Money/Credit/Debt
Highlights A lot of pessimism is embedded in the Aussie dollar, making it a potent candidate for a powerful mean-reversion rally. The key catalyst will be a reversal in COVID-19 infection rates which are holding the Aussie economy hostage. Marginally, there is good news on that front. On a terms-of-trade basis, the Australian dollar is very cheap. Falling commodity prices are a handicap, but the valuation margin of safety makes the AUD a safer bet on a reflationary theme. At the crosses, we are already long AUD/NZD, but AUD/JPY and AUD/CHF should be winners in the next six-to-nine months. Feature The Australian economy was on a strong recovery path before a resurgence in Covid-19 infections handicapped this improvement. Australian GDP recovered to pre-pandemic levels in Q1 and the latest Q2 release suggests the Australian economy was on the path to achieve escape velocity (Chart I-1). Chart I-1The Aussie Economy Has Recovered The bounce in the Australian dollar has mirrored the improvement in the economy. From a low of 55 cents in early 2020, the Aussie rose over 40% to a high of 80 cents in earlier this year. However, more recently, there has been a strong correction in the AUD, reflecting both domestic and global concerns about growth. The key question for investors is whether the decline in the Aussie represents an excessive move or heralds a more malignant outcome for the currency. In our view, if risk sentiment stays ebullient, then the Australian dollar will be a potent candidate for a coiled-spring rebound. However, on the downside, there has already been a lot of bad news priced into the Aussie, making the reward/risk picture more favorable (Chart I-2). The Delta Variant The Delta variant of Covid-19 is ravaging across most countries, and the Australian economy has been particularly susceptible. While in absolute terms, Australia’s infection rates are faring better than most developed markets, the momentum of the latest wave has knocked down a nascent boom in Aussie economic conditions (Chart I-3). Chart I-2The Aussie And Global Stocks Have Diverged Chart I-3The Delta Variant Is Ravaging Australia Sydney is now entering its third month of lockdown, and the state of Victoria has just extended mobility restrictions for another three weeks. However, the population is getting vaccinated quickly, with almost 40% having received two jabs. Should the current trajectory of vaccinations continue, Australia could fully lift restrictions on its citizens by the fourth quarter. It is noteworthy that Australia has been here before, and during the last two waves in March and August of last year, the country was able to weather the storm with lower vaccination rates. As such, the latest wave should prove transient, allowing economic conditions to normalize after a weak Q3. AUD And The Global Cycle As a premier commodity producer, the Australian economy is intricately linked to the global economic cycle, especially what happens in China. Chart I-4 shows that both the Caixin and National Bureau of Statistics manufacturing PMIs in China lead Australian manufacturing activity. With the majority of Australian exports going to China, it makes the Aussie economy very sensitive to Chinese domestic conditions. Our China Investment Strategy colleagues believe that fiscal policy will be eased going forward, while the tightening in monetary conditions is past its peak, especially in the face of Covid-19 and floods ravaging China. Chinese bond yields have already dropped, reflecting an easing in domestic financial conditions. With the Chinese bond market becoming more and more liberalized, it is becoming a good proxy for monetary conditions in China. As such, the trend in bond yields has tended to lead Chinese imports. This suggests that Aussie exports should remain robust in the coming months (Chart I-5). Chart I-4How Long Will The China Slowdown Last? Chart I-5Easing Financial Conditions In China Chart I-6Chinese Policy And The AUD A similar pattern to March of last year might be repeated this year, should Covid-19 fears remain persistent. China led the pack vis-à-vis other countries by injecting stimulus much earlier on, which helped ease domestic financial conditions. As a result, imports of key raw materials such as copper, iron ore, steel, and crude oil rose higher, helping Australian export volumes. This time around, excess money supply in China is rebounding from extremely depressed levels. While the near-term trajectory suggests some more volatility for the Aussie, the cyclical outlook is improving (Chart I-6). A Terms-Of-Trade Boom Despite a slowing Chinese economy, commodity prices remain resilient. Australian terms-of-trade have outperformed that of other commodity-producing nations (Chart I-7). Australia is relatively competitive in supplying the types of raw materials that China needs and wants. For example, Australian exporters produce higher-grade ore, which is more expensive, pollutes less, and is in high demand in China. Similarly, Australia is a big exporter of liquefied natural gas, whose prices have been soaring in recent months. Going forward, Australia’s terms-of-trade improvement is likely to continue. China’s clear energy policy shift away from coal and towards natural gas will buffet LNG export volumes. Also, given that reducing, if not outright eliminating, pollution is a long-term strategic goal in China, this will provide a multi-year tailwind for both cleaner ore and gas exports. The pattern of an improving terms-of-trade picture but deteriorating domestic fundamentals has placed the AUD in a tug-of-war scenario. One of the key primary drivers of the AUD exchange rate has been the basic balance, the sum of the current account and long-term capital flows. The basic balance is making secular highs, suggesting the AUD should be above its 2011 peak near 1.10 (Chart I-8). This suggests that room for mean reversion is substantive. Chart I-7A Boom In Aussie Terms Of Trade Chart I-8The AUD Has Lagged Terms Of Trade In a nutshell, Australia sports the best improvement in both trade and current account balances in the G10 over the last few years (Chart I-9). Investment in projects in the resource space are now bearing fruit, easing the external funding requirement. This has ended the 35-year-long deficit in the current account. A rising current account naturally increases the demand for the Australian dollar, which buffets the currency. Domestic Considerations And The RBA By most accounts, the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) has achieved its objectives. Most measures of inflation are near target, unemployment is close to NAIRU, and wages have bottomed and are marginally inflecting higher (Chart I-10). The next batch of numbers coming out of Australia will likely be weak, as the RBA will outline next week, but any weakness in the Aussie will represent a buying opportunity. Chart I-9A Record Surplus In Australias Basic Balance Chart I-10Fundamentals In The Aussie Economy Are On The Mend Taking a step back, the recovery in the Australian jobs market has been spectacular. Unemployment is at 4.6%, very close to NAIRU. Meanwhile, the participation rate has recovered to pre-pandemic levels as pandemic-aid schemes wear off. The Liberal-National coalition government was very proactive, especially with the “Job Seeker” and “Job Keeper” schemes, providing a valuable cushion for domestic economic conditions. With a very low government debt burden, there is obviously scope to expand the scheme further should conditions dictate. House prices are rebounding in a trajectory the RBA likes to see, driven by credit from owner-occupied housing (Chart I-11). This suggests that at least at the margin, house prices are being driven by domestic demand/supply fundamentals. The key takeaway is that relative to its commodity-currency peers, Australia is well along its house-price adjustment path, having been one of the first developed market countries to introduce macroprudential measures. This suggests that beyond the very near term, emergency policy settings are no longer appropriate for the Aussie economy. The RBA is likely to taper asset purchases from $A5 billion a week, to $A4 billion as telegraphed (Chart I-12), but there is scope for a hawkish surprise at next week’s meeting. Markets are already discounting an increasing path for interest rates starting next year, but not so relative to the US. This could change as the RBA responds to improving economic conditions. Chart I-11A Sustainable Increase In House Prices Chart I-12The RBA Could Unexpectedly Change Policy Settings Meanwhile, real rates are already more attractive in Australia compared to the US, especially at the short end of the curve. A Valuation Cushion The cherry on the cake for the Aussie is that it is cheap according to most of our valuation measures. As we highlighted in a recent report, trading the Aussie on a valuation basis alone has added significant alpha over the last several years. One of our favorite metrics for the Australian dollar’s fair value is its real effective exchange rate relative to its terms of trade. On this basis, the Aussie dollar is cheap by about 20% (Chart I-13). Our intermediate-term timing models, published a fortnight ago, shows the Australian dollar as 9% cheap, or near one standard deviation below the mean. Our purchasing power parity (PPP) models point to a slight undervaluation in the Australian dollar. It also helps that speculators are very short the Aussie, which is bullish from a contrarian perspective (Chart I-14). Chart I-13The AUD Is Cheap Chart I-14Investors Are Short The AUD How Should Investors Position Themselves? AUD/USD will close its undervaluation gap in the medium-to-long term, as happens with most currencies. This will lift the AUD towards 85 cents. In the short term, long AUD/NZD and long AUD/JPY remain attractive bets for those not willing to take directional dollar bets. In our portfolio, we are already long AUD/NZD for the following reasons: The markets have already priced in a very hawkish RBNZ and a very dovish RBA (Chart I-15). Our bias is that as Covid-19 proves to be a global problem, there will be a renormalization in interest rate expectations. Terms of trade in Australia will continue to outperform that of New Zealand. AUD/NZD and relative terms of trade tend to move together (Chart I-16). Chart I-15AUD/NZD Remains A Buy Chart I-16Terms Of Trade And AUD/NZD AUD/NZD is very cheap on a historical basis. This level of valuation has provided strong support in the past (Chart I-17). Meanwhile, the Australian yield curve has steepened, albeit with some recent flattening, but banks have still underperformed the improvement in the interest rate term structure (Chart I-18). A bottoming economy will benefit banks, which make up almost 35% of the Australian MSCI index, and thus there could be renewed foreign inflows. Chart I-17AUD/NZD Is Cheap Chart I-18Stay Long Aussie Banks Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 Data out of the US this week was mixed: The payrolls report was well below expectations. Non-farm payrolls came in at 235K, versus an expected increase of 733K. Both the labor force participation rate and average hourly earnings remained steady at 61.7% and 4.3% year-on-year, respectively. The ISM report was robust for August. The manufacturing PMI improved from 59.5 to 59.9. New orders rose from 64.9 to 66.7 The PCE deflator came it at 3.6% year-on-year, in line with estimates. The US dollar DXY index fell this week. The weak payrolls report reiterates the fact that risks from tighter monetary policy in the US are overstated. This was the conclusion from the Jackson Hole meeting last week, that saw a drop in both the US dollar and bond yields. Report Links: Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears - March 19, 2021 The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Are Rising Bond Yields Bullish For The Dollar? - February 19, 2021 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 Euro area data remains robust: Core CPI came in at 1.6% year-on-year in August. Headline CPI was a more robust 3%. The final read from the Markit manufacturing PMI remained at a robust 61.4 in August. The services PMI did decline from 59.5 to 59. Retail sales increased by a robust 3.1% in July. The euro rose by almost 1% this week. Covid-19 cases seem to be rolling over in Europe while firing in other nations. This will increase support for the euro, as well as expectations the ECB could dial back monetary accommodation. Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 The Euro Dance: One Step Back, Two Steps Forward - April 2, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 Recent Japanese data has been on the strong side: Retail sales rose 2.4% year-on-year in July. The employment report was strong. The unemployment rate fell to 2.85 and the job-to-applicant ratio rose from 1.13 to 1.15. Housing starts rose 10% year-on-year in July. Capital spending for Q2 was 5.3% year-on-year, well above expectations. The yen was flat against the dollar this week. In an environment where global risk is ebullient, the yen tends to underperform other pro-cyclical currencies. This was very evident this week. Report Links: The Case For Japan - June 11, 2021 The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 Data out of the UK this week was encouraging: The Lloyds business barometer improved from 30 to 36. Nationwide home prices rose 11% year-on-year in August. The Markit services PMI was steady at 55 in August. The pound rose by 0.6% this week. UK will continue to benefit from higher vaccination rates, compared to the rest of the G10. That said, other pro-cyclical currencies, such as the AUD, could benefit from a robust vaccination campaign, outperforming GBP. Report Links: Why Are UK Interest Rates Still So Low? - March 10, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Thoughts On The British Pound - December 18, 2020 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 Australian data is slated to slow, but the recent numbers have been encouraging: Private sector credit rose 4% year-on-year in August. Q2 GDP was a robust 9.6% year-on-year. Exports rose 5% month-on-month in July. The AUD was the best-performing currency this week, rising almost 2%. We discuss the AUD at length in this week’s front section. Our bias is that the AUD will benefit from easing monetary policy in China and high commodity prices. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? - January 20, 2021 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 The was scant data out of New Zealand this week: Building permits rose 2.1% month-on-month in July. CoreLogic house prices are inflecting 27% year-on-year in August. ANZ Business confidence slipped from -3.8 to -14.2 in August. The NZD was up almost 2% this week. We like the NZD cyclically, but our bias is that hawkish expectations from the RBNZ could be watered down, which could make the kiwi lag other commodity currencies like the Aussie. Report Links: How High Can The Kiwi Rise? - April 30, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 Data out of Canada this week has been weak: Q2 GDP missed expectations, falling 1.1% versus an expected increase of 2.5%. The Markit manufacturing PMI increased from 56.2 to 57.2 in August. Net trade deteriorated in July, but Canada is still booking a C$0.8bn surplus. The CAD rose by 0.7% this week. The backdrop for the loonie is positive as the Bank of Canada continues to taper asset purchases and remains on a path to increase interest rates. The upcoming election could also usher in more fiscal stimulus for Canada. Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Will The Canadian Recovery Lead Or Lag The Global Cycle? - February 12, 2021 The Outlook For The Canadian Dollar - October 9, 2020 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 The data out of Switzerland this week was weak: The KOF indicator declined from 129.8 to 113.5 in August. This was well below expectations. CPI in August was slightly above expectations at 0.4% year-on-year for the core and 0.9% for headline. GDP for Q2 was in line with expectations, at 1.8% quarter-on-quarter. The Swiss franc was flat this week. The franc will continue to benefit from rolling bouts of volatility, but at the margin, it will lag the bounce in other currencies as global risk sentiment stays ebullient. Report Links: An Update On The Swiss Franc - April 9, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 Data out of Norway this week was positive: Credit growth improved 5.3% year-on-year in July The current account balance was a healthy NOK 93.2bn in June. The unemployment rate fell from 3.1% to 2.7%. The NOK was up around 1% this week. We are long Scandinavian currencies on a bet that the dollar will fall cyclically. Meanwhile, the Norges Bank has signaled they will increase interest rates ahead of both the Federal Reserve and the ECB. This will benefit real rates in Norway. Report Links: The Norwegian Method - June 4, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 Recent data from Sweden have been improving: The Swedbank manufacturing and services PMI remained robust in August at 60.1 and 64.7 respectively. The August current account balance showed a healthy surplus of SEK 80.3 billion. The economic tendency survey for August came in at 121.1 from 119.8. Consumer confidence rose from 106.5 to 108.6 in August. The SEK was up almost 1% this week. There are many signs the Swedish economy is improving. This is paring back expectations of more stimulus from the Riksbank. We are short both EUR/SEK and USD/SEK as reflation plays. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 More On Competitive Devaluations, The CAD And The SEK - May 1, 2020 Sweden Beyond The Pandemic: Poised To Re-leverage - March 19, 2020 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades Footnotes
