Global

Highlights The U.S. accounts for 18% of Chinese exports, while China accounts for only 8% of American overseas sales, which puts China at a disadvantage in a full-blown trade war. However, China has become an increasingly important export destination of American companies in recent years, while the significance of the U.S. in China's total trade peaked in the late 1990s. The case of China U.S. steel trade dispute suggests that unless the U.S. imposes punitive tariffs on imports from all countries, picking on China will only shift American demand to other more expensive alternatives, while the benefits to American domestic producers will be questionable, let alone American consumers. A more inward-looking U.S. administration certainly bodes poorly for international trade and globalization. However, the role of China should not be underestimated. Potential protectionist threats from the U.S. will likely generate a mutual desire among China and other economies to work more closely. Feature Global financial markets have gradually been coming to terms with the concept of President Donald Trump. Interestingly, U.S. equity market participants appear to be cheering on a potentially sizable fiscal spending package under the new administration, which has boosted industrial sector stocks over the past week. Markets in Asia, particularly Chinese H shares, however, have been less upbeat and have focused more on a possible protectionism backlash emanating from the U.S. under the new leadership. Tough talk on China has featured in every U.S. presidential campaign going back to Nixon reaching out to China in the early 1970s - from Jimmy Carter's strong condemnation of Nixon-Kissinger's "immoral" secret diplomacy of "ass kissing" the Chinese, to Bill Clinton's harsh warnings to the "butchers of Beijing", to repeated pledges by Obama in the 2008 campaign to label China as a "currency manipulator" - all of which signaled an immediate confrontation. Once in office, however, all candidates significantly softened their rhetoric, as government policies require much more realistic and thoughtful discussion, negotiation and compromise. Furthermore, given the huge importance of trade for both economies, a full-fledged trade war between the U.S. and China would risk the growth recession and enormous financial volatility around the globe, a lose-lose outcome hardly conceivable to anyone, no matter how much chest-thumping and aggrandizing is involved. To be sure, the threat of protectionism should not be downplayed. It appears clear that president-elect Trump will be less accommodative to free trade than his predecessors, which is confirmed by his choice of Mr. Dan Dimicco, a former CEO of an American steelmaker and an outspoken critic of U.S. trade policy, particularly with China, to head his trade transition team. However, it is unpredictable at the moment what specific measures he would take to be able to assess potential consequences. It is therefore more useful to take a step back and look at the big picture of trade relations between the two countries. China-U.S. Bilateral Trade Chinese sales to the U.S. far outnumber its purchases, leading to an ever-growing trade surplus in China's favor (Chart 1). In fact, the U.S. accounts for over half of China's total trade surplus - a key piece of evidence supporting some American politicians' accusation of China's purported currency manipulation and unfair trade practices. The U.S. accounts for 18% of Chinese exports, while China accounts for only 8% of American overseas sales, which puts China at a disadvantage in a full-blown trade war. Underneath, however, China has become an increasingly important export destination of American companies in recent years, while the significance of the U.S. as part of China's total trade peaked in the late 1990s (Chart 2). The share of U.S.-bound Chinese exports has remained roughly unchanged since the global financial crisis, and down significantly from pre-crisis levels. Chinese sales to the U.S. in recent years have been largely in line with overall export growth. On the contrary, American shipments to China have increased sharply as a share of total exports. Over the past five years, China has accounted for almost 20% of the net increase in U.S. exports, far outpacing any other American trade partner. Chart 1U.S.-China##br## Bilateral Trade Chart 2China Depends More ##br##On The U.S. Than Vice Versa Conventional wisdom holds that protectionist policies will be of more benefit to those countries running deficits in bilateral trade. However, a trade war with China would also remove the biggest source of marginal demand for American goods, which would be met with strong domestic resistance. Anti-Dumping And China's Trade Performance China is no stranger to anti-dumping measures in global trade. The country accounts for 30% of all anti-dumping actions initiated by World Trade Organization (WTO) members in recent years, even though Chinese products account for only about 14% of total global goods exports. China has not been regarded as a "market economy" by major developed countries, making it an easier target for punitive tariffs and other barriers under WTO rules. A case in point is steel products, which remain center stage in the ongoing trade dispute between China and the U.S. President George W. Bush in 2002 imposed tariffs of up to 30% on a broad range of Chinese steel products, while the Obama administration further upped the ante with various product-specific punitive measures during his tenor. These measures have dramatically changed steel trade for both countries: From the U.S. side, total American steel imports have remained largely range-bound in the past 20 years, but Chinese steel products have had a dramatic rollercoaster ride (Chart 3). Punitive tariffs led to a collapse of Chinese steel in the U.S. market, accounting for a mere 3% of total U.S. steel imports, down from a peak of almost 20% in 2008. However, the losses to Chinese steelmakers have simply been filled by other exporting countries. For example, U.S. steel imports from Brazil have roared back to historical high levels as Chinese products plummeted (Chart 3, bottom panel). On the Chinese side, Chinese steel products suffered huge market share losses in the U.S., but the country's total steel exports have continued to make new record highs, as it has dramatically expanded sales to other markets, particularly developing countries (Chart 4). The U.S. currently accounts for about 1% of total Chinese steel exports, down from about 10% at the peak, while Vietnam has rapidly replaced the U.S. as a key market for Chinese steelmakers to expand overseas sales. Chart 3China In U.S. Steel Imports Chart 4U.S. In Chinese Steel Exports Moreover, the punitive measures imposed by the U.S. have pushed Chinese steelmakers into higher value-added products. The top panel of Chart 5 shows the average price of American steel imports from China was roughly comparable to U.S. steel purchases from other developing countries in the late 1990s, while Germany and Japanese steelmakers traditionally occupied the higher-priced segments. The situation has shifted quickly in the past two decades: The unit price of Chinese steel sales in the U.S. has risen rapidly relatively to their peers, increasingly challenging producers in more advanced countries. Other emerging countries have filled the space left by China and remained at the lower end of the spectrum. Similarly, on the Chinese side, the average price of Chinese steel exports to the U.S. has increased sharply in recent years relative to other major markets, particularly developing countries (Chart 5, bottom panel). Currently, the average price of China's steel products exported to the U.S. is far higher than to other countries - almost triple that to other emerging countries. This confirms that Chinese steelmakers have been moving up the value-added ladder in the U.S. market, but have been "dumping" cheaper products to other developing countries. The important point here is that the punitive tariffs have indeed significantly reduced Chinese sales to the U.S., but other steel-producing countries have simply "stolen" China's lunch. By the same token, unless the U.S. imposes punitive tariffs on imports from all countries, picking on China will only shift American demand to other more expensive alternatives, while the benefits to American domestic producers will be questionable, let alone American consumers. Moreover, President Trump may still target Chinese steel products as a highly symbolic gesture to show his toughened stance on China and to keep his campaign trail promises of reviving rust-belt states - the relevance of which, however, has diminished dramatically, as steel products now account for only a tiny fraction of total trade between these two countries (Chart 6). Chart 5Chinese Steelmakers##br## Are Moving Up The Value Chain Chart 6Steel Is No Longer ##br##Relevant For China-U.S. Trade U.S. And China In Global Trade A more inward-looking U.S. administration certainly bodes poorly for international trade and globalization. However, the role of China should not be underestimated. For tradable goods, it is well known that China has long surpassed the U.S. as the world top exporter. For imports of goods, the U.S. is still bigger, but the gap has narrowed dramatically (Chart 7). China has already become a bigger market than the U.S. for a growing list of countries, particularly commodities producers and China's Asian neighbors. What is much less known is that Chinese imports of services just this year also surpassed that of the U.S., marking an important milestone in China's global reach and influence (Chart 8). Moreover, China's exports of services are much smaller, leaving a deficit almost as large as U.S. service surpluses with the rest of the world. Chart 7U.S. And China##br## In Global Trade Of Goods Chart 8China Surpassed##br##The U.S. In Service Imports In a world starving for growth, China remains a bright spot. Potential protectionist threats from the U.S. will likely generate a mutual desire among China and other economies to work more closely. China will inevitably continue to explore bilateral and multilateral free-trade agreements (FTA) with its main trade partners. China currently has 19 FTAs under construction, among which 14 agreements have been signed and implemented. Together, FTAs cover an increasingly bigger share of Chinese exports, higher than Chinese sales to the U.S. (Chart 9). Chart 9China Sells More To FTA##br## Countries Than To The U.S. Meanwhile, China will likely take a more active role in negotiating the "Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)" - an ambitious multilateral agreement on trade and investments that covers almost half of the world population and output. On the other hand, the outlook of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) under President Trump has become more uncertain, which may also push other emerging countries to participate in China-initiated trade deals. If President Trump indeed turns more inward, the center of global trade will further shift toward China. A Word On The RMB And Industrial Stocks The RMB has continued to drift lower against the greenback in recent days, which still reflects the dollar's broad strength rather than RMB weakness. In fact, the trade-weighted RMB has strengthened notably (Chart 10). Conspiracy theories abound that China may engineer a flash-crash of the RMB before President Trump takes office to "preempt" any protectionist pressures. This scenario certainly cannot be ruled out, but it is highly unlikely in our view, as it may further intensify trade tensions between the two countries, making Trump's trade policy on China even less predictable. In short, we maintain the view that the near-term RMB outlook is entirely dictated by the movement of the dollar, and that the Chinese authorities should be able to maintain exchange rate stability, as discussed in recent reports.1 Turning to the stock market, Chinese industrial stocks have not joined the sharp post-Trump rally of their U.S. counterparts, likely a reflection of investors' conviction that protectionism in the U.S. may benefit domestic firms at the expense of foreign entities, particularly Chinese firms. (Chart 11). However, similar to almost all other major sectors, the profitability of Chinese industrial names is almost identical to their American peers, but they are trading at hefty discounts based on conventional valuation indicators, reflecting a much larger risk premium in Chinese stocks. For now, we remain on the sidelines with respect to Chinese stocks due to developing global uncertainty, as discussed in detail last week.2 Beyond near-term tactical consideration, we expect Chinese shares to resume their uptrend both in absolute terms and against EM and global benchmarks. Chart 10The RMB Remains Stable##br## In Trade-Weighted Terms Chart 11Industrial Stocks:##br## Spot The Differences Yan Wang, Senior Vice President China Investment Strategy yanw@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The RMB's Near-Term Dilemma And Long-Term Ambition", dated October 20, 2016, and "Greater China Currencies: An Overview", dated November 3, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Chinese Stocks: Between Domestic Improvement And External Uncertainty", dated November 10, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Special Report

Highlights Trump won by stealing votes from Democrats in the Midwest. His victory implies a national shift to the left on economic policy. Checks and balances on Trump are not substantial in the short term. U.S. political polarization will continue. Trump is good for the USD, bad for bonds, neutral for equities. Favor SMEs over MNCs. Close long alternative energy / short coal. Feature "Most Americans do not find themselves actually alienated from their fellow Americans or truly fearful if the other party wins power. Unlike in Bosnia, Northern Ireland or Rwanda, competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." — Newt Gingrich, January 2, 2001 Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (and a potential Secretary of State pick), was asked on NBC's Meet the Press two days before the U.S. election whether he still thought that "competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." Gingrich made the original statement in January 2001, merely weeks after one of the most contentious presidential elections in U.S. history was resolved by the Supreme Court. Gingrich's answer in 2016? "I think, tragically, we have drifted into an environment where ... it will be a continuing fight for who controls the country." Despite an extraordinary victory - a revolution really - by Donald J. Trump, the fact of the matter remains that the U.S. is a polarized country between Republican and Democratic voters. As of publication time of this report, Trump lost the popular vote to Secretary Hillary Clinton. His is a narrower victory than either the epic Richard Nixon win in 1968 or George W. Bush squeaker in 2000. Over the next two years, the only thing that matters for the markets is that the U.S. has a unified government behind a Republican president-elect and a GOP-controlled Congress. We discuss the investment implications of this scenario below and caution clients to not over-despair. On the other hand, we also see this election as more evidence that America remains a deeply polarized country where identity politics continue to play a key role. What concerns us is that these identity politics appear to transcend the country's many cultural, ethical, political, and economic commonalities. Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. are fusing into almost ethnic-like groupings. To bring it back to Gingrich's quote at the top, that would suggest that the U.S. is no longer that much different from Bosnia or Northern Ireland.1 Election Post-Mortem Chart II-1Election Polls Usually ##br##Miss By A Few Points Donald Trump has won an upset over Hillary Clinton, but his campaign was not as much of a long-shot as the consensus believed. U.S. presidential polls have frequently missed the final tally by +/- 3% of the vote, which was precisely the end result of the 2016 election (Chart II-1). Therefore, as we pointed out in our last missive on the election, Trump's victory was not a "wild mathematical oddity."2 Why Did Trump Win The White House? Where Trump really did beat expectations was in the Midwest, and Wisconsin in particular. He ended up outperforming the poll-of-polls by a near-incredible 10%!3 His victories in Florida, Ohio, and Pennsylvania were well within the range of expectations. For example, the last poll-of-polls had Trump leading in both Florida (by a narrow 0.2%) and Ohio (by a solid 3.5%), whereas Clinton was up in Pennsylvania by the slightest of margins (just 1.9% lead). He ended up exceeding poll expectations in all three (by 2% in Florida, 6% in Ohio, and 3% in Pennsylvania), but not by the same wild margin as in Wisconsin. When all is said and done, Trump won the 2016 election by stealing votes away from the Democrats in the traditionally "blue" Midwest states of Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. This was a far more significant result than his resounding victories in Ohio (which Obama won in 2012) or Florida (where Obama won only narrowly in 2012). Our colleague Peter Berezin, Chief Strategist of the Global Investment Strategy, correctly forecast that Trump would be competitive in all three Midwest states back in September 2015! We highly encourage our clients to read his "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," as it is one of the best geopolitical calls made by BCA in recent history.4 As Peter had originally thought, Trump cleaned up the white, less-educated, male vote in all of the three crucial Midwest states. He won 68% of this vote in Michigan, 71% in Pennsylvania, and 69% in Wisconsin. To do so, Trump campaigned as an unorthodox Republican, appealing to the blue-collar white voter by blaming globalization for their job losses and low wages, and by refusing to accept Republican orthodoxy on fiscal austerity or entitlement spending. Instead, Trump promised to outspend Clinton and protect entitlements at their current levels. This mix of an outsider, anti-establishment, image combined with a left-of-center economic message allowed Trump to win an extraordinary number of former Obama voters. Exit polls showed that Obama had a positive image in all three Midwest states, including with Trump voters! For example, 30% of Trump voters in Michigan approved of the job Obama was doing as president, 25% in Pennsylvania, and 27% in Wisconsin. That's between a quarter and a third of eventual people who cast their vote for Trump. These are the voters that Republicans lost in 2012 because they nominated a former private equity "corporate raider" Mitt Romney as their candidate. Romney had famously argued in a 2008 New York Times op-ed that he would have "Let Detroit go bankrupt." Obama repeatedly attacked Romney during the 2011-2012 campaign on this point. Back in late 2011, we suspected that this message, and this message alone, would win President Obama his re-election.5 Why is the issue of the Midwest Obama voters so important? Because investors have to know precisely why Donald Trump won the election. It wasn't his messages on immigration, law and order, race relations, and especially not the tax cuts he added to his message late in the game. It was his left-of-center policy position on trade and fiscal spending. Trump is beholden to his voters on these policies, particularly in the Midwest states that