United States

Special Report

Executive Summary US Policy Uncertainty Rises With ERP The US is witnessing a rolling political crisis that will escalate again in the 2022-24 election cycle and presents a tail-risk of constitutional fracture. However, fundamental economic, constitutional, and geopolitical factors are structurally positive. US domestic political risk is not greater than foreign geopolitical risk affecting other major markets like Europe. The US faces challenges to maintain its competitive and technological edge. But the combination of a vibrant private sector and increasingly proactive fiscal policy give reason for optimism. The 2022-24 macroeconomic and political cycles will likely cause an increase in policy uncertainty and hence the equity risk premium – but foreign markets face even greater risks. Recommendation (Tactical) Inception Level Initiation Date Stop Loss Long DXY   Feb 23/2022   Bottom Line: Go tactically long US dollar (DXY) on the anticipation that US and especially global policy uncertainty and political risk premiums will rise. Feature With President Joe Biden’s approval rating falling to a new net low of -13%, investors are starting to ask about the future of American politics once again. It is highly likely that Democrats will lose control of Congress this fall, setting up a tumultuous 2024 election cycle. With political polarization at historic highs, it is worth asking whether US policy uncertainty will inject a risk premium into US equities. Our answer is yes, uncertainty and the risk premium will rise. But the US also contains fundamental strengths, especially relative to other major markets. With geopolitical risk rising for Europe as Russia engages in new military adventures, the US market will remain attractive over the long run. Natural Advantages Any fundamental assessment of US capability should begin with its people. The US working-age population continues to grow, while that of Europe and China has started to plateau or decline (Chart 1). China’s working population is four times bigger than that of the US, so if China can manage its transition to a higher-wage economy (i.e. if it can maintain productivity growth) then it can compete for global investment capital. But the US’s continued labor force growth, despite social change and political instability, suggests that the US will not follow Japan and Europe into sluggish trend growth, unless sharp curbs on immigration are put into place. The maxim that “the people are the riches of a nation” is only true if economic opportunity and job creation are sufficient. People need access to capital to become more productive. Europe has the largest capital stock in the world, at $100,000 per capita, compared to the US’s $71,000 and China’s $33,000. But Europe’s capital stock has been flat-to-down since the Great Recession. China’s capital stock is rising rapidly and has a lot further to go given its low level. But the country also faces a difficult transition to a new economic model and a debt-deleveraging process that may slow down the pace of capital deepening in the coming years, forcing the government to step in and promote capital projects (Chart 2). Meanwhile the US’s capital stock continues to grow steadily.  Chart 1The People Are The Riches Of A Nation... Chart 2...As Long As The People Are Not Starved Of Capital Since the shale boom the US has become nearly energy self-sufficient and now produces 20% of global oil and fuel. This development is a blessing from an economic and national security perspective. But it also poses the risk of a kind of resource curse, in which the US could lack the motivation to pioneer renewable energy technology. Currently the US only produces 4% of the world’s renewable energy, a share that has been declining. Europe and China are both energy import-dependent, which is a national security vulnerability, and they will continue to invest in renewable solutions to improve their energy security (Chart 3). Russian aggression will motivate Europe to go down this path, whereas China will go down this path for fear of American strategic containment. For now, however, the US is energy self-sufficient while technologically capable of advancing in renewable energy. The US has a range of structural problems: rising income inequality, extreme political polarization, and a policy turn away from globalization over the past 20 years. However, these problems have not weighed on GDP per capita growth. Of course, the greatest strides in GDP per capita are occurring in the developing world: China and India show the most promise. But the US’s GDP per capita is still growing at an annual average rate of 3%, putting it alongside Germany and ahead of the much less developed Brazil (Chart 4). Germany did not see anywhere near as big of increases in inequality and polarization and is still generally committed to globalization, yet its GDP per capita growth is about the same as the US’s, despite faster US population growth. Chart 