Highlights An Iran crisis is imminent. We still think a US-Iran détente is possible but our conviction is lower until Biden makes a successful show of force. Oil prices will be volatile. Fiscal drag is a risk to the cyclical global macro view. But developed markets are more fiscally proactive than they were after the global financial crisis. Elections will reinforce that, starting in Germany, Canada, and Japan. The Chinese and Russian spheres are still brimming with political and geopolitical risk. But China will ease monetary and fiscal policy on the margin over the coming 12 months. Afghanistan will not upset our outlook on the German and French elections, which is positive for the euro and European stocks. Feature Chart 1Bull Market In Iran Tensions Iran is now the most pressing geopolitical risk in the short term (Chart 1). The Biden administration has been chastened by the messy withdrawal from Afghanistan and will be exceedingly reactive if it is provoked by foreign powers. Nuclear weapons improve regime survivability. Survival is what the Islamic Republic wants. Iran is surrounded by enemies in its region and under constant pressure from the United States. Hence Iran will never ultimately give up its nuclear program, as we have maintained. Chart 2Biden Unlikely To Lift Iran Sanctions Unilaterally However, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei could still agree to a deal in which the US reduces economic sanctions while Iran allows some restrictions on uranium enrichment for a limited period of time (the 2015 nuclear deal’s key provisions expire from 2023 through 2030). This would be a stopgap measure to delay the march into war. The problem is that rejoining the 2015 deal requires the US to ease sanctions first, since the US walked away from the deal in 2018. Iran would need domestic political cover to rejoin it. Biden has the executive authority to ease sanctions unilaterally but after Afghanistan he lacks the political capital to do so (Chart 2). So Biden cannot ease sanctions until Iran pares back its nuclear activities. But Iran has no reason to pare back if the US does not ease sanctions. Iran is now enriching some uranium to a purity of 60%. Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz says it will reach “nuclear breakout” capability – enough fissile material to build a bomb – within 10 weeks, i.e. mid-October. Anonymous officials from the Biden administration told the Associated Press it will be “months or less,” which could mean September, October, or November (Table 1). Table 1Iran Nearing "Breakout" Nuclear Capability Meanwhile the new Iranian government of President Ebrahim Raisi, a hardliner who is tipped to take over as Supreme Leader once Ali Khamenei steps down, is implying that it will not rejoin negotiations until November. All of these timelines are blurry but the implication is that Iran will not resume talks until it has achieved nuclear breakout. Israel will continue its campaign of sabotage against the regime. It may be pressed to the point of launching air strikes, as it did against nuclear facilities in Iraq in 1981 and Syria in 2007 under what is known as the “Begin Doctrine.” Chart 3Israel Cannot Risk Losing US Security Guarantee The constraint on Israel is that it cannot afford to lose America’s public support and defense alliance since it would find itself isolated and vulnerable in its region (Chart 3). But if Israeli intelligence concludes that the Iranians truly stand on the verge of achieving a deliverable nuclear weapon, the country will likely be driven to launch air strikes. Once the Iranians test and display a viable nuclear deterrent it will be too late. Four US presidents, including Biden, have declared that Iran will not be allowed to get nuclear weapons. Biden and the Democrats favor diplomacy, as Biden made clear in his bilateral summit with Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett last week. But Biden also admitted that if diplomacy fails there are “other options.” The Israelis currently have a weak government but it is unified against a nuclear-armed Iran. At very least Bennett will underscore red lines to indicate that Israel’s vigilance has not declined despite hawkish Benjamin Netanyahu’s fall from power. Still, Iran may decide it has an historic opportunity to make a dash for the bomb if it thinks that the US will fail to support an Israeli attack. The US has lost leverage in negotiations since 2015. It no longer has troops stationed on Iran’s east and west flanks. It no longer has the same degree of Chinese and Russian cooperation. It is even more internally divided. Iran has no guarantee that the US will not undergo another paroxysm of nationalism in 2024 and try to attack it. The faction that opposed the deal all along is now in power and may believe it has the best chance in its lifetime to achieve nuclear breakout. The only reason a short-term deal is possible is because Khamenei may believe the Israelis will attack with full American support. He agreed to the 2015 deal. He also fears that the combination of economic sanctions and simmering social unrest will create a rift when he dies or passes the leadership to his successor. Iran has survived the Trump administration’s “maximum pressure” sanctions but it is still vulnerable (Chart 4). Chart 4Supreme Leader Focuses On Regime Survival Moreover Biden is offering Khamenei a deal that does not require abandoning the nuclear program and does not prevent Iran from enhancing its missile capabilities. By taking the deal he might prevent his enemies from unifying, forestall immediate war, and pave the way for a smooth succession, while still pursuing the ultimate goal of nuclear weaponization. Bringing it all together, the world today stands at a critical juncture with regard to Iran and the unfinished business of the US wars in the Middle East. Unless the US and Israel stage a unified and convincing show of force, whether preemptively or in response to Iranian provocations, the Iranians will be justified in concluding that they have a once-in-a-generation opportunity to pursue the bomb. They could sneak past the global powers and obtain a nuclear deterrent and regime security, like North Korea did. This could easily precipitate a war. Biden will probably continue to be reactive rather than proactive. If the Iranians are silent then it will be clear that Khamenei still sees the value in a short-term deal. But if they continue their march toward nuclear breakout, as is the case as we go to press, then Biden will have to make a massive show of force. The goal would be to underscore the US’s red lines and drive Iran back to negotiating table. If Biden blinks, he will incentivize Iran to make a dash for the bomb. Either way a crisis is imminent. Israel will continue to use sabotage and underscore red lines while the Iranians will continue to escalate their attacks on Israel via militant proxies and attacks on tankers (Map 1). Map 1Secret War Escalates In Middle East Bottom Line: After a crisis, either diplomacy will be restored, or the Middle East will be on a new war path. The war path points to a drastically different geopolitical backdrop for the global economy. If the US and Iran strike a short-term deal, Iranian oil will flow and the US will shift its strategic focus to pressuring China, which is negative for global growth and positive for the dollar. If the US and Iran start down the war path, oil supply disruptions will rise and the dollar will fall. Implications For Oil Prices And OPEC 2.0 The probability of a near-term conflict is clear from our decision tree, which remains the same as in June 2019 (Diagram 1). Diagram 1US-Iran Conflict: Critical Juncture In Our Decision Tree Shows of force and an escalation in the secret war will cause temporary but possibly sharp spikes in oil prices in the short term. OPEC 2.0 remains intact so far this year, as expected. The likelihood that the global economic recovery will continue should encourage the Saudis, Russians, Emiratis and others to maintain production discipline to drain inventories and keep Brent crude prices above $60 per barrel. OPEC 2.0 is a weak link in oil prices, however, because Russians are less oil-dependent than the Gulf Arab states and do not need as high of oil prices for their government budget to break even (Chart 5). Periodically this dynamic leads the cartel to break down. None of the petro-states want to push oil prices up so high that they hasten the global green energy transition. Chart 5OPEC 2.0 Keeps Price Within Fiscal Breakeven Oil Price Chart 6Oil Price Risks Lie To Upside Until US-Iran Deal Occurs As long as OPEC 2.0 remains disciplined, average Brent crude oil prices will gradually rise to $80 barrels per day by the end of 2024, according to our Commodity & Energy Strategy (Chart 6). Imminent firefights will cause prices to spike at least temporarily when large amounts of capacity are taken offline. Global spare capacity is probably sufficient to handle one-off disruptions but an open-ended military conflict in the Persian Gulf or Strait of Hormuz would be a different story. After the next crisis, everything depends on whether the US and Israel establish a credible threat and thus restore diplomacy. Any US-Iran strategic détente would unleash Iranian production and could well motivate the Gulf Arabs to pump more oil and deny Iran market share. Bottom Line: Given that any US-Iran deal would also be short-term in nature, and may not even stabilize the region, some of the downside risks are fading at the moment. The US and China are also sucking in more commodities as they gear up for great power struggle. The geopolitical outlook is positive for oil prices in these respects. But OPEC 2.0 is the weak link in this expectation so we expect volatility. Global Fiscal Taps Will Stay Open Markets have wavered in recent months over softness in the global economic recovery, COVID-19 variants, and China’s policy tightening. The world faces a substantial fiscal drag in the coming years as government budgets correct from the giant deficits witnessed during the crisis. Nevertheless policymakers are still able to deliver some positive fiscal surprises on the margin. Developed markets have turned fiscally proactive over the past decade. They rejected austerity because it was seen as fueling populist political outcomes that threatened the established parties. Note that this change began with conservative governments (e.g. Japan, UK, US, Germany), implying that left-leaning governments will open the fiscal taps further whenever they come to power (e.g. Canada, the US, Italy, and likely Germany next). Chart 7Global Fiscal Taps Will Stay Open Chart 7 updates the pandemic-era fiscal stimulus of major economies, with light-shaded bars highlighting new fiscal measures that are in development but have not yet been included in the IMF’s data set. The US remains at the top followed by Italy, which also saw populist electoral outcomes over the past decade. Chart 8US Fiscal Taps Open At Least Until 2023 The Biden administration is on the verge of passing a $550 billion bipartisan infrastructure bill. We maintain 80% subjective odds of passage – despite the messy pullout from Afghanistan. Assuming it passes, Democrats will proceed to their $3.5 trillion social welfare bill. This bill will inevitably be watered down – we expect a net deficit impact of around $1-$1.5 trillion for both bills – but it can pass via the partisan “budget reconciliation” process. We give 50% subjective odds today but will upgrade to 65% after infrastructure passes. The need to suspend the debt ceiling will raise volatility this fall but ultimately neither party has an interest in a national debt default. The US is expanding social spending even as geopolitical challenges prevent it from cutting defense spending, which might otherwise be expected after Afghanistan and Iraq. The US budget balance will contract after the crisis but then it will remain elevated, having taken a permanent step up as a result of populism. The impact should be a flat or falling dollar on a cyclical basis, even though we think geopolitical conflict will sustain the dollar as the leading reserve currency over the long run (Chart 8). So the dollar view remains neutral for now. Bottom Line: The US is facing a 5.9% contraction in the budget deficit in 2022 but the blow will be cushioned somewhat by two large spending bills, which will put budget deficits on a rising trajectory over the course of the decade. Big government is back. Developed Market Fiscal Moves (Outside The US) Chart 9German Opinion Favors New Left-Wing Coalition Fiscal drag is also a risk for other developed markets – but here too a substantial shift away from prudence has taken place, which is likely to be signaled to investors by the outperformance of left-wing parties in Germany’s upcoming election. Germany is only scheduled to add EUR 2.4 billion to the 25.6 billion it will receive under the EU’s pandemic recovery fund, but Berlin is likely to bring positive fiscal surprises due to the federal election on September 26. Germany will likely see a left-wing coalition replace Chancellor Angela Merkel and her long-ruling Christian Democrats (Chart 9). The platforms of the different parties can be viewed in Table 2. Our GeoRisk Indicator for Germany confirms that political risk is elevated but in this case the risk brings upside to risk assets (Appendix). Table 2German Party Platforms While we expected the Greens to perform better than they are in current polling, the point is the high probability of a shift to a new left-wing government. The Social Democrats are reviving under the leadership of Olaf Scholz (Chart 10). Tellingly, Scholz led the charge for Germany to loosen its fiscal belt back in 2019, prior to the global pandemic. Chart 10Germany: Online Markets Betting On Scholz Chart 11Canada: Trudeau Takes A Calculated Risk In June, the cabinet approved a draft 2022 budget plan supported by Scholz that would contain new borrowing worth EUR 99.7 bn ($119 billion). This amount is not included in the chart above but it should be seen as the minimum to be passed under the new government. If a left-wing coalition is formed, as we expect, the amount will be larger, given that both the Social Democrats and the Greens have been restrained by Merkel’s party. Canada turned fiscally proactive in 2015, when the institutional ruling party, the Liberals, outflanked the more progressive New Democrats by calling for budget deficits instead of a balanced budget. The Liberals saw a drop in support in 2019 but are now calling a snap election. Prime Minister Trudeau is not as popular in general opinion as he is in the news media but his party still leads the polls (Chart 11). The Conservatives are geographically isolated and, more importantly, are out of step with the median voter on the key issues (Table 3). Table 3Canada: Liberal Agenda Lines Up With Top Voter Priorities Nevertheless it is a risky time to call an election – our GeoRisk Indicator for Canada is soaring (Appendix). Granting that the Liberals are very unlikely to fall from power, whatever their strength in parliament, the key point is that parliament already approved of CAD 100 billion in new spending over the coming three years. Any upside surprise would give Trudeau the ability to push for still more deficit spending, likely focused on climate change. Chart 12Japan: Suga Will Go, LDP Will Stimulate Japanese politics are heating up ahead of the Liberal Democrats’ leadership election on September 29 and the general election, due by November 28. Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga’s sole purpose in life was to stand in for Shinzo Abe in overseeing the Tokyo Olympics. Now they are done and Suga will likely be axed – if he somehow survives the election, he will not last long after, as his approval rating is in freefall. The Liberal Democrats are still the only game in town. They will try to minimize the downside risks they face in the general election by passing a new stimulus package (Chart 12). Rumor has it that the new package will nominally be worth JPY 10-15 trillion, though we expect the party to go bigger, and LDP heavyweight Toshihiro Nikai has proposed a 30 trillion headline number. It is extremely unlikely that the election will cause a hung parliament or any political shift that jeopardizes passage of the bill. Abenomics remains the policy setting – and consumption tax hikes are no longer on the horizon to impede the second arrow of Abenomics: fiscal policy. Not all countries are projecting new spending. A stronger-than-expected showing by the Christian Democrats would result in gridlock in Germany. Meanwhile the UK may signal belt-tightening in October. Bottom Line: Germany, Canada, and Japan are likely to take some of the edge off of expected fiscal drag next year. Emerging Market Fiscal Moves (And China Regulatory Update) Among the emerging markets, Russia and China are notable in Chart 7 above for having such a small fiscal stimulus during this crisis. Russia has announced some fiscal measures ahead of the September 19 Duma election but they are small: $5.2 billion in social spending, $10 billion in strategic goals over three years, and a possible $6.8 billion increase in payments to pensioners. Fiscal austerity in Russia is one reason we expect domestic political risk to remain elevated and hence for President Putin to stoke conflicts in his near abroad (see our Russian risk indicator in the Appendix). There are plenty of signs that Belarussian tensions with the Baltic states and Poland can escalate in the near term, as can fighting in Ukraine in the wake of Biden’s new defense agreement and second package of military aid. China’s actual stimulus was much larger than shown in Chart 7 above because it mostly consisted of a surge in state-controlled bank lending. China is likely to ease monetary and fiscal policy on the margin over the coming 12 months to secure the recovery in time for the national party congress in 2022. But China’s regulatory crackdown will continue during that time and our GeoRisk Indicator clearly shows the uptick in risk this year (Appendix). Chart 13China Expands Unionization? The regulatory crackdown is part of a cyclical consolidation of Xi Jinping’s power as well as a broader, secular trend of reasserting Communist Party and centralization in China. The latest developments underscore our view that investors should not play any technical rebound in Chinese equities. The increase in censorship of financial media is especially troubling. Just as the government struggles to deal with systemic financial problems (e.g. the failing property giant Evergrande, a possible “Lehman moment”), the lack of transparency and information asymmetry will get worse. The media is focusing on the government’s interventions into public morality, setting a “correct beauty standard” for entertainers and limiting kids to three hours of video games per week. But for investors what matters is that the regulatory crackdown is proceeding to the medical sector. High health costs (like high housing and education costs) are another target of the Xi administration in trying to increase popular support and legitimacy. Central government-mandated unionization in tech companies will hurt the tech sector without promoting social stability. Chinese unions do not operate like those in the West and are unlikely ever to do so. If they did, it would compound the preexisting structural problem of rising wages (Chart 13). Wages are forcing an economic transition onto Beijing, which raises systemic risks permanently across all sectors. Bottom Line: Political and geopolitical risk are still elevated in China and Russia. China will ease monetary and fiscal policy gradually over the coming year but the regulatory crackdown will persist at least until the 2022 political reshuffle. Afghanistan: The Refugee Fallout September 2021 will officially mark the beginning of Taliban’s second bout of power in Afghanistan. Will Afghanistan be the only country to spawn an outflux of refugees? Will the Taliban wresting power in Afghanistan trigger another refugee crisis for Europe? How is the rise of the Taliban likely to affect geopolitics in South Asia? Will Afghanistan Be The Last Major Country To Spawn Refugees? Absolutely not. We expect regime failures to affect the global economy over the next few years. The global growth engine functions asymmetrically and is powered only by a fistful of countries. As economic growth in poor countries fails to keep pace with that of top performers, institutional turmoil is bound to follow. This trend will only add to the growing problem of refugees that the world has seen in the post-WWII era. History suggests that the number of refugees in the world at any point in time is a function of economic prosperity (or the lack thereof) in poorer continents (Chart 14). For instance, the periods spanning 1980-90 and 2015-20 saw the world’s poorer continents lose their share in global GDP. Unsurprisingly these phases also saw a marked increase in the number of refugees. With the world’s poorer continents expected to lose share in global GDP again going forward, the number of refugees in the world will only rise. Chart 14Refugee Flows Rise When Growth Weak In Poor Continents Citizens of Syria, Venezuela, Afghanistan, South Sudan, and Myanmar today account for two-thirds of all refugees globally. To start with, these five countries’ share in global GDP was low at 0.8% in the 1980s. Now their share in global GDP is set to fall to 0.2% over the next five years (Chart 15). Chart 15Refugee Exporters Hit All-Time Low In Global GDP Share Per capita incomes in top refugee source countries tend to be very low. Whilst regime fractures appear to be the proximate cause of refugee outflux, an economic collapse is probably the root cause of the civil strife and waves of refugee movement seen out of the top refugee source countries. Another factor that could have a bearing is the rise of multipolarity. Shifting power structures in the global economy affect the stability of regimes with weak institutions. Instability in Afghanistan has been a direct result of the rise and the fall of the British and Russian empires. American imperial overreach is just the latest episode. If another Middle Eastern war erupts, the implications are obvious. But so too are the implications of US-China proxy wars in Southeast Asia or Russia-West proxy wars in eastern Europe. Bottom Line: With poorer continents’ economic prospects likely to remain weak and with multipolarity here to stay, the world’s refugee problem is here to stay too. Is A Repeat Of 2015 Refugee Crisis Likely In 2021? No. 2021 will not be a replica of 2015. This is owing to two key reasons. First, Afghanistan has long witnessed a steady outflow of refugees – especially at the end of the twentieth century but also throughout the US’s 20-year war there. The magnitude of the refugee problem in 2021 will be significantly smaller than that in 2015. Secondly, voters are now differentiating between immigrants and refugees with the latter entity gaining greater acceptance (Chart 16). Chart 16DM Attitudes Permissive Toward Refugees Chart 17Refugees Will Not Change Game In German/French Elections Concerns about refugees will gain some political traction but it will reinforce rather than upset the current trajectory in the most important upcoming elections, in Germany in September and France next April. True, these countries feature in the list of top countries to which Afghan refugees flee and will see some political backlash (Chart 17). But the outcome may be counterintuitive. In the German election, any boost to the far-right will underscore the likely underperformance of the ruling Christian Democrats. So the German elections will produce a left-wing surprise – and yet, even if the Greens won the chancellorship (the true surprise scenario, looking much less likely now), investors will cheer the pro-Europe and pro-fiscal result. The French election is overcrowded with right-wing candidates, both center-right and far-right, giving President Macron the ability to pivot to the left to reinforce his incumbent advantage next spring. Again, the euro and the equity market will rise on the status quo despite the political risk shown in our indicator (Appendix). Of course, immigration and refugees will cause shocks to European politics in future, especially as more regime failures in the third world take place to add to Afghanistan and Ethiopia. But in the short run they are likely to reinforce the fact that European politics are an oasis of stability given what is happening in the US, China, Brazil, and even Russia and India. Bottom Line: 2021 will not see a repeat of the 2015 refugee crisis. Ironically Afghan refugees could reinforce European integration in both German and French elections. The magnitude of the Afghan crisis is smaller than in the past and most Afghan refugees are likely to migrate to Pakistan and Iran (Chart 17). But more regime failures will ensure that the flow of people becomes a political risk again sometime in the future. What Does The Rise Of Taliban Mean For India? The Taliban first held power in Afghanistan from 1996-2001. This was one of the most fraught geopolitical periods in South Asia since the 1970s. Now optimists argue that Taliban 2.0 is different. Taliban leaders are engaging in discussions with an ex-president who was backed by America and making positive overtures towards India. So, will this time be different? It is worth noting that Taliban 2.0 will have to function within two major constraints. First, Afghanistan is deeply divided and diverse. Afghanistan’s national anthem refers to fourteen ethnic groups. Running a stable government is inherently challenging in this mountainous country. With Taliban being dominated by one ethnic group and with limited financial resources at hand, the Taliban will continue to use brute force to keep competing political groups at bay. Chart 18Taliban In Line With Afghanis On Sharia At the same time, to maintain legitimacy and power, the Taliban will have to support aligned political groups operating in Afghanistan and neighboring Pakistan. Second, an overwhelming majority of Afghani citizens want Sharia law, i.e. a legal code based on Islamic scripture as the official law of the land (Chart 18). Hence if the Taliban enforces a Sharia-based legal system in Afghanistan then it will fall in line with what the broader population demands. It is against this backdrop that Taliban 2.0 is bound to have several similarities with the version that ruled from 1996-2001. Additionally, US withdrawal from Afghanistan will revive a range of latent terrorist movements in the region. This poses risks for outside countries, not least India, which has a long history of being targeted by Afghani terrorist groups. The US will remain engaged in counter-terrorism operations. To complicate matters, India’s North has an even more unfavorable view of Pakistan than the rest of India. With the northern voter’s importance rising, India’s administration may be forced to respond more aggressively to a terrorist event than would have been the case about a decade ago. It is also possible that terrorism will strike at China over time given its treatment of Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang. China’s economic footprint in Afghanistan could precipitate such a shift. Bottom Line: US withdrawal from Afghanistan is bound to add to geopolitical risks as latent terrorist forces will be activated. India has a long history of being targeted by Afghani terrorist movements. Incidentally, it will take time for transnational terrorism based in Afghanistan to mount successful attacks at the West once again, given that western intelligence services are more aware of the problem than they were in 2000. But non-state actors may regain the element of surprise over time, given that the western powers are increasingly focused on state-to-state struggle in a new era of great power competition. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Section II: GeoRisk Indicator China Russia United Kingdom Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan Korea Turkey Brazil Australia Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