won him the election. Final word on race. Donald Trump actually improved on Mitt Romney's performance with African-American and Hispanic voters (Table II-1). This was a surprise, given his often racially-charged rhetoric. Meanwhile, Trump failed to improve on the white voter turnout (as percent of overall electorate) or on Romney's performance with white voters in terms of the share of the vote. To be clear, Republicans are still in the proverbial hole with minority voters and are yet to match George Bush's performance in 2004. But with 70% of the U.S. electorate still white in 2016, this did not matter. Table II-1Exit Polls: Trump's Win Was Not Merely About Race Congress: No Gridlock Ahead Republicans exceeded their expectations in the Senate, losing only one seat (Illinois) to Democrats. This means that the GOP control of the Senate will remain quite comfortable and is likely to grow in the 2018 mid-term elections when the Democrats have to defend 25 of 33 seats. Of the 25 Senate seats they will defend, five are in hostile territory: North Dakota, West Virginia, Ohio, Montana, and Missouri. In addition, Florida is always a tough contest. Republicans, on the other hand, have only one Senate seat that will require defense in a Democrat-leaning state: Nevada (and in that case, it will be a Republican incumbent contesting the race). Their other seven seats are all in Republican voting states. As such, expect Republicans to hold on to the Senate well into the 2020 general election. In the House of Representatives, the GOP will retain its comfortable majority. The Tea Party affiliated caucuses (Tea Party Caucus and the House Freedom Caucus) performed well in the election. The Tea Party Caucus members won 35 seats out of 38 they contested and the House Freedom Caucus won 34 seats out of 37 it contested. The race to watch now is for the Speaker of the House position. Paul Ryan, the Speaker of the incumbent House, is likely to contest the election again and win. Even though his support for Donald Trump was lukewarm, we expect Republicans to unify the party behind Trump and Ryan. A challenge from the right could emerge, but we doubt it will materialize given Trump's victory. The campaign for the election will begin immediately, with Republicans selecting their candidate by December (the official election will be in the first week of January, but it is a formality as Republicans hold the majority). Bottom Line: Trump's victory was largely the product of former Obama voters in the Midwest switching to the GOP candidate. This happened because of Trump's unorthodox, left-of-center, message. Trump will have a friendly Congress to work with for the next four years. How friendly? That question will determine the investment significance of the Trump presidency. Investment Relevance Of A United Government Most clients we have spoken to over the past several months believe that Donald Trump will be constrained on economic policies by a right-leaning Congress. His more ambitious fiscal spending plans - such as the $550 billion infrastructure plan and $150 billion net defense spending plan - will therefore be either "dead on arrival" in Congress, or will be significantly watered down by the legislature. Focus will instead shift to tax cuts and traditional Republican policies. We could not disagree more. GOP is not fiscally conservative: There is no empirical evidence that the GOP is actually fiscally conservative. First, the track record of the Bush and Reagan administrations do not support the adage that Republicans keep fiscal spending in check when they are in power (Chart II-2). Second, Republican voters themselves only want "small government" when the Democrats are in charge of the White House (Chart II-3). When a Republican President is in charge, Republicans forget their "small government" leanings. Chart II-2Republicans Are Not ##br##Fiscally Responsible Chart II-3Big Government Is Only ##br##A Problem For Opposition Presidents get their way: Over the past 28 years, each new president has generally succeeded in passing their signature items. Congress can block some but probably not all of president's plans. Clinton, Bush, and Obama each began with their own party controlling the legislature, which gave an early advantage that was later reversed in their second term. Clinton lost on healthcare, but achieved bipartisan welfare reform. For Obama, legislative obstructionism halted various initiatives, but his core objectives were either already met (healthcare), not reliant on Congress (foreign policy), or achieved through compromise after his reelection (expiration of Bush tax cuts for upper income levels). Median voter has moved to the left: Donald Trump won both the GOP primary and the general election by preaching an unorthodox, left-of-center sermon. He understood correctly that the American voter preferences on economic policies have moved away from Republican laissez-faire orthodoxies.6 Yes, he is also calling for significant lowering of both income and corporate tax rates. However, tax cuts were never a focal point of his campaign, and he only introduced the policy later in the race when he was trying to get traditional Republicans on board with his campaign. Newsflash: traditional Republicans did not get Trump over the hump, Obama voters in the Midwest did! Investors should make no mistake, the key pillars of Trump's campaign are de-globalization, higher fiscal spending, and protecting entitlements at current levels. And he will pursue all three with GOP allies in Congress. What are the investment implications of this policy mix? USD: More government spending, marginally less global trade, and pressure on multi-national corporations (MNCs) to scale back their global operations should be positive for inflation. If growth surprises to the upside due to fiscal spending, it will allow the Fed to hike more than the current 57 bps expected by the market by the end of 2018. Given easy monetary stance of central banks around the world, and lack of significant fiscal stimulus elsewhere, economic growth surprise in the U.S. should be positive for the dollar in the long term. At the moment, the market is reacting to the Trump victory with ambivalence on the USD. In fact, the dollar suffered as Trump's probability of victory rose in late October. We believe that this is a temporary reaction. We see both Trump's fiscal and trade policies as bullish. BCA's currency strategist Mathieu Savary believes that the dollar could therefore move in a bifurcated fashion in the near term. On the one hand, the dollar could rise against EM currencies and commodity producers, but suffer - or remain flat - against DM currencies such as the EUR, CHF, and JPY.7 Bonds: More inflation and growth should also mean that the bond selloff continues. In addition, if our view on globalization is correct, then the deflationary effects of the last three decades should begin to reverse over the next several years. BCA thesis that we are at the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market" should therefore remain cogent.8 As one of our "Trump hedges," our colleague Rob Robis, Chief Strategist of the BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy, suggested a 2-year / 30-year Treasury curve steepener. This hedge is now up 18.7 bps and we suggest clients continue to hold it. Fed policy: Trump's statements about monetary policy have been inconsistent. Early on in his campaign he described himself as "a low interest rate guy", but he has more recently become critical of current Federal Reserve policy - and Fed Chair Janet Yellen in particular - claiming that while higher interest rates are justified, the Fed is keeping them low for "political reasons." What seems certain is that Janet Yellen will be replaced as Fed Chair when her term expires in February 2018. Yellen is unlikely to resign of her own volition before then and it would be legally difficult for the President to remove a sitting Fed Chair prior to the end of her term. But Trump will get the opportunity to re-shape the composition of the Fed's Board of Governors as soon as he is sworn in. There are currently two empty seats on the Board need to be filled and given that many of Trump's economic advisers have "hard money" leanings, it is very likely that both appointments will go to inflation hawks. Equities: In terms of equities, Trump will be a source of uncertainty for U.S. stocks as the market deals with the unknown of his presidency. In addition, markets tend to not like united government in the U.S. as it raises the specter of big policy moves (Table II-2). However, Trump should be positive for sectors that sold off in anticipation of a Clinton victory, such as healthcare and financials. We also suspect that he will continue the outperformance of defense stocks, although that would have been the case with Clinton as well. Table II-2Election: Industry Implications In the long term, Trump's proposal for major corporate tax cuts should be good for U.S. equities. However, we are not entirely sure that this is the case. First, the effective corporate tax rate in the U.S. is already at its multi-decade lows (Chart II-4). As such, any corporate tax reform that lowers the marginal rate will not really affect the effective rate. Why does this matter? Because major corporations already have low effective tax rates. Any lowering of the marginal rate will therefore benefit the small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and the domestic oriented S&P 500 corporations. If corporate tax reform also includes closing loopholes that benefit the major multi-national corporations (MNCs), then Trump's policy will not necessarily benefit all firms in the U.S. equally. Chart II-4How Low Can It Go? Investors have to keep in mind that Trump has not run a pro-corporate campaign. He has accused American manufacturing firms of taking jobs outside the U.S. and tech companies of skirting taxes. It is not clear to us that his corporate tax reform will therefore necessarily be a boon for the stock market. In the long term, we like to play Trump's populist message by favoring America's SMEs over MNCs. If we are ultimately correct on the USD and growth, then export-oriented S&P 500 companies should suffer in the face of a USD bull market and marginally less globalization. Meanwhile, lowering of the marginal corporate tax rate will benefit the SMEs that do not get the benefit of K-street lobbyist negotiated tax loopholes. Global Assets: The global asset to watch over the next several weeks is the USD/RMB cross. China is forced by domestic economic conditions to continue to slowly depreciate its currency. We have expected this since 2015, which is why we have shorted the RMB via 12-month non-deliverable forwards (NDF). Risk to global assets, particularly EM currencies and equities, would be that Beijing decides to depreciate the RMB before Trump is inaugurated on January 20. This could re-visit the late 2015 panic over China, particularly the narrative that it is exporting deflation. Our view is that even if China does not undertake such actions over the next two months, Sino-American tensions are set to escalate. It is much easier for Trump to fulfill his de-globalization policies with China - a geopolitical rival with which the U.S. has no free trade agreement - than with NAFTA trade partners Canada and Mexico. This will only deepen geopolitical tensions between the two major global powers, which has been our secular view since 2011. Finally, a quick note on the Mexican peso. The Mexican peso has already collapsed half of its value in the past 18 months and we believe the trade is overdone. Investors have used the currency cross as a way to articulate Trump's victory probability. It is no longer cogent. We believe that the U.S. will focus on trade relations with China under a Trump presidency, rather than NAFTA trade partners. Our Emerging Markets Strategy believes that it is time to consider going long MXN versus other EM currencies, such as ZAR and BRL. Investors should also watch carefully the Cabinet appointments that Trump makes over the next two months. Since Carter's administration, cabinet announcements have occurred in early to mid-December. Almost all of these appointments were confirmed on Inauguration Day (usually January 20 of the year after election, including in 2017) or shortly thereafter. Only one major nomination since Carter was disapproved. These appointments will tell us how willing Trump is to reach to traditional Republicans who have served on previous administrations. We suspect that he will go with picks that will execute his fiscal, trade, and tax policies. Bottom Line: After the dust settles over the next several weeks, we suspect that Trump will signal that he intends to pursue his fiscal, trade, immigration, and tax policies. These will be, in the long term, positive for the USD, negative for bonds (including Munis, which will lose their tax-break appeal if income taxes are reduced), and likely neutral for equities. Within the equity space, Trump will be positive for U.S. SMEs and negative for MNCs. This means being long S&P 600 over S&P 100. Lastly, close our long alternative energy / short coal trade for a loss of -26.8%. Constraints: Don't Bet On Them Domestically, the American president can take significant action without congressional support through executive directives. Lincoln raised an army and navy by proclamation and freed the slaves; Franklin Roosevelt interned the Japanese; Truman tried to seize steel factories to keep production up during the Korean War. Truman's case is almost the only one of a major executive order being rebuffed by the Supreme Court. The Reagan and Clinton administrations have shown that a president thwarted by a divided or adverse congress will often use executive directives to achieve policy aims and satisfy particular interest groups and sectors. Though the number of executive orders has gone down in recent administrations (Chart II-5), the economic significance has increased along with the size and penetration of the bureaucracy (Chart II-6). The economic impact of executive orders is always debatable, but the key point is that the president's word tends to carry the day.9 Chart II-5Rule By Decree Chart II-6Executive Branch Is Growing Trade is a major area where Trump would have considerable sway. He has repeatedly signaled his intention to restrict American openness to international trade. The U.S. president can revoke international treaties solely on their own authority. Congressionally approved agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) cannot be revoked by the president, but Trump could obstruct its ongoing implementation.10 He would also have considerable powers to levy tariffs, as Nixon showed with his 10% "surcharge" on most imports in 1971.11 Bottom Line: Presidential authority is formidable in the areas Trump has made the focus of his campaign: immigration and trade. Without a two-thirds majority in Congress to override him, or an activist federal court, Trump would be able to enact significant policies simply by issuing orders to his subordinates in the executive branch. Long-Term Implications: Polarization In The U.S. Does the Republican control of Congress and the White House signal that polarization in America will subside? We began this analysis by focusing on the investment implications when Republicans control the three houses of the American government. But long-term implications of polarization will not dissipate. Investors may overstate the importance of a Republican-controlled government and thus understate the relevance of continued polarization. We doubt that Donald Trump is a uniting figure who can transcend America's polarized politics, especially given his weak popular mandate (he lost the popular vote as Bush did in 2000) and the sub-50% vote share. And, our favorite chart of the year remains the same: both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton have entered the history books as the most disliked presidential candidates ever on the day of the election (Chart II-7). Chart II-7Clinton And Trump Are Making (The Wrong Kind Of) History According to empirical work by political scientists Keith Poole and Howard Rosenthal, polarization in Congress is at its highest level since World War II (Chart II-8). Their research shows that the liberal-conservative dimension explains approximately 93% of all roll-call voting choices and that the two parties are drifting further apart on this crucial dimension.12 Chart II-8The Widening Ideological Gulf In The U.S. Congress Meanwhile, a 2014 Pew Research study has shown that Republicans and Democrats are moving further to the right and left, respectively. Chart II-9 shows the distribution of Republicans and Democrats on a 10-item scale of political values across the last three decades. In addition, "very unfavorable" views of the opposing party have skyrocketed since 2004 (Chart II-10), with 45% of Republicans and 41% of Democrats now seeing the other party as a "threat to the nation's well-being"! Chart II-9U.S. Political Polarization: Growing Apart Chart II-10Live And Let Die Much ink has been spilled trying to explain the mounting polarization in America.13 Our view remains that politics in a democracy operates on its own supply-demand dynamic. If there was no demand for polarized politics, especially at the congressional level, American politicians would not be so eager to supply it. We believe that five main factors - in our subjective order of importance - explain polarization in the U.S. today: Income Inequality And Immobility The increase in political polarization parallels rising income inequality in the U.S. (Chart II-11). The U.S. is a clear and distant outlier on both factors compared to its OECD peers (Chart II-12). However, Americans are not being divided neatly along income levels. This is because Republicans and Democrats disagree on how to fix income inequality. For Donald Trump voters, the solutions are to put up barriers to free trade and immigration while reducing income taxes for all income levels. For Hillary Clinton voters, it means more taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, while putting up some trade barriers and expanding entitlements. This means that the correlation between polarization and income inequality is misleading as there is no causality. Rather, rising income inequality, especially when combined with a low-growth environment, shifts the political narrative from the "politics of plenty" towards "politics of scarcity." It hardens interest and identity groups and makes them less generous towards the "other." Chart II-11Inequality Breeds Polarization Chart II-12Opportunity And Income: Americans Are Outliers Generational Warfare The political age gap is increasing (Chart II-13). This remains the case following the 2016 election, with 55% Millennials (18-29 year olds) having voted for Hillary Clinton. The problem for older voters, who tend to identify far more with the Republican Party, is that the Millennials are already the largest voting bloc in America (Chart II-14). And as Millennial voters start increasing their turnout, and as Baby Boomers naturally decline, the urgency to vote for Republican policymakers' increases. Chart II-13The Age Gap In American Politics Chart II-14Millennials Are The Biggest Bloc Geographical Segregation Noted political scientist Robert Putnam first cautioned that increasing geographic segregation into clusters of like-minded communities was leading to rising polarization.14 This explains, in large part, how liberal elites have completely missed the rise of Donald Trump. Left-leaning Americans