turkey is one of our perennial candidates for a “black swan” event as the country’s political stability continues to suffer under strongman rule, unorthodox monetary and fiscal policy, military adventures in North Africa and Syria, and now a Russian bid to dominate the Black Sea. Elections looming in 2023 will provoke turmoil as the Erdogan administration is extremely vulnerable and yet has many ways to try to cling to power (Chart 18). Chart 18TURKEY GEORISK INDICATOR TURKEY GEORISK INDICATOR TURKEY GEORISK INDICATOR  Neutral Brazil: Brazilian political risk is subsiding as the market expects former President Lula da Silva to return to power in this October’s presidential election and replace current populist President Jair Bolsonaro. Relative equity performance always appears as if it has bottomed only to inch lower in the next selloff. China’s policy easing is a boon for Brazil but China is not providing massive stimulus, the election will be tumultuous, and even a Lula victory will need to see a market riot to ensure that structural reforms are pursued (Chart 19). Chart 19BRAZIL GEORISK INDICATOR BRAZIL GEORISK INDICATOR BRAZIL GEORISK INDICATOR  Long South Africa: South Africa still faces elevated political risk despite the conclusion of the 2021 municipal elections. However, the ruling African National Congress, which is pursuing an anti-corruption drive, is likely to stay in power, lending policy continuity. Equities have bottomed and are rebounding relative to emerging markets (Chart 20). The danger is that structural reforms will slip ahead of the spring 2024 election. Chart 20SOUTH AFRICA GEORISK INDICATOR SOUTH AFRICA GEORISK INDICATOR SOUTH AFRICA GEORISK INDICATOR  Investment TakeawaysTactically stay long gold, defensives over cyclicals, large caps over small caps, Japanese industrials versus German, GBP-CZK, and JPY-KRW.Book a 10% gain on long DM Europe / short EM Europe. Book a 8.6% gain on long CAD-RUB.   Matt Gertken Vice PresidentGeopolitical Strategymattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFAEditor/Strategistritika.mankar@bcaresearch.comFootnotes1      For Blinken’s press conference on the US formal response to Russia, see US Department of State, "Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Press Availability," January 26, 2022, state.gov.2     For Ukraine’s criticism that Germany should offer pillows in addition to helmets, see Humeyra Pamuk and Dmitry Antonov, "U.S. responds to Russia security demands as Ukraine tensions mount," Reuters, January 26, 2022, reuters.com. For the US’s $2.5 billion in defense aid to Ukraine since 2014, see Elias Yousif, "U.S. Military Assistance to Ukraine," January 26, 2022, stimson.org. For purpose and significance, see Samuel Charap and Scott Boston, "U.S. Military Aid to Ukraine: A Silver Bullet?" Rand Blog, rand.org.3     Michael Kofman, "Putin’s Wager in Russia’s Standoff with the West," War on the Rocks, January 24, 2022, warontherocks.com.4     In 2021 the US apparently moved to embrace the Minsk Protocols for the first time, but since then it has not joined the talks. See National Security Adviser Jack Sullivan, "White House Daily Briefing," December 7, 2021, c-span.org. 5             Élysée, "Declaration of the advisors to the N4 Heads of States and Governments," January 26, 2022, elysee.fr. See also "Russia, Ukraine agree to uphold cease-fire in Normandy talks," DW, January 26, 2022, dw.com.Geopolitical CalendarStrategic ThemesOpen Tactical Positions (0-6 Months)Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months)

Highlights In the short term, the US stock market price will track the 30-year T-bond price, with every 10 bps move in the yield moving the stock market and bond price by 2.5 percent. We think that the bond market will not allow the stock market to suffer a peak-to-trough decline of more than 15-20 percent. Given that the drawdown is already 10 percent, it equates to no more than 20-40 bps of upside for the 30-year T-bond yield, to a level of 2.3-2.5 percent. Hence, we are quite close to an entry-point for both stocks and long-duration bonds. In the next few years, the structural bull market will continue, ending only at the ultimate low in the 30-year bond yield. But on a 5-year horizon, the blockchain will be the undoing of the US stock market – by undermining the vast profits that the US tech behemoths make from owning, controlling, and manipulating our data and the digital content that we create. In that sense, the blockchain will ultimately reveal – and pop – a ‘super bubble’. Fractal trading watchlist: We add Korea and CAD/SEK, and update bitcoin, biotech, and nickel versus silver. Feature Chart of the WeekIf The Market Is Not Far From Its Fundamentals, Can This Really Be A 'Super Bubble'? If The Market Is Not Far From Its Fundamentals, Can This Really Be A 'Super Bubble'? If The Market Is Not Far From Its Fundamentals, Can This Really Be A 'Super Bubble'? Why has the stock market started 2022 on such a poor footing? Chart I-2 and Chart I-3 identify the main culprit. Through the past year, the tech-heavy Nasdaq index has been tracking the 30-year T-bond price on a one-for-one basis, while the broader S&P 500 shows a connection that is almost as good. Chart I-2The Nasdaq Has Been Tracking The 30-Year T-Bond Price One-For-One... The Nasdaq Has Been Tracking The 30-Year T-Bond Price One-For-One... The Nasdaq Has Been Tracking The 30-Year T-Bond Price One-For-One... Chart I-3…The S&P 500 Has Also Been Tracking The 30-Year T-Bond Price ...The S&P 500 Has Also Been Tracking The 30-Year T-Bond Price ...The S&P 500 Has Also Been Tracking The 30-Year T-Bond Price Therefore, as the 30-year T-bond price has taken a tumble, so have growth-heavy stock markets. Put simply, the ‘bond component’ of these stock markets has been dominating recent performance, overwhelming the ‘profits component’ which tends to move more glacially. It follows that the short-term direction of the stock market has been set – and will continue to be set – by the direction of the 30-year T-bond price. Stocks And Bonds Are Nearing A ‘Pinch Point’ The next few paragraphs are necessarily technical, but worth absorbing – as they are fundamental to understanding the stock market’s recent sell-off, as well as its future evolution. The duration of any investment quantifies how far into the future its cashflows lie, by averaging those cashflows into one theoretical future ‘lump sum’. For a bond, the duration also equals the percentage change in the bond price for every 1 percent change in its yield.1 Crucially, the duration of the US stock market is the same as that of the 30-year T-bond, at around 25 years. Therefore, if all else were equal, the US stock market price should track the 30-year T-bond price, with every 10 bps move in the yield moving the stock market and bond prices by 2.5 percent. In the long run of course, all else is not equal. The 30-year T-bond generates a fixed income stream, whereas the stock market generates income that tracks profits. Allowing for this difference, the US stock market should track: (The 30-year T-bond price) multiplied by (profits expected in the year ahead) multiplied by (a constant) In which the constant expresses the theoretical lump-sum payment 25 years ahead as a multiple of the profits in the year ahead – and thereby quantifies the expected structural growth in profits. We can ignore this constant if the structural growth in profits does not change. Nevertheless, remember this constant, as we will come back to it later when we discuss a putative ‘super bubble’. The ‘bond component’ of the stock market has been dominating recent performance. This model for the stock market seems simplistic. Yet it provides an excellent explanation for the market’s evolution through the past 40 years (Chart I-4), as well as through the past year in which, to repeat, the bond component has been the dominant driver. Chart I-4The US Stock Market = The 30-Year T-Bond Price Multiplied By Profits The US Stock Market = The 30-Year T-Bond Price Multiplied By Profits The US Stock Market = The 30-Year T-Bond Price Multiplied By Profits In the short term then, given the 25 year duration of the US stock market, every 10 bps rise in the 30-year T-bond yield will drag down the stock market by 2.5 percent. We can also deduce that the sell-off will be self-limiting and self-correcting, because at some ‘pinch point’ the bond market will assess that the deflationary impulse from financial instability will snuff out the recent inflationary impulse in the economy. Where is that pinch point? Our sense is that the bond market will not allow the stock market to suffer a peak-to-trough decline of more than 15-20 percent. Given that the drawdown is already 10 percent, it equates to no more than 20-40 bps of upside for the 30-year T-bond yield, to a level of 2.3-2.5 percent. Hence, we are quite close to an entry-point for both stocks and long-duration bonds. The Case Against A ‘Super Bubble’ (And The Case For) As is typical, the recent market setback has unleashed narratives of an almighty bubble starting to pop. Stealing the headlines is value investor Jeremy Grantham of GMO, who claims that “today in the US we are in the fourth super bubble of the last hundred years.” Is there any merit to Mr. Grantham’s claim? An investment is in a bubble if its price has completely broken free from its fundamentals. For example, in the dot com boom, the stock market did become a super bubble. But as we have just shown, the US stock market today is not that far removed from its fundamental components of the 30-year T-bond price multiplied by profits. At first glance then, Mr. Grantham appears to be wrong (Chart of the Week). Still, if the underlying components – the 30-year T-bond and/or profits – were in a bubble, then the stock market would also be in a bubble. In this regard, isn’t the deeply negative real yield on long-dated bonds a sure sign of a