Highlights The post-pandemic investment phase is just a continuation of the post-credit boom investment phase. This is because the pandemic has just accelerated the pre-existing shifts to a more remote way of working, shopping and interacting as well as the de-carbonisation of the economy. Combined with no new credit boom, these ongoing trends will structurally weigh on the profits of old economy sectors, consumer prices, and bond yields. At the same time, these trends are a continuing structural tailwind for the profits in those sectors that facilitate the shift to a more digital and cleaner world. Our high-conviction recommendation is to stay structurally overweight growth sectors versus old economy sectors… …and to stay structurally overweight the US stock market versus the non-US stock market. Fractal analysis: PLN/USD, Hungary versus Emerging Markets, and sugar versus soybeans. Feature Chart of the WeekUS And Non-US Profits Go Their Starkly Separate Ways Many people use the US stock market as a proxy for the world stock market. Intuitively, this makes sense, because the US stock market is the largest in the world, and the S&P 500 and Dow Jones Industrials are well-known indexes that we can monitor in real time. In contrast, world equity indexes such as the MSCI All Country World are less familiar and do not move in real time. Yet to use the US stock market as a proxy for the world stock market is a mistake. Although the US comprises makes up half of the world stock market capitalisation, the other half is so different – the non-US yan to the US yin – that the US cannot represent the world. As we will now illustrate. US Profits Have Doubled While Non-US Profits Have Shrunk Over the past ten years, US and non-US stock market profits have gone their starkly separate ways. While US profits have nearly doubled, non-US profits languish 10 percent below where they were in 2011! (Chart of the Week) While US profits have nearly doubled, non-US profits languish 10 percent below where they were in 2011. Of course, in any comparison of this sort, a key issue is the starting point. In this first part of our analysis, we are defining the starting point as the point at which profits had recouped all their global financial crisis losses. For both US and non-US profits this point was in March 2011 (Chart I-2 and Chart I-3). Chart I-2Comparing Profit Growth Since The Full Recovery From The Financial Crisis Chart I-3Comparing Valuation Expansion Since The Full Recovery From The Financial Crisis Because the issue of the starting point of the analysis is contentious, we will look at a much earlier starting point later in the report. But first, here are the decompositions of the US and non-US stock market moves from March 2011. US stock market profits are up 93 percent, while the multiple paid for those profits (valuation) is up 75 percent. Compounding to a total price gain of 235 percent (Chart I-4). Chart I-4US Profits Up 93 Percent, Valuation Up 75 Percent Non-US stock market profits are down -9 percent, while the multiple paid for those profits is up 38 percent. Compounding to a total price gain of a measly 25 percent (Chart I-5). Chart I-5Non-US Profits Down -9 Percent, Valuation Up 38 Percent The aggregate world stock market profits are up 24 percent, while the multiple paid for those profits is up 57 percent. Compounding to a total price gain of 94 percent (Chart I-6). Chart I-6World Profits Up 24 Percent, Valuation Up 57 Percent The Post-Credit Boom Phase Favours The US Over The Non-US Stock Market In the post-credit boom phase, several important features of stock market performance are worth highlighting. In absolute terms, valuation expansion has lifted US stocks by twice as much as non-US stocks, 75 percent versus 38 percent. Yet even the 75 percent expansion in the US stock market valuation has played second fiddle to the 93 percent expansion in US stock market profits. Absent valuation expansion, non-US stocks would stand lower today than in 2011. But for non-US stocks, whose structural profit growth has been non-existent, valuation expansion has been the only instrument for structural gains. Indeed, absent valuation expansion, non-US stocks would stand lower today than in 2011. And absent valuation expansion at a world level, the world stock market would lose three quarters of its ten-year gain. What can explain the startling performance differential between US and non-US stocks on both profit and valuation expansions? As we have argued before, most of the difference does not come from the underlying (US versus non-US) economies, but instead comes from the company and sector compositions of the stock markets. The US stock market is heavily over-weighted to global growth companies and sectors – such as technology and healthcare (Chart I-7) – which, by definition, have experienced structural growth in their profits. In contrast, the non-US stock market is heavily over-weighted to global old economy companies and sectors – such as financials, energy, and resources (Chart I-8) – whose profits have stagnated, or entered structural downtrends (Chart I-9). Chart I-7The US Stock Market Is Heavily Over-Weighted To Growth Sectors Chart I-8The Non-US Stock Market Is Heavily Over-Weighted To Old Economy Sectors Chart I-9Old Economy Sector Profits Have Gone Nowhere At the same time, when bond yields decline, companies whose profits are growing (and time-weighted into the distant future) see a greater increase in their net present values. Hence, companies in the global growth sectors have experienced a larger valuation expansion than those in the old economy sectors. In this way, the US stock market has outperformed the non-US stock market on both profit growth and valuation expansion. The key question is, will these post-credit boom trends continue? The answer depends on whether the post-pandemic world marks a new phase for investment, or whether it is just a continuation of the post-credit boom phase. The Post-Pandemic Phase Is A Continuation Of The Post-Credit Boom Phase Let’s now address the issue of the starting point of our analysis by panning out to 1990. This bigger picture from 1990 shows three distinct phases for investors (Chart I-10 and Chart I-11). Chart I-10Since 1990, There Have Been Three Distinct Investment Phases Chart I-11The Post-Pandemic Investment Phase Is A Continuation Of The Post-Credit Boom Phase The first phase was the 1990s build-up to the dot com boom. This phase clearly favoured growth sectors, and thereby the US stock market versus the non-US stock market. The second phase was the early 2000s credit boom. This phase clearly favoured sectors that facilitated the credit boom or benefited from its spending – notably, the old economy sectors of financials, energy, and resources. Thereby it favoured the non-US stock market versus the US stock market. The third and most recent phase is the post-credit boom phase. This phase has flipped the leadership back to growth sectors as the absence of structural credit growth has stifled financials as well as the capital-intensive old economy sectors that had previously benefited from the credit boom. Additionally, the structural disinflation that has comes from weak credit growth has dragged down bond yields and – as already discussed – given a much bigger boost to growth sector valuations. Since 1990, there have been three distinct phases for investors: the dot com boom; the credit boom; and the post-credit boom. Now we come to the key question. Did 2020 mark the end of the post-credit boom phase and the start of a new ‘post-pandemic’ phase? On the evidence so far, the answer is an emphatic no. Crucially, there is no new credit boom. A still highly indebted private sector is neither willing nor able to borrow. And although public sector debt surged during the pandemic, governments are now keen to temper or rein in deficits. In any case, Japan teaches us that government borrowing – which is bond rather than bank financed – does nothing for the banks or the broader financial sector. An equally important question is, has the pandemic reversed the societal and economic trends of the post-credit boom phase? The answer is no. Quite the contrary, the pandemic has accelerated the pre-existing shifts to a more remote way of working, shopping and interacting as well as the de-carbonisation of the economy. Combined with no new credit boom, these ongoing trends are structurally disinflationary for the profits of old economy sectors as well as for consumer prices. Thereby, they will continue to weigh on bond yields. At the same time, the trends are a continuing structural tailwind for the profits in those sectors that facilitate and enable the shift to a more digital and cleaner world. While we are open to the evolving evidence, the post-pandemic investment phase seems an extension of the post-credit boom phase. This means that structurally, there is no reason to flip out of growth sectors back to old economy sectors. It also means that structurally, there is no reason to switch from US to non-US stocks. Fractal Analysis Update This week’s fractal analysis highlights three potential countertrend moves based on fragile fractal structures. First, the recent rally in the US dollar could meet near-term resistance given its weakening 65-day fractal structure. A good way of playing this would be long PLN/USD (Chart I-12). Chart I-12PLN/USD Could Rebound Second, the strong outperformance of Hungary versus Emerging Markets – largely driven by one stock, OTP Bank – has become a crowded trade based on its 130-day fractal structure. This would suggest underweighting Hungary versus the Emerging Markets index (Chart I-13). Chart I-13Underweight Hungary Versus EM Finally, the sugar price has skyrocketed as extreme weather has disrupted output in the world’s top producer, Brazil. Given that supply bottlenecks ultimately ease, a recommended trade would be to short sugar versus soybeans, using ICE versus CBOT futures contracts (Chart I-14). Set the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 8 percent. Chart I-14Short Sugar Versus Soybeans Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Equity Market Performance Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations
Highlights Confidence vs. Inflation: Global bond yields are lacking direction at the moment. The variant is setting a near-term ceiling on bond yields while the medium-term floor is established by inflation. The inflation pressures – fueled by tightening global labor markets and persistent supply chain disruptions - will linger for much longer than the Delta surge. Investors should position for higher global bond yields, led by the US, on a medium-term basis. Canada: The Canadian economy is performing strongly as the nation is finally reopening after a poor initial vaccine rollout earlier this year. Next month’s federal election will likely result in a re-election of Justin Trudeau’s Liberals and a continuation of expansive fiscal policy. The Bank of Canada is on track to begin interest rate hikes in 2022 with inflation likely to remain higher for longer than the central bank projects. Remain underweight Canadian government bonds within global (USD-hedged) fixed income portfolios. A Tug Of War For Bond Yields Chart of the WeekThe Delta Surge Is Not That Bond Bearish Global bond yields are currently trapped in narrow ranges, pulled in opposing directions by two powerful forces. The spread of the Delta variant is raising worries about future economic growth. Yet central banks cannot signal dovish bond-bullish guidance in response because of persistently high inflation and rich financial asset valuations. The result is that real bond yields cannot decline deeper into negative territory because central banks are unable to signal easier future monetary policy. At the same time, inflation expectations cannot fall either because of high realized inflation and overly accommodative monetary settings. With global supply chains still disrupted by the pandemic and labor markets in many major developed countries tightening rapidly, the inflation side of this tug of war on bond yields will remain strong. This leaves the Delta variant as being most important in determining which side wins the war. The variant is proving to be much less deadly (so far) than past COVID waves on an aggregate global basis (Chart of the Week) thanks to vaccinations. However, there are notable differences in economic growth momentum that have opened up between countries where the variant has spread aggressively, especially if economic restrictions have been imposed. The preliminary services PMIs for August showed big monthly declines in the US and UK, where case numbers have surged, and Australia, where half of the population is under some form of lockdown to fight the spread of the variant. Delta-stricken Japan also saw a sharp drop in services activity in August. The services PMIs in Europe, however, dipped very modestly, in line with the subdued spread of the variant in euro area countries. Chart 2No Major Changes On Bond Markets From The Delta Variant While the variant appears to be having a noticeable impact on relative economic growth in the near-term, the relative performance of government bond markets in the developed world is a different story. When looking at the 2021 year-to-date relative returns of the major bond markets versus the Bloomberg Barclays Global Treasury index - in USD-hedged and duration-matched terms - the outperformers have been Germany (and euro area bonds, in general), Japan and Australia while the laggards have been the US, UK and Canada (Chart 2). Over the past month, however, when the global spread of the Delta variant has become front page news, there has been very little change in the relative bond returns outside of a modest pickup in the outperformance of Australia - one of our current overweight recommendations. A big reason why relative returns have remained stagnant is that monetary policy expectations have not changed much in response to the variant. Our 24-month discounters, which measure the amount of interest rate hikes over the next two years currently priced in overnight index swap (OIS) curves, are essentially at the same levels that prevailed in early July in the US, Europe, the UK, Canada, Australia and Japan. With little change in future interest rate expectations between countries, amid stable inflation expectations, there is no impetus driving changes in relative government bond market performance. Other financial markets are also taking the spread of the variant in stride, especially in the US. Forward looking US economic sentiment measures like the University of Michigan consumer expectations index and the Philadelphia Fed Business Outlook survey all showed sharp declines in the preliminary August readings. Yet US equity markets continue to hover near all-time highs, US high-yield spreads remain near pandemic lows and the VIX index is below 20 (Chart 3). Perhaps one reason why risk assets are holding in well despite the worries over the variant is that the news outside the US has been more upbeat. Consumer confidence in Canada and the UK remains solid (Chart 4), with the latter also seeing a huge upside surprise in retail sales volumes in August according to the Confederation of British Industry’s survey of retailers. Even in Australia, with widespread lockdowns, consumer confidence remains well above the 2020 pandemic lows. Chart 3Delta Variant Hitting US Economic (Not Market) Confidence Chart 4Lockdowns Are Bad For Confidence (And Vice Versa) Delta developments in China are also turning more positive, with new reported cases now at zero after a surge that began in July. There are even reasons for optimism in the US, where COVID-19 reproduction rates in most of the Southern states – the epicenter of the US Delta surge – have fallen below 1, suggesting a declining pace of transmission of the virus.1 The overall hit to global growth from the Delta variant will likely be modest, leaving the inflation side of the tug of war on global bond yields as the winner, particularly in countries that are seeing a broad-based increase in inflation that will be difficult for central bankers to ignore. In the US, UK, Canada and New Zealand – our least-preferred bond markets within the developed world - both realized consumer price inflation and the growth of house prices are soaring at the same time (Chart 5). Unsurprisingly, the central banks in those four countries have either tapered bond purchases – all the way to zero in the case of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) – or are preparing the markets for tapering as the US Federal Reserve has been doing in recent weeks. Policymakers in those four countries will be watching to see if the latest uptrend in inflation starts to drive up longer term inflation expectations by enough to warrant a monetary policy response. In the US, the University of Michigan consumer survey shows that one-year-ahead expected inflation has climbed to 4.6%, compared to a more subdued 3.