tend to live in a left-leaning community. They share their morning cup-of-Joe with Liberals and rarely mix with the plebs supporting Trump. And of course vice-versa. University of Toronto professors Richard Florida and Charlotta Mellander have more recently shown in their "Segregated City" research that "America's cities and metropolitan areas have cleaved into clusters of wealth, college education, and highly-paid knowledge-based occupations."15 Their research shows that American neighborhoods are increasingly made up of people of the same income level, across all metropolitan areas. Florida and Mellander also show that educational and occupational segregation follows economic segregation. Meanwhile, the same research shows that Canada's most segregated metropolitan area, Montreal, would be the 227th most segregated city if it were in the U.S.! This form of geographic social distance fosters increasing polarization by allowing voters to remain aloof of their fellow Americans, their plight, needs, and concerns. The extreme urban-rural divide of the 2016 election confirms this thesis. Immigration Chart II-15Racial Composition Is Changing Much as with income inequality, there is a close correlation between political polarization and immigration. The U.S. is on its way to becoming a minority-majority country, with the percent of the white population expected to dip below 50% in 2045 (Chart II-15). Hispanic and Asian populations are expected to continue rising for the rest of the century. For many Americans facing the pernicious effects of low-growth, high debt, and elevated income inequality, the rising impact of immigration is anathema. Not only is the country changing its ethnic and cultural make-up, but the incoming immigrants tend to be less educated and thus lower-income than the median American. They therefore favor - or will favor, when they can vote - redistributive policies. Many Americans feel - fairly or unfairly - that the costs of these policies will have to be shouldered by white middle-class taxpayers, who are not wealthy enough to be indifferent to tax increases, and may be unskillful enough to face competition from immigrants. There is also a security component to the rising concern about immigration. Although Muslims are only 1% of the U.S. population, many voters perceive radical Islam to be a vital security threat to the nation. As such, immigration and radical Islamic terrorism are seen as close bedfellows. Media Polarization The 2016 election has been particularly devastating for mainstream media. According to the latest Gallup poll, only 32% of Americans trust the mass media "to report the news fully, accurately and fairly." This is the lowest level in Gallup polling history. The decline is particularly concentrated among Independent and Republican respondents (Chart II-16). With mainstream media falling out of favor for many Americans, voters are turning towards social media and the Internet. Facebook is now as important for political news coverage as local TV for Americans who get their news from the Internet (Chart II-17). Chart II-16A War Of Words Chart II-17New Sources Of News Not Always Credible The problem with getting your news coverage from Facebook is that it often means getting news coverage from "fake" sources. A recent experiment by BuzzFeed showed that three big right-wing Facebook pages published false or misleading information 38% of the time while three large left-wing pages did so in nearly 20% of posts.16 The Internet allows voters to self-select what ideological lens colors their daily intake of information and it transcends geography. Two American families, living next to each other in the same neighborhood, can literally perceive reality from completely different perspectives by customizing their sources of information. Chart II-18Gerrymandering ##br##Reduces Competitive Seats In addition to these five factors, one should also reaffirm the role of redistricting, or "gerrymandering." Over the last two decades, both the Democrats and Republicans (but mainly the latter) have redrawn geographical boundaries to create "ideologically pure" electoral districts. Of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives, only about 56 are truly competitive (Chart II-18). This improves job security for incumbent politicians and legislative-seat security for the party; but it also discourages legislators from reaching across the ideological aisle in order to ensure re-election. Instead, the main electoral challenge now comes from the member's own party during the primary election. For Republicans, this means that the challenge is most often coming from a candidate that is further to the right. Incumbent GOP politicians in Congress therefore have an incentive to maintain highly conservative records lest a challenge from the far-right emerges in a primary election. Given that the frequency of elections is high in the House of Representatives (every two years), legislators cannot take even a short break from partisanship. Redistricting deepens polarization, therefore, by changing the political calculus for legislators facing ideologically pure electorates in their home districts. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is a product of structural factors that are here to stay. Trump's narrow victory will in no way change that. But How Much Worse? Political polarization is not new. Older readers will remember 1968, when social unrest over the Vietnam War was at its height. Richard Nixon barely got over the finish line that year, beating Vice-President Hubert Humphrey by around 500,000 votes.17 Another contested election in a contested era. Chart II-19Party Is The Chief Source Of Identity Our concern is that the Republican and Democrat "labels" - or perhaps conservative and liberal labels - appear to be ossifying. For example, Pew Research showed in 2012 that the difference between Americans on 48 values is the greatest between Republicans and Democrats. This has not always been the case, as Chart II-19 shows. We suspect that the data would be even starker today, especially after the divisive 2016 campaign that has bordered on hysterical. This means that "Republican" and "Democrat" labels have become real and almost "sectarian" in nature. In fact, one's values are now determined more by one's party identification than race, education, income, religiosity, or gender! This is incredible, given America's history of racial and religious divisions. Why is this happening? We suspect that the shift in urgency and tone is motivated at least in part by the changing demographics of America. Two demographic groups that identify the most with the Republican Party - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are in a structural decline (the first in absolute terms and the second in relative terms). Both see the writing on the political wall. Given America's democratic system of government, their declining numbers (or, in the case of suburban whites, declining majorities) will mean significant future policy decisions that go against their preferences. America is set to become more left-leaning, favor more redistribution, and become less culturally homogenous. Not only are Millennials more socially liberal and economically left-leaning, but they are also "browner" than the rest of the U.S. As we pointed out early this year, 2016 was an election that the GOP could reasonably attempt to win by appealing exclusively to white and older voters. The "White Hype" strategy was mathematically cogent ... at least in 2016.18 It will get a lot more difficult to pursue this strategy in 2020 and beyond. Not impossible, but difficult. We suspect that conservative voters know this. As such, there was an urgency this year to lock-in structural changes to key policies before it is too late. Donald Trump may have been a flawed messenger for many voters, but it did not matter. The clock is ticking for a large segment of America and therefore Trump was an acceptable vehicle of their fears and anger. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is likely to increase. Two key Republican/conservative constituencies - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are backed into the corner by demographic trends. But it also means that a left counter-revolution is just around the corner. And we doubt that the Democratic Party will chose as centrist of a candidate the next time around. Final Thoughts: What Have We Learned Chart II-20Credit No Longer Hides Stagnant Income 1. Economics trump PC: Civil rights remain a major category of the American public's policy concerns. However, the Democratic Party's prioritization of social issues on the margins of the civil rights debate has not galvanized voters in the face of persistent negative attitudes about the economy. More specifically, the surge in cheap credit since 2000 that covered up the steady decline of wages as a share of GDP has ended, leaving households exposed to deleveraging and reduced purchasing power (Chart II-20). American households have lost patience with the slow, grinding pace of economic recovery, they reject the debt consequences of low inflation with deflationary tail risks, and they resent disappointed expectations in terms of job security and quality. Concerns about certain social preferences - as opposed to basic rights - pale in comparison to these economic grievances. 2. Polls are OK, but beware the quant models that use them: On two grave political decisions this year, in two advanced markets with the "best" quality of polling, political modeling turned out to be grossly erroneous. To be fair, the polls themselves prior to both Brexit and the U.S. election were within a margin of error. However, quantitative models relying on these polls were overconfident, leading investors to ignore the risks of a non-consensus outcome. As we warned in mid-October - with Clinton ahead with a robust lead - the problem with quantitative political models is that they rely on polling data for their input.19 To iron-out the noise of an occasional bad poll, political analysts aggregate the polls to create a "poll-of-polls." But combining polls is mathematically the same as combining bad mortgages into securities. The philosophy behind the methodology is that each individual object (mortgage or poll) may be flawed, but if you get enough of them together, the problems will all average out and you have a very low risk of something bad happening. Well, something bad did happen. The quantitative models were massively wrong! We tried to avoid this problem by heavily modifying our polls-based-model with structural factors. Many of these structural variables - economic context, political momentum, Obama's approval rating - actually did not favor Clinton. Our model therefore consistently gave Donald Trump between 35-45% probability of winning the election, on average three and four times higher than other popular quant models. This caused us to warn clients that our view on the election was extremely cautious and recommend hedges. In fact, Donald Trump had 41% chance of winning the race on election night, according to the last iteration of our model, a very high probability.20 3. Professor Lichtman was right: Political science professor Allan Lichtman has once again accurately called the election - for the ninth time. The result on Nov. 8 strongly supports his life's work that presidential elections in the United States are popular referendums on the incumbent party of the last four years. Structural factors undid the Democrats (Table II-3), and none of the campaign rhetoric, cross-country barnstorming, or "horse race" polling mattered a whit. The Republicans had momentum from previous midterm elections, Clinton had suffered a strong challenge in her primary, the Obama administration's achievements over the past four years were negligible (the Affordable Care Act passed in his first term). These factors, along with the political cycle itself, favored the Republicans. Trump's lack of charisma did not negate the structural support for a change of ruling party. Investors should take note: no amount of mathematical horsepower, big data, or Silicon Valley acumen was able to beat the qualitative, informed, contemplative work of a single historian. Table II-3Lichtman's Thirteen Keys To The White House* 4. Non-linearity of politics: Lichtman's method calls attention to the danger of linear assumptions and quantitative modeling in attempting the art of political prediction. Big data and quantitative econometric and polling models have notched up key failures this year. They cannot make subjective judgments regarding whether a president has had a major foreign policy success or failure or a major policy innovation - on all three of those counts, the Democrats failed from 2012-16. There really is no way to quantify political risk because human and social organizations often experience paradigm shifts that are characterized by non-linearity. Newtonian Laws will always work on planet earth and as such we are not concerned about what will happen to us if we board an airplane. Laws of physics will not simply stop working while we are mid-air. However, social interactions and political narratives do experience paradigm shifts. We have identified several since 2011: geopolitical multipolarity, de-globalization, end of laissez-faire consensus, end of Chimerica, and global loss of confidence in elites and institutions.21 5. No country is immune to decaying institutions: The United States has, with few exceptions, the oldest written constitution among major states, and it ensures checks and balances. But recent decades have shown that the executive branch has expanded its power at the expense of the legislative and judicial branches. Moreover, executives have responded to major crisis - like the September 11 attacks and the 2008 financial crisis - with policy responses that were formulated haphazardly, ideologically divisive, and difficult to implement: the Iraq War and the Affordable Care Act. The result is that the jarring events that have blindsided America over the past sixteen years have resulted in wasted political capital and deeper polarization. The failure of institutions has opened the way for political parties to pursue short-term gains at the expense of their "partners" across the aisle, and to bend and manipulate procedural rules to achieve ends that cannot be achieved through consensus and compromise. 6. U.S. is shifting leftward when it comes to markets: Inequality and social immobility have, with Trump's election, entered the conservative agenda, after having long sat on the liberals' list of concerns. The shift in white blue-collar Midwestern voters toward Trump reflects the fact that voters are non-partisan in demanding what they want: they want to retain their existing rights, privileges, and entitlements, and to expand their wages and social protections. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Except that it is better armed. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "U.S. Election: Trump's Arrested Development," dated November 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 However, Wisconsin polling was rather poor as most pollsters assumed that it was a shoe-in for Democrats. One problem with polling in Midwest states is that they were, other than Pennsylvania and Ohio, assumed to be safe Democratic states. Note for example the extremely tight result in Minnesota and the absolute dearth of polling out of that state throughout the last several months. 4 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," dated September 4, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. General Elections And Scenarios: Implications," dated July 11, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It," dated November 4, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Only a two-thirds majority of Congress, or a ruling by a federal court, can undo an executive action, and that is exceedingly rare. The real check on executive orders is the rotation of office: a president can undo with the stroke of a pen whatever his predecessor enacted. Congress has the power of the purse, but it is sporadic in its oversight and has challenged less than 5% of executive orders, even though those orders often re-direct the way the executive branch uses funds Congress has allocated. More often, Congress votes to codify executive orders rather than nullify them. 10 Trump is not alone in calling for renegotiating or even abandoning NAFTA. Clinton called for renegotiation in 2008, and Senator Bernie Sanders has done so in 2016. 11 In Proclamation 4074, dated August 15, 1971, Nixon suspended all previous presidential proclamations implementing trade agreements insofar as was required to impose a new 10% surcharge on all dutiable goods entering the United States. He justified it in domestic law by invoking the president's authority and previous congressional acts authorizing the president to act on behalf of Congress with regard to trade agreement negotiation and implementation (including tariff levels). He justified the proclamation in international law by referring to international allowances during balance-of-payments emergencies. 12 The "primary dimension" of Chart II-8 is represented by the x-axis and is the liberal-conservative spectrum on the basic role of the government in the economy. The "second dimension" (y-axis) depends on the era and is picking up regional differences on a number of social issues such as the civil rights movement (which famously split Democrats between northern Liberals and southern Dixiecrats). 13 We have penned two such efforts ourselves. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Polarization In America: Transient Or Structural Risk?," dated October 9, 2013, and "A House Divided Cannot Stand: America's Polarization," dated July 11, 2012," available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Putnam, Robert. 2000. Bowling Alone. New York: Simon and Schuster. 15 Please see Martin Prosperity Institute, "Segregated City," dated February 23, 2015, available at martinprosperity.org. 16 Please see BuzzFeedNews, "Hyperpartisan Facebook Pages Are Publishing False And Misleading Information At An Alarming Rate," dated October 20, 2016, available at buzzfeed.com. 17 Nonetheless, due to the third-party candidate George Wallace carrying the then traditionally-Democratic South, Nixon managed to win the Electoral College in a landslide. 18 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Election: The Great White Hype," dated March 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "You've Been Trumped!," dated October 21, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 For comparison, Steph Curry, the greatest three-point shooter in basketball history, and a two-time NBA MVP, has a career three-point shooting average of 44%. With that average, he is encouraged to take every three-pointer he can by his team. In other words, despite being less than 50%, this is a very high percentage. 21 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategy Outlook 2015 - Paradigm Shifts," dated January 21, 2015, and "Strategy Outlook 2016 - Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Special Report