3North America's Natural Resource Blessing Chart 4Does Political Instability Harm Productivity? Partisanship Means Big Government None of the above benefits have been reversed by the US’s historic increase in political polarization and partisanship over the past three decades. Make no mistake, the latter trends are harmful and could weigh on US stability and productivity in coming years, primarily through deteriorating fiscal management. But so far their bad effects have been contained. The two US political parties have won control of the White House, the Senate, and the House of Representatives a roughly equal number of times. While Republicans have a larger regional presence, across the 50 states, and tend to perform better in the Electoral College and the Senate, this advantage is very slight judging by the number of electoral victories. Meanwhile Democrats have a larger popular presence and perform better in the House of Representatives but this advantage is also slight (Chart 5). The two parties are evenly balanced, which is one explanation for why they compete so viciously for marginal victories. But it also prevents either party from achieving absolute power and distorting or corrupting American bureaucracy and corporate structures to perpetuate single-party rule. Chart 5An Even Balance Of Power Between The Parties The size of the federal government fluctuates within a fairly low and narrow range. Federal government receipts hovered around 16% of GDP in the 1950s-60s, peaked at 20.4% in 2000, and today stand right in the middle of this post-war range at 18.5%. Major increases in revenue follow the business cycle and it is rare that Democrats manage to raise taxes enough to have a substantial impact. This point is clear from looking at periods when Democrats controlled both the House of Representatives and the White House (shaded areas in Chart 6): the large increases in tax take mostly coincide with economic growth spurts. It is conceivable that the Biden administration will raise a minimum corporate tax this year via the budget reconciliation process, but the odds of that have been falling and it will not change the pattern in this chart, which shows rising revenue relative to GDP as the economy recovers but is not likely to match what was seen in the late 1990s. From the perspective of federal government spending, the growth in the size of government is clearer, rising from the post-war 15% of GDP to today’s 25% of GDP, with a pronounced structural uptrend. Republicans rarely control both the White House and the House of Representatives and only in the 1950s did they reduce spending outright. The past two Republican administrations presided over large increases in spending, while also capping revenue via tax cuts (Chart 7). Chart 6US Federal Revenue Does Not Change Much Over Time Chart 7US Federal Spending Does Not Change Much Over Time Thus in America’s highly polarized and populist political scene, Republicans fail to cut spending while Democrats fail to increase taxes. The takeaway is that budget deficits will remain structurally large. The political outlook reinforces this point as it promises a return to congressional gridlock. Historically speaking, Biden’s net negative approval rating implies that Democrats will lose 40 seats in the House of Representatives and 4 seats in the Senate this fall. It is unlikely that Democratic fortunes will improve much between now and this November given that midterm elections almost always punish the ruling party and midterm voters tend to make up their minds early in the year. Moreover the ruling party’s ailments are not easily reversed: headline inflation is running at 7.5%, crime and immigration are growing at historic rates, while foreign policy challenges will likely feed the narrative that the Biden administration is weak on the global stage. The likelihood of congressional gridlock from 2022-24 (and maybe beyond) entails that future increases in fiscal spending will be automatic, through lack of entitlement reform, rather than through grandiose new spending programs, which will not pass into law. As such, “Big Government” is back but it is still “limited government” in the US tradition – i.e. limited big government. Neither party has a blank check or dominates for long. And if anything a period of fiscal normalization (or pseudo-normalization) is on the horizon. Constitutional And Geopolitical Advantages The balance of the parties is not accidental but essential to the American constitutional system. This system is based on the tradition of “mixed” or “balanced” constitutionalism, which developed in ancient Greece and Rome and came to the Americas via the United Kingdom. The system can be discussed in philosophical or ideological terms but it is rooted in real, physical, institutional power. The tradition begins with great philosophers like Plato and Aristotle but is perhaps best illustrated by the Greek historian Polybius. Polybius observed a violent historical cycle that