bubble? The answer is, not necessarily. As we explained last week in Time To Get Real About Real Interest Rates, the deeply negative real yield on Treasury Inflation Protected Securities (TIPS) is premised on an expected rate of inflation that we should take with a huge dose of salt. Putting in a more realistic forward inflation rate, the real yield on long-dated bonds is positive, albeit just. What about profits – are they in a bubble? The US (and world) profit margin stands at an all-time high, around 20 percent greater than its post-GFC average (Chart I-5). But a 20 percent excess is not quite what we mean by a bubble. Chart I-5Profit Margins Are At An All-Time High Profit Margins Are At An All-Time High Profit Margins Are At An All-Time High There is one final way that Mr. Grantham could be right, and for this we must come back to the previously mentioned constant which quantifies the expected long-term growth in profits. If this expected structural growth were to collapse, then the stock market would also collapse. This is precisely what happened to the non-US stock market after the dot com bust, when the expected structural growth – and therefore the structural valuation – phase-shifted sharply lower (Chart I-6 and Chart I-7). As a result, the non-US stock market also phase-shifted sharply lower from the previous relationship with its fundamentals (Chart I-8). Could the same ultimately happen to the US stock market? Chart I-6The Structural Growth And Valuation Of Non-US Stocks Phase-Shifted Down... The Structural Growth And Valuation Of Non-US Stocks Phase-Shifted Down... The Structural Growth And Valuation Of Non-US Stocks Phase-Shifted Down... Chart I-7...Could The Same Happen To ##br##US Stocks? ...Could The Same Happen To US Stocks? ...Could The Same Happen To US Stocks? Chart I-8Non-US Stocks Phase-Shifted Lower From Their Previous Relationship With Fundamentals Non-US Stocks Phase-Shifted Lower From Their Previous Relationship With Fundamentals Non-US Stocks Phase-Shifted Lower From Their Previous Relationship With Fundamentals The answer is yes – and the main risk comes from the blockchain and its threat to the pseudo-monopoly status that the US tech behemoths have in owning, controlling, manipulating, and monetising our data and the digital content that we create. If the blockchain returned that ownership and control back to us, it would devastate the profits of Facebook, Google, and the other behemoths that dominate the US stock market. If the expected structural growth were to collapse, then the stock market would also collapse. That said, the blockchain is a long-term risk to the stock market, likely to manifest itself on a 5-year horizon. Before we get there, in the next deflationary shock, the 30-year T-bond yield has the scope to decline by at least 150 bps, equating to a 40 percent increase in the ‘bond component’ of the US stock market. To conclude, the structural bull market will end only at the ultimate low in the 30-year bond yield. And then, the blockchain will reveal – and pop – a ‘super bubble’. Fractal Trading Watchlist This week we add Korea and CAD/SEK, and update bitcoin, biotech, and nickel versus silver. Of note, the near 30 percent underperformance of Korea through the past year has reached the point of fractal fragility that has signalled previous major reversals in 2015, 2017 and 2019 (Chart I-9). Accordingly, this week’s recommended trade is to go long Korea versus the world (MSCI indexes), setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 8 percent.  Chart I-9Korea Is Approaching A Turning Point Versus The World Korea Is Approaching A Turning Point Versus The World Korea Is Approaching A Turning Point Versus The World Korea Approaching A Turning Point Versus EM Korea Approaching A Turning Point Versus EM Korea Approaching A Turning Point Versus EM CAD/SEK Could Reverse CAD/SEK Could Reverse CAD/SEK Could Reverse Bitcoin Near A First Support Level Biotech Approaching A Major Buy Biotech Approaching A Major Buy Biotech Approaching A Major Buy Biotech Approaching A Major Buy Biotech Approaching A Major Buy Nickel Approaching A Sell Versus Silver Nickel Approaching A Sell Versus Silver Nickel Approaching A Sell Versus Silver Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Defined fully, the duration of an investment is the weighted average of the times of its cashflows, in which the weights are the present values of the cashflows. Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades The Case Against A ‘Super Bubble’ (And The Case For) The Case Against A ‘Super Bubble’ (And The Case For) The Case Against A ‘Super Bubble’ (And The Case For) The Case Against A ‘Super Bubble’ (And The Case For) 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - ##br##Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - ##br##Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - ##br##Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - ##br##Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed   Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Feature Chart 1Weak Economic Fundamentals Undermine Stock Performance Intensified Monetary Policy Easing, Unresponsive Underlying Demand Intensified Monetary Policy Easing, Unresponsive Underlying Demand Monetary policy easing has intensified in the past two months. The PBoC reduced one-year loan prime rate (LPR) by 10 bps and five-year by 5 bps following last week’s 10bps cut in policy rates1 and December’s 50 bps drop in the reserve requirement rate (RRR). Nonetheless, the onshore financial market’s response to the monetary policy actions has been muted. China’s A-share market price index fell by 3% in the past month. Credit growth has bottomed, but there is no sign of a strong rebound despite recent rate decreases (Chart 1, top panel). The impaired monetary policy transmission mechanism will likely delay China’s economic recovery, which normally lags the credit cycle by six to nine months. Moreover, the marginal propensity to spend among both corporates and households continues to decline, highlighting a lack of confidence among real economy participants, and will in turn dampen the positive effects of policy stimulus (Chart 2).  The poor performance of Chinese onshore stocks (in absolute terms) is due to a muted improvement in credit growth and deteriorating economic fundamentals (Chart 1, bottom panel). Our model shows that China’s corporate profits are set to contract in next six months, implying that the risk-reward profile of Chinese stocks in absolute terms is not yet attractive (Chart 3). Therefore, investors should maintain an underweight allocation to Chinese equities for the time being. Chart 2Lack Of Confidence Dampens Corporate Earnings Outlook Lack Of Confidence Dampens Corporate Earnings Outlook Lack Of Confidence Dampens Corporate Earnings Outlook Chart 3China's Corporate Profits Set To Contract In Next Six Months China's Corporate Profits Set To Contract In Next Six Months China's Corporate Profits Set To Contract In Next Six Months   Qingyun Xu, CFA Associate Editor qingyunx@bcaresearch.com Improving Liquidity, Weakening Credit Demand The modest uptick in December’s total social financing (TSF) growth largely reflects a significant increase in government bond issuance, while bank loan growth continued on a downward trend (Chart 4). Corporate loan demand remained sluggish, which dragged down aggregate bank credit growth (Chart 5). Downbeat business confidence suggests that corporate demand for credit will take longer to turn around, and therefore will reduce the effectiveness of current easing measures. Chart 4Monetary Easing Since Q3 Has Failed To Boost Credit Growth So Far Monetary Easing Since Q3 Has Failed To Boost Credit Growth So Far Monetary Easing Since Q3 Has Failed To Boost Credit Growth So Far Chart 5Corporate Demand For Loans Weaker Than Suggested By Headline Data Corporate Demand For Loans Weaker Than Suggested By Headline Data Corporate Demand For Loans Weaker Than Suggested By Headline Data Meanwhile, corporate bill financing has risen rapidly in recent months and now accounts for almost 40% of new bank loans, the highest level since 2010 (Chart 5, bottom panel). The high share of short-term lending to the corporate sector highlights the underlying weakness in both loan supply and demand.  Banks are risk averse and reluctant to approve longer-term credit to the corporate sector, while corporates are unwilling to take on more debt.  As a result, banks have had to issue short-term bills in order to meet their lending quota. Proactive Fiscal Policy Will Have A Limited Impact On Infrastructure Investments Chart 6Local Government SPBs Will Be Frontloaded In 2022 Intensified Monetary Policy Easing, Unresponsive Underlying Demand Intensified Monetary Policy Easing, Unresponsive Underlying Demand Fiscal policy will likely be frontloaded in Q1 this year, but the impact of a proactive fiscal policy on boosting infrastructural investment may be limited. According to a statement by the Ministry of Finance last December, around RMB1.46 trillion in the quota for local government special purpose bonds (SPBs) has been frontloaded for 2022. If we assume that all of the SPBs will be issued in Q1, the amount will be higher than SPBs issued during the same period in 2019, 2020 and 2021 (Chart 6). We expect a total SPBs quota of RMB 3.5 trillion for 2022, roughly the same as 2021.  This implies a zero fiscal impulse on SPBs in 2022 compared with 2021. However, there were an estimated 1.2 trillion in SPB proceeds in 2021 that local governments failed to invest and this amount could be deployed in 2022. If we add last year’s SPB carryover to this year’s quota, there may be a 30% increase in the available funds to invest in infrastructure projects in 2022. Chart 7Higher LG Bond Issuance Does Not Mean Substantial Boost In Infrastructure Spending Higher LG Bond Issuance Does Not Mean Substantial Boost In Infrastructure Spending Higher LG Bond Issuance Does Not Mean Substantial Boost In Infrastructure Spending However, a 30% jump in SPB proceeds does not suggest an equal boost in infrastructure spending this year (Chart 7). As noted in previous reports, SPBs issued by local governments only account for around 15% of total funding for infrastructure spending. Bank loans, which remain in the doldrums, are a much more significant driver in supporting the sector’s investment.  