Highlight Growth perked up in the major economies in October, and the manufacturing recession appears to have passed without event. The October employment report testified to the underlying health of the U.S. economy and clears the way for a rate hike at the FOMC's December meeting. Markets are skeptical that December's hike will be the first in a series, opening the door for a dollar rally while the Fed moves to meet its projected timetable. Unconvinced that global growth is about to accelerate in a meaningful way, and concerned about the ripple effects of a stronger dollar, we maintain the defensive bias in our model portfolios. Feature October was a good month for growth, as highlighted by broadly encouraging data across the major developed economies. U.S. GDP had its best print in two years in the third quarter, and European PMIs, firmly ensconced above 50, point to Eurozone growth around 1.5%. The plunge in sterling appears to have sheltered the U.K. from the worst effects of Brexit, even if it has triggered some unease about inflation. Japan remains hobbled, but our Global Investment Strategy service argues that reduced fiscal drag and a weaker yen will boost growth. The October employment data painted a portrait of a vibrant U.S. labor market. Job gains remained steady while the broad U-6 measure of unemployment, including discouraged job seekers and those working part time who would prefer to be working full time, fell by two ticks to a new post-crisis low (Chart 1). Consistent with the shrinking pool of idled workers, average hourly earnings surged, notching their biggest year-over-year gains of the expansion. The pickup in wages rekindled hopes of a virtuous circle linking hiring, wages, consumption, capex and more hiring. Chart 1The Supply Of Idled Workers Is Shrinking One GDP print does not make a trend, of course, and the hoped-for inflection point has remained out of reach throughout the post-crisis period (Chart 2 and Chart 3). Aggregate demand remains mushy even if it is improving. Forward-looking markets typically take their cues from direction rather than level, and punk post-crisis growth certainly hasn't hurt U.S. equities. The valuation backdrop has become much less hospitable, however, and the Fed appears less inclined to spike the punch bowl with its most potent fuel. The unsettled picture could make for a bumpy U.S. equity ride, especially if markets have become overly complacent about the pace of rate hikes. Chart 2The Post-Crisis Inflection: Ever In Sight... Chart 3...But Always Out Of Reach Economic Growth In The U.S. And Beyond What matters most to markets, a metric's current position (level), or its path (direction)? Favoring direction is generally a reliable stock market rule of thumb, though it's not always easy to recognize in real time. The key challenge for investors today is determining if the recent improvements are short-lived wiggles or a true inflection point. It would be helpful to know if extraordinary policy measures can boost organic growth or if they will simply redistribute it via exchange-rate adjustments. Measures of global trade are inconclusive. While things look much better in hubs like Korea and Taiwan (Chart 4), aggregate global trade volume is still mired in a one-step-forward, one-step-back pattern around the zero line (Chart 5). Isolated improvements in a handful of economies against a flat global backdrop highlight that a broad rebound has yet to take hold. Signs of life in individual countries should not be written off - it is promising that Korean and Taiwanese exports have staged their rebounds despite steady exchange-rate gains - but overall global export activity remains at a level more commonly associated with recessions than quickening expansions. Chart 4Some Exporters Are Stirring... Chart 5...But Aggregate Trade Is Stagnant Global PMI data are more broadly encouraging. Major-economy manufacturing PMIs are at levels consistent with decent growth and are sending a message, echoed by G7 industrial production (Chart 6), that the manufacturing recession is over. Although manufacturing typically accounts for less than a third of major-economy activity, its cyclicality helps it punch above its weight, and industrial slowdowns have the potential to trigger recessions. This time around, manufacturing failed to heat up enough to induce a broader slowdown and reliable recession signals are quiet (Chart 7). Chart 6The End Of The Manufacturing Recession Chart 7No Recession In Sight The October employment situation report was solidly encouraging. The U.S. labor market has found firm footing. Job gains have been remarkably steady, and our employment model projects they will persist, even if at a slightly slower pace (Chart 8). Both the average hourly earnings series and the Atlanta Fed's wage tracker show that rank-and-file workers are finally capturing some real income gains (Chart 9). Chart 8When The Economy Tests NAIRU... Chart 9...Wages Get A Boost Third Quarter Earnings Season S&P 500 operating earnings present another level/direction dichotomy. Per Standard & Poor's projections,1 trailing four-quarter operating earnings will finish the quarter 11% below their 3Q14 high-water mark (Chart 10, top). But the direction is as strong as the level is weak. Not only does this quarter mark the first year-over-year earnings gain since 3Q14, it is the second strongest since the pace of earnings growth normalized in 2012 (Chart 10, bottom). Chart 10Breaking Out Of The Earnings Recession Margins widened and earnings grew broadly across sectors without a clear cyclical or defensive theme. Rate sensitives achieved the strongest top-line growth, but endured margin contraction (Chart 11). Looking ahead, margins seem more likely to contract than expand in the coming quarters, given building wage pressures. On the other hand, an end to the sharp declines in Energy earnings will remove a drag that has weighed on S&P 500 results for several quarters. Chart 11Margins' Last Gasp? Margins' seeming inability to defy budding wage gains makes it unclear exactly how investors should position themselves, but the outlook for the dollar could provide some insight. Multinationals are prominent among the S&P 500's largest constituents, and since 2011, the broad trade-weighted dollar index has exhibited a robust negative correlation with S&P 500 earnings. Peak acceleration in the dollar has led earnings troughs by a quarter or two and earnings growth has quickened when the dollar has consolidated or retraced its gains (Chart 12). In a rising-dollar environment, U.S. firms competing globally face the unpalatable choice of protecting their margins and ceding share, or ceding share to defend their margins. Chart 12Strong Dollar, Weak Earnings Fed Policy: The Known Unknown Chart 13Markets Are Sleeping On The Fed The Fed has evinced a clear desire to hike rates, and investors know that it will be withdrawing accommodation at the edges. But the terminal fed funds rate for this cycle, and the pace at which the FOMC approaches it, are unknown. Market expectations, as implied by OIS2 contracts, reveal that investors have become complacent about the pace of hikes. While the consensus expects a quarter-point hike at the FOMC's December meeting, money markets are discounting just an 11% chance of a second 25-bps hike by the end of October 2017 (Chart 13, top panel), and a 75% chance of a second hike by the end of October 2018 (Chart 13, bottom panel). The Fed's dot-plot rate hike forecasts have been laughably off the mark, and to this point investors have tuned them out to their benefit. The preconditions for a progression of hikes seem to be coming together, however, as labor slack disappears, wage pressures emerge and the output gap steadily narrows. Every FOMC voter or regional Fed president who's stepped within range of an open microphone the last few weeks has gone out of his or her way to endorse the notion that two 2017 rate hikes are reasonable, and those with a more hawkish bent appear to be comfortable with three. Viewed beside the data and the guidance, markets seem to be in denial. Currency exchange rates are subject to multiple cross-currents, but policy rate differentials have taken a leading role since the dollar's surge began in the second half of 2014. Some Fed hikes are already baked into the EUR-USD and USD-JPY crosses, but the implied expectation that it could take two years for the FOMC to lift the fed funds rate by 50 bps suggests that the path of least resistance for the dollar is up. The implications for global equity positioning point to favoring Europe- and Japan-based multinationals (on a currency-hedged basis) over their U.S. counterparts. They also argue for caution around emerging market assets, as a stronger dollar is a drag on commodity prices, makes it more difficult for domestic borrowers to service dollar-denominated debt, and imperils the supply of external capital that helps fund fiscal deficits. Investment Implications Putting it all together, we continue to favor a defensive stance. Real rates haven't budged during the post-Brexit sovereign yield backup (Chart 14, top panel), which has entirely been a function of less depressed term premiums (Chart 14, middle panel) and varying increases in inflation expectations (Chart 14, bottom panel). We are not yet convinced that the quickening in growth measures is anything other than one more of the false dawns that have been a regular feature of the last several years. We also see the uncertainty accompanying the Fed's turn away from accommodation at the margin as carrying considerable potential for disruption. It seems overly optimistic to think that policy makers will be able to shift course without causing at least a hiccup or two. With the S&P 500 trading at an elevated forward multiple (Chart 15), U.S. equities have little if any cushion against disappointment. Chart 14Bonds Aren't Pricing In Better Growth Chart 15Little Cushion Against Disappointment Maintaining a defensive portfolio bias is consistent with our qualms about growth and the potential for policy hiccups. We attribute cyclical sectors' outperformance relative to defensive sectors to technical rather than fundamental factors. Cyclicals had become oversold relative to defensives, as had emerging markets, at a time when the dollar needed to take a break from its upward sprint. We view the whole commodity/cyclical/EM complex as participating in a countertrend rally. We are vigilant, however, and we are asking ourselves where we could be getting it wrong even more frequently than usual. Many of the defensive spaces we currently favor have been bid up to levels where they would not seem to have any cushion at all. It is not comforting to invest on the basis of overshoots that are expected to become even more extended, but that is life with TINA in the ZIRP/NIRP era. Our model portfolios have underperformed over their first four weeks thanks to our income hybrids' underperformance versus plain-vanilla fixed income and defensives' underperformance versus cyclicals, but we think they will enhance the overall portfolios' risk-adjusted return profiles over time. The lack of a credible recession threat argues for maintaining our underweight in plain-vanilla fixed income products, but uncomfortably tight high-yield spreads have us concentrating our spread product exposure in the investment-grade space. We maintain our (currency-hedged) equity tilts toward Europe and Japan, and away from the U.S., largely on our expectations for ongoing dollar strength. That view also informs our allocations to mid- and small-cap U.S. equities, which are more domestically focused than their large- and mega-cap counterparts. Our Fed view underpins our dollar expectations, and any change in our policy take would result in portfolio changes. We will undertake a comprehensive view of our model portfolios in December, once they have two months of performance under their belts. Postscript: Dewey Defeats Truman Global ETF Strategy has a cyclical, not a tactical, orientation. Our process is directed toward catching cyclical moves and we avoid the chasing-our-own-tail spiral of trying to handicap short-term wiggles. As a result, when this report went to press Tuesday afternoon, we looked through the election and rejected tweaking our portfolios to position for any particular outcome. While we were surprised by the results of the election, our U.S. portfolios' domestic orientation, and the generally defensive cast to all of our portfolios, should help insulate them from any incremental volatility that may ensue over the rest of the year. The immediate market reaction soundly rejected our stance on the course of Fed rate hikes, but we think investors may change their tune given more time to reflect. We think it is far from certain that the Fed will tear up its playbook. Upheaval in the financial markets could well stay the FOMC's hand in December, but the first half hour of New York trading suggests that the potential for upheaval was rather overhyped. We do not see why the election results would have any impact on the labor market and the creeping upward pressure on wages. Markets are said to hate uncertainty and the actions of a Trump administration are surely harder to predict than the actions of a Clinton administration. We are not going to become traders, but we will be more vigilant over the two-plus months before the Inauguration and the first weeks of the new administration. We will adopt a more tactical orientation if conditions warrant, but we are not acting hastily now. We expect that there will be a lot of head fakes before markets find their true course. Doug Peta, Vice President Global ETF Strategy dougp@bcaresearch.com 1 With 84% of S&P 500 constituents having reported through November 3rd, Standard & Poor's projected year-over-year growth in operating earnings of nearly 14%. 2 Overnight index swaps (OIS) are our preferred vehicle for deriving rate hike expectations because they represent contracts between real-life market participants and are thus more reliable than survey measures.

Highlights De-globalization is accelerating. Europe is holding together, with populism in check. China power consolidation reflects extreme risks. Brexit is more likely, not less, after court ruling. Feature Chart I-1America Has Soured On Globalization The world woke up on Wednesday to President-elect Donald J. Trump. It will take time for the markets to digest the new regime in Washington D.C., but something tells us that it will not be business-as-usual over the next four years. We give our post-mortem assessment in the enclosed In Focus Special Report, starting on page 28. The divisive campaign reached epic lows in decorum and polarization, but both candidates did have one major thing in common: They shared a negative view of globalization, representing a paradigm shift in geopolitics and macroeconomics. Investors often take policymakers to be agents of political supply. Political rhetoric is taken seriously, analyzed, and its implications for various assets are discussed with confidence. But this approach gets the causality all wrong. Politicians are merely supplying what the political marketplace is demanding. In those terms, Donald Trump was not an agent of change. He was merely a product of his environment. So what is the American median voter demanding? Judging by the success of Donald Trump - and Senator Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary race - the answer is less free trade, more government spending, and a promise to keep entitlement spending at current, largely unsustainable levels. Americans empirically support globalization at a lower level than the average of advanced, emerging, or developing economies (Chart I-1). What is the problem with globalization? In our 2014 report titled "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," we argued that globalization was under assault due to three dynamics:1 Deflation is politically pernicious: Globalization was one of the greatest supply-side shocks in recent history and thus exerted a strong deflationary force (Chart I-2). A persistently low growth environment that flirts with deflation is unacceptable for the majority of the population in advanced economies. Citizens have already experienced a combination of wage suppression and debt escalation. And while globalization produced disinflationary forces on the price of labor and tradeable goods, it has done little to check the rising costs of education, health care, child care, and housing (Chart I-3), which cannot be outsourced to China or Mexico. Chart I-2Globalization Was A Major Supply-Side Shock Chart I-3You Can't Ship Daycare To China The death of the Debt Supercycle: The 2008 Great Recession shifted the demand curve inward. BCA coined the "debt supercycle" framework in the 1970s to characterize the overarching trend of rising debt in a world where political leaders, with the Great Depression and Second World War in the back of their mind, continually resorted to reflationary policies to overcome each new recession. However, the 2008 economic shock permanently shifted household preferences in the West, reducing demand by turning consumers into savers (Chart I-4A and Chart I-4B). This contributes to the global savings glut and reinforces the deflationary environment. Chart I-4AGlobal Demand Engine ... Chart I-4B...Is Not Coming Back Multipolarity: Global leadership by a dominant superpower can overcome ideological challenges and demand deficiencies by providing a consumer of last resort. In game-theory terms, such a global hegemon acts as an exogenous coordinator, turning a non-cooperative game into a cooperative one. But in today's world, geopolitical and economic power is becoming more diffuse. We know from history that intense competition between a number of leading nations imperils globalization (Chart I-5). This is particularly the case in a low-growth environment. Geopolitical and economic multipolarity increase market risk premiums. Chart I-5Multipolarity Imperils Globalization These factors imperiled globalization well before Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, Jeremy Corbyn, and Nigel Farage came to dominate the news flow in 2016. The macroeconomic and geopolitical context guaranteed that anti-globalization rhetoric would prove successful at the ballot box. Chart I-6Sino-American Macroeconomic Symbiosis Ended##br## In 2008 Sino-American Symbiosis Is Over In addition to these structural challenges to globalization, the next U.S. administration will also have to handle the increasingly complex Sino-American relationship. The future of the post-Bretton Woods macroeconomic and geopolitical system will be decided by these two great powers. And we fear that both economic and geopolitical tensions will worsen.2 China and the U.S. are no longer in a symbiotic relationship. The close embrace between U.S. household leverage and Chinese export-led growth is over (Chart I-6). Today the Chinese economy is domestically driven, with government stimulus and skyrocketing leverage playing a much more important role than external demand. Chinese policymakers have a choice. They can double down on globalization and use competition and creative destruction to drive up productivity growth - moving the economy up the value chain. Or, they can use protectionism - particularly non-tariff barriers to trade - to defend their domestic market from competition.3 We expect that they will do the latter, especially in an environment where anti-globalization rhetoric is rising in the West. The problem with this choice, however, is that it breaks up the post-1979 quid-pro-quo between Washington and Beijing. The "quid" was the Chinese entry into global trade (including the WTO in 2001), which the U.S. supported; the "quo" was that Beijing would open up its economy as it became wealthy. Today, 45% of China's population is middle class, which makes China potentially the world's second largest market after the EU. If China decides not to share its middle class with the rest of the world, then the world will quickly move