ceaselessly shifted from despotism to oligarchy to the tyranny of the masses to anarchy and finally back to despotism. He argued that the Roman constitution, by mingling the different social classes (the leaders, the elite, and the masses), could produce a durable constitutional order that would prolong the time period until the state decayed and collapsed. We call this the “Polybius Solution” (Diagram 1). Diagram 1The Polybius Solution The US constitution is successful because, like several of the oldest European constitutions, it mixes the different social classes and sources of power so that the leaders, elites, and masses each have a share in the political system and no single group can predominate and overwhelm the others. It is an extra benefit that the US constitution is one of the longest continually operating constitutions in the world, since the long fortification of the system in practice helps provide sociopolitical and economic stability, whereas the ideas themselves are not well taught or understood (Table 1). The fact that the constitution is written in a single document is useful but not decisive, as the British constitution similarly provides stability over long periods of change and upheaval both at home and abroad. Table 1The Balanced Constitution Investors should not mistake this constitutional system merely for a set of preferential ideas. Opinions change very easily. But it is physically difficult for ruling classes to take away rights and privileges that the masses of people have been given. Thus the mixture of constitutional powers is based in political realism, not idealism. The US constitution operates not because Americans are more well-meaning, educated, civic-minded, altruistic, or enlightened than others. It operates because the oligarchy is not powerful enough to disenfranchise the democracy, while the democracy is not powerful enough to purge the oligarchy. The government leaders themselves (the president, the lawmakers, the career bureaucrats, etc) are not powerful enough to suspend term limits and stay in power forever. Nor have they been able to ally with either the oligarchy or the democracy closely enough to permanently exclude the other one from its share of power within the system. There is a clear and present danger that the constitutional system could come under too much strain and fracture amid recent power struggles among the American social classes. The struggles between the classes have intensified since the fall of the Soviet Union (which deprived America of a common enemy) and especially the Great Recession (which provoked populist democratic movements). Some fear that a president could turn into an autocrat and refuse to yield power, others fear that the oligarchic faction could steal elections or manipulate the legal system, others fear that the democratic faction could steal elections or ride roughshod over legal procedures. Of these risks, the risk of autocracy is the lowest, while the risk of institutional corruption or electoral manipulation or majoritarian rule-breaking are the highest. Certainly political risk and policy uncertainty will rise from current levels over the 2022-24 election cycle, which promises to be extremely disruptive. However, there are three reasons to hold the baseline view that the US political structure will remain stable enough to sustain economic productivity over the coming years, despite enormous upheaval on the cyclical level of politics. The US remains secure from invasion, while provoked to meet rising geopolitical challenges. Neither Canada nor Mexico poses a fundamental threat to US national security – the US is capable of militarizing the borders, however undesirable – and the US is inaccessible to more distant enemies due to the tyranny of distance across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Yet the resurgence of Russia and the rise of China are likely to present common external rivals around which America’s elites will attempt to galvanize public opinion to maintain national security and keep themselves in office. Because elections still tend to swing on historically critical regions, such as the Midwestern heartland, politicians will need to pursue some degree of economic nationalism to stay in power (Map 1). Map 1USA: Splendid Isolation? The US continues to benefit from a “brain drain” of talented foreign immigrants and will keep that door open if and when it curbs immigration more broadly. Immigration flows into the US are typically robust according to various indicators, including the numbers of newly naturalized citizens, which is itself an indicator of the US’s abiding advantages (Chart 8). The global pandemic caused a decline that is quickly rebounding. Immigration is one of the major outstanding sources of power struggle between the US political factions. It will become a centerpiece of the 2022-24 election cycle. The outcome is unclear. But general American attitudes toward immigration are not hostile, while elite