Secondly, infrastructure spending has structurally downshifted since 2017 due to a sweeping financial deleveraging campaign to rein in shadow banking activity by local government financing vehicles (LGFVs). Shadow banking activity, which is highly correlated with infrastructure investment growth, is stuck in a deep contraction with no signs of an imminent turnaround (Chart 7, bottom panel). Thirdly, land sales play a prominent role in local government financing, accounting for more than 40% of local government aggregate revenues2 compared with about 15% from SPBs (Chart 8). Local government fiscal spending power will be constrained due to a significant and ongoing slowdown in land sales and regulatory pressures on LGFVs (Chart 8, bottom panel).    Therefore, we expect that infrastructure spending will only moderately rebound in 2022. At best, it will return to its pre-pandemic rate of around 4% (year-over-year) in 2022 (Chart 9, top panel). Notably, onshore infrastructure stocks have priced in the recent favorable news about proactive fiscal policy support in 2022 (Chart 9, bottom panel). Given that infrastructure investment will likely only improve modestly this year, on a cyclical basis the sector’s stock performance upside will be capped and renewed weakness is likely. Chart 8Government Funds Face Headwinds From Falling Land Sales Government Funds Face Headwinds From Falling Land Sales Government Funds Face Headwinds From Falling Land Sales Chart 9Infrastructure Investment Will Likely Recover To Its Pre-Pandemic Growth Rate Infrastructure Investment Will Likely Recover To Its Pre-Pandemic Growth Rate Infrastructure Investment Will Likely Recover To Its Pre-Pandemic Growth Rate More Policy Fine-Tuning Is Underway, But Housing Policy Reversal Remains Doubtful Last week’s 5bp reduction in the 5-year LPR, which serves as a benchmark for mortgage loans, was positive for the housing market. However, the cut is insufficient to revive the demand for housing. Moreover, the asymmetrical rate reductions - a 10bps drop in the 1-year LPR versus a 5bps reduction in the 5-year - signals that the authorities are reluctant to decisively reverse housing policies. Sentiment in the housing sector remains downbeat. A survey conducted by the PBoC shows that the willingness to buy a home has plunged to the lowest level since 2017 (Chart 10). Medium- to long-term household loan growth, which is highly correlated with home sales, decelerated further in December (Chart 10, bottom panel). Given that home prices continue to decline, buyers may be expecting more price discounts and refrain from making purchases despite slightly cheaper mortgage rates. Although there was a modest pickup in medium- to long-term consumer loan growth in November, it was mainly driven by pent-up mortgage applications delayed by the banks in Q3. Moreover, advance payments for real estate developers remained in contraction through end-2021. The prolonged weakness in the demand for mortgages and homes highlights our view that it will take more than a minor mortgage rate cut to revive sentiment (Chart 11). Chart 10Sentiment In Housing Market Has Plummeted To A Multi-Year Low Sentiment In Housing Market Has Plummeted To A Multi-Year Low Sentiment In Housing Market Has Plummeted To A Multi-Year Low Chart 11Funding Among Real Estate Developers Has Not Improved Funding Among Real Estate Developers Has Not Improved Funding Among Real Estate Developers Has Not Improved Without a decisive improvement in home sales, real estate developers will continue to face funding constraints, which will weigh on new investment and housing projects (Chart 12). We expect the contraction in real estate investment and housing starts to be sustained through at least 1H22 (Chart 13). Chart 12Policymakers Will Have To Allow Significant Re-leveraging To Revive Housing Demand Policymakers Will Have To Allow Significant Re-leveraging To Revive Housing Demand Policymakers Will Have To Allow Significant Re-leveraging To Revive Housing Demand Chart 13Real Estate Investment And Housing Starts Will Remain In Contraction Through 1H22 Real Estate Investment And Housing Starts Will Remain In Contraction Through 1H22 Real Estate Investment And Housing Starts Will Remain In Contraction Through 1H22 Chinese Export Growth Will Converge To Long-Term Growth Chart 14Vigorous Exports Provided Crucial Support To China's Economy In 2021 Vigorous Exports Provided Crucial Support To China's Economy In 2021 Vigorous Exports Provided Crucial Support To China's Economy In 2021 China’s exports grew vigorously in 2021, providing critical support to the economy.  Net exports contributed 1.7 percentage points to the 8.1% rate of real GDP growth in 2021, the highest growth contribution since 2006. China’s share of global exports expanded to more than 15%, about 2 percentage points higher than the pre-pandemic average from 2015 to 2019 (Chart 14). The export sector probably will not repeat last year’s strong performance. The widening divergence of exports in value and in volume suggests that the solid aggregate value of exports has been mainly buttressed by soaring export prices since July 2021 (Chart 15). The price effect will likely gradually abate in 2022 due to easing global supply chain constraints, softer global economic growth and a high base factor from 2021. Indeed, export prices from China and other industrialized countries may have already peaked (Chart 16). Chart 15Robust Exports Growth Since 2H21 Driven By Soaring Export Prices Robust Exports Growth Since 2H21 Driven By Soaring Export Prices Robust Exports Growth Since 2H21 Driven By Soaring Export Prices Chart 16Export Prices May Have Peaked Export Prices May Have Peaked Export Prices May Have Peaked Services spending worldwide will likely normalize and lead global demand growth in 2022. Meanwhile, goods spending will moderate, implying weaker demand for China’s manufactured goods (Chart 17). Furthermore, China’s strong exports to emerging markets (EM) since Q2 2021 reflected supply shortages due to production interruptions in the EMs (Chart 18). We expect supply chain disruptions in these economies to ease in 2H22 when Omicron-induced infections subside and antiviral treatments become available worldwide. As such, China’s exports to those regions may gradually return to pre-pandemic levels. Chart 17US Household Consumption Will Likely Rotate From Goods To Services In 2022 US Household Consumption Will Likely Rotate From Goods To Services In 2022 US Household Consumption Will Likely Rotate From Goods To Services In 2022 Chart 18Rising Exports To EMs In 2021 May Not Continue Into 2022 Rising Exports To EMs In 2021 May Not Continue Into 2022 Rising Exports To EMs In 2021 May Not Continue Into 2022 China’s manufacturing utilization capacity reached a historical high in 2021, supported by hardy external demand for goods. However, profit margins in the manufacturing sector have been squeezed due to surging input costs (Chart 19). Manufacturing investment growth has been falling, reflecting the reluctance by manufacturers to expand their business operations amid narrowing profit margins (Chart 20). The profit outlook for the manufacturing sector will be at risk of deterioration when the growth in both export volumes and prices moderate in 2022.  Chart 19Manufacturing Sector's Profit Margins Have Been Squeezed Manufacturing Sector's Profit Margins Have Been Squeezed Manufacturing Sector's Profit Margins Have Been Squeezed Chart 20Manufacturing Investment Growth And Output Volume Both Rolled Over Manufacturing Investment Growth And Output Volume Both Rolled Over Manufacturing Investment Growth And Output Volume Both Rolled Over Rising Import Prices Mask The Weakness In Chinese Domestic Demand Chinese import growth in value remained resilient through December, but has increasingly been driven by rising import prices. Import growth in volume, which is a truer picture of China’s domestic demand, decelerated at a faster rate in 2H21 (Chart 21). Credit impulse, which normally leads import growth by around six months, only ticked up slightly. The minor improvement in the rate of Chinese credit expansion will provide limited support to the country’s imports in 1H 2022 (Chart 22).  Chart 21Rising Import Prices Masked The Weakness In China's Domestic Demand Rising Import Prices Masked The Weakness In China's Domestic Demand Rising Import Prices Masked The Weakness In China's Domestic Demand   Chart 22Modest Rebound In Credit Impulse Will Provide Limited Support To Chinese Imports Modest Rebound In Credit Impulse Will Provide Limited Support To Chinese Imports Modest Rebound In Credit Impulse Will Provide Limited Support To Chinese Imports Chart 23Chinese Imports Of Key Commodities Rebounded Aimed Easing In Production Constraints Chinese Imports Of Key Commodities Rebounded Aimed Easing In Production Constraints Chinese Imports Of Key Commodities Rebounded Aimed Easing In Production Constraints The volume of Chinese-imported key commodities, such as iron ore and steel, rebounded in the past three months, but its growth remains in contraction on a year-on-year basis (Chart 23). The improvement in Chinese commodity imports, in our view, reflects an easing in production constraints rather than escalating demand. Recently released economic data, ranging from manufacturing PMI, industrial production, fixed-asset investment and construction activity, all point to an imbalanced supply-demand picture in China’s economy (discussed in the next section).    