towards mercantilism.4 What should investors expect in a world that has less globalization, more populism, and rising Sino-American tensions? We think there are five structural investment themes afoot: Chart I-7Globalization And MNCs: A Tight Embrace Inflation is back: Globalization has been one of the most important pillars of a multi-decade deflationary era. If it is imperiled, political capital will swing from capitalists to the owners of labor. Sovereign bonds are not pricing in this paradigm shift, which is why investors should position themselves for the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market."5 We are long German 10-year CPI swaps as a strategic play on this theme. USD strength: The market got the USD wrong. Trump is not bad for the greenback. More government spending and higher inflation will allow U.S. monetary policy to be tighter than that of its global peers. Furthermore, U.S. policymakers will not look to arrest the dollar bull market. "Main street" loves a strong dollar, particularly U.S. households and consumers. King Dollar will be the righteous agent of plebeian retribution against the patrician corporations used to getting their way on Capitol Hill. And finally, more geopolitical risk will mean more safe haven demand. RMB weakness: China needs to depreciate its currency in order to ease domestic monetary policy and is therefore constrained by its slowing and over-leveraged economy. But in doing so, it will export deflation and ensure that a trade war with the U.S. ensues. In addition, China's EM peers will suffer as their competitiveness vis-à-vis their main export market - China - declines. We expect that China will hasten its ongoing turn towards protectionism itself. This means that if investors want to take advantage of China's rise, they should buy Chinese companies, not the foreign firms looking to grab a share of China's middle-class market. Long defense stocks: Global multipolarity is correlated with armed conflict. We have played this theme by being long U.S. defense / short aerospace equities. Our colleague Anastasios Avgeriou, Chief Strategist of BCA's Global Alpha Sector Strategy, recommends investors initiate a structural overweight in the global defense index.6 Long SMEs / Short MNCs: A world with marginally less free trade, and marginally more populism, will favor domestically oriented sectors. Small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the U.S., for example. Multinational corporations (MNCs) have particularly benefited from free trade and laissez faire economics. The relationship between globalization and S&P 500 operating earnings has been tight for the past 50 years (Chart I-7). Not anymore. In the new environment, investors will want to be long domestically-oriented sectors and economies against externally-oriented ones. These are structural themes supported by structural trends. We would have recommended these five investment themes irrespective of who won the U.S. election. In this Monthly Report, we focus on leadership races around the world. Our In Focus section gives a post-mortem on the U.S. presidential election. The rest of this Global Overview focuses on upcoming elections in Europe (as well as the December 4 Italian constitutional referendum) and the impending Chinese leadership rotation in 2017. We also give our two cents on recent developments related to Brexit in the U.K. Europe: Election Fever Continues Chart I-8Italian Referendum: Likely A 'No' The Netherlands, France, Germany, and potentially, Italy could all hold elections over the next 12 months, a recipe for market volatility. These four countries are part of the EMU-5 and account for 71% of the currency union's GDP and 66% of its population. Should investors expect a paradigm shift? We think the answer is yes, but surprisingly, not towards more Euroskepticism. Our view is that continental Europe - unlike its Anglo-Saxon peers, the U.K. and the U.S. - is actually moving marginally towards the center.7 The median voter in Europe is not becoming more Euroskeptic and even appears to support modest, pro-business, structural reforms! Wait... what? Indeed. Read on. Italy The constitutional referendum being held on December 4 remains too close to call, although we suspect that it will fail (Chart I-8). However, we doubt very much that the defeat of the government's position will initiate a sequence of events that takes Italy out of the euro area. As we argued in a recent Special Report titled "Europe's Divine Comedy: Italian Inferno," Italian policymakers are using Euroskepticism to extract concessions from Europe. But Italy is structurally constrained from exiting European institutions because of its bifurcated economy.8 Moreover, a failed referendum outcome is not a strategic risk to Europe: Euro support: Italians continue to support euro area membership, albeit at a lower level than in the past (Chart I-9). As such, the Euroskeptic Five Star Movement (M5S) has political reasons to become less opposed to euro area membership, as its anti-establishment peers have done in Greece, Portugal, and Spain. Bicameralism: If the constitutional referendum fails, then the Senate will remain a fully empowered chamber in the Italian Parliament. Given Italy's complicated electoral laws, M5S will be unable to capture both houses in Italy's notoriously bicameral legislative body, unless it does very well in the next election. But M5S has consistently trailed the incumbent, pro-establishment Democratic Party (PD) in the polls (Chart I-10). Sequence: As Diagram I-1 shows, the contingent probability of the December constitutional referendum leading to an Italian exit from the euro area is 1.2%. Chart I-9Italy & Euro: OK (For Now) Chart I-10Italy: Euroskeptics Peaking? Diagram I-1From Referendum To Referendum: Contingent Probability Of Italy ##br##Leaving The Euro Area Following The Constitutional Referendum Vote Investors should not translate our sanguine view into a positive view of Italy. As we outlined in the above-cited Special Report, we remain skeptical that Italy can improve its potential growth rate by boosting productivity. But there is a big leap between more-of-the-same in Italy and a euro area collapse. The Netherlands The anti-establishment and Euroskeptic Party for Freedom (PVV) is set to perform poorly in the upcoming March 15 Dutch election. Polls suggest that it will roughly repeat its 10% performance from the 2012 election (Chart I-11). This is extremely disappointing given its polling earlier in the year. PVV's support has collapsed recently, most likely the result of the immigration crisis abating (Chart I-12) and the Brexit referendum in June. Many Dutch may be interested in casting a protest vote against the establishment, but a large majority still support euro area membership (Chart I-13). As such, they are put off by the vociferous Euroskepticism represented by the PVV. Chart I-11The Netherlands: Euroskeptics Collapsing Chart I-12Read Our Chart: Migration Crisis Is Over Chart I-13The Netherlands & Euro: Love Affair The Netherlands is a very important euro area member state. Its economy is large enough that its views matter, despite its small population. Euroskepticism in the Netherlands is notable, but it does not mean that the country's leadership will contemplate a referendum on membership. More likely, the establishment will seek to counter the populist PVV by becoming stricter on immigration and looser on budget discipline. Investors can live with both. France The French election is a two-round affair that will be held on April 23 and May 7. The key question is who will win the November 20 primary of the center-right party, Les Républicains, formerly known as the Union for a Popular Movement. According to the latest polls, former Prime Minister (1995-1997) Alain Juppé is set to win the primary over former President Nicolas Sarkozy (Chart I-14). Who is Alain Juppé? The 70-year old has been the mayor of Bordeaux since 2006, but he is better remembered for the failed social welfare reforms (the Juppé Plan) that caused epic strikes in France back in 1995. He is pro-euro, pro-EU, and pro-economic reforms. In other words, he is everything that Brexit and Trump/Sanders/Corbyn are not. According to the latest polls, Juppé is a heavy favorite against the anti-establishment candidate Marine Le Pen (Chart I-15). This is unsurprising as Le Pen's popularity peaked in 2013, as we have been stressing to clients for years (Chart I-16). Chart I-14Please Google Alain Juppe... Chart I-15...The Next President Of France Chart I-16Le Pen's Popularity In A Secular Decline Why has Le Pen struggled to gain traction in an era of terrorism, migration crises, and the success of anti-establishment peers such as Brexiters and Donald Trump? There are two major reasons. First, she continues to oppose France's membership in the euro area, despite very large support levels for the common currency in the country (Chart I-17). Second, she is holding together a coalition of northern and southern National Front (FN) members. This coalition pins together a diverse group. Northern right-wing FN members are more akin to their Dutch peers, or the "alt-right" movement in the U.S. They are anti-globalization, anti-political correctness (PC), and anti-immigration - specifically, further immigration of Muslims to France. However, this northern FN faction is ambivalent on social issues such as homosexuality (in fact, many of Le Pen's closest advisors from the north of France are openly gay), and they oppose Islam from a position that Muslim immigrants are incompatible with French liberal values. The southern FN faction is far more traditionally conservative, drawing their roots from the old anti-Gaullist, staunchly Catholic right wing. When Le Pen loses the 2017 presidential election, it will spell doom for the National Front. The only thing holding the two factions together is her leadership. Therefore, not only is France likely to elect a pro-reform president from the political establishment, but also its anti-establishment, Euroskeptic movement may be facing an internal struggle. Germany The German federal election is expected to be held sometime after August 2017. Chancellor Angela Merkel faces a decline in popularity (Chart I-18) and a challenge from the populist Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), which performed well in two Lander (state) elections this year. Nonetheless, the migration crisis that rocked Merkel's hold on power has abated. As Chart I-12 shows, migrant flows into Europe peaked at 220,000 last October and began to plummet well before the EU-Turkey deal that the press continues to erroneously cite as the reason for the reduction in migrant flows. As we controversially explained at the height of the crisis, every migration crisis ultimately abates as border enforcement strengthens, liberal attitudes towards refugees wane, and the civil wars prompting the flow exhaust themselves.9 Germany's centrist parties maintain a massive lead over the upstart AfD and Die Linke, the left-wing successor of East Germany's Communist establishment (Chart I-19). However, AfD's successes in Mecklenburg West Pomerania and Berlin have prompted investors to ask whether it will garner greater national support in the general election. Chart I-17France & Euro: Loveless Marriage,##br## But Together For The Kids Chart I-18Merkel's Popularity Has Suffered,##br## But Stabilized Chart I-19There Is A##br## Lot Of Daylight... We doubt it. Both states are sort of oddballs in German politics. For example, Mecklenburg West Pomerania is known for a strong anti-establishment sentiment. AfD largely took votes away from the National Democratic Party (ultra-far-right, neo-Nazis) and Die Linke. These two parties won a combined 25% of the vote in 2011. In 2016, the combined anti-establishment vote, including AfD, was 33%. Clearly this is a notable gain for the non-centrist parties, but it is hardly a paradigm shift. In Berlin, the AfD gained a solid 14% of the vote, but the sensationalist media conveniently avoided mentioning that it came in fifth in the final count. By our "back-of-the-envelope" calculation, AfD managed to take only about 8% of the vote from establishment parties. The bulk of its success once again came from taking votes from other populist parties. For example, Berlin's Pirate Party - yes, "pirates" - took 8% of the vote in the last election and none in 2016. Nonetheless, we suspect that time may be running out for Angela Merkel. She has been in power since 2005 and many voters have lost confidence in her. Merkel may choose not to contest the election at the CDU party conference in early December, or she may step aside as the leader following the election. Why? Because polls suggest that Merkel's CDU will have to once again rely on a Grand Coalition with its center-left opponent, the SPD, to govern. Politically, this is a failure for Merkel as the Grand Coalition was always intended to be a one-term arrangement. If Merkel decides to retire, how will the ruling CDU choose its successor? The process is relatively closed off and dominated by the party elites. The Federal Executive Board of the CDU selects the candidates for chairperson and the party delegates must choose the leader with a majority. The outcome is largely preordained, and Merkel has typically won above 90% of the party congress delegate vote. The possibility of a chancellor from the CDU's Bavarian sister-party, the Christian Social Union (CSU), is also decided by the elites. Therefore, the likelihood of an anti-establishment candidate hijacking the CDU/CSU leadership is minimal. How will the markets react to Merkel's resignation? Investors are overstating Merkel's role as the "anchor" of euro area stability. She has, in fact, dithered multiple times throughout the crisis. In 2011, for example, Merkel delayed the decision on whether to set up a permanent euro area fiscal backstop mechanism due to upcoming Lander elections in Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden Württemberg. In addition, her likely successor will not mark a paradigm shift in terms of Germany's pro-euro outlook (Box I-1). Bottom Line: Investors may wake up in mid-2017 to find that the U.K. is firmly on its way out of the EU and that the U.S. is embroiled in deepening political polarization. Meanwhile, France and Spain will be led by reformist governments, Italy will remain in the euro area, and Germany will be mid-way through a rather boring electoral campaign featuring pro-euro establishment parties. What is keeping the European establishment in power? In early 2016, we argued that it was its large social welfare state. Unlike the laissez-faire economies of the U.S. and the U.K., European "socialism" has managed to redistribute the gains of globalization sufficiently to keep the populists at bay. As such, European voters are not flocking to populist alternatives, despite considerable challenges such as the migration crisis and terrorism. Populists are gaining votes in Europe nonetheless. To counter that trend, we should expect to see Europe's establishment parties turn more negative towards immigration, positive on fiscal activism, and more assertive towards security and defense policy. But on the key investment-relevant issue of euro area membership and European integration, we see the consensus remaining with the status quo. China: Xi Is A "Core" Leader... So What? Chinese President Xi Jinping's recent designation as the "core" of the Chinese leadership should be seen as a marginally market-positive event in an otherwise bleak outlook. Not because the president has a new title, but because of the underlying reality that he is consolidating power ahead of the 19th National Party Congress. Set for the fall of 2017, the Congress will feature a major rotation of top Communist Party leaders and mark the halfway point of his 10-year administration. The new title was not a surprise when it trickled out of the Chinese Communist Party's Sixth Plenary meeting on October 24-27. But the media took the opportunity once again to decry President Xi's "ever-expanding power."10 As our readers know, we do not think there has been a palace coup in China. That is, we do not think Xi has overthrown the "collective leadership" model, i.e. rule by the Politburo Standing Committee, established after the death of Chairman Mao.11 Instead, we think he is presiding over a major centralization phase in Chinese politics. Xi's status as the "core" feeds into the broader idea of re-centralization that we identified as a key theme for this administration when it began its term back in 2012.12 The Sixth Plenum reinforced this view in various ways:13 Xi is clearly in charge: A smattering of local party officials started calling him the core leader earlier this year, but now it has been endorsed in official documents at the highest level. Again, it is not the title itself that matters, but the fact that Xi compelled the whole party to give him the title. This distinguishes him from his two predecessors, Presidents Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, and in this way he resembles his mighty predecessor Deng Xiaoping. Xi already developed a strong track record for re-centralizing the political system prior to receiving the new title.14 Collective leadership persists: Deng invented the idea of the "core" leader specifically as a way to assert the need for a top leader or chief executive without reverting to Maoist absolutism. The core leader is the supreme leader within a collective leadership system. This interpretation was expressly reaffirmed by the communique issued at the Sixth Plenum, which denounced ruling by a single person and praised the current system.15 Corruption purge has not split the party: The focus of the plenum was the Communist Party's rules for disciplining its own members. This specifically highlighted Xi's harsh anti-corruption campaign, which has netted numerous party officials, and has not yet concluded (Chart I-20). The fact that this campaign has continued longer than expected without prompting significant resistance shows that centralization is acceptable to the party (and anti-corruption is positive for the party's public image). Policy coherence could improve: A rash of rumors suggest that Xi will not only promote his allies but also tweak party rules and norms in order to ensure he retains a factional majority on the Politburo Standing Committee after 2017. This should be positive for policymaking since the cohort of leaders ready to rise up the ranks is weighted against his faction as a result of the previous administration's appointments. These developments would be negative if Xi avoids appointing successors next year and thus appears ready to cling to power beyond 2022.16 Unified government is a plus amid crisis: Deng initiated the "core leader" concept in the dark days after the Tiananmen massacre, when the party faced internal rifts and potential regime collapse. In other words, it is in times of crisis that the party needs to reaffirm that rule-by-committee still requires a final arbiter at the top. This latter point is the most relevant for investors. It suggests that China's party leadership perceives itself to be in the midst, or on the brink, of a crisis. Why should this be the case? There has been an improvement in China's economic situation in 2016 - stimulus efforts have stabilized the economy and growth momentum is picking up (Chart I-21). Economic relations with Asian nations are also improving. All of this information has supported the China bulls, who argue that China is not particularly overleveraged, still has a long way to go in terms of