attitudes favor immigration. Therefore whatever government policy finally emerges, it will likely preserve the US’s national interest of continuing to import global talent . Chart 8People Voting With Their Feet The US’s chronic trade imbalance generated a new policy consensus in favor of strengthening American competitiveness. The US pursued a policy of globalization and de-industrialization for decades but it became untenable in the wake of the Great Recession, which spawned a populist backlash. The Biden administration has largely coopted the Trump administration’s hawkish approach to trade. While US trade and current account deficits will remain very large for the foreseeable future, reflecting a fundamental imbalance of savings relative to investment (Chart 9), nevertheless the US will undertake targeted policies to improve supply chain resilience and domestic high-tech competitive edge. The Congress’s likely passage of the American Competes Act of 2022 exemplifies the new bipartisan consensus around the need to invest in American industrial and technological capabilities so as to better compete with great powers overseas (Table 2). Chart 9US Competitiveness Waning? Table 2US Bipartisan Consensus On Restoring Competitiveness By contrast, other regions face greater geopolitical threats to their homelands and greater difficulties coping with hypo-globalization. Europe’s strategic vulnerability to Russia will dampen investment sentiment and risk appetite. Russia’s economic trajectory has suffered since 2014 and its ongoing conflict with the West will result in isolation and lower productivity. China will see rising tensions with its neighbors due to its economic transition, emerging protectionism, and its need to become more assertive for the sake of supply security. By contrast the US is relatively insulated. Investment Takeaways The US’s economic, constitutional, and geopolitical advantages are structural positives. Rising domestic policy uncertainty over the 2022-24 election cycle might overshadow these positives temporarily, but they are likely to persist over the long run. Increasing geopolitical risks abroad suggest that domestic American policy uncertainty is likely to be overrated. Great power competition – stemming from geopolitical risks – will fuel capital spending among the major nations as well as research and development investments. In this respect the United States faces challenges to maintain its competitive edge. But it is still the leader and the combination of a vibrant private sector and an increasingly proactive public sector are positive (Chart 10). Are the US’s structural advantages already priced? To a great extent, yes. The US equity risk premium today stands at 300 basis points, compared to 660 in Europe and 570 in China. And yet global geopolitical risk, highlighted by Russia’s escalating conflict with the West, suggest that this divergence can get worse before it gets better. We expect the 2022-24 election cycle to cause an increase in policy uncertainty and the political risk premium. But as things stand the increase in uncertainty and risk premiums abroad will be even greater (Chart 11). Chart 10US Investing In The Future? Chart 11US Stocks Priced The Good News?       Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months)   Table A2Political Risk Matrix Table A3US Political Capital Index Chart A1Presidential Election Model Chart A2Senate Election Model Table A4APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Table A4BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Table A4CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Footnotes  

Executive Summary US Treasury yields have surged in response to high US inflation and Fed tightening expectations. However, the move looks overdone in the near-term. Too many Fed hikes are now discounted for 2022, US realized inflation should soon peak, inflation expectations have stabilized, financial conditions have started to tighten, and positioning in the Treasury market is now quite short. These factors will act to stabilize Treasury yields over the next few months, even with the cyclical backdrop remaining bond bearish. Markets Think The Fed Will Hike More Sooner And Less Later – The Opposite Is More Likely Recommendation Inception Level Inception Date Long Dec 2022/Short Dec 2024 3-Month SOFR Future 0.25 Feb 22/22 New Trade: Go long the December 2022 US SOFR interest rate futures contract versus shorting the December 2024 SOFR contract. The former discounts too many Fed hikes for this year and the latter discounts too few hikes over the next three years. Bottom Line: US Treasury yields now discount the maximum likely hawkish scenario for Fed rate hikes in 2022, with risks all pointing in the direction of the Fed delivering less than expected. Upgrade US duration exposure to neutral from below-benchmark on a tactical basis. Feature Chart 1A Near-Term Overshoot For UST Yields During the BCA Research US Bond Strategy quarterly webcast last