Sluggish Quarterly Economic Growth At End Of 2021 China’s economy expanded by 8.1% in 2021 or at a 5.1% average annual rate in the past two years.  However, quarterly GDP growth on a year-over-year basis slowed further to 4% in Q4 from 4.9% in the previous quarter. On a sequential basis, seasonally adjusted GDP growth in Q4 was 1.6 percentage points above that of Q3, but slightly below its historical mean (Chart 24). Chart 24Subdued GDP Growth In Q4 Subdued GDP Growth In Q4 Subdued GDP Growth In Q4 Chart 25Investment And Consumption Have Been Poor Economic Links Investment And Consumption Have Been Poor Economic Links Investment And Consumption Have Been Poor Economic Links Chart 26Softness In Investment And Consumption More Than Offset Robust Exports Softness In Investment And Consumption More Than Offset Robust Exports Softness In Investment And Consumption More Than Offset Robust Exports Although industrial production accelerated somewhat in December, it reflects a catch-up phase following a period of constrained output amid last fall’s energy crisis (Chart 25). On the other hand, lackluster domestic demand and a further slowdown in the housing market significantly dragged down China’s economic expansion in Q4. Both fixed-asset investment and consumption decelerated significantly in 2021 Q4, more than offsetting an improvement in net exports (Chart 26, top panel). Notably, year-over-year growth rates in construction and real estate components of real GDP fell below zero in Q4 (Chart 26, bottom panel). In light of the subdued credit growth through end-2021, China’s economic activity will not regain its footing until mid-2022.  Slow Recovery In Household Consumption Likely Through 1H22 The household consumption recovery was sluggish in 2021 and it will face strong headwinds at least through 1H22. China’s consumption recovery has been hindered by a worsening labor market situation, depressed household sentiment and renewed threats from flareups in domestic COVID-19 cases. China’s labor market situation shows a mixed picture. The urban unemployment rate has dropped to pre-pandemic levels and stabilized at 5.1% in December. It remains well within the government’s 2021 unemployment target of “around 5.5%”. However, urban new job creations plunged sharply and the number of migrant workers returning to the cities remains far below the pre-pandemic trend (Chart 27). China’s imbalanced economic recovery in the past two years led to a substantially slower pace of job creation in labor-intensive service sectors (Chart 28). Moreover, wages have been cut and the unemployment rate among younger workers have climbed rapidly in sectors suffering from last year’s regulatory crackdowns in real estate, education and internet platforms. Even though policies have recently eased at margin, it will take time for labor market dynamics (a lagging indicator) to improve. Chart 27Labor Market Situation Is Worsening Labor Market Situation Is Worsening Labor Market Situation Is Worsening Chart 28Imbalanced Economic Recovery Led To A Mixed Picture In The Labor Market Imbalanced Economic Recovery Led To A Mixed Picture In The Labor Market Imbalanced Economic Recovery Led To A Mixed Picture In The Labor Market Chinese household expenditures have lagged disposable incomes since the outbreak of the pandemic (Chart 29). The propensity to consume has declined since 2018 and the downward trend has been exacerbated by the pandemic since early 2020 along with a soaring preference to save (Chart 30). Chart 29Chinese Household Expenditures Have Lagged Disposable Income Growth Chinese Household Expenditures Have Lagged Disposable Income Growth Chinese Household Expenditures Have Lagged Disposable Income Growth Chart 30Poor Sentiment On Future Income Contributes To Consumers' Unwillingness To Spend Poor Sentiment On Future Income Contributes To Consumers' Unwillingness To Spend Poor Sentiment On Future Income Contributes To Consumers' Unwillingness To Spend Household consumption also faces renewed threats from increases in domestic COVID-19 cases. Since Q3 last year, more frequent city-wide lockdowns and inter-regional travel bans have had profound negative effects on the country’s service sector and retail sales (Chart 31 & 32). Omicron has also spread to China, triggering new waves of stringent countermeasures. China will not abandon its zero-tolerance policy towards COVID anytime soon, thus we expect the stop-and-go economic reopening to continue to weigh on the country’s service sector activity and consumption at least through 1H22. Chart 32Service Sector Activities Struggle To Return To Pre-Pandemic Trends Service Sector Activities Struggle To Return To Pre-Pandemic Trends Service Sector Activities Struggle To Return To Pre-Pandemic Trends Chart 31China's Stringent COVID Countermeasures Will Curb Service Sector Recovery In 2022 China's Stringent COVID Countermeasures Will Curb Service Sector Recovery In 2022 China's Stringent COVID Countermeasures Will Curb Service Sector Recovery In 2022   Table 1China Macro Data Summary Intensified Monetary Policy Easing, Unresponsive Underlying Demand Intensified Monetary Policy Easing, Unresponsive Underlying Demand Table 2China Financial Market Performance Summary Intensified Monetary Policy Easing, Unresponsive Underlying Demand Intensified Monetary Policy Easing, Unresponsive Underlying Demand   Footnotes 1     The 7-day reverse repo and the 1-year Medium-term Lending Facility (MLF) rates. 2     Including local government budgetary and managed funds revenues.   Strategic View Cyclical Recommendations Tactical Recommendations

Highlights Our top five “black swan” risks for 2022: Social unrest in China; Russian invasion of all of Ukraine; unilateral Israeli strikes on Iran; a cyber attack that goes kinetic; and a failure of OPEC 2.0. Too early to buy the dip on Russian assets: President Biden says Putin will probably “move in” and re-invade Ukraine, Russian embassy staff have been evacuating Ukraine, the US and UK have been providing more arms to Ukraine, and the US is warning of a semiconductor embargo against Russia. Talks resume in Geneva on Friday. Tactically investors should take some risk off the table, especially if linked to Russia and Europe.  Stay short the Russian ruble and EM Europe; stay short the Chinese renminbi and Taiwanese dollar; stay long cyber security stocks; and be prepared for oil volatility. Convert tactical long equity trades to relative trades: long large caps versus small caps, long defensives versus cyclicals, and long Japanese industrials versus German industrials. Feature Chart 1Recession Probability And Yield Curve Recession Probability And Yield Curve Recession Probability And Yield Curve The 2/10-year yield curve is flattening and now stands at 79 bps, while the implied probability of a recession over the next 12 months troughed at 5.9% in April 2021, and as of December 2021 stood at 7.7% (Chart 1). Apparently stagflation and recession are too high of a probability to constitute a “black swan” risk for this year. Black swans are not only high impact but also low probability. In this year’s annual “Five Black Swan” report, the last of our 2022 outlook series, we concentrate on impactful but unlikely events. These black swans emerge directly from the existing themes and trends in our research – they are not plucked at random. The key regions are highlighted in Map 1. Chart Black Swan #1: Major Social Unrest Erupts In China China’s financial problems are front and center risks for investors this year. They qualify as a “Gray Rhino” rather than “Black Swan” risk.1 It is entirely probable that China’s financial and property sector distress will negatively impact Chinese and global financial markets in 2022. What investors are not expecting is an eruption of social unrest in China that fouls up the twentieth national party congress this fall and calls into question the Communist Party’s official narrative that it is handling the pandemic and the underlying economic transition smoothly. Social unrest is a major risk around the world in the face of the new bout of inflation. Most of the democracies have already changed governments since the pandemic began, recapitalizing their political systems, but major emerging markets – Russia, India, Turkey, Brazil – have not done so. They have seen steep losses of popular support for both political leaders and ruling parties. There is little opinion polling from China and people who are surveyed cannot speak openly. It is possible that the government’s support has risen given its minimization of deaths from the pandemic. But it is also possible that it has not. Beijing’s policies over the past few years have had a negative impact on the country’s business elite and foreign relations. There are disgruntled factions within China, though the current administration has a tight grip over the main organs of power. Since President Xi is trying to clinch his personal rule this fall, sending China down a path of autocracy that proved disastrous under Chairman Mao Zedong, it is possible he will face surprise resistance. China’s economic growth is decelerating, clocking in at a 4.0% quarter-on-quarter growth rate at the end of last year. While authorities are easing policy to secure the recovery, there is a danger of insufficient support. Private sentiment will remain gloomy, as reflected by weak money velocity and a low propensity to spend among both businesses and households (Chart 2). The government will continue to be repressive in the lead up to the political reshuffle. At least for the first half of the year the economy will remain troubled. Structurally China is ripe for social unrest. It suffers from high income inequality and low social mobility, comparable to the US and Brazil, which are both struggling with political upheaval (Chart 3). Chart 2China's Private Sector Still Depressed China's Private Sector Still