% expected inflation rate over the next five years (Chart 6). In Canada, the Q2/2021 Survey of Consumer Expectations produced by the Bank of Canada (BoC) shows that both one-year and five-year inflation expectations are 3.1% - just above the upper limit of the BoC inflation target range – although the longer-term measure is off the highs seen in 2020 (we discuss Canada in greater detail later in this report) Chart 5Difficult For Central Banks To ##br##Ignore This Chart 6Will Short-Term Inflation Expectations Bleed Into The Long-Term? Inflation expectations in the UK, according to the YouGov/Citigroup survey, are 3.1% in the short-term (and rising) and a higher 3.4% in the longer term. In New Zealand, the RBNZ’s inflation survey shows both short-term (1-year) and longer-term (5-year) inflation expectations have increased to 3% and 4%, respectively. Chart 7Inflation Expectations Still Moderate In Europe, Japan & Australia Importantly, market-based expectations extracted from breakevens on 10-year inflation-linked bonds in those four countries are somewhat more subdued than the survey-based expectations measures. This means that central bankers can be patient on moving towards tapering and eventual interest rate hikes until the concerns over the Delta variant have passed. However, lingering global supply chain disruptions, alongside tightening labor markets, represent inflationary risks that will force the Fed, the Bank of England (BoE), the BoC and RBNZ to begin dialing back monetary accommodation over the next year. We still anticipate that the RBNZ will hike rates this fall in response to booming New Zealand house prices, while the Fed will begin tapering its bond buying next January and will start hiking rates in Q4/2022. Both the BoC and BoE will fully taper QE and lift interest rates in 2022, with the BoC likely to move first in the first half of the year. In the euro area, Japan and Australia – where we are currently recommending overweight government bond allocations on a USD-hedged basis – the latest uptrends in both house prices and realized inflation have not translated into overshooting inflation expectations (Chart 7). The ECB, Bank of Japan and Reserve Bank of Australia are not expected to tighten policy in any form (taper or rate hikes) through at least the end of 2022. Net-net, we do not see the spread of the Delta variant as a reason to make changes to our strategic recommended country allocations on global government bonds. Bottom Line: Global inflation pressures – fueled by tightening labor markets and persistent supply chain disruptions - will linger for much longer than the Delta surge. Investors should position for higher global bond yields, led by the US, on a medium-term basis. Also, favor countries where inflation pressures are less entrenched (Europe, Japan and Australia) versus nations with more broad-based inflation visible in both consumer prices and house prices (the US, UK, Canada and New Zealand). Canada: The BoC Is Still On The Path To Tighten Perhaps no country has suffered greater extremes with regards to COVID-19 in 2021 than Canada. A slow vaccine rollout at the start of 2021 placed Canada behind the US and other developed market countries in terms of dialing back pandemic restrictions imposed last year. The low rate of vaccinations allowed a harsh third wave of COVID to take place this past spring, further delaying Canada’s exit from lockdowns. Since then, Canada has flipped the script with a spectacularly rapid vaccination campaign. Two-thirds of the population is now fully inoculated and the country has rapidly emerged from lockdowns, spurring a stronger economy much more resilient to the rapid spread of the Delta strain seen in Canada’s southern neighbor. Our view on Canadian fixed income markets has also evolved alongside pandemic developments over the course of this year. In a Special Report published back in February, we concluded that the BoC would likely need to begin withdrawing the extraordinary monetary easing measures put in place in response to the pandemic sooner than most other developed market central banks.2 This would justify cutting our recommended stance on Canadian government debt from neutral to underweight. The slow initial vaccine rollout delayed that decision until late April, when we pulled the trigger on that downgrade.3 Chart 8The Economic Future Looks Bright In Canada At the time, our shift to a bearish stance on Canada rested on several pillars: Better news on the vaccination front, which would give a lift to consumer and business confidence Booming house prices, fueled by negative real interest rates, raising financial stability risks in a country with an already overheated housing market Additional fiscal stimulus announced by the ruling Liberal government, dramatically reducing the fiscal drag that was expected in 2021. Since our downgrade, the BoC has already cut the pace of its quantitative easing (QE) asset purchases in half, after allowing other pandemic emergency liquidity programs to expire earlier in the year. Interest rate markets are now pricing in a full 25bp rate hike in Canada by August 2022, with 115bps of cumulative hikes discounted by the end of 2024. Only Norway and New Zealand are expected to lift rates sooner, and by more, than the BoC within the developed markets universe. Yet that is still a very slow and shallow expected path for Canadian interest rates, given the substantial tailwinds to economic growth in Canada (Chart 8). Canadian consumers have a strong base to support spending. Nominal household disposable income growth remains solid at 9% on a year-over-year basis and the household saving rate is still elevated at 13% after peaking at 27% during the COVID recession in 2020. The BoC’s Q2 Survey of Consumer Expectations noted that 40% of respondents reported that their savings were higher than usual because of pandemic, and that those that did accumulate excess savings planned to spend 35% of those funds over the next two years. This implies that Canadian consumers still hold plenty of cash to spend, and that pent-up demand coming out of lockdowns will support a solid pace of consumption. Moreover, continuously recovering labor market conditions will also contribute to a solid pace of domestic demand. Even though the recovery of employment to date has been uneven across different sectors and worker backgrounds, Canadian firms are reporting robust hiring plans and increased intensity of labor shortages - leading firms to plan for wage increases - according to the BoC’s Q2/2021 Business Outlook Survey. This indicates that the Canadian labor market will likely tighten further over the next 6-12 months, further supporting consumer incomes, confidence and spending. The Business Outlook Survey also reported that overall business sentiment was at the highest level in the history of the series, with a net 36% of firms– just off the record high of 40% in Q1/2021 – reporting stronger capital spending intentions. Thus, business investment catching up after the COVID pause will also help boost overall Canadian economic growth. Importantly, the Delta variant does not pose the same near term risk to growth as is the case in the US and other countries. The number of new COVID cases and related hospitalizations is a fraction of what was seen as recently as the third pandemic wave earlier this year (Chart 9). The rapid pace of vaccinations is clearly providing a buffer to the spread of the variant in Canada, with 74% of Canadians having had at least one vaccine dose and 66% of the population fully vaccinated. While there is solid upward momentum in Canadian growth, the same can be said for Canadian inflation. Headline CPI inflation climbed to 3.7% in July, while core inflation jumped to 2.8% (Chart 10), both the highest pace seen since 2003. Not all of that increase is due to base effect comparisons versus a year ago, as the monthly increases in both headline (+0.6%) and core (+0.4%) were strong. Chart 9Vaccinations Have Made A Huge Difference In Canada Chart 10Canadian Inflation Momentum Is ##br##Not Slowing As discussed earlier in this report, survey-based measures of Canadian consumer inflation expectations show that this surge in inflation is perceived to be temporary, with shorter-term expectations rising but longer-term expectations slowing. There is a lack of worry in the Canadian inflation-linked bond markets, as well, with breakeven inflation rates hovering near the midpoint of the BoC’s 1-3% inflation target range. This presents a potential problem for the BoC, and the Canadian bond market, if the current surge in inflation does not prove to be temporary. The BoC’s August Monetary Policy Report (MPR) included a detailed breakdown of the contribution to Canadian inflation by spending category (Chart 11). While energy costs were a major driver of the year-over-year increase in inflation, components that were exposed to supply constraints – like motor vehicles and other durable goods – accounted for nearly one-half of the level of year-over-over inflation over the past three months. The CPI elements that were linked to increased demand as the economy reopened from lockdowns – like spending in restaurants – represented a much smaller share of current inflation. Chart 11Lingering Supply Constraints Are A Major Upside Inflation Risk Thus, while energy price inflation is likely to cool off somewhat on a year-over-year basis over the next 6-12 months, Canadian inflation could remain surprisingly sticky at levels above the BoC target band if supply disruptions persist for longer. Canadian businesses are already facing higher input costs, and it is inevitable that firms will offer higher wages in order to attract workers while demand keeps rising in a tightening labor market. In the end, all these increased costs will continue to be passed on by firms to consumers, putting upward pressure on Canadian Dollar – especially with both the BoC and IMF projecting Canada’s output gap to steadily narrow and be fully closed in the second half of 2022. Risks from the upcoming federal election Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has called a snap federal election for September 20. The timing of the election seems odd on the surface, given Trudeau’s poor approval ratings and the lingering uncertainties of COVID-19. The Canada Geopolitical Risk Indicator constructed by our colleagues at BCA Research Geopolitical Strategy shows that there is a high level of domestic political risk in Canada, largely due to the underperformance of the Canadian dollar versus improving Canadian economic variables (Chart 12). However, in the current context of the pandemic, with all the associated uncertainty, this high risk is translating in favor of the incumbent Liberal Party, rather than calling for regime change. Chart 12An Interesting Time To Call An Election In Canada The likely reason is that the COVID crisis was exogenous and polling shows that voters are at least content with ruling party’s handling of the situation. Current polls have the Liberals with a modest lead over the opposition Conservatives (Chart 13). The far-left New Democratic Party (NDP) is in third place, even though its leader has the highest approval rating of the three major party leaders. Chart 13Trudeau Is Taking A Calculated Risk Trudeau is taking a gamble with this election to try and retake the parliamentary majority he lost in the 2019 election that resulted in a minority Liberal government. Trudeau has framed the election as a chance to “finish the fight” against COVID-19, and as a referendum on his government’s handling of the pandemic. Yet the broad Liberal party platform is also positioned well, based on Canadian voter preferences. Current opinion polls show that the most important issues among Canadian voters are climate change, health care and housing (Chart 14). COVID-19 itself is actually well down the list, as are government deficits and taxes – issues that the Conservatives are relentlessly focused on. Trudeau has skillfully read the tea leaves and positioned his party well on issues most Canadians care most about, unlike his main opposition party (Table 1). Furthermore, Trudeau has co-opted many of the policy planks of the NDP, allowing the Liberals to gain potential votes from more left-leaning voters. At a time when voters want to reassert the role of government in tackling collective challenges, this is a favorable place to be. Chart 14Canada: Most Important Issues Facing The Country Table 1The Liberal Agenda Lines Up With Top Voter Priorities The likely election result will be another Liberal victory, with the party expanding its minority and having a legitimate shot at winning a majority. This also means that the Canadian fiscal policy is likely to remain supportive for growth over the next few years. Stay Underweight Canadian Government Debt Given all the positive momentum and upside risks to economic growth, house prices, inflation and government spending, the BoC is likely to continue on its current path towards fully tapering asset purchases and eventually starting to lift interest rates as soon as mid-2022 (Chart 15). This would be faster than the liftoff date currently discounted in the Canadian OIS curve. The pace of rate hikes discounted is also very shallow, and the risks are tilted towards the BoC doing more tightening than the market is expecting over the next couple of years. We continue to recommend a below-benchmark duration stance in Canada, and a strategic underweight allocation to Canada within global government bond portfolios with the BoC likely to be one of the more hawkish developed market central banks over the next 12-18 months (Chart 16). We also advocate positioning for a bearish flattening of the Canadian yield curve given the potential for hawkish surprises from the BoC. Chart 15The BoC's Policy Stance Has Already ##br##Turned Chart 16Stay Cautious On Canadian Government Bond Exposure Bottom Line: The Canadian economy is performing strongly as the nation is finally reopening after a poor initial vaccine rollout earlier this year. Next month’s federal election will likely result in a re-election of Justin Trudeau’s Liberals and a continuation of expansive fiscal policy. The Bank of Canada is on track to begin interest rate hikes in 2022 with inflation likely to remain higher for longer than the central bank projects. Remain underweight Canadian government bonds within global (USD-hedged) fixed income portfolios. Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, CFA Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Estimates of the COVID-19 effective reproduction rate in US states, calculated by public health researchers at Harvard and Yale universities, can be found here: https://covidestim.org/ 2 Please see BCA Research Foreign Exchange Strategy and Global Fixed Income Strategy Report, " Will The Canadian Recovery Lead Or Lag The Global Cycle?", dated February 12, 2021, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy Report, "Some Bond Bearish Tales From Both Sides Of The 49th Parallel", dated April 20, 2021, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. Recommendations The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns
Highlights China’s new plan for “common prosperity” is a long-term strategic plan to bulk up the middle class that will strengthen China – if it is implemented successfully. The record on implementing reforms is mixed. Large budget deficits to provide subsidies for households and key industries are inevitable. But fiscal reforms will be more difficult. Implementation will proceed gradually and some provinces will move faster than others. Cyclically, the common prosperity plan will not be allowed to interfere with the post-pandemic economic recovery. Beijing will have to ease monetary and fiscal policy to secure the recovery. But large debt levels create a limit on the ability to push through key reforms. Macro policy easing is beneficial for the rest of the world but Chinese investors must deal with a rise in uncertainty and an anti-business turn in the policy environment. Beijing has centralized political power to move rapidly on reforms. However, centralization creates new structural problems while antagonizing foreign nations. Feature Chinese President Xi Jinping laid out a plan on August 18 for “common prosperity” in China that will help guide national policy over the coming decades. The plan seeks to reduce social and economic imbalances and hence strengthen China and reinforce the Communist Party’s rule. The plan confirms our top key view for the year – China’s confluence of internal and external risks – as well as our long-running theme that Chinese domestic political risk is greater than it looks because of underlying problems like inequality and weak governance. The market has woken up to these views and themes (Chart 1). Now Beijing is turning to address these problems, which is positive if it follows through. But investors will have to cope with new policies and laws that reverse the pro-business context of recent decades. In this report we review the new plan and its implications in the context of overall Chinese economic policy. The chief investment takeaway is that while China will push forward various reforms, Beijing cannot afford to self-inflict an economic collapse. Monetary and fiscal policy will ease over the coming 12 months. As such China policy tightening will not short-circuit the global recovery. However, Chinese corporate earnings and the renminbi will not benefit from the country’s anti-business turn. Chart 1Market Wakes Up To China's Political Risk What Is In The Common Prosperity Plan? The first thing to understand about Beijing’s new plan for “common prosperity” is that it is aspirational: it contains few specific targets or concrete policies. It builds on existing policy goals set for 2049, the hundredth anniversary of the People’s Republic. Implementation will be gradual. The plan is consistent with the Xi administration’s previous emphasis on improving the country’s quality of life and tackling systemic risks. It takes aim at social immobility, income and wealth inequality, poor public services, a weak social safety net, and other problems that did not receive enough attention during China’s rapid growth phase over the past forty years. Left unattended, China’s socioeconomic imbalances could fester and eventually destabilize the regime. From the beginning, the Xi administration has tackled the most pressing popular concerns to try to rebuild the party’s legitimacy, increase public support, and avoid crises. Crackdowns on pollution and excessive debt are prime examples. China does indeed suffer from high income inequality and low social mobility, as we have highlighted in key reports. It is comparable to the United States as well as Italy, Argentina, and Chile, all of which have suffered from significant social and political upheaval in recent memory (Chart 2). By contrast, Japan, Germany, and Australia have been relatively politically stable. Chart 2China Risks Social Unrest Like The Americas Table 1 summarizes the common prosperity plan. The key takeaways are the long 2049 deadline, the emphasis on “mixed ownership” in the corporate sphere (retaining a big role for state control and state-owned enterprises but attracting private capital), the redistribution of household income (reform the tax code), the establishment of property rights, the censorship of media/discourse, and the need to reduce rural disparity. The most important point of all is that Beijing intends to grow the size and wellbeing of the middle class – the foundation of a country’s strength. Table 1China’s “Common Prosperity” Plan For 2049 Coastal China today has reached Taiwanese and Korean levels of per capita income and has slightly exceeded their levels of wealth inequality (Chart 3). These countries witnessed social unrest and regime change in the 1980s due to such problems. The urban-rural gap is even more problematic in China due to its large rural population and territory. The Chinese public is expected to become more demanding as it evolves. Hence Beijing is pledging to redistribute wealth, grow the middle class, speed up income growth among the poorest, reduce rural disparities, expand access to elderly care, medicine, and housing, and establish a better legal framework for business. These goals are positive in principle, especially for household sentiment, social stability, and political support for the administration. But they also entail a higher tax/wage/regulation environment for business and corporate earnings. The question for investors centers on implementation. Chart 3China's Wealth Disparities Outstrip Comparable Neighbors What About Vested Interests? Table 1 above shows that the super-committee that issued the common prosperity plan also addressed China’s ongoing battle against financial risk. The financial policy statement was neither new nor surprising but it highlights something important: “preventing risks” will have to be balanced with “ensuring stable growth.” This balancing of reform and growth is essential to Chinese government and will guide the implementation of the common prosperity plan just as it has guided President Xi’s crackdown on shadow banking. This is an especially pertinent point today, as Beijing runs the risk of overtightening monetary, fiscal, and regulatory policies. While Beijing’s vision of a better regulated, more heavily taxed, and higher-wage society should not be underrated, reform initiatives will be delayed if they threaten to derail the post-pandemic recovery. Time and again the Xi administration has ruled against a rapid, resolute, and disruptive approach to reform, such as the “assault phase of reform” spearheaded by Premier Zhu Rongji in the late 1990s. In the plan’s own words: “achieving common prosperity will be a long-term, arduous, and complicated task and it should be achieved in a gradual and progressive manner.” Having said that, the pattern of reform has been a vigorous launch, a market riot, and then backtracking or delay. This means markets face more volatility first before things settle down. An initial volley of policy actions should be expected between now and spring of 2023, when the National People’s Congress solidifies the plans of the twentieth National Party Congress in fall 2022. As with the ongoing regulatory crackdown on Big Tech, the market may experience a technical rebound but the political assessment suggests government pressure will be sustained for at least the next 12 months. We do not recommend bottom feeding in Chinese equities. Will the reforms be effective over time? When the Xi administration took power in 2012-13, it issued a visionary policy document calling for wide-ranging reforms to China’s economy (“Decision on Several Major Questions About Deepening Reform”).1 Over the past decade these reforms have had mixed success. Rhodium Group maintains a reform tracker to monitor progress – the results are lackluster (Table 2). Some core principles, such as the claim that China would make market forces “decisive” in allocating resources, have been totally reversed. Table 2China’s Progress On Reforms Over Past Decade While China’s government model is absolutist, there are still social and economic limits on what the government can achieve. Beijing cannot raise a nationwide property tax, estate tax, and capital gains tax overnight just to reduce inequality. In fact, the long saga of the property tax tells a very different story. Beijing is limited in how it can tax the bubbling property sector because Chinese households store their wealth in houses and because any sustained price deflation would lead to a national debt crisis. Officials have pledged to advance a nationwide property tax in the past three five-year plans with little progress. A serious effort to impose the tax in 2014 was only implemented in two provinces, notably Shanghai’s tax on second or third homes owned by the same household.2 The common prosperity plan entails that the government will revive the property tax but the rollout will still be gradual and step-by-step reform. The tax will focus on major urban areas, not minor ones where population decline could weigh on prices. The government work report in early 2023 will be a key watchpoint for where and when the property tax will be levied but there can be little doubt that it will gradually be levied for top-tier cities. Other aspects of the common prosperity plan will be implemented with provincial trial runs. It all begins with a “demonstration zone,” namely Zhejiang province, a wealthy coastal state where President Xi Jinping once served as party secretary and first army secretary. Zhejiang is expected to make some progress by 2025 and achieve most the goals by 2035 (in keeping with Xi’s 2035 strategic vision). The Zhejiang plan includes concrete numerical targets and as such sheds light on the broader national plan and how other provinces will implement it. The most important target is the desire to have 80% of the population earn an annual disposable income of CNY 100,000-500,000 ($15,400-77,000). The labor share of output should be greater than 50%, compared to a national average of 35%-40%. The urbanization rate should hit 75%, up from 72%. Urban incomes should be capped at just short of twice that of rural income. Enrollment rates in higher education will go up, life expectancy should reach above 80 years, pollution should be further controlled, and the unemployment rate should stay below 5.5%. A host of other goals, ranging from technology to fertility and the social safety net, are shown in Table 3. Table 3China: Zhejiang Province As Bellwether For “Common Prosperity” Plan Some of the plan’s intentions will be undermined by Chinese governance. It is difficult to improve social fairness and property rights in the context of autocracy because the central and local governments create distortions and cannot be held to account for their own mistakes and abuses. The immediate political context of the common prosperity plan should not be missed: the president is outlining a bright future to justify the fact that he will not step down from power as earlier term limits required in fall 2022. The president’s 2035 vision implies an important strategic window in which to accomplish ambitious goals but the lack of checks and balances suggests that the next 14 years could be very similar to the last 10 years, in which arbitrary and absolutist decisions govern policy. The problem is highlighted by China’s recent 10-point plan on government under rule of law, which is undercut by the arbitrary actions of regulators in the tech crackdown (see Appendix). In other words, while social stability may improve in many ways, the shift away from consensus rule, toward rule of a single person, will increase policy uncertainty and create new governance problems at the same time that could produce greater instability over the long run. Having said all that, it is essential to acknowledge that a comprehensive plan to grow the middle class and expand the social safety net could be very positive for China if implemented. A Global Social Justice Race? If investors are thinking that the Xi administration’s calls for “social fairness and justice” and big new investments in “elderly care, medical security, and housing supply” resemble those of US President Joe Biden in his American Families Plan, then they are right. But while the US is already at historic levels of social division after failing to deal with inequality, China is attempting to learn from the US’s problems and rebalance society before polarization, factionalization, and social unrest occur. The Communist Party tends to take major action in response to American crises. Beijing’s crackdown on extremism and domestic terrorism in the early 2000s followed from the September 11 attacks. Its crackdown on local government debt and shadow banking stemmed from the 2008 financial crisis. And its crackdown on Big Tech, social media, and inequality today responds to the rise of populism in the US and Europe. The fact that deindustrialization has led to political crises in the developed world, and that social media companies can both exacerbate social unrest and silence a sitting president, is not lost on the Chinese administration. Unfortunately, China’s approach will probably escalate conflict with the West. First, Beijing is coupling its new social agenda with an aggressive campaign of military modernization and technological acquisition. It is doubling down on advanced manufacturing as its future economic model. The liberal democracies will not only be forced to defend their own political systems and governance models but will also be pressured into more hawkish stances on foreign, trade, and defense policy toward China. So far China is still attractive to foreign investors but the combination of socialist policy, import substitution, and foreign protectionism should put a cap on investment flows over time (Chart 4). What is the net effect of social largesse at home and great power competition abroad? Larger budget deficits. Fiscal expansionism is the key mechanism for the US and China to reboot their economies, reduce social pressures, secure supply chains, and compete with other each other. And expansionary fiscal policies will boost inflation expectations on the margin. One thing is clear: China’s regime will be imperiled if instead of common prosperity and “national rejuvenation” it gets economic collapse. Beijing is already seeing capital outflows reminiscent of the crisis period in 2014-15 when aggressive reforms triggered a collapse in risk appetite and a stock market crash (Chart 5). The implication is that monetary and fiscal easing will accompany the reform agenda. Chart 4China's New Policies Will Deter Foreign Investment Chart 5Capital Flight And Capital Controls A Risk If Implementation Aggressive That would be marginally positive for global growth and EM countries that export to China. Investors in China, however, will have to deal with greater policy uncertainty as China attempts to redistribute wealth while waging a cold war abroad. Investment Takeaways None of Beijing’s social goals can be met if overall growth and job creation slow too much. Reforms are constantly subject to the ultimate constraint of maintaining overall stability. Already in 2021 Beijing is verging on excessive monetary and fiscal policy tightening (Chart 6). The Politburo signaled in July that it would take its foot off the brakes but policy uncertainty is still wreaking havoc in the equity market and overall animal spirits are downbeat. We expect policy to ease over the coming year to ensure stability ahead of the twentieth national party congress. This would be marginally good news for global growth, contingent on the effects of the global pandemic. Of course we cannot deny that more bad news for global risk assets may be necessary in the very near term to prompt the policy easing that we expect. Policymakers will backtrack on various policies when the market revolts or when the risk of debt-deflation rears its ugly head. Corporate and even household debt have expanded so much in recent years that Chinese policymakers have their hands tied when they try to push reforms too aggressively (Chart 7). A Japanese-style combination of a shrinking and graying population could create a feedback loop with debt deleveraging in the event of a sharp drop in asset prices. On the whole we maintain a pessimistic outlook on Chinese currency and assets. Chart 6China Runs Risk Of Overtightening Policy Chart 7Debt Trap Must Be Avoided - Monetary/ Fiscal Policy Will Stay Accommodative Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Appendix Table A1China: 10-Point Guidelines On Government Under Rule Of Law (2021-25) Footnotes 1 See Arthur R. Kroeber, “Xi Jinping’s Ambitious Agenda for Economic Reform in China,” Brookings, November 17, 2013, brookings.edu. 2 Chongqing’s property tax only affects luxury houses. Shenzhen and Hainan are the next pilot projects.