week, we announced a shift in our recommended US duration stance, moving from below-benchmark to neutral. This move was more tactical (i.e. shorter-term) in nature, as we still strongly believe that bond markets are underestimating the eventual peak for US bond yields over the next couple of years. In the near term, however, we see several good reasons to expect the recent big run-up in US bond yields to pause, warranting a more neutral tactical duration exposure (Chart 1). We discuss those reasons – and the implications for both US duration strategy - in this report published jointly by BCA Research’s US Bond Strategy and Global Fixed Income Strategy services. Reason #1: Too Many Fed Rate Hikes Are Now Discounted For 2022 The US overnight index swap (OIS) curve currently discounts 146bps of Fed rate hikes by the end of 2022. This is a big change from the start of the year when only 77bps of hikes were priced (Chart 2). The OIS curve repricing now puts the path of the funds rate for this year well above the last set of FOMC interest rate projections published at the December 2021 Fed meeting. In other words, the market has already moved to discount a big upward shift in the FOMC “dots” for 2022, and even for 2023, at next month’s FOMC meeting. Chart 2Markets Think The Fed Will Hike More Sooner And Less Later - The Opposite Is More Likely We think a more likely outcome for 2022 is that the Fed lifts rates four or five times, not six or even seven times as some Wall Street investment banks are forecasting. We set out the reasons why we think the Fed will go less than expected in the rest of this report. At a minimum, there is virtually no chance that the Fed will provide guidance to markets that is more hawkish than current market pricing, which would push bond yields even higher in the near term. Reason #2: US Inflation Will Soon Peak The relentless string of upside surprises on US inflation has been the main reason the bond market has moved so rapidly on pricing in more Fed rate hikes. The story is about to change, however, as US inflation should peak sometime in the next few months and begin to rapidly decelerate toward levels much closer to, but still well above, the Fed’s 2% inflation target. Already, the intense global inflation pressures from commodities and traded goods prices over the past year has started to lose potency. The annual growth rate of the CRB Raw Industrials index has eased from a peak of 45% in June to 18%, in line with slowing growth momentum of global manufacturing activity (Chart 3, top panel). The softening of input price pressures is evident in business survey measures like the ISM Manufacturing Prices Paid index, which typically leads US headline CPI inflation by six months and has fallen by 16 points since the peak in June (middle panel). Chart 3Global Inflation Pressures Easing The global supply chain disruptions that have caused inventory shortages in products ranging from new cars to semiconductors also appear to be easing. Supplier delivery times are shortening according to the ISM Manufacturing and Non-Manufacturing surveys (bottom panel). Combined with other indications of the loosening of supply chain logjams, like lower shipping costs, the influence of supply disruptions on inflation should diminish, on the margin. Energy prices should also soon contribute to disinflationary momentum (Chart 4). BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy Strategy service is forecasting the Brent oil price to reach $76/bbl at the end of 2022 and $80/bbl at the end of the 2023. That represents a significant decline from the current $95/bbl price that reflects a large risk premium for the potential oil market supply disruptions in response to a Russian invasion of Ukraine. A war-driven spike in oil prices does risk extending the current period of high US (and global) inflation. However, it should be noted that the annual growth in oil prices has been decelerating even as oil prices have been rising recently, showing the power of base effect comparisons that should lead to a lower contribution to overall inflation from energy prices over the next 6-12 months. ​​​​​​Chart 4Oil Prices Will Soon Turn Disinflationary Chart 5A Changing Mix Of US Consumer Spending Will Lower Overall Inflation   Looking beyond the commodity space, a shifting mix of US consumer spending should also help push overall US inflation lower. US core CPI inflation hit a 34-year high of 6.0% in January, fueled by 11.7% growth in core goods inflation (Chart 5). We anticipate that overall core inflation will slow to levels more consistent with the trends seen in more domestically focused sectors like core services and shelter, where inflation is running around 4%. US consumers have started to shift their spending patterns away from goods, which was running well above its pre-pandemic trend, back toward services, which was running below its pre-pandemic trend (Chart 6). This will help narrow the gap between goods and services