Depressed China's Private Sector Still Depressed ​​​​​ Chart 3 ​​​​​​ In addition China is keeping a stranglehold over Covid-19. This “Zero Covid” policy minimizes deaths but suppresses economic activity. Strict policy has also left the population with a very low level of natural immunity and the new Omicron variant is even more contagious than other variants. Hence the regime is highly likely to double down to prevent an explosive outbreak. The service side of the economy will continue to suffer if strict lockdowns are maintained, exacerbating household and business financial difficulties (Chart 4). Yet in other countries around the world, government decisions to return to lockdowns have sparked unrest. Chart 4Zero Covid Policy: Not Sustainable Beyond 2022 Zero Covid Policy: Not Sustainable Beyond 2022 Zero Covid Policy: Not Sustainable Beyond 2022 China’s “Misery Index” (unemployment plus inflation) is rising sharply. While misery is ostensibly lower than that of other emerging markets, China’s unemployment data is widely known to be unreliable. If we take a worst-case scenario, looking at youth unemployment and fuel prices, misery is a lot higher (Chart 5). The youth, who are having the hardest time finding jobs, are also the most likely to protest if conditions become intolerable (Chart 6). Of course, if social unrest is limited to students, it will lack support among the wider populace. But it is inflation, not youth activism, that is the reason for China’s authorities to be concerned, as inflation is a generalized problem that affects workers as well as students. Chart 5China's Misery Index Is Higher Than It Looks China's Misery Index Is Higher Than It Looks China's Misery Index Is Higher Than It Looks ​​​​​ Chart 6China's Troubled Youth China's Troubled Youth China's Troubled Youth Why would protesters stick their necks out knowing that the Communist Party will react ferociously to any sign of instability during President Xi Jinping’s political reshuffle? True, mainland Chinese do not have the propensity to political activism that flared up in protests in Hong Kong in recent years. Also the police state will move rapidly to repress any unrest. Yet the entire focus of Xi Jinping’s administration, since 2012, has been the restoration of political legitimacy and prevention of popular discontent. Xi has cracked down on corruption, pollution, housing prices, education prices, and has announced his “Common Prosperity” agenda to placate the low and middle classes.2 The regime has also cracked down on the media, social media, civil society, and ideological dissent to prevent political opposition from taking root. If the government were not concerned about social instability, it would not have been adopting these policies. Disease, often accompanied by famines or riots, has played a role in the downfall of six out of ten dynasties, so Beijing will not be taking risks for granted (Table 1). Table 1Disease And Downfall Of Chinese Dynasties Five Black Swans For 2022 Five Black Swans For 2022 Social instability would have a major impact as it would affect China’s stability and global investor sentiment toward China. Western democracies would penalize China for violations of human rights, leaving China even more isolated. Bottom Line: Investors should stay short the renminbi and neutral Chinese equities. Foreign investors should steer clear of Chinese bonds in the event of US sanctions. After the party congress this fall there will be an opportunity to reassess whether Xi Jinping will “let a hundred flowers bloom,” thus improving the internal and external political and investment environment, but this is not at all clear today. Black Swan #2: Russia Invades All (Not Just Part) Of Ukraine US-Russia relations are on the verge of total collapse and Russian equities have sold off, in line with our bearish recommendations in reports over the past two years. Russia’s threat of re-invading Ukraine is credible. Western nations are still wishy-washy about the counter-threat of economic sanctions, judging by German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s latest comments, and none are claiming they will go to war to defend Ukraine.3 Russia is looking to remove the threat of Ukraine integrating militarily and economically with the West. The US and UK are providing Ukraine with defense weaponry even as Russia specifically demands that they cease to do so. President Putin may choose short-term economic pain for long-term security gain. The consensus view is that if Russia does invade, it will undertake a limited invasion. But what if Russia invades all of Ukraine? To be clear, a full invasion is unlikely because it would be far more difficult and costly for Russia. It would go against Putin’s strategy of calculated risk and limited conflict. Table 2 compares Russia and Ukraine in size and strength, alongside a comparison of the US and Iraq in 2002. This is not a bad comparison given that Ukraine’s and Iraq’s land area and active military personnel are comparable. Table 2Russia-Ukraine Balance Of Power 2022 Compared To US-Iraq 2002 Five Black Swans For 2022 Five Black Swans For 2022 Russia would be biting off a much bigger challenge than the US did. Ukraine’s prime age population is 2.5 times larger than Iraq’s in 2002, and its military expenditure is three times bigger. The US GDP and military spending were 150 and 250 times bigger than Iraq’s, while Russia’s GDP and military spending are about ten times bigger than Ukraine’s today. Iraq was not vital to American national security, whereas Ukraine is vital to Russia; Russia has more at stake and is willing to take greater risks. But Ukraine is in better shape to resist Russian occupation than Iraq was to resist American. The point is that the US invasion went smoothly at first, then got bogged down in insurgency, and ultimately backfired both in political and geopolitical terms. Russia would be undertaking a massive expense of blood and treasure that seems out of proportion with its goal, which is to neutralize Ukraine’s potential to become a western defense ally and host of “military infrastructure.” However, there are drawbacks to partial invasion. The remainder of the Ukrainian state would be unified and mobilized, capable of integrating with the western world, and willing to support a permanent insurgency against Russian troops in eastern Ukraine. Russia has forces in Belarus, Crimea, and the Black Sea, as well as on Ukraine’s eastern border, giving rise to fears that Russia could attempt a three-pronged invasion of the whole country. In short, it is conceivable that Russian leaders could make the Soviet mistake of overreaching in the military aims, or that a war in eastern Ukraine could inadvertently expand into the west. If Russia tries to conquer all of Ukraine, the global impact will be massive. A war of this size on the European continent for the first time since World War II would shake governments and populations to their bones. The borders with Poland, Romania, the Baltic states, Slovakia, Hungary, Finland and the Black Sea area would become militarized (Map 2). Chart NATO actions to secure its members and fortify their borders would exacerbate tensions with Russia and fan fears of a wider war. Trade flows would become subject to commerce destruction, affecting even neutral nations, including in the Black Sea. Energy supplies would tighten further, sending Russia and probably Europe into recession. The disruption to business and travel across eastern Europe would be deep and lasting, not only due to sanctions but also due to a deep risk-aversion that would affect foreign investors in the former Soviet Union and former Warsaw Pact. Germany would be forced to quit sitting on the fence, as it would be pressured by the US and the rest of Europe to stand shoulder to shoulder in the face of such aggression. Finland and Sweden would be much more likely to join NATO, exacerbating Russia’s security fears. Russia would suffer a drastic loss of trade, resulting in recession, and its currency collapse would feed inflation (Chart 7). Chart 7Inflation Poses Long-Term Threat To Putin Regime Inflation Poses Long-Term Threat To Putin Regime Inflation Poses Long-Term Threat To Putin Regime Ultimately the consequences would be negative for the Putin regime and Russia as a result of recession and international isolation. But in the short run the Russian people would rally around the flag and support a war designed to prevent NATO from stationing missiles on their doorstep. And their isolation would not be total, as they would strengthen ties with China and conduct trade via proxy states in the former Soviet Union. Bottom Line: A full-scale invasion of all of Ukraine is highly unlikely because it would be so costly for Russia in military, economic, and political terms. But the probability is not zero, especially because a partial re-invasion could lead to a larger war. While global investors would react in a moderate risk-off matter to a limited war in eastern Ukraine, a full-scale war would trigger a massive global flight to safety as it would call into question the entire post-WWII peace regime in Europe. Black Swan #3: Israel Attacks Iran The “bull market in Iran tensions” continues as there is not yet a replacement for the 2015 nuclear deal that the US abrogated. Our 2022 forecast that the UAE would get caught in the crossfire was confirmed on January 17 when Iran-backed Houthi rebels expanded their range of operations and struck Abu Dhabi (Map 3). The secret war is escalating and US-led diplomacy is faltering. Chart Iran is not going to give up its nuclear program. North Korea achieved nuclear arms and greater military security and is now developing first and second strike capabilities. Meanwhile Ukraine, which faces another Russian invasion, exemplifies what happens to regimes that give up nuclear arms (as do Libya and Iraq). Iran appears to be choosing the North