economic development, and needs to stimulate demand in order to outgrow any problems it faces from debt and overcapacity (Chart I-22). Chart I-20Anti-Corruption ##br##Campaign Reaccelerating Chart I-21Chinese Economy##br## Improved This Year Chart I-22Chinese Capacity Utilization: ##br##A Historical Perspective Nevertheless, the latest reflation efforts have peaked (Chart I-23), and there are clear warning signs for what lies ahead. The RMB continues to weaken, capital outflows may reaccelerate as a result, the yield curve is flattening, and economic policy uncertainty remains markedly elevated (Chart I-24). As such, the China bears argue that exorbitant credit growth cannot continue indefinitely (Chart I-25). When credit growth slows, the credit-reliant economy will slow too, and China will face a cascade of bad loans and insolvent companies and banks. Chart I-23Latest Mini-Stimulus##br## Is Over Chart I-24China:##br## Who Is Driving This Bus? Chart I-25China's Corporate And Household Credit: ##br##The Sky's The Limit? While economists can argue over the nature of things, politicians do not have that luxury: China's government must be prepared for the worst-case scenario. The China bears may be right even if their economic analysis proves overly pessimistic or poorly timed, because policymakers may eventually decide they must do more to tackle excessive leverage and overcapacity. Chart I-26Rebalancing Is Slowing Down An optimistic long-term assumption about Xi's consolidation of power has been that he eventually intends to use that power to pursue painful structural reforms, as outlined at the Third Plenum in 2013.17 However, the intervening three years have shown that he is pragmatic and does not want to impose aggressive reforms that would undercut an already weak and slowing economy (Chart I-26). Thus, deep reforms are only going to occur if they are forced upon the leaders as a result of an intense bout of instability, uncertainty, and market riots. The implication of this is that Xi is concentrating power in preparation for further crisis points that may be thrust upon his administration. For instance, if recent efforts to tamp down on property prices end up bursting the bubble, then eventually China could be plunged into socio-political (as well as financial) turmoil. By that time, the party would not be able to re-centralize and consolidate power carefully and gradually. It would either have loyal tools at its disposal already, or would lose precious time (and likely make mistakes) trying to assemble them. Thus Xi's moves to consolidate power are marginally market-positive in an overall negative climate. He is making himself and the Politburo Standing Committee better prepared to handle a crisis, which suggests that he believes that a crisis is either occurring or close at hand. In short, the Communist Party is girding for war; a war for regime stability if and when the massive credit risks materialize. What about the 19th National Party Congress, set to take place next fall? We will revisit this topic in the future, but for now the key point is this: It would require a surprise and/or a new political dynamic to prevent Xi from getting his way in forming the Politburo Standing Committee next year. While there is a mixed record of policy stimulus for the years preceding the Chinese midterm leadership reshuffle, we certainly do not expect aggressive structural reforms to occur before then (Chart I-27). Policy tightening in the real estate sector and SOE restructuring efforts will be gradual. Chart I-27Unimpressive Record Of Stimulus Before Five-Year Party Congresses Only around the time of the party congress will it be possible to find out whether Xi wants his administration to be remembered for anything other than power consolidation - such as ambitious reforms. One reform effort we are confident will continue amid rising centralization, however, is tougher government policy against pollution. Pollution threatens social stability, especially among the restless new middle class, and stimulus efforts perpetuate the heavily polluting industries. Environmental spending has been the biggest growth category in government spending under Premier Li Keqiang.18 To capitalize on the darkening short-term outlook for stocks and Xi's policy momentum, we suggest shorting Chinese utilities, whose profit margins and share prices trade inversely with rising environmental spending (Chart I-28). Bottom Line: We remain overweight China relative to EM: The government has resources and is unified. However, the long-term outlook is mixed. Investors should steer clear of Chinese risk assets in absolute terms. Short utilities as a play on rising environmental spending and regulation, and stay short the RMB. Brexit Update: The "Legion Memorial" Is Alive And Well Chart I-28Anti-Pollution Push Hurts Utilities The Brexit movement encountered its first apparent setback last week when the country's High Court ruled that parliament must vote on invoking Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty to initiate the withdrawal from the European Union. We have always held a high-conviction view that parliament approval would ultimately be necessary, as we wrote in July.19 But, politically, it matters a great deal whether parliament votes before or after the exit negotiations. The High Court ruling is an obstacle to the government's Brexit plan because it could result in (1) the parliament's outright blocking Brexit, though this outcome is highly unlikely; (2) the parliament's insisting on a "soft Brexit" that leaves U.K.-EU relations substantially the same as before the referendum on matters like immigration and market access. However, the saga is nowhere near finished. The government is appealing the ruling, the Welsh assembly is contesting the appeal, and the Supreme Court will decide the matter in December. Until then, we expect U.K. markets to benefit marginally, ceteris paribus, from the belief that the odds of a soft Brexit are rising. Investors could be encouraged by the continuation of monetary stimulus and a new blast of fiscal stimulus, which we think will surprise to the upside on November 23 when the annual Autumn Statement is released by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The High Court-prompted rebound in U.K. assets will remain vulnerable for the following reasons: The Supreme Court has not yet ruled: It is not certain that the Supreme Court will uphold the High Court's insistence on a parliamentary role. Both views have legitimate arguments and the issue is not settled until the Supreme Court rules. Parliament's role is political, not merely legal: Assuming parliament gets to vote on whether to trigger the process of leaving the EU, the decision will depend on politics. For instance, it is highly unlikely that the Commons will flatly reject the popular referendum, and the House of Lords can at best delay it. Yes, parliament is sovereign, but that is because it represents the people. While the 1689 Glorious Revolution established the Bill of Rights and parliamentary supremacy, in as early as 1701 there was a crisis over whether parliament should flatly overrule popular will. At that time, the writer Daniel Defoe, representing "the people," delivered the so-called Legion Memorial directly to the Speaker of the Commons. It read: "Our name is Legion, for we are Many."20 Parliament backed down. The politics of the moment favor the government: Polling shows a stark divergence in popular opinion since the referendum in favor of the Tories (Chart I-29). This is a clear signal - on top of the referendum outcome and the sweeping Tory election win in 2015 - that the popular will favors leaving the European Union. It is also a clear signal that Prime Minister Theresa May has the mandate to do it her way. Her approval rating has waned a bit (Chart I-30), but she is still supported by nearly half the population. If the government fails to win parliamentary support on Brexit, it would likely lead to a vote of no confidence and early elections. Yet the current dynamics suggest an early election would return a Conservative majority with a clear mandate to vote for Brexit. Until those dynamics undergo a change, "Brexit means Brexit." Economics favor the government: One danger for the anti-Brexit coalition is that the Supreme Court may compel a parliamentary vote in the near future. The economy has not yet suffered much from Brexit, whatever it may do in future, so there is little motivation for widespread "Bregret," i.e. the desire to reverse course and stay in the EU. By contrast, in two years' time, the negative economic consequences and uncertainties of the actual exit plan, combined with ebbing popular enthusiasm, would likely give parliament a stronger position from which to soften or reverse Brexit. Although Article 50 is arguably irrevocable, it seems hard to believe that the EU would not find a way to allow the U.K. to stay in the union if its domestic politics shifted in favor of staying, since that is clearly in the EU's interest. The President of the European Council Donald Tusk has implied as much.21 Chart I-29Brexit Helped Tories, Hurt Labour Chart I-30Prime Minister May's Popularity Still Strong From the arguments above we can draw three conclusions. First, parliament will not simply repudiate the popular referendum. Second, if parliament must vote, the political context suggests it will vote on a bill that substantially favors the government's approach toward Brexit. If that happens, the High Court ruling this week will be only a pyrrhic victory for the Bremain camp. However, parliamentary involvement does imply a softer Brexit than otherwise, and it is possible that parliament could extract major concessions. Third, the High Court ruling makes Brexit more, not less, likely. This is because it is forcing parliamentarians to vote on Brexit so early in the process, when Brexit's negative consequences are yet not evident. What do the latest Brexit twists and turns portend for European and global growth? We do not see them as particularly damaging. The British turn toward greater fiscal spending adds yet another to the list of those countries supporting one of our key investment themes: "The Return of G," or government spending.22 As we predicted, Canada is overshooting its budget deficits, Japan is engaging in coordinated monetary and fiscal stimulus, and Italy is expanding spending and daring Germany and the European Council to stop it, especially in the face of badly needed earthquake reconstruction and the ongoing immigration crisis (Chart I-31). Chart I-31G7 Fiscal Thrust Is Going Up This leaves the United States and Germany as two outstanding questions. The U.S. election means that Trump will launch potentially large spending increases with a GOP-held Congress. As for Germany, the CDU/CSU appears to be shifting toward more government spending, but the direction will not be clear until the election in the fall of 2017. Bottom Line: The High Court ruling has made Brexit more rather than less likely. By forcing the parliament to make a ruling on Brexit before the economic damage is clear, the High Court has put parliamentarians in the difficult position of going against the public. We are closing our long FTSE 100 / short FTSE 250 Brexit hedge in the meantime. The market may, incorrectly, price a lower probability of Brexit, while domestic stimulus will aid the home-biased FTSE 250. Nonetheless, we remain short U.K. REITs to capitalize on the long-term uncertainty, as well as negative cyclical and structural factors that are affecting commercial real estate. We also expect the GBP/USD to remain relatively weak and vulnerable relative to the pre-Brexit period. We would expect the GBP/USD to retest its mid-October-low of 1.184 over the next two years. BOX I-1 Likely Successors To German Chancellor Angela Merkel If Merkel decides to retire, who are her potential successors? Wolfgang Schäuble, Finance Minister (CDU): The bane of the financial community, Schäuble is seen as the least market-friendly option due to his hardline position on bailouts and the euro area. In our view, this is an incorrect interpretation of Schäuble's heavy-handedness. He is by all accounts a genuine Europhile who believes in the integrationist project. At 74 years old, he comes from a generation of policymakers who consider European integration a national security issue for Germany. He has pursued a tough negotiating position in order to ensure that the German population does not sour on European integration. Nonetheless, we doubt that he will chose to take on the chancellorship if Merkel retires. He suffered an assassination attempt in 1990 that left him paralyzed and he has occasionally had to be hospitalized due to health complications left from this injury. As such, it is unlikely that he would replace Merkel, but he may stay on as Finance Minister and thus be as close to a "Vice President" role as Germany has. Ursula von der Leyen, Defense Minister (CDU): Most often cited as the likely replacement for Merkel, Leyen nonetheless is not seen favorably by most of the population. She is a strong advocate of further European integration and has supported the creation of a "United States of Europe." Leyen has gone so far as to say that the refugee crisis and the debt crisis are similar in that they will ultimately force Europe to integrate further. As a defense minister, she has promoted the creation of a robust EU army. She has also been a hardliner on Brexit, saying that the U.K. will not re-enter the EU in her lifetime. While the markets and pro-EU elites in Europe would love Leyen, the problem is that her Europhile profile may disqualify her from chancellorship at a time when most CDU politicians are focusing on the Euroskeptic challenge from the right. Thomas De Maizière, Interior Minster (CDU): Maizière is a former Defense Minister and a close confidant of Chancellor Merkel. He was her chief of staff from 2005 to 2009. Like Schäuble, he is somewhat of a hawk on euro area issues (he drove a hard bargain during negotiations to set up a fiscal backstop, the European Financial Stability Fund, in 2010) and as such could be a compromise candidate between the Europhiles and Eurohawks within the CDU ranks. However, he has also been implicated in scandals as Defense Minister and may be tainted by the immigration crisis due to his position as the Interior Minister. Julia Klöckner, Executive Committee Member, Deputy Chair (CDU): A CDU politician from Rhineland-Palatinate, Klöckner is a socially conservative protégé of Merkel. While she has taken a more right-wing stance on the immigration crisis, she has remained loyal to Merkel otherwise. She is a staunch Europhile who has portrayed the Euroskeptic AfD as "dangerous, sometimes racist." We think that she would be a very pro-market choice as she combines the market-irrelevant populism of anti-immigration rhetoric with market-relevant centrism of favoring further European integration. Hermann Gröhe, Minister of Health (CDU): Gröhe is a former CDU secretary general and very close to Merkel. He is a staunch supporter of the euro and European integration. Markets would have no problem with Grohe, although they may take some time to get to know who he is! Volker Bouffier, Minister President of Hesse (CDU): As Minister President of Hesse, home of Germany's financial center Frankfurt, Bouffier may be disqualified from leadership due to his apparent close links with Deutsche Bank. Nonetheless, he is a heavyweight within the CDU's leadership and a staunch Europhile. Fritz Von Zusammenbruch, Hardline Euroskeptic (CDU): This person does not exist! Section II: U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications Highlights Trump won by stealing votes from Democrats in the Midwest. His victory implies a national shift to the left on economic policy. Checks and balances on Trump are not substantial in the short term. U.S. political polarization will continue. Trump is good for the USD, bad for bonds, neutral for equities. Favor SMEs over MNCs. Close long alternative energy / short coal. Feature "Most Americans do not find themselves actually alienated from their fellow Americans or truly fearful if the other party wins power. Unlike in Bosnia, Northern Ireland or Rwanda, competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." — Newt Gingrich, January 2, 2001 Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (and a potential Secretary of State pick), was asked on NBC's Meet the Press two days before the U.S. election whether he still thought that "competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." Gingrich made the original statement in January 2001, merely weeks after one of the most contentious presidential elections in U.S. history was resolved by the Supreme Court. Gingrich's answer in 2016? "I think, tragically, we have drifted into an environment where ... it will be a continuing fight for who controls the country." Despite an extraordinary victory - a revolution really - by Donald J. Trump, the fact of the matter remains that the U.S. is a polarized country between Republican and Democratic voters. As of publication time of this report, Trump lost the popular vote to Secretary Hillary Clinton. His is a narrower victory than either the epic Richard Nixon win in 1968 or George W. Bush squeaker in 2000. Over the next two years, the only thing that matters for the markets is that the U.S. has a unified government behind a Republican president-elect and a GOP-controlled Congress. We discuss the investment implications of this scenario below and caution clients to not over-despair. On the other hand, we also see this election as more evidence that America remains a deeply polarized country where identity politics continue to play a key role. What concerns us is that these identity politics appear to transcend the country's many cultural, ethical, political, and economic commonalities. Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. are fusing into almost ethnic-like groupings. To bring it back to Gingrich's quote at the top, that would suggest that the U.S. is no longer that much different from Bosnia or Northern Ireland.23 Election Post-Mortem Chart II-1Election Polls Usually##br## Miss By A Few Points Donald Trump has won an upset over Hillary Clinton, but his campaign was not as much of a long-shot as the consensus believed. U.S. presidential polls have frequently missed the final tally by +/- 3% of the vote, which was precisely the end result of the 2016 election (Chart II-1). Therefore, as we pointed out in our last missive on the election, Trump's victory was not a "wild mathematical oddity."24 Why Did Trump Win The White House? Where Trump really did beat expectations was in the Midwest, and Wisconsin in particular. He ended up outperforming the poll-of-polls by a near-incredible 10%!25 His victories in Florida, Ohio, and Pennsylvania were well within the range of expectations. For example, the last poll-of-polls had Trump leading in both Florida (by a narrow 0.2%) and Ohio (by a solid 3.5%), whereas Clinton was up in Pennsylvania by the slightest of margins (just 1.9% lead). He ended up exceeding poll expectations in all three (by 2% in Florida, 6% in Ohio, and 3% in Pennsylvania), but not by the same wild margin as in Wisconsin. When all is said and done, Trump won the 2016 election by stealing votes away from the Democrats in the traditionally "blue" Midwest states of Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. This was a far more significant result than his resounding victories in Ohio (which Obama won in 2012) or Florida (where Obama won only narrowly in 2012). Our colleague Peter Berezin, Chief Strategist of the Global Investment Strategy, correctly forecast that Trump would be competitive in all three Midwest states back in September 2015! We highly encourage our clients to read his "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," as it is one of the best geopolitical calls made by BCA in recent history.26 As Peter had originally thought, Trump cleaned up the white, less-educated, male vote in all of the three crucial Midwest states. He won 68% of this vote in Michigan, 71% in Pennsylvania, and 69% in Wisconsin. To do so, Trump campaigned as an unorthodox Republican, appealing to the blue-collar white voter by blaming globalization for their job losses and low wages, and by refusing to accept Republican orthodoxy on fiscal austerity or entitlement spending. Instead, Trump promised to outspend Clinton and protect entitlements at their current levels. This mix of an outsider, anti-establishment, image combined with a left-of-center economic message allowed Trump to win an extraordinary number of former Obama voters. Exit polls showed that Obama had a positive image in all three Midwest states, including with Trump voters! For example, 30% of Trump voters in Michigan approved of the job Obama was doing as president, 25% in Pennsylvania, and 27% in Wisconsin. That's between a quarter and a third of eventual people who cast their vote for Trump. These are the voters that Republicans lost in 2012 because they nominated a former private equity "corporate raider" Mitt Romney as their candidate. Romney had famously argued in a 2008 New York Times op-ed that he would have "Let Detroit go bankrupt." Obama repeatedly attacked Romney during the 2011-2012 campaign on this point. Back in late 2011, we suspected that this message, and this message alone, would win President Obama his re-election.27 Why is the issue of the Midwest Obama voters so important? Because investors have to know precisely why Donald Trump won the election. It wasn't his messages on immigration, law and order, race relations, and especially not the tax cuts he added to his message late in the game. It was his left-of-center policy position on trade and fiscal spending. Trump is beholden to his voters on these policies, particularly in the Midwest states that won him the election. Final word on race. Donald Trump actually improved on Mitt Romney's performance with African-American and Hispanic voters (Table II-1). This was a surprise, given his often racially-charged rhetoric. Meanwhile, Trump failed to improve on the white voter turnout (as percent of overall electorate) or on Romney's performance with white voters in terms of the share of the vote. To be clear, Republicans are still in the proverbial hole with minority voters and are yet to match George Bush's performance in 2004. But with 70% of the U.S. electorate still white in 2016, this did not matter. Table II-1Exit Polls: Trump's Win Was Not Merely About Race Congress: No Gridlock Ahead Republicans exceeded their expectations in the Senate, losing only one seat (Illinois) to Democrats. This means that the GOP control of the Senate will remain quite comfortable and is likely to grow in the 2018 mid-term elections when the Democrats have to defend 25 of 33 seats. Of the 25 Senate seats they will defend, five are in hostile territory: North Dakota, West Virginia, Ohio, Montana, and Missouri. In addition, Florida is always a tough contest. Republicans, on the other hand, have only one Senate seat that will require defense in a Democrat-leaning state: Nevada (and in that case, it will be a Republican incumbent contesting the race). Their other seven seats are all in Republican voting states. As such, expect Republicans to hold on to the Senate well into the 2020 general election. In the House of Representatives, the GOP will retain its comfortable majority. The Tea Party affiliated caucuses (Tea Party Caucus and the House Freedom Caucus) performed well in the election. The Tea Party Caucus members won 35 seats out of 38 they contested and the House Freedom Caucus won 34 seats out of 37 it contested. The race to watch now is for the Speaker of the House position. Paul Ryan, the Speaker of the incumbent House, is likely to contest the election again and win. Even though his support for Donald Trump was lukewarm, we expect Republicans to unify the party behind Trump and Ryan. A challenge from the right could emerge, but we doubt it will materialize given Trump's victory. The campaign for the election will begin immediately, with Republicans selecting their candidate by December (the official election will be in the first week of January, but it is a formality as Republicans hold the majority). Bottom Line: Trump's victory was largely the product of former Obama voters in the Midwest switching to the GOP candidate. This happened because of Trump's unorthodox, left-of-center, message. Trump will have a friendly Congress to work with for the next four years. How friendly? That question will determine the investment significance of the Trump presidency. Investment Relevance Of A United Government Most clients we have spoken to over the past several months believe that Donald Trump will be constrained on economic policies by a right-leaning Congress. His more ambitious fiscal spending plans - such as the $550 billion infrastructure plan and $150 billion net defense spending plan - will therefore be either "dead on arrival" in Congress, or will be significantly watered down by the legislature. Focus will instead shift to tax cuts and traditional Republican policies. We could not disagree more. GOP is not fiscally conservative: There is no empirical evidence that the GOP is actually fiscally conservative. First, the track record of the Bush and Reagan administrations do not support the adage that Republicans keep fiscal spending in check when they are in power (Chart II-2). Second, Republican voters themselves only want "small government" when the Democrats are in charge of the White House (Chart II-3). When a Republican President is in charge, Republicans forget their "small government" leanings. Chart II-2Republicans Are##br## Not Fiscally Responsible Chart II-3Big Government Is Only ##br##A Problem For Opposition Presidents get their way: Over the past 28 years, each new president has generally succeeded in passing their signature items. Congress can block some but probably not all of president's plans. Clinton, Bush, and Obama each began with their own party controlling the legislature, which gave an early advantage that was later reversed in their second term. Clinton lost on healthcare, but achieved bipartisan welfare reform. For Obama, legislative obstructionism halted various initiatives, but his core objectives were either already met (healthcare), not reliant on Congress (foreign policy), or achieved through compromise after his reelection (expiration of Bush tax cuts for upper income levels). Median voter has moved to the left: Donald Trump won both the GOP primary and the general election by preaching an unorthodox, left-of-center sermon. He understood correctly that the American voter preferences on economic policies have moved away from Republican laissez-faire orthodoxies.28 Yes, he is also calling for significant lowering of both income and corporate tax rates. However, tax cuts were never a focal point of his campaign, and he only introduced the policy later in the race when he was trying to get traditional Republicans on board with his campaign. Newsflash: traditional Republicans did not get Trump over the hump, Obama voters in the Midwest did! Investors should make no mistake, the key pillars of Trump's campaign are de-globalization, higher fiscal spending, and protecting entitlements at current levels. And he will pursue all three with GOP allies in Congress. What are the investment implications of this policy mix? USD: More government spending, marginally less global trade, and pressure on multi-national corporations (MNCs) to scale back their global operations should be positive for inflation. If growth surprises to the upside due to fiscal spending, it will allow the Fed to hike more than the current 57 bps expected by the market by the end of 2018. Given easy monetary stance of central banks around the world, and lack of significant fiscal stimulus elsewhere, economic growth surprise in the U.S. should be positive for the dollar in the long term. At the moment, the market is reacting to the Trump victory with ambivalence on the USD. In fact, the dollar suffered as Trump's probability of victory rose in late October. We believe that this is a temporary reaction. We see both Trump's fiscal and trade policies as bullish. BCA's currency strategist Mathieu Savary believes that the dollar could therefore move in a bifurcated fashion in the near term. On the one hand, the dollar could rise against EM currencies and commodity producers, but suffer - or remain flat - against DM currencies such as the EUR, CHF, and JPY.29 Bonds: More inflation and growth should also mean that the bond selloff continues. In addition, if our view on globalization is correct, then the deflationary effects of the last three decades should begin to reverse over the next several years. BCA thesis that we are at the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market" should therefore remain cogent.30 As one of our "Trump hedges," our colleague Rob Robis, Chief Strategist of the BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy, suggested a 2-year / 30-year Treasury curve steepener. This hedge is now up 18.7 bps and we suggest clients continue to hold it. Fed policy: Trump's statements about monetary policy have been inconsistent. Early on in his campaign he described himself as "a low interest rate guy", but he has more recently become critical of current Federal Reserve policy - and Fed Chair Janet Yellen in particular - claiming that while higher interest rates are justified, the Fed is keeping them low for "political reasons." What seems certain is that Janet Yellen will be replaced as Fed Chair when her term expires in February 2018. Yellen is unlikely to resign of her own volition before then and it would be legally difficult for the President to remove a sitting Fed Chair prior to the end of her term. But Trump will get the opportunity to re-shape the composition of the Fed's Board of Governors as soon as he is sworn in. There are currently two empty seats on the Board need to be filled and given that many of Trump's economic advisers have "hard money" leanings, it is very likely that both appointments will go to inflation hawks. Equities: In terms of equities, Trump will be a source of uncertainty for U.S. stocks as the market deals with the unknown of his presidency. In addition, markets tend to not like united government in the U.S. as it raises the specter of big policy moves (Table II-2). However, Trump should be positive for sectors that sold off in anticipation of a Clinton victory, such as healthcare and financials. We also suspect that he will continue the outperformance of defense stocks, although that would have been the case with Clinton as well. Table II-2Election: Industry Implications In the long term, Trump's proposal for major corporate tax cuts should be good for U.S. equities. However, we are not entirely sure that this is the case. First, the effective corporate tax rate in the U.S. is already at its multi-decade lows (Chart II-4). As such, any corporate tax reform that lowers the marginal rate will not really affect the effective rate. Why does this matter? Because major corporations already have low effective tax rates. Any lowering of the marginal rate will therefore benefit the small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and the domestic oriented S&P 500 corporations. If corporate tax reform also includes closing loopholes that benefit the major multi-national corporations (MNCs), then Trump's policy will not necessarily benefit all firms in the U.S. equally. Chart II-4How Low Can It Go? Investors have to keep in mind that Trump has not run a pro-corporate campaign. He has accused American manufacturing firms of taking jobs outside the U.S. and tech companies of skirting taxes. It is not clear to us that his corporate tax reform will therefore necessarily be a boon for the stock market. In the long term, we like to play Trump's populist message by favoring America's SMEs over MNCs. If we are ultimately correct on the USD and growth, then export-oriented S&P 500 companies should suffer in the face of a USD bull market and marginally less globalization. Meanwhile, lowering of the marginal corporate tax rate will benefit the SMEs that do not get the benefit of K-street lobbyist negotiated tax loopholes. Global Assets: The global asset to watch over the next several weeks is the USD/RMB cross. China is forced by domestic economic conditions to continue to slowly depreciate its currency. We have expected this since 2015, which is why we have shorted the RMB via 12-month non-deliverable forwards (NDF). Risk to global assets, particularly EM currencies and equities, would be that Beijing decides to depreciate the RMB before Trump is inaugurated on January 20. This could re-visit the late 2015 panic over China, particularly the narrative that it is exporting deflation. Our view is that even if China does not undertake such actions over the next two months, Sino-American tensions are set to escalate. It is much easier for Trump to fulfill his de-globalization policies with China - a geopolitical rival with which the U.S. has no free trade agreement - than with NAFTA trade partners Canada and Mexico. This will only deepen geopolitical tensions between the two major global powers, which has been our secular view since 2011. Finally, a quick note on the Mexican peso. The Mexican peso has already collapsed half of its value in the past 18 months and we believe the trade is overdone. Investors have used the currency cross as a way to articulate Trump's victory probability. It is no longer cogent. We believe that the U.S. will focus on trade relations with China under a Trump presidency, rather than NAFTA trade partners. Our Emerging Markets Strategy believes that it is time to consider going long MXN versus other EM currencies, such as ZAR and BRL. Investors should also watch carefully the Cabinet appointments that Trump makes over the next two months. Since Carter's administration, cabinet announcements have occurred in early to mid-December. Almost all of these appointments were confirmed on Inauguration Day (usually January 20 of the year after election, including in 2017) or shortly thereafter. Only one major nomination since Carter was disapproved. These appointments will tell us how willing Trump is to reach to traditional Republicans who have served on previous administrations. We suspect that he will go with picks that will execute his fiscal, trade, and tax policies. Bottom Line: After the dust settles over the next several weeks, we suspect that Trump will signal that he intends to pursue his fiscal, trade, immigration, and tax policies. These will be, in the long term, positive for the USD, negative for bonds (including Munis, which will lose their tax-break appeal if income taxes are reduced), and likely neutral for equities. Within the equity space, Trump will be positive for U.S. SMEs and negative for MNCs. This means being long S&P 600 over S&P 100. Lastly, close our long alternative energy / short coal trade for a loss of -26.8%. Constraints: Don't Bet On Them Domestically, the American president can take significant action without congressional support through executive directives. Lincoln raised an army and navy by proclamation and freed the slaves; Franklin Roosevelt interned the Japanese; Truman tried to seize steel factories to keep production up during the Korean War. Truman's case is almost the only one of a major executive order being rebuffed by the Supreme Court. The Reagan and Clinton administrations have shown that a president thwarted by a divided or adverse congress will often use executive directives to achieve policy aims and satisfy particular interest groups and sectors. Though the number of executive orders has gone down in recent administrations (Chart II-5), the economic significance has increased along with the size and penetration of the bureaucracy (Chart II-6). The economic impact of executive orders is always debatable, but the key point is that the president's word tends to carry the day.31 Chart II-5Rule By Decree Chart II-6Executive Branch Is Growing Trade is a major area where Trump would have considerable sway. He has repeatedly signaled his intention to restrict American openness to international trade. The U.S. president can revoke international treaties solely on their own authority. Congressionally approved agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) cannot be revoked by the president, but Trump could obstruct its ongoing implementation.32 He would also have considerable powers to levy tariffs, as Nixon showed with his 10% "surcharge" on most imports in 1971.33 Bottom Line: Presidential authority is formidable in the areas Trump has made the focus of his campaign: immigration and trade. Without a two-thirds majority in Congress to override him, or an activist federal court, Trump would be able to enact significant policies simply by issuing orders to his subordinates in the executive branch. Long-Term Implications: Polarization In The U.S. Does the Republican control of Congress and the White House signal that polarization in America will subside? We began this analysis by focusing on the investment implications when Republicans control the three houses of the American government. But long-term implications of polarization will not dissipate. Investors may overstate the importance of a Republican-controlled government and thus understate the relevance of continued polarization. We doubt that Donald Trump is a uniting figure who can transcend America's polarized politics, especially given his weak popular mandate (he lost the popular vote as Bush did in 2000) and the sub-50% vote share. And, our favorite chart of the year remains the same: both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton have entered the history books as the most disliked presidential candidates ever on the day of the election (Chart II-7). Chart II-7Clinton And Trump Are Making (The Wrong Kind Of) History According to empirical work by political scientists Keith Poole and Howard Rosenthal, polarization in Congress is at its highest level since World War II (Chart II-8). Their research shows that the liberal-conservative dimension explains approximately 93% of all roll-call voting choices and that the two parties are drifting further apart on this crucial dimension.34 Chart II-8The Widening Ideological Gulf In The U.S. Congress Meanwhile, a 2014 Pew Research study has shown that Republicans and Democrats are moving further to the right and left, respectively. Chart II-9 shows the distribution of Republicans and Democrats on a 10-item scale of political values across the last three decades. In addition, "very unfavorable" views of the opposing party have skyrocketed since 2004 (Chart II-10), with 45% of Republicans and 41% of Democrats now seeing the other party as a "threat to the nation's well-being"! Chart II-9U.S. Political Polarization: Growing Apart Chart II-10Live And Let Die Much ink has been spilled trying to explain the mounting polarization in America.35 Our view remains that politics in a democracy operates on its own supply-demand dynamic. If there was no demand for polarized politics, especially at the