inflation, particularly as easing supply chain disruptions help dampen goods inflation. Chart 6Goods Inflation Should Soon Peak​​​​​ Chart 7There Are Still Pockets Of Available US Labor Market Supply​​​​​​ Chart 8US Wage Growth Should Soon Begin To Moderate There is also the potential for some of the pressures stemming from the tight US labor market to become a bit less inflationary in the coming months. While the overall US unemployment rate of 4% is well within the range of full employment NAIRU estimates produced by the FOMC, there are notable differences across employment categories suggesting that there are still sizeable pockets of labor supply. For example, the unemployment rate for managerial and professional workers is a tiny 2.3%, while the unemployment rate for services workers was a more elevated 6.7% (Chart 7, top panel). There are also noteworthy differences in US labor market trends when sorted by wage growth. Employment in industries with lower wages – predominantly in services – has not returned to the pre-pandemic peak, unlike employment in higher wage cohorts (middle panel).1 As the US economy puts the Omicron variant in the rearview mirror, service industries most impacted by pandemic restrictions should see an increase in labor supply as workers return to the labor force. This will help close the one percentage point gap between the labor force participation rate for prime-aged workers (aged 25-54) and its pre-pandemic peak (bottom panel). This will also help to mitigate the current upturn in service sector wage growth, which reached 5.2% at the end of 2021 according to the US Employment Cost Index (Chart 8). When US inflation finally peaks in the next few months – most notably for goods prices and service sector wages – the Fed will be under less pressure to hike rates as aggressively as discounted in current bond market pricing. Reason #3: US Inflation Expectations Have Stabilized Chart 9TIPS Breakevens Are Not Telling The Fed To Be More Aggressive The Fed always pays a lot of attention to inflation expectations, particularly market-based measures like TIPS breakevens, to assess if its monetary policy stance is appropriate. The current message from breakevens is that the Fed does not have to turn even more hawkish than expected to bring inflation back down to levels consistent with the Fed’s 2% target. The 10-year TIPS breakeven is currently 2.4%, down from a peak of 2.8% and within the 2.3-2.5% range that we deem consistent with the Fed’s inflation target. Inflation expectations are even more subdued on a forward basis, with the 5-year TIPS breakeven, 5-years forward now down to 1.95% (Chart 9). Shorter term TIPS breakevens remain elevated, with the 2-year breakeven at 3.7%. We continue to favor positioning for a narrower 2-year TIPS breakeven spread – realized inflation will soon peak and the New York Fed’s Consumer Expectations survey shows that household inflation expectations for the next three years have already fallen significantly (bottom panel). Lower inflation expectations, both market-based and survey-based, suggest that the Fed can be cautious on the pace of rate hikes after liftoff next month. Reason #4: US Financial Conditions Are Tightening Alongside Cooling US Growth Momentum We have long described the link between financial markets and the Fed’s policy stance as “The Fed Policy Loop.” In this framework, the markets act as a regulator on Fed hawkishness (Chart 10). If the Fed comes across as overly hawkish, risk assets will sell off (lower equity prices, wider corporate credit spreads), the US dollar will appreciate, the US Treasury curve will flatten and market volatility measures like the VIX index will increase. All of those trends act to tighten US financial conditions, threatening a growth slowdown that will force the Fed to back off from its previous hawkish bias. Chart 10The Fed Policy Loop Financial conditions have indeed tightened as markets have priced in more Fed rate hikes in 2022 (Chart 11). Since the start of the year, the S&P 500 is down 9% year-to-date, US investment grade corporate spreads have widened 26bps, the 2-year/10-year US Treasury curve has flattened by 34bps and the VIX index has increased 11 pts. In absolute terms, US financial conditions remain highly stimulative and the risk asset selloff so far poses little threat to US economic growth. However, if the Fed were to deliver all of the rate hikes in 2022 that are currently discounted in the US OIS curve, the market selloff would deepen as investors began to worry about a Fed-engineered economic slowdown. This would lead to a more significant tightening of financial conditions, representing an even bigger risk to US growth. The Fed cannot risk appearing too hawkish too soon, with US growth momentum already showing signs of slowing (Chart 12). The Conference Board US leading economic indicator has stopped accelerating and may be peaking, US business confidence is softening and consumer confidence is very depressed according