Highlights The DXY index appears to be following the seasonal pattern of strengthening in the summer and weakening towards year-end. In this context, the most attractive vehicles to play a decline in the dollar are the Scandinavian currencies over the longer term, and the yen in the very near term. Our composite attractiveness model ranks the US dollar and the NZ kiwi as the least attractive currencies, particularly on the basis of valuation. Our limit buy on long AUD/NZD was triggered at 1.05. Pessimism on the Aussie is becoming overdone, while the economy could stage a coiled spring rebound once vaccination rates improve. Feature Chart I-1Was Dollar Strength Seasonal? Since July 20, the DXY index has been consolidating its gains, and appears to be following the general seasonal pattern of strengthening in the summer, and eventually weakening towards year-end (Chart I-1). With this as a backdrop, it is instructive to revisit our attractiveness ranking, and highlight which currencies might benefit most from a dollar decline. Our framework is based on three major vectors – the macroeconomic environment, valuation, and sentiment. Our macro vector tracks relative economic strength as measured by relative PMIs and real interest rate differentials. Other factors such as a country’s basic balance and external vulnerability are also considered. In our valuation vector, we consider a swathe of models including PPP, more high-frequency indicators such as our intermediate-term timing model, as well as longer-term models based on relative productivity trends. Finally, we also consider positioning to gauge if our view is mainstream or out of consensus. Using this framework, the most attractive vehicles to play a decline in the dollar are the Scandinavian currencies over the longer term, and the yen more near term, if rates remain well behaved. Meanwhile, the US dollar and the kiwi rank as the least attractive currencies, particularly on the basis of valuation (Chart I-2). Chart I-2An Attractiveness Ranking Of Currencies Macroeconomic Environment: Real Interest Rates Chart I-3The US Sports A Very Negative Real Yield On the short tenors, the US is among those sporting the most negative real rates (Chart I-3). But what is interesting is that we know that there is a divergence in how various central banks are treating their inflation overshoot relative to the Federal Reserve. For example, both Norway and New Zealand have negative 2-year real rates, but their central banks are on track to lift short rates this year. However, the telegraphed messages from the Fed are that there will be no interest rate increases until 2023. This will push US real rates towards becoming more negative vis-à-vis other G10 countries. In our report titled Which Rates Matter For Currencies, we suggested that the recent decline in US Treasury yields should curtail strong inflows into US fixed income. This should ease upward pressure on the dollar. Macroeconomic Environment: Basic Balance Chart I-4Basic Balances Across The G10 The basic balance is one of the most important determinants of a currency’s attractiveness, simply because it captures the ebb and flow of demand for a country’s domestic assets. In a nutshell, the basic balance is the sum of the current account surplus and long-term investments. Trade surpluses underpin underlying demand for a country’s goods and services, while capital account surpluses suggest a country’s assets are under high demand. As such, persistent basic balance surpluses are usually associated with an appreciating currency and vice versa. There has been a sea change in the basic balances across the G10, a fact we highlighted in our recent report titled On The Fed Shift, And Balance Of Payments. One of those shifts involves Australia seeing tremendous improvement in its basic balance surplus. In terms of rankings, Sweden sports the best basic balance surplus in the G10, followed by Australia and the euro area (Chart I-4). Meanwhile, the US ranks the worst in terms of basic balances, a big vulnerability for the currency. Macroeconomic Environment: External Debt A country’s external debt situation tends to only matter during crises. Therefore, in the current context of global fiscal and monetary stimulus, as well as generous Fed swap lines to assuage any dollar funding pressures abroad, external (especially USD) debt does not pose a significant threat for currencies. In an absolute sense, external debt as a share of GDP is highest in the UK, Switzerland, and Sweden (Chart I-5). However, what matters most often for vulnerability are net external assets rather than gross liabilities. Based on this measure, Japan, Norway, Canada, Switzerland and Sweden are the most attractive countries, based on net external assets (Chart I-6). Chart I-5External Debt In The G10 Chart I-6Net International Investment In The G10 Valuation: Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) Our PPP valuation model is our default in terms of evaluating a currency’s fair value, since by definition, it reveals price arbitration between any two countries. Chart I-7The Dollar Is Expensive As we have documented, our model offers unique insight into a true PPP fair value, since it accounts for the fact that consumer price baskets tend to differ in composition from one country to the next. In order to get closer to an apples-to-apples comparison across countries, two adjustments are necessary. First, categorizing the consumer price index (CPI) into five major groups. In most cases, this breakdown captures 90% of the national CPI basket. This includes food, restaurants, and hotels (1), shelter (2), health care (3), culture and recreation (4), and energy and transportation (5). The second adjustment is to test the significance of individual price ratios, with the exchange rate as the dependent variable. This allows us to observe the most influential price ratios that help explain variations in the exchange rate. As a control strategy, we use a weighted average combination of the five groups to form a synthetic relative price ratio. If, for example, shelter is 33% in the US CPI basket, but 19% in the Swedish CPI basket, relative shelter prices will represent 26% of the combined price ratio. This allows for a uniform cross-country comparison, as opposed to using the national CPI weights. The results show the US dollar as overvalued, especially versus the Scandinavian currencies and the yen (Chart I-7). The results are based on the synthetic relative price ratio. Valuation: Intermediate-Term Timing Model (ITTM) Our ITTM is our favored model in the short term, because it gives signals with much higher frequency. Back in 2016, when we developed this indicator, it proved useful in helping global portfolio managers increase their Sharpe ratio in managing currency exposure. The idea was quite simple: For every developed world country, there were three key variables that influenced the near-term path of its exchange rate versus the US dollar: Interest Rate Differentials: We have elaborated at length that interest rate differentials are a key driver for currencies. Given that we get interest rates in real time, they are great inputs into any high-frequency model. Inflation Differentials: Inflation destroys the purchasing power of a currency, both in theory and practice (Chart I-8). Assuming no transactional costs, the price of a dishwasher cannot be relatively high and rising in New York versus Manila. Either the US dollar needs to fall, the Philippine peso needs to rise, or a combination of the two has to occur to equalize prices across borders. Risk Factor: Exchange rates are risk assets. Ergo, the ebb and flow of risk aversion will have an impact on currencies, which is particularly the case for commodity exporters. We will be releasing a revamped version of our trading model in the coming weeks, incorporating results from ITTM. In a nutshell, our ITTM models have been a very good timing tool. And the signal today is to overweight JPY, AUD, SEK, and NOK in the G10 space (Chart I-9). Chart I-8Inflations and Currencies Chart I-9The Dollar Is Expensive Shorter Term Valuation: Long-Term Fair Value Model Chart I-10The Dollar Is Not Attractive Longer Term Our long-term FX models try to capture the movement in exchange rates over a business cycle (3-5 years, let’s say). Included in these models are much slower-moving variables like productivity differentials, and cumulative changes in the current account and basic balance. These models cover 22 currencies, incorporating both G10 and emerging market FX markets. We did an overhaul in these models this year, to account for rising Chinese productivity. Similar to our ITTM models, the longer-term valuation indicator favors the Scandinavian currencies, the yen, and the Aussie dollar (Chart I-10). Sentiment: Speculative Positioning The final consideration in our ranking is sentiment. In general, the dollar is a momentum currency and as such, you want to be long when bullish consensus and/or net speculative positioning is low and rising. Chart I-11 shows that the dollar has failed to break above its major trendlines, at the same time when bullish consensus on the dollar is rising (Chart I-12). This warns that a powerful countertrend reversal could be underway. Chart I-11The Dollar And Momentum Chart I-12The Dollar And Sentiment According to CFTC data, the most shorted currencies are the Australian dollar and Japanese yen (Chart I-13). In our framework, these are the currencies slated to stage very powerful countertrend reversals, given we put the pandemic behind us. Chart I-13Everyone Is Long The Greenback Housekeeping Chart I-14AUD/NZD and Relative Rates Our long AUD/NZD position was triggered this week at 1.05. The messaging from the RBA and the RBNZ have been vastly different, whereby the former is cautious about the rising Delta variant infection rate, and the latter is focused on financial stability admist a bubbly housing market. On a relative policy basis, our bias is that the likelihood of rates adjusting higher than market expectations is higher in Australia than in New Zealand (Chart I-14). As we are eventually going to put the virus behind us, underappreciated currencies such as the AUD could stage a mean-reversion rally. Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades
Highlights China’s July Politburo meeting signaled that policy is unlikely to be overtightened. The Biden administration is likely to pass a bipartisan infrastructure deal – as well as a large spending bill by Christmas. Geopolitical risk in the Middle East will rise as Iran’s new hawkish president stakes out an aggressive position. US-Iran talks just got longer and more complicated. Europe’s relatively low political risk is still a boon for regional assets. However, Russia could still deal negative surprises given its restive domestic politics. Japan will see a rise in political turmoil after the Olympic games but national policy is firmly set on the path that Shinzo Abe blazed. Stay long yen as a tactical hedge. Feature Chart 1Rising Hospitalizations Cause Near-Term Jitters, But UK Rolling Over? Our key view of 2021, that China would verge on overtightening policy but would retreat from such a mistake to preserve its economic recovery, looks to be confirmed after the Politburo’s July meeting opened the way for easier policy in the coming months. Meanwhile the Biden administration is likely to secure a bipartisan infrastructure package and push through a large expansion of the social safety net, further securing the American recovery. Growth and stimulus have peaked in both the US and China but these government actions should keep growth supported at a reasonable level and dispel disinflationary fears. This backdrop should support our pro-cyclical, reflationary trade recommendations in the second half of the year. Jitters continue over COVID-19 variants but new cases have tentatively peaked in the UK, US vaccinations are picking up, and death rates are a lot lower now than they were last year, that is, prior to widescale vaccination (Chart 1). This week we are taking a pause to address some of the very good client questions we have received in recent weeks, ranging from our key views of the year to our outstanding investment recommendations. We hope you find the answers insightful. Will Biden’s Infrastructure Bill Disappoint? Ten Republicans are now slated to join 50 Democrats in the Senate to pass a $1 trillion infrastructure bill that consists of $550 billion in new spending over a ten-year period (Table 1). The deal is not certain to pass and it is ostensibly smaller than Biden’s proposal. But Democrats still have the ability to pass a mammoth spending bill this fall. So the bipartisan bill should not be seen as a disappointment with regard to US fiscal policy or projections. The Republicans appear to have the votes for this bipartisan deal. Traditional infrastructure – including broadband internet – has large popular support, especially when not coupled with tax hikes, as is the case here. Both Biden and Trump ran on a ticket of big infra spending. However, political polarization is still at historic peaks so it is possible the deal could collapse despite the strong signs in the media that it will pass. Going forward, the sense of crisis will dissipate and Republicans will take a more oppositional stance. The Democratic Congress will pass President Joe Biden’s signature reconciliation bill this fall, another dollop of massive spending, without a single Republican vote (Chart 2). After that, fiscal policy will probably be frozen in place through at least 2025. Campaigning will begin for the 2022 midterm elections, which makes major new legislation unlikely in 2022, and congressional gridlock is the likely result of the midterm. Republicans will revert to belt tightening until they gain full control of government or a new global crisis erupts. Table 1Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill Likely To Pass Chart 2Reconciliation Bill Also Likely To Pass Chart 3Biden Cannot Spare A Single Vote In Senate Hence the legislative battle over the reconciliation bill this fall will be the biggest domestic battle of the Biden presidency. The 2021 budget reconciliation bill, based on a $3.5 trillion budget resolution agreed by Democrats in July, will incorporate parts of the American Jobs Plan that did not pass via bipartisan vote (such as $436 billion in green energy subsidies), plus a large expansion of social welfare, the American Families Plan. This bill will likely pass by Christmas but Democrats have only a one-seat margin in the Senate, which means our conviction level must be medium, or subjectively about 65%. The process will be rocky and uncertain (Chart 3). Moderate Democratic senators will ultimately vote with their party because if they do not they will effectively sink the Biden presidency and fan the flames of populist rebellion. US budget deficit projections in Chart 4 show the current status quo, plus scenarios in which we add the bipartisan infra deal, the reconciliation bill, and the reconciliation bill sans tax hikes. The only significant surprise would be if the reconciliation bill passed shorn of tax hikes, which would reduce the fiscal drag by 1% of GDP next year and in coming years. Chart 4APassing Both A Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill And A Reconciliation Bill Cannot Avoid Fiscal Cliff In 2022 … Chart 4B… The Only Major Fiscal Surprise Would Come If Tax Hikes Were Excluded From This Fall’s Reconciliation Bill Chart 5Biden Stimulus Overshadowed By China Policy Tightening ... But China Is Now Marginally Easing There are two implications. First, government support for the economy has taken a significant step up as a result of the pandemic and election in 2020. There is no fiscal austerity, unlike in 2011-16. Second, a fiscal cliff looms in 2022 regardless of whether Biden’s reconciliation bill passes, although the private economy should continue to recover on the back of vaccines and strong consumer sentiment. This is a temporary problem given the first point. Monetary policy has a better chance of normalizing at some point if fiscal policy delivers as expected. But the Federal Reserve will still be exceedingly careful about resuming rate hikes. President Biden could well announce that he will replace Chairman Powell in the coming months, delivering a marginally dovish surprise (otherwise Biden runs the risk that Powell will be too hawkish in 2022-23). Inflation will abate in the short run but remain a risk over the long run. Essentially the outlook for US equities is still positive for H2 but clouds are forming on the horizon due to peak fiscal stimulus, tax hikes in the reconciliation bill, eventual Fed rate hikes (conceivably 2022, likely 2023), and the fact that US and Chinese growth has peaked while global growth is soon to peak as well. All of these factors point toward a transition phase in global financial markets until economies find stable growth in the post-pandemic, post-stimulus era. Investors will buy the rumor and sell the news of Biden’s multi-trillion reconciliation bill in H2. The bill is largely priced out at the moment due to China’s policy tightening (Chart 5). The next section of this report suggests that China’s policy will ease on the margin over the coming 12 months. Bottom Line: US fiscal policy is delivering, not disappointing. Congress is likely to pass a large reconciliation bill by Christmas, despite no buffer in the Senate, because Democratic Senators know that the Biden presidency hangs in the balance. China’s Khodorkovsky Moment? Many clients have asked whether China’s crackdown on private business, from tech to education, is the country’s “Khodorkovsky moment,” i.e. the point at which Beijing converts into a full, autocratic regime where private enterprise is permanently impaired because it is subject to arbitrary seizure and control of the state. The answer is yes, with caveats. Yes, China’s government is taking a more aggressive, nationalist, and illiberal stance that will permanently impair private business