Korean route. While we cannot rule out a minor agreement between President Biden and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi, we can rule out a substantial deal that halts Iran’s nuclear and missile progress. Here’s why: Any day now Iran could reach nuclear “breakout capacity,” with enough highly enriched uranium to construct a nuclear device (Table 3).4 Table 3Iran’s Violations Of 2015 Nuclear Deal Since US Exit Five Black Swans For 2022 Five Black Swans For 2022 Within Iran’s government, the foreign policy doves have been humiliated and kicked out of office while the hawks are fully in control. No meaningful agreement can be reached before 2024 because of the risk that the US will change ruling parties again and renege on any promises. Iran is highly incentivized to make rapid progress on its nuclear program now. The US will not be able to lead the P5+1 coalition to force Iran to halt its program because of its ongoing struggles with Russia and China. China is striking long-term cooperation deals with Iran. Israel has a well-established record of taking unilateral action, specifically against regional nuclear programs, known as the “Begin Doctrine.”5 Israel’s threats are credible on this front, although Iran is a much greater operational challenge than Iraq or Syria. Iran’s timeline from nuclear breakout to deliverable nuclear weapon is 12-24 months.6 Iran’s missile program is advanced. Missile programs cannot be monitored as easily as nuclear activity, so foreign powers base the threshold on nuclear capability rather than missile capability. Iran had a strong incentive to move slowly on its nuclear and missile programs in earlier years, to prevent US and Israeli military interference. But as it approaches breakout capacity it has an incentive to accelerate its tempo to a mad dash to achieve nuclear weaponization before the US or Israel can stop it. Now that time may have come. The Biden administration is afraid of higher oil prices and Israeli domestic politics are more divided and risk-averse than before. And yet Iran’s window might close in 2025, as the US could turn aggressive again depending on the outcome of the 2024 election. Hence Iran has an incentive to make its dash now. The US and Israel will restate their red lines against Iranian nuclear weaponization and brandish their military options this year. But the Biden administration will be risk-averse since it does not want to instigate an oil shock in an election year. Israel is more likely than the US to react quickly and forcefully since it is in greatest danger if Iran surprises the world with rapid weaponization. Here are the known constraints on unilateral Israeli military action: Limited Israeli military capability: Israel would have to commit a large number of aircraft, leaving its home front exposed, and even with US “bunker buster” bombs it may not penetrate the underground Fordow nuclear facility.7 Limited Israeli domestic support: The Israeli public is divided on whether to attack Iran. The post-Netanyahu government recently came around to endorsing the US’s attempt to renegotiate the nuclear deal. Limited US support: Washington opposes Israeli unilateralism that could entangle the US into a war. Israel cannot afford to alienate the US, which is its primary security guarantor. Iranian instability: The Iranian regime is under economic distress due to “maximum pressure” sanctions. It is vulnerable to social unrest, not least because of its large youth population. These constraints have been vitiated in various ways, which is why we raise this Israeli unilateralism as a black swan risk: Where there’s a will, there’s a way: If Israel believes its existence will be threatened, it will be willing to take much greater operational risks. It has already shown some ability to set back Iran's centrifuge program beyond the expected.8 Israeli opinion will harden if Iran breaks out: If Iran reaches nuclear breakout or tests a nuclear device, Israeli opinion will harden in favor of military strikes. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett has an incentive to take hawkish actions before he hands the reins of government over to a partner in his ruling coalition as part of a power-sharing agreement. The ruling coalition is so weak that a collapse cannot be ruled out. US opposition could weaken: Biden will have to explore military options if talks fail and Iran reaches nuclear breakout capacity. Once the midterms are over, Israel may have even more freedom to act, while a gridlocked Biden may be looking to shift his focus to foreign policy. Iranian stability: Iran’s social instability has not resulted in massive unrest or regime fracture despite years of western sanctions and a global recession/pandemic. Yet now energy prices are rising and Iran has less reason to believe sanction regimes will be watertight. From Israeli’s point of view, even regime change in Iran would not remove the nuclear threat once nuclear weapons are obtained. Finally, while Israel cannot guarantee that military strikes would successfully cripple Iran’s nuclear program and prevent weaponization, Israel cannot afford not to try. It would be a worse outcome to stand idly by while Iran gets a nuclear weapon than to attack and fail to set that program back. Hence the likeliest outcome over the long run is that Iran pursues a nuclear weapon and Israel attacks to try to stop it, even if that attack is likely to fail (Diagram 1). Diagram 1Game Theory: Will Israel Attack Iran? Five Black Swans For 2022 Five Black Swans For 2022 Bottom Line: A unilateral Israeli strike is unlikely but would have a massive impact, as 21% of global oil and 26% of natural gas flows through the Strait of Hormuz, and conflict could disrupt regional energy production and/or block passage through the strait itself. Black Swan #4: Cyber Attacks Spill Into Real World Investors are very aware of cyber security risks – it holds a respectable though not commanding position in the ranks of likely crisis events (Table 4). Our concern is that a cyber attack could spill over into the real world, impairing critical infrastructure, supply chains, and/or prompting military retaliation. Table 4Cyber Events Underrated In Consensus View Of Global Risks Five Black Swans For 2022 Five Black Swans For 2022 Russian attacks on US critical infrastructure by means of ransomware gangs disrupted a US fuel pipeline, meat-packing plant, and other critical infrastructure in 2021. Since then the two countries have engaged in negotiations over cyber security. The Russian Federal Security Bureau has cracked down on one of the most prominent gangs, REvil, in a sign that the US and Russia are still negotiating despite the showdown over Ukraine.9 Yet a re-invasion of Ukraine would shatter any hope of cooperation in the cyber realm or elsewhere. Russia is already using cyberattacks against Ukraine and these activities could expand to Ukraine’s partners if the military conflict expands. Should the US and EU impose sweeping sanctions that damage Russia’s economy, Russia could retaliate, not only by tightening energy supply but also by cyber attacks. Any NATO partners or allies would be vulnerable, though some states will be more reactive than others. Interference in the French election, for example, would be incendiary. The key question is: if Russia strikes NATO states with damaging cyber attacks, at what point would it trigger Article V, the mutual defense clause? There are no established codes of conduct or red lines in cyber space, so the world will have to learn each nation’s limits via confrontation and retaliation. Similar cyber risks could emerge from other conflicts. China is probably not ready to invade Taiwan but it has an interest in imposing economic costs on the island ahead of this fall’s midterm elections. Taiwan’s critical role in the semiconductor supply chain means that disruptions to production would have a global impact. Israel and the US have already used cyber capabilities to attack Iran and set back its nuclear program. These capabilities will be necessary as Iran approaches breakout capacity. Yet Iran could retaliate in a way that disrupts oil supplies. North Korea began a new cycle of provocations last September, accelerated missile tests over the past four months, and is dissatisfied with the unfinished diplomatic business of the Trump administration. In the wake of the last global crisis, 2010, it staged multiple military attacks against South Korea. South Korea may be vulnerable due to its presidential elections in May. The semiconductor or electronics supply chain could be interrupted here as well as in Taiwan. Bottom Line: There is no code of conduct in cyber space. As geopolitical tensions rise, and nations test the limits of their cyber capabilities, there is potential for critical infrastructure to be impaired. This could exacerbate supply chain kinks or provoke kinetic responses from victim nations. Black Swan #5: OPEC 2.0 Falls Apart The basis of the OPEC 2.0 cartel is Russian cooperation with Saudi Arabia to control oil supply and manage the forward price curve. Backwardation, when short-term prices are higher than long-term, is ideal for these countries since they fear that long-term prices will fall. In a world where Moscow and Riyadh both face competition from US shale producers as well as the green energy revolution, cooperation makes sense. Yet the two sides do not trust each other. Cooperation broke down both in 2014 and 2020, sending oil prices plunging. Falling global demand ignited a scramble for market share. Interestingly, Russian military invasions have signaled peak oil price in 1979, 2008, and 2014. Russia, like other petro-states, has greater room for maneuver when oil revenues are pouring in. But high prices also incentivize production, disincentivize cartel discipline, and trigger reductions in global demand (Chart 8). Chart 8Russian Invasions And Oil Price Crashes