to the University of Michigan survey. Importantly, high inflation is cited as the main reason for weak consumer confidence, as wage increases have not matched price increases. If realized inflation falls, as we expect, this could actually provide a boost to consumer confidence as households would feel an improvement in real incomes and spending power – a development that could eventually lead to more Fed rate hikes in 2023 if consumer spending improves, especially if inflation stays above the Fed’s 2% target. Chart 11Fed Hawkishness Has Already Tightened Financial Conditions​​​​​​ Chart 12Not The Best Time For The Fed To Be More Aggressive​​​​​ For now, however, the risk of a preemptive tightening of financial conditions will ensure that the Fed delivers fewer rate hikes than the market expects this year. Reason #5: Treasury Market Positioning Is Now Very Short Chart 13Reliable Bond Indicators Calling For A Pause In The UST Selloff The final reason to increase US duration exposure now is that Treasury market positioning has become quite short and has become a headwind to higher bond yields and lower bond prices. The JP Morgan fixed income client duration survey shows that bond investors are running duration exposures well below benchmark (Chart 13). Speculators are also running significant short positions in longer-maturity US Treasury futures. This suggests limited selling power in the event of more bond bearish news and increased scope for short-covering in the event of risk-off event – like a shooting war in Ukraine – or surprisingly negative US economic data. On that front, the Citigroup US data surprise index, which is typically highly correlated to the momentum of US Treasury yields, has dipped a bit recently but remains at neutral levels (top panel). A similar measure of neutrality is sent by some of our preferred cyclical bond indicators like the ratio of the CRB raw industrials index to the price of gold – the 10-year yield is now in line with that ratio, which appears to be peaking (middle panel). Investment Conclusions Given the five reasons outlined in this report – too many Fed hikes are now discounted for 2022, US realized inflation should soon peak, inflation expectations have stabilized, financial conditions have started to tighten, and positioning in the Treasury market is now quite short – we decided last week to upgrade our recommended US portfolio duration to neutral from below-benchmark. However, this move is only for a tactical investment horizon. We still see the cyclical backdrop as bond bearish, as Treasury yields do not yet reflect how high US interest rates will rise in the upcoming tightening cycle. The 5-year Treasury yield, 5-years forward is currently at 2.0%. This lies at the low end of the range of estimates of the longer-run neutral fed funds rate (Chart 14) from the New York Fed’s survey of bond market participants (2%) and the median FOMC longer-run interest rate projection from the Fed dots (2.5%). We see the Fed having to lift rates faster than markets expect in 2023 and 2024. US inflation this year is expected to settle at a level above the Fed’s 2% target before picking up again next year alongside renewed tightening of labor market conditions once the remaining supply of excess labor is fully absorbed. Chart 14The Cyclical UST Bear Market Is Not Over Yet Chart 15Go Long The Dec/22 SOFR Contract Vs. The Dec/24 Contract As a way to position for the Fed doing fewer rate hikes than expected in 2022, but more hikes than expected in 2023/24, we are entering a new trade this week – going long the December 2022 3-month SOFR US interest rate futures contract versus a short position in the December 2024 3-month SOFR contract.  The implied interest rate spread on those two contracts has tightened to 25bps (Chart 15). We expect that trend to reverse, however, with the spread increasing as markets eventually move to price out rate hikes in 2022 and price in much more Fed tightening in 2023 and 2024. We will discuss the implications of the shift in our US duration stance for our views on non-US bond markets in next week’s Global Fixed Income Strategy report. Our initial conclusion is that our country allocation recommendations for government bonds will remain unchanged – underweighting the US, UK, and Canada; overweighting core Europe, peripheral Europe, Japan and Australia – but we will also increase duration exposure within most (if not all) countries. As in the US, we also see markets pricing in too many rate hikes in the UK and Canada for 2022 but too few rate hikes over the next two years. On the other hand, markets are pricing in too many rate cumulative hikes over the next 2-3 years in Europe, Australia and Japan (Table 1). Table 1Markets Have Pulled Forward Rate Hikes Everywhere   Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      The definitions for the wage cohorts can be found in the footnote of Chart 7. Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Tactical Overlay Trades