and investor sentiment. But no, this process did not begin overnight and will not proceed in a straight line. There is a cyclical aspect that different investors will have to approach differently. First a reminder of the original Khodorkovsky moment. After the Soviet Union’s collapse, extremely wealthy oligarchs emerged who benefited from the privatization of state assets. When President Putin began to reassert the primacy of the state, he arbitrarily imprisoned Khodorkovsky and dismantled his corporate energy empire, Yukos, giving the spoils to state-owned companies. Russia is a petro state so Putin’s control of the energy sector would be critical for government revenues and strategic resurgence, especially at the dawn of a commodity boom. Both the RUB-USD and Russian equity relative performance performed mostly in line with global crude oil prices, as befits Russia’s economy, even though there was a powerful (geo)political risk premium injected during these two decades due to Russia’s centralization of power and clash with the West (Chart 6). Investors could tactically play the rallies after Khodorkovsky but the general trend depended on the commodity cycle and the secular rise of geopolitical risk. Chart 6Russia's 'Khodorkovsky Moment' Was A Geopolitical Turning Point...But Russian Assets Benefited From Oil Bull Market For A While Longer President Xi Jinping is a strongman and hardliner, like Putin, but his mission is to prevent Communist China from collapsing like the Soviet Union, rather than to revive it from its ashes. To that end he must reassert the state while trying to sustain the country’s current high level of economic competitiveness. Since China is a complex economy, not a petro state, this requires the state-backed pursuit of science, technology, competitiveness, and productivity to avoid collapse. Therefore Beijing wants to control but not smother the tech companies. Hence there is a cyclical factor to China’s regulatory crackdown. A crackdown on President Xi Jinping’s potential rivals or powerful figures was always very likely to occur ahead of the Communist Party’s five-year personnel reshuffle in 2022, as we argued prior to tech exec Jack Ma’s disappearance. Sackings of high-level figures have happened around every five-year leadership rotation. Similarly a crackdown on the media was expected. True, the pre-party congress crackdowns are different this time around as they are targeted at the private sector, innovative businesses, tech, and social media. Nevertheless, as in the past, a policy easing phase will follow the tightening phase so as to preserve the economy and the mobilization of private capital for strategic purposes. The critical cyclical factor for global investors is China’s monetary and credit impulse. For example, the crackdown on the financial sector ahead of the national party congress in 2017 caused a global manufacturing slowdown because it tightened credit for the entire Chinese economy, reducing imports from abroad. One reason Chinese markets sold off so heavily this spring and summer, was that macroeconomic indicators began decelerating, leaving nothing for investors to sink their teeth into except communism. The latest Politburo meeting suggests that monetary, fiscal, and regulatory policy is likely to get easier, or at least stay just as easy, going forward (Table 2). Once again, the month of July has proved an inflection point in central economic policy. Financial markets can now look forward to a cyclical easing in regulation combined with easing in monetary and fiscal policy over the next 12-24 months. Table 2China’s Politburo Prepares To Ease Policy, Secure Recovery Despite all of the above, for global investors with a lengthy time horizon, the government’s crackdown points to a secular rise of Communist and Big Government interventionism into the economy, with negative ramifications for China’s private sector, economic freedoms, and attractiveness as a destination for foreign investment. The arbitrary and absolutist nature of its advances will be anathema to long-term global capital. Also, social media, unlike other tech firms, pose potential sociopolitical risks and may not boost productivity much, whereas the government wants to promote new manufacturing, materials, energy, electric vehicles, medicine, and other tradable goods. So while Beijing cannot afford to crush the tech sector, it can afford to crush some social media firms. Chart 7China's Crackdown On Private Sector Reinforces Past Decade's Turn Away From Liberal Reform China’s equity market profile looks conspicuously like Russia’s at the time of Khodorkovsky’s arrest (Chart 7). Chinese renminbi has underperformed the dollar on a multi-year basis since Xi Jinping’s rise to power, in line with falling export prices and slowing economic growth, as a result of economic structural change and the administration’s rolling back Deng Xiaoping’s liberal reform era. We expect a cyclical rebound to occur but we do not recommend playing it. Instead we recommend other cyclical plays as China eases policy, particularly in European equities and US-linked emerging markets like Mexico. Bottom Line: The twentieth national party congress in 2022 is a critical political event that is motivating a cyclical crackdown on potential rivals to Communist Party power. Chinese equities will temporarily bounce back, especially with a better prospect for monetary and fiscal easing. But over the long run global investors should stay focused on the secular decline of China’s economic freedoms and hence productivity. What Happened To The US-Iran Deal? Our second key view for 2021 was the US strategic rotation from the Middle East and South Asia to Asia Pacific. This rotation is visible in the Biden administration’s attempt to withdraw from Iraq and Afghanistan while rejoining the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran. However, Biden here faces challenges that will become very high profile in the coming months. The Biden administration failed to rejoin the 2015 deal under the outgoing leadership of the reformist President Hassan Rouhani. This means a new and much more difficult negotiation process will now begin that could last through Biden’s term or beyond. On August 5, President Ebrahim Raisi will take office with an aggressive flourish. The US is already blaming Iran for an act of sabotage in the Persian Gulf that killed one Romanian and one Briton. Raisi will need to establish that he is not a toady, will not cower before the West. The new Israeli government of Prime Minister Naftali Bennett also needs to demonstrate that despite the fall of his hawkish predecessor Benjamin Netanyahu, Jerusalem is willing and able to uphold Israel’s red lines against Iranian nuclear weaponization and regional terrorism. Hence both Iran and its regional rivals, including Saudi Arabia, will rattle sabers and underscore their red lines. The Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz will be subject to threats and attacks in the coming months that could escalate dramatically, posing a risk of oil supply disruptions. Given that the Iranians ultimately do want a deal with the Americans, the pressure should be low-to-medium level and persistent, hence inflationary, as opposed to say a lengthy shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz that would cause a giant spike in prices that ultimately kills global demand. Short term, the US attempt to reduce its commitments in Iraq and Afghanistan will invite US enemies to harass or embarrass the Biden administration. The Taliban is likely to retake control of Afghanistan. The US exit will resemble Saigon in 1975. This will be a black eye for the Biden administration. But public opinion and US grand strategy will urge Biden to be rid of the war. So any delays, or a decision to retain low-key sustained troop presence, will not change the big picture of US withdrawal. Long term, Biden needs to pivot to Asia, while President Raisi is ultimately subject to the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who wants to secure Iran’s domestic stability and his own eventual leadership succession. Rejoining the 2015 nuclear deal leads to sanctions relief, without requiring total abandonment of a nuclear program that could someday be weaponized, so Iran will ultimately agree. The problem will then become the regional rise of Iranian power and the balancing act that the US will have to maintain with its allies to keep Iran contained. Bottom Line: The risk to oil prices lies to the upside until a US-Iran deal comes together. The US and Iran still have a shared interest in rejoining the 2015 deal but the time frame is now delayed for months if not years. We still expect a US-Iran deal eventually but previously we had anticipated a rapid deal that would put downward pressure on oil prices in the second half of the year. What Comes After Biden’s White Flag On Nord Stream II? Our third key view for 2021 highlighted Europe’s positive geopolitical and macro backdrop. This view is correct so far, especially given that China’s policymakers are now more likely to ease policy going forward. But Russia could still upset the view. Italy has been the weak link in European integration over the past decade (excluding the UK). So the national unity coalition that has taken shape under Prime Minister Mario Draghi exemplifies the way in which political risks were overrated. Italy is now the government that has benefited the most from the overall COVID crisis in public opinion (Chart 8). The same chart shows that the German government also improved its public standing, although mostly because outgoing Chancellor Angela Merkel is exiting on a high note. Her Christian Democrat-led coalition has not seen a comparable increase in support. The Greens should outperform their opinion polling in the federal election on September 26. But the same polling suggests that the Greens will be constrained within a ruling coalition (Chart 9). The result will be larger spending without the ability to raise taxes substantially. Markets will cheer a fiscally dovish and pro-European ruling coalition. Chart 8European Political Risk Limited, But Rising, Post-COVID The chief risk to this view of low EU political risk comes from Russia. Russia is a state in long-term decline due to the remorseless fall in fertility and productivity. The result has been foreign policy aggression as President Putin attempts to fortify the country’s strategic position and frontiers ahead of an even bleaker future. Chart 9German Election Polls Point To Gridlock? Now domestic political unrest has grown after a decade of policy austerity and the COVID-19 pandemic. Elections for the Duma will be held on September 19 and will serve as the proximate cause for Russia’s next round of unrest and police repression. Foreign aggressiveness may be used to distract the population from the pandemic and poor economy. We have argued that there would not be a diplomatic reset for the US and Russia on par with the reset of 2009-11. We stand by this view but so far it is facing challenges. Putin did not re-invade Ukraine this spring and Biden did not impose tough sanctions canceling the construction of the Nord Stream II gas pipeline to Germany. Russia is tentatively cooperating on the US’s talks with Iran and withdrawal from Afghanistan. The US gave Germany and Russia a free point by condoning the NordStream II. Now the US will expect Germany to take a tough diplomatic line on Russian and Chinese aggression, while expecting Russia to give the US some goodwill in return. They may not deliver. The makeup of the new German coalition will have some impact on its foreign policy trajectory in the coming years. But the last thing that any German government wants is to be thrust into a new cold war that divides the country down the middle. Exports make up 36% of German output, and exports to the Russian and Chinese spheres account for a substantial share of total exports (Chart 10). The US administration prioritizes multilateralism above transactional benefits so the Germans will not suffer any blowback from the Americans for remaining engaged with Russia and China, at least not anytime soon. Russia, on the other hand, may feel a need to seize the moment and make strategic gains in its region, despite Biden’s diplomatic overtures. If the US wraps up its forever wars, Russia’s window of opportunity closes. So Russia may be forced to act sooner rather than later, whether in suppressing domestic dissent, intimidating or attacking its neighbors, or hacking into US digital networks. In the aftermath of the German and Russian elections, we will reassess the risk from Russia. But our strong conviction is that neither Russian nor American strategy have changed and therefore new conflicts are looming. Therefore we prefer developed market European equities and we do not recommend investors take part in the Russian equity rally. Chart 10Germany Opposes New Cold War With Russia Or China Bottom Line: German and European equities should benefit from global vaccination, Biden’s fiscal and foreign policies, and China’s marginal policy easing (Chart 11). Eastern European emerging markets and Russian assets are riskier than they appear because of latent geopolitical tensions that could explode around the time of important elections in September. Chart 11Geopolitical Tailwinds To European Equities What Comes After The Olympics In Japan? Japan is returning to an era of “revolving door” prime ministers. Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga’s sole purpose was to tie up the loose ends of the Shinzo Abe administration, namely by overseeing the Olympics. After the games end, he will struggle to retain leadership of the Liberal Democratic Party. He will be blamed for spread of Delta variant even if the Olympics were not a major factor. If he somehow retains the party’s helm, the October general election will still be an underwhelming performance by the Liberal Democrats, which will sow the seeds of his downfall within a short time (Chart 12). Suga will need to launch a new fiscal spending package, possibly as an election gimmick, and his party has the strength in the Diet to push it through quickly, which will be favorable for the economy. For the elections the problem is not the Liberal Democrats’ popularity, which is still leagues above the nearest competitor, but rather low enthusiasm and backlash over COVID. Abe’s retirement, and the eventual fall of Abe’s hand-picked deputy, does not entail the loss of Abenomics. The Bank of Japan will retain its ultra-dovish cast at least until Haruhiko Kuroda steps down in 2023. The changes that occurred in Japan from 2008-12 exemplified Japan’s existence as an “earthquake society” that undergoes drastic national changes suddenly and rapidly. The paradigm shift will not be reversed. The drivers were the Great Recession, the LDP’s brief stint in the political wilderness, the Tohoku earthquake and Fukushima nuclear crisis, and the rise of China. The BoJ became ultra-dovish and unorthodox, the LDP became more proactive both at home and abroad. The deflationary economic backdrop and Chinese nationalism are still a powerful impetus for these trends to continue – as highlighted by increasingly alarming rhetoric by Japanese officials, including now Shinzo Abe himself, regarding the Chinese military threat to Taiwan. In other words, Suga’s lack of leadership will not stand even if he somehow stays prime minister into 2022. The Liberal Democrats have several potential leaders waiting in the wings and one of these will emerge, whether Yuriko Koike, Shigeru Ishiba, or Shinjiro Koizumi, or someone else. The popular and geopolitical pressures will force the Liberal Democrats and various institutions to continue providing accommodation to the economy and bulking up the nation’s defenses. This will require the BoJ to stay easier for longer and possibly to roll out new unorthodox policies, as with yield curve control in the 2010s. Japan has some of the highest real rates in the G10 as a result of very low inflation expectations and a deeply negative output gap (Chart 13). Abenomics was bearing fruit, prior to COVID-19, so it will be justified to stay the course given that deflation has reemerged as a threat once again. Chart 12Japan: Back To Revolving Door Of Prime Ministers Chart 13Japan To Keep Fighting Deflation Post-Abe Bottom Line: The political and geopolitical backdrop for Japan is clear. The government and BoJ will have to do whatever it takes to stay the course on Abenomics even in the wake of Abe and Suga. Prime ministers will come and go in rapid succession, like in past eras of political turmoil, but the trajectory of national policy is set. We would favor JGBs relative to more high-beta government bonds like American and Canadian. Given deflation, looming Japanese political turmoil, and the secular rise in geopolitical risk, we continue to recommend holding the yen. These views conform with those of BCA’s fixed income and forex strategists. Investment Takeaways China’s policymakers are backing away from the risk of overtightening policy this year. Policy should ease on the margin going forward. Our number one key forecast for 2021 is tentatively confirmed. Base metals are still overextended but global reflation trades should be able to grind higher. The US fiscal spending orgy will continue through the end of the year via Biden’s reconciliation bill, which we expect to pass. Proactive DM fiscal policy will continue to dispel disinflationary fears. Sparks will fly in the Middle East. The US-Iran negotiations will now be long and drawn out with occasional shows of force that highlight the tail risk of war. We expect geopolitics to add a risk premium to oil prices at least until the two countries can rejoin the 2015 nuclear deal. Germany’s Green Party will surprise to the upside in elections, highlighting Europe’s low level of geopolitical risk. China policy easing is positive for European assets. Russia’s outward aggressiveness is the key risk. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com