Russian Invasions And Oil Price Crashes Russian Invasions And Oil Price Crashes Broadly speaking, Saudi oil production rose modestly during times of Russian military adventures, while overall OPEC production was flat or down, and Russian/Soviet production went up (Chart 9). Chart 9Saudi And OPEC Oil Production During Russian Military Adventures Saudi And OPEC Oil Production During Russian Military Adventures Saudi And OPEC Oil Production During Russian Military Adventures Since 2020, we have held that OPEC 2.0 would continue operating but that the biggest risk would come in the form of a renewed US-Iran nuclear deal that freed up Iranian oil exports. In 2014, the Saudis increased production in the face of the US shale threat as well as the Iranian threat. This scenario is still possible in 2022 but it has become a low-probability outcome. Even aside from the Iran dynamic, there is some probability that Russo-Saudi cooperation breaks down as global growth decelerates and new oil supply comes online. Bottom Line: The world’s inflation expectations are elevated and closely linked to oil prices. Yet oil prices hinge on an uneasy political agreement between Russia and Saudi Arabia that has fallen apart twice before. If Russia invades Ukraine, or if US withdraws sanctions on Iran, for example, then Saudi Arabia could make a bid to expand its market share and trigger price declines in the process. Two Bonus Black Swans: Turkey And Venezuela Turkey lashes out: Our Turkish Political Capital Index shows deterioration for President Recep Erdogan’s political capital across a range of variables (Table 5). With geopolitical pressures increasing, and domestic politics heating up ahead of the 2023 elections, Erdogan’s behavior will become even more erratic. His foreign policy could become aggressive, keeping the lira under pressure and/or weighing on European assets. Table 5Turkey: Erdogan’s Political Capital Wearing Thin Five Black Swans For 2022 Five Black Swans For 2022 Venezuela’s Maduro falls from power: Venezuelan regime changes often follow from military coups. These coups do not only happen when oil prices collapse – sometimes the army officers wait to be sure prices have recovered. Coup-throwers want strong oil revenues to support their new rule. An unexpected change of regimes would affect the oil market due to this country’s giant reserves. Bottom Line: Turkey’s political instability could result in foreign aggression, while Venezuela’s regime could collapse despite the oil price recovery. Investment Takeaways We are booking profits on our tactical long trades on large caps and defensive sectors. We will convert these to relative trades: long large caps over small caps, and long defensives over cyclicals. We also recommend converting our tactical long Japan trade into long Japanese industrials / short German industrials equities. If US-Russia diplomacy averts a war we will reconsider.     Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      “Gray Rhino” is a term coined by author Michele Wucker to describe large and probable risks that people neglect or avoid. For more, see thegrayrhino.com. 2     Xi Jinping recently characterized the “common prosperity” agenda as follows: “China has made it clear that we strive for more visible and substantive progress in the well-rounded development of individuals and the common prosperity of the entire population. We are working hard on all fronts to deliver this goal. The common prosperity we desire is not egalitarianism. To use an analogy, we will first make the pie bigger, and then divide it properly through reasonable institutional arrangements. As a rising tide lifts all boats, everyone will get a fair share from development, and development gains will benefit all our people in a more substantial and equitable way.” See World Economic Forum, “President Xi Jinping’s message to The Davos Agenda in full,” January 17, 2022, weforum.org. 3     Chancellor Scholz, when asked whether Germany would avoid using the Nord Stream II pipeline if Russia re-invaded Ukraine, said, "it is clear that there will be a high cost and that all this will have to be discussed if there is a military intervention against Ukraine.” He was speaking with NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg. See Hans Von Der Burchard, “Scholz: Germany will discuss Nord Stream 2 penalties if Russia attacks Ukraine,” Politico, January 18, 2022, politico.eu. 4     For the Begin Doctrine, see Meir Y. Soloveichik, “The Miracle of Osirak,” Commentary, April 2021, commentary.org. 5     The estimate of 12-24 months to mount a nuclear warhead on a missile has been cited by various credible sources, including David Albright and Sarah Burkhard, “Highlights of Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons,” Institute for Science and International Security, August 24, 2021, isis-online.org, and Eric Brewer and Nicholas L. Miller, “A Redline for Iran?” Foreign Affairs, December 23, 2021, foreignaffairs.com. 6     See Edieal J. Pinker, Joseph Szmerekovsky, and Vera Tilson, “Technical Note – Managing a Secret Project,” Operations Research, February 5, 2013, pubsonline.informs.org, as well as “What Can Game Theory Tell Us About Iran’s Nuclear Intentions?” Yale Insights, March 17, 2015, insights.som.yale.edu.  7     See Josef Joffe, “Increasingly Isolated, Israel Must Rely On Nuclear Deterrence,” Strategika 35 (September 2016), Hoover Institution, hoover.org. 8     The sabotage of the Iran Centrifuge Assembly Center at the Natanz nuclear facility in July 2020 “set back Iran’s centrifuge program significantly and continues to do so,” according to David Albright, Sarah Burkhard, and John Hannah, “Iran’s Natanz Tunnel Complex: Deeper, Larger Than Expected,” Institute for Science and International Security, January 13, 2022, isis-online.org. For a recent positive case regarding Israel’s capabilities, see Mitchell Bard, “Military Options Against Iran,” Jewish Virtual Library, American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, January 2022, jewishvirtuallibrary.org.  9     For the FSB and REvil, see Chris Galford, “Russian FSB arrests members of REvil ransomware gang following attacks on U.S. infrastructure,” Homeland Preparedness News, January 18, 2022, homelandprepnews.com. For the Colonial Pipeline and JBS attacks, and other ransomware attacks, see Jonathan W. Welburn and Quentin E. Hodgson, “How the United States Can Deter Ransomware Attacks,” RAND Blog, August 9, 2021, rand.org. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months)

Highlights The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), Iraq, the UAE and Kuwait – the OPEC 2.0 states capable of increasing production this year – will have to step up for coalition members unable to lift output, including Russia. US shale-oil output also will have to increase to cover demand. The COVID-19 omicron variant has proven to be less severe than anticipated, which likely will translate into a faster recovery in oil demand than was expected in December. One risk looms large: China's zero-COVID policy greatly reduced virus transmission in the country; however, this also reduced natural antibody protection in its population. This is exacerbated by a lack of mRNA vaccine availability. Faltering supply and strong demand will keep inventories tight, reducing buffers to supply shocks – e.g., the Kirkuk–Ceyhan Oil Pipeline explosion this week. We are returning our Brent forecast for 2022 to $80/bbl; for 2023, we continue to expect $81/bbl (Chart of the week). Our forecast assumes OPEC 2.0 will increase supply so as to keep Brent prices below $90/bbl. US shale-oil output also is expected to rise. We continue to see oil-price risk skewed to the upside. Still, demand-destruction from high prices or widespread omicron-induced lockdowns remain clear risks to our outlook. Feature Given the relatively mild symptoms associated with the COVID-19 omicron variant, global oil demand likely will continue to recover lost ground and return to trend sooner than expected. Faltering supply from OPEC 2.0 member states means prices will remain elevated, and perhaps push higher. On the back of these fundamentals, we are restoring our Brent price forecast to $80/bbl for this year, and $81/bbl for 2023. This is the consensus view, and we find ourselves in the uncomfortable position of sharing it. Chart 1 Presently, the oil market is bulled up, expecting high prices this year and next, with Brent forecasts clustering in the $80-$85/bbl range out to 2025.1 Some headline-grabbing forecasts call for $100-plus prices, as top OPEC 2.0 producers – e.g. Russia, Angola and Nigeria– continue to strain in their efforts to restore production, and demand remains buoyant (Chart 2). Chart 2 A consensus usually emerges after most market participants have adjusted their positioning to reflect a commonly held view. This usually is a temporary equilibrium. The market typically finds the highest-pain price trajectory required to shatter the consensus view – e.g., selling off because widely held demand expectations are too high or supply expectations are too low, and vice versa. Ultimately, a fundamental shock destabilizes the consensus, and prices move higher or lower to reflect the new reality. The biggest risks to our price forecast are demand destruction from high prices or widespread omicron-induced lockdowns.2 To keep prices from finding a new equilibrium above $90/bbl, a policy response from OPEC 2.0 to increase production will be required. In addition, US shale-oil output will have to increase. This is not to say we are dismissing above-consensus price realizations: Inventories will continue to draw hard as long as the level of supply remains below demand. This will leave little in the way of buffer stocks to even out price spikes, as the Ceyhan pipeline explosion demonstrated earlier this week.3 Geopolitical tensions are high in eastern Europe as Russia and the West square off, and in the Persian Gulf as Iran squares off against GCC states and the US.4 These structural and geopolitical risks leave markets exposed to volatile price spikes. OPEC 2.0 Falters Chart 3 Chart 4 Our forecast is contingent on the core OPEC 2.0 member states ex-Russia – KSA, Iraq, the UAE and Kuwait – increasing production by an average of ~ 3.34mmb/d in 2022 and 2.76 mmb/d in 2023 relative to 2021. Most of the increases comes from KSA, Iraq and UAE (Chart 3). In addition, we expect US shale-oil producers to increase their average output by 0.6mm b/d this year, and 1.07mm b/d in 2023 relative to 2021 (Chart 4). In 2022, US crude oil supply reaches 11.7mm b/d, and in 2023 it goes to 12.13mm b/d in our estimates. The slower increase in US output this year largely is a function of the delay we expect in assembling rigs and crews to significantly lift production from current levels. These production increases are needed to make up for ongoing downgrades of OPEC 2.0 member states' ability to increase output, including Russia, where we expect crude oil production to remain flat at a little over 10mm b/d this year on average (Table 1). Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) To Dec23 Higher Output Needed To Constrain Oil Prices Higher Output Needed To Constrain Oil Prices Back in July 2021, the coalition agreed to restore 400k b/d of production taken off the market in the wake of COVID-19 demand destruction. Thus far, the coalition has only managed to restore ~ 1.86mm b/d of the 2mm b/d pledged for August to December 2021, according to the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (OIES). For this year, the OIES notes OPEC 2.0 "will struggle to return more than 2 mb/d of withheld supplies in 2022, compared to the headline target of 3.76 mb/d."5 Our view rests on a policy call at the end of the day: We believe OPEC 2.0 – KSA in particular – is well aware of the demand-destruction potential high nominal prices and a strong USD pose, particularly as the US Fed is embarking on a rate-hike program to accompany the quantitative-tightening measures recently adopted. Absent a concerted effort to raise production by the core OPEC 2.0 states ex-Russia and the US shale producers, prices could move above $86/bbl as supply tightens and demand continues to rise. This can be seen in The Chart of the Week (the dashed brown curve depicting our estimate for prices without higher production). Importantly, even if such a concerted effort emerges, a failure to resolve the Iran nuclear talks with the US and its allies this year would keep more than 1mm b/d of production from returning to the market. This would push average Brent prices this year and next to or above $90/bbl. Oil Demand Recovery To Continue Provided we do not see widespread lockdowns resulting from the rapid transmission of the omicron variant, we expect global demand to grow close to 4.8mm b/d this year and 1.6mm b/d in 2023 (Chart 5). This reflects our view that – baring too-high prices or another full-scale COVID-induced lockdown in a key market like China – demand resumes its return to trend. It is important to point out that the increase in oil demand we expect is being driven by economic growth, which means consumers likely can withstand high prices, just as long as they do not become excessive – i.e., entrenched above $90/bbl in our view. Chart 5Global Oil Demand Forecast Remains Steady Global Oil Demand Forecast Remains Steady Global Oil Demand Forecast Remains Steady Chart 6OPEC 2.0 Production Policy Kept Supply Below Demand OPEC 2.0 Production Policy Kept Supply Below Demand OPEC 2.0 Production Policy Kept Supply Below Demand In our base case model, we continue to see markets remaining balanced (Chart 6) – assuming we get the policy calls right – and OECD oil inventories falling (Chart 7). Even with an uptick in inventories, which presently are 31.5mm barrels above the 2010-14 average, days-forward-cover for the OECD will remain low (Chart 8). Chart 7Crude Inventories Continue To Draw Crude Inventories Continue To Draw Crude Inventories Continue To Draw Chart 8 Investment Implications The consensus view calls for oil prices to remain at current elevated levels, and to perhaps push higher. We share that view – and have maintained it for some time – which gives us pause. A consensus not only reflects a shared view. It likely reflects broad similarities in the way market participants are positioned in their capex, investment and trading outlooks. This is inherently unstable. We expect oil prices to remain elevated, and have returned our 2022 Brent forecast to $80/bbl on average. Our 2023 forecast for Brent remains $81/bbl. We continue to recommend positions that benefit from tightening markets in which forward curves are backwardated and likely to remain so. Even if we see production increasing – from the OPEC 2.0 core producers ex-Russia and the US shales – we still expect forward Brent and WTI curves to remain backwardated (prompt-delivery prices exceed deferred-delivery prices). We remain long the S&P GSCI and the COMT ETF to express this view. If we fail to see production increase to keep prices from breaching and sustaining levels above $90/bbl, long index exposure will post higher gains. The risk to our view is two-fold: 1) High prices leading to demand-destruction, which is made more acute when the USD is strong; and 2) widespread omicron-induced lockdowns, which could once again reduce consumption and lead to global supply-chain gridlock. High prices leading to demand destruction, or another round of lockdowns would force us to reconsider our positioning.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com Paula Struk Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy paula.struk@bcaresearch.com Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish It's very early days, but EU experts are reviewing a draft plan leaked to the media earlier this month, which could result in gas- and nuclear-powered generation being included among sustainable energy sources, and suitable to bridge the global energy transition to renewable power. The draft of the common classification system for EU funding of sustainable economic activities, or taxonomy, apparently states gas plants can earn a “transitional” label if they meet several criteria, including an emissions limit of 270g of CO2e/kWh, or if their annual emissions average 550kg CO2e/kW or less over 20 years. This criterion would be applied to judging environmental performance of a gas plant over 20 years, but offers no guarantee that its emissions would drop over time. The chair of the expert panel said draft rules for nukes raised questions over "whether a plant can guarantee its green credentials today, if its obligation to manage nuclear waste – one of the main environmental concerns about the fuel – does not kick in until as late as 2050," according to euractiv.com, which broke the story earlier this month. Base Metals: Bullish Indonesia has become more restrictive with exports of raw commodities in order to attract more downstream investments and to play a bigger role in producing finished goods. Of these commodities, Indonesia’s supply of nickel, relative to the world is the highest, constituting ~ 38% of total global nickel supply. In 2020, the nation banned nickel ore exports, and is now considering a progressive export tax on low nickel content products such as ferronickel and nickel pig iron. This tax could reduce foreign investment in Indonesia’s nickel mines and global supply, which would, all else equal, support prices. These developments arrive on the back of low nickel inventories, which helped prices of the key battery metal reach a 10-year high last week (Chart 9).   Precious Metals: Bullish In 2021, gold ETFs were hit by outflows of ~ $9 billion, the main reason the yellow metal was unable to reach its 2020 high above the $2,000/oz mark (Chart 10). For this year, we expect a supportive gold market, as real interest rates will remain weak despite the Fed’s hawkish tilt to lift nominal interest rates higher. In line with BCA’s Foreign Exchange Strategy service, we expect the USD to fall over the 12-18 month horizon, which will also bolster gold. Chart 9 Tighter Nickel Balances Going Forward Will Push Prices Higher Tighter Nickel Balances Going Forward Will Push Prices Higher Chart 10       Footnotes 1     Please see Column: Oil prices expected to rise with big variation in projections: Kemp, published by reuters.com on January 19, 2022. 2     High nominal oil prices and a strong USD compound the former demand-destruction risk.  The latter risk of wide-spread omicron-induced lockdowns is elevated in China at present.  Its success in shutting down the transmission of earlier COVID-19 mutations has reduced the amount of antibodies to the virus in the population.  This is compounded by a lack of mRNA vaccine production and distribution, which leaves the country at risk to wide-spread omicron transmission.  In states with large shares of the population carrying COVID-19 antibodies – e.g., the UK – omicron is less of a risk and is on course to becoming endemic.  Please see 2022 Key Views: Past As Prelude For Commodities and Endemic COVID-19 Will Spur Commodities' Next Leg Higher which we published on December 16, 2021 and January 13, 2022 for discussions. 3    Oil flows are expected to return to normal in short order.  Please see Halted Iraq-Turkey flows to resume within hour: Botas, published by argusmedia.com on January 19, 2022. 4    Please see Russia/Ukraine: Implications From Kazakhstan and Geopolitical Charts For The New Year published by BCA Research's Geopolitical Strategy service on January 7 and 14, 2022, respectively, for discussions. 5    Please see Key Themes for the Global Energy Economy in 2022 published by the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies on January 18, 2022.   Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed in 2021 Image