congressional level, American politicians would not be so eager to supply it. We believe that five main factors - in our subjective order of importance - explain polarization in the U.S. today: Income Inequality and Immobility The increase in political polarization parallels rising income inequality in the U.S. (Chart II-11). The U.S. is a clear and distant outlier on both factors compared to its OECD peers (Chart II-12). However, Americans are not being divided neatly along income levels. This is because Republicans and Democrats disagree on how to fix income inequality. For Donald Trump voters, the solutions are to put up barriers to free trade and immigration while reducing income taxes for all income levels. For Hillary Clinton voters, it means more taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, while putting up some trade barriers and expanding entitlements. This means that the correlation between polarization and income inequality is misleading as there is no causality. Rather, rising income inequality, especially when combined with a low-growth environment, shifts the political narrative from the "politics of plenty" towards "politics of scarcity." It hardens interest and identity groups and makes them less generous towards the "other." Chart II-11Inequality Breeds Polarization Chart II-12Opportunity And Income: Americans Are Outliers Generational Warfare The political age gap is increasing (Chart II-13). This remains the case following the 2016 election, with 55% Millennials (18-29 year olds) having voted for Hillary Clinton. The problem for older voters, who tend to identify far more with the Republican Party, is that the Millennials are already the largest voting bloc in America (Chart II-14). And as Millennial voters start increasing their turnout, and as Baby Boomers naturally decline, the urgency to vote for Republican policymakers' increases. Chart II-13The Age Gap In American Politics Chart II-14Millennials Are The Biggest Bloc Geographical Segregation Noted political scientist Robert Putnam first cautioned that increasing geographic segregation into clusters of like-minded communities was leading to rising polarization.36 This explains, in large part, how liberal elites have completely missed the rise of Donald Trump. Left-leaning Americans tend to live in a left-leaning community. They share their morning cup-of-Joe with Liberals and rarely mix with the plebs supporting Trump. And of course vice-versa. University of Toronto professors Richard Florida and Charlotta Mellander have more recently shown in their "Segregated City" research that "America's cities and metropolitan areas have cleaved into clusters of wealth, college education, and highly-paid knowledge-based occupations."37 Their research shows that American neighborhoods are increasingly made up of people of the same income level, across all metropolitan areas. Florida and Mellander also show that educational and occupational segregation follows economic segregation. Meanwhile, the same research shows that Canada's most segregated metropolitan area, Montreal, would be the 227th most segregated city if it were in the U.S.! This form of geographic social distance fosters increasing polarization by allowing voters to remain aloof of their fellow Americans, their plight, needs, and concerns. The extreme urban-rural divide of the 2016 election confirms this thesis. Immigration Much as with income inequality, there is a close correlation between political polarization and immigration. The U.S. is on its way to becoming a minority-majority country, with the percent of the white population expected to dip below 50% in 2045 (Chart II-15). Hispanic and Asian populations are expected to continue rising for the rest of the century. For many Americans facing the pernicious effects of low-growth, high debt, and elevated income inequality, the rising impact of immigration is anathema. Not only is the country changing its ethnic and cultural make-up, but the incoming immigrants tend to be less educated and thus lower-income than the median American. They therefore favor - or will favor, when they can vote - redistributive policies. Many Americans feel - fairly or unfairly - that the costs of these policies will have to be shouldered by white middle-class taxpayers, who are not wealthy enough to be indifferent to tax increases, and may be unskillful enough to face competition from immigrants. There is also a security component to the rising concern about immigration. Although Muslims are only 1% of the U.S. population, many voters perceive radical Islam to be a vital security threat to the nation. As such, immigration and radical Islamic terrorism are seen as close bedfellows. Media Polarization The 2016 election has been particularly devastating for mainstream media. According to the latest Gallup poll, only 32% of Americans trust the mass media "to report the news fully, accurately and fairly." This is the lowest level in Gallup polling history. The decline is particularly concentrated among Independent and Republican respondents (Chart II-16). With mainstream media falling out of favor for many Americans, voters are turning towards social media and the Internet. Facebook is now as important for political news coverage as local TV for Americans who get their news from the Internet (Chart II-17). Chart II-15Racial Composition Is Changing Chart II-16A War Of Words Chart II-17New Sources Of News Not Always Credible The problem with getting your news coverage from Facebook is that it often means getting news coverage from "fake" sources. A recent experiment by BuzzFeed showed that three big right-wing Facebook pages published false or misleading information 38% of the time while three large left-wing pages did so in nearly 20% of posts.38 The Internet allows voters to self-select what ideological lens colors their daily intake of information and it transcends geography. Two American families, living next to each other in the same neighborhood, can literally perceive reality from completely different perspectives by customizing their sources of information. Chart II-18Gerrymandering Reduces Competitive Seats In addition to these five factors, one should also reaffirm the role of redistricting, or "gerrymandering." Over the last two decades, both the Democrats and Republicans (but mainly the latter) have redrawn geographical boundaries to create "ideologically pure" electoral districts. Of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives, only about 56 are truly competitive (Chart II-18). This improves job security for incumbent politicians and legislative-seat security for the party; but it also discourages legislators from reaching across the ideological aisle in order to ensure re-election. Instead, the main electoral challenge now comes from the member's own party during the primary election. For Republicans, this means that the challenge is most often coming from a candidate that is further to the right. Incumbent GOP politicians in Congress therefore have an incentive to maintain highly conservative records lest a challenge from the far-right emerges in a primary election. Given that the frequency of elections is high in the House of Representatives (every two years), legislators cannot take even a short break from partisanship. Redistricting deepens polarization, therefore, by changing the political calculus for legislators facing ideologically pure electorates in their home districts. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is a product of structural factors that are here to stay. Trump's narrow victory will in no way change that. But How Much Worse? Chart II-19Party Is The Chief Source Of Identity Political polarization is not new. Older readers will remember 1968, when social unrest over the Vietnam War was at its height. Richard Nixon barely got over the finish line that year, beating Vice-President Hubert Humphrey by around 500,000 votes.39 Another contested election in a contested era. Our concern is that the Republican and Democrat "labels" - or perhaps conservative and liberal labels - appear to be ossifying. For example, Pew Research showed in 2012 that the difference between Americans on 48 values is the greatest between Republicans and Democrats. This has not always been the case, as Chart II-19 shows. We suspect that the data would be even starker today, especially after the divisive 2016 campaign that has bordered on hysterical. This means that "Republican" and "Democrat" labels have become real and almost "sectarian" in nature. In fact, one's values are now determined more by one's party identification than race, education, income, religiosity, or gender! This is incredible, given America's history of racial and religious divisions. Why is this happening? We suspect that the shift in urgency and tone is motivated at least in part by the changing demographics of America. Two demographic groups that identify the most with the Republican Party - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are in a structural decline (the first in absolute terms and the second in relative terms). Both see the writing on the political wall. Given America's democratic system of government, their declining numbers (or, in the case of suburban whites, declining majorities) will mean significant future policy decisions that go against their preferences. America is set to become more left-leaning, favor more redistribution, and become less culturally homogenous. Not only are Millennials more socially liberal and economically left-leaning, but they are also "browner" than the rest of the U.S. As we pointed out early this year, 2016 was an election that the GOP could reasonably attempt to win by appealing exclusively to white and older voters. The "White Hype" strategy was mathematically cogent ... at least in 2016.40 It will get a lot more difficult to pursue this strategy in 2020 and beyond. Not impossible, but difficult. We suspect that conservative voters know this. As such, there was an urgency this year to lock-in structural changes to key policies before it is too late. Donald Trump may have been a flawed messenger for many voters, but it did not matter. The clock is ticking for a large segment of America and therefore Trump was an acceptable vehicle of their fears and anger. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is likely to increase. Two key Republican/conservative constituencies - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are backed into the corner by demographic trends. But it also means that a left counter-revolution is just around the corner. And we doubt that the Democratic Party will chose as centrist of a candidate the next time around. Final Thoughts: What Have We Learned 1. Economics trump PC: Civil rights remain a major category of the American public's policy concerns. However, the Democratic Party's prioritization of social issues on the margins of the civil rights debate has not galvanized voters in the face of persistent negative attitudes about the economy. More specifically, the surge in cheap credit since 2000 that covered up the steady decline of wages as a share of GDP has ended, leaving households exposed to deleveraging and reduced purchasing power (Chart II-20). American households have lost patience with the slow, grinding pace of economic recovery, they reject the debt consequences of low inflation with deflationary tail risks, and they resent disappointed expectations in terms of job security and quality. Concerns about certain social preferences - as opposed to basic rights - pale in comparison to these economic grievances. Chart II-20Credit No Longer Hides Stagnant Income 2. Polls are OK, but beware the quant models that use them: On two grave political decisions this year, in two advanced markets with the "best" quality of polling, political modeling turned out to be grossly erroneous. To be fair, the polls themselves prior to both Brexit and the U.S. election were within a margin of error. However, quantitative models relying on these polls were overconfident, leading investors to ignore the risks of a non-consensus outcome. As we warned in mid-October - with Clinton ahead with a robust lead - the problem with quantitative political models is that they rely on polling data for their input.41 To iron-out the noise of an occasional bad poll, political analysts aggregate the polls to create a "poll-of-polls." But combining polls is mathematically the same as combining bad mortgages into securities. The philosophy behind the methodology is that each individual object (mortgage or poll) may be flawed, but if you get enough of them together, the problems will all average out and you have a very low risk of something bad happening. Well, something bad did happen. The quantitative models were massively wrong! We tried to avoid this problem by heavily modifying our polls-based-model with structural factors. Many of these structural variables - economic context, political momentum, Obama's approval rating - actually did not favor Clinton. Our model therefore consistently gave Donald Trump between 35-45% probability of winning the election, on average three and four times higher than other popular quant models. This caused us to warn clients that our view on the election was extremely cautious and recommend hedges. In fact, Donald Trump had 41% chance of winning the race on election night, according to the last iteration of our model, a very high probability.42 3. Professor Lichtman was right: Political science professor Allan Lichtman has once again accurately called the election - for the ninth time. The result on Nov. 8 strongly supports his life's work that presidential elections in the United States are popular referendums on the incumbent party of the last four years. Structural factors undid the Democrats (Table II-3), and none of the campaign rhetoric, cross-country barnstorming, or "horse race" polling mattered a whit. The Republicans had momentum from previous midterm elections, Clinton had suffered a strong challenge in her primary, the Obama administration's achievements over the past four years were negligible (the Affordable Care Act passed in his first term). These factors, along with the political cycle itself, favored the Republicans. Trump's lack of charisma did not negate the structural support for a change of ruling party. Investors should take note: no amount of mathematical horsepower, big data, or Silicon Valley acumen was able to beat the qualitative, informed, contemplative work of a single historian. Table II-3Lichtman's Thirteen Keys To The White House* 4. Non-linearity of politics: Lichtman's method calls attention to the danger of linear assumptions and quantitative modeling in attempting the art of political prediction. Big data and quantitative econometric and polling models have notched up key failures this year. They cannot make subjective judgments regarding whether a president has had a major foreign policy success or failure or a major policy innovation - on all three of those counts, the Democrats failed from 2012-16. There really is no way to quantify political risk because human and social organizations often experience paradigm shifts that are characterized by non-linearity. Newtonian Laws will always work on planet earth and as such we are not concerned about what will happen to us if we board an airplane. Laws of physics will not simply stop working while we are mid-air. However, social interactions and political narratives do experience paradigm shifts. We have identified several since 2011: geopolitical multipolarity, de-globalization, end of laissez-faire consensus, end of Chimerica, and global loss of confidence in elites and institutions.43 5. No country is immune to decaying institutions: The United States has, with few exceptions, the oldest written constitution among major states, and it ensures checks and balances. But recent decades have shown that the executive branch has expanded its power at the expense of the legislative and judicial branches. Moreover, executives have responded to major crisis - like the September 11 attacks and the 2008 financial crisis - with policy responses that were formulated haphazardly, ideologically divisive, and difficult to implement: the Iraq War and the Affordable Care Act. The result is that the jarring events that have blindsided America over the past sixteen years have resulted in wasted political capital and deeper polarization. The failure of institutions has opened the way for political parties to pursue short-term gains at the expense of their "partners" across the aisle, and to bend and manipulate procedural rules to achieve ends that cannot be achieved through consensus and compromise. 6. U.S. is shifting leftward when it comes to markets: Inequality and social immobility have, with Trump's election, entered the conservative agenda, after having long sat on the liberals' list of concerns. The shift in white blue-collar Midwestern voters toward Trump reflects the fact that voters are non-partisan in demanding what they want: they want to retain their existing rights, privileges, and entitlements, and to expand their wages and social protections. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Global Alpha Sector Strategy Special Report, "Brothers In Arms," dated October 28, 2016, available at gss.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Europe's Divine Comedy: Italian Inferno," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Great Migration - Europe, Refuges, And Investment Implications," dated September 23, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 The BBC is exemplary of the mainstream Western press on this point. Please see Stephen McDonell, "The Ever-Growing Power Of China's Xi Jinping," BBC News, China Blog, dated October 29, 2016, available at www.bbc.com. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Two Factions, One Party - Part II," dated September 12, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see the "Eighteenth Communist Party Of China Central Committee Sixth Plenary Session Communique," dated October 27, 2016, available at cpc.people.com.cn. 14 Jiang Zemin, China's ruler from roughly 1993 to 2002, was also referred to as the "core" leader, but he received this moniker from Deng Xiaoping. Xi is following in Deng's footsteps by declaring himself to be the core and winning support from the party. As for his centralizing efforts, prior to being named the "core leader," Xi had already waged a sweeping crackdown on political opponents and dissidents. He had used his position as head of the party, the state bureaucracy, and the armed forces to reshuffle personnel in these bodies extensively. He had already created new organizational bodies, including the National Security Commission, and initiated plans to restructure the military to emphasize joint-operations under regional battle commands. A weak leader would not have advanced so quickly. 15 Deng named Mao the "core" of the first generation of leaders, but it was evident that he sought a different leadership model. 16 Specifically, Xi could prevent the preferment of successors for 2022, he could reduce the size of the Politburo Standing Committee further to five members, or he could modify or make exceptions to the informal rule that top officials must not be promoted if they are 68 or older. Please see Minxin Pei, "A Looming Power Struggle For China?" dated October 28, 2016, available at www.cfr.org. 17 Please see "Communique of the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China," dated January 15, 2014 [adopted November 12, 2013], available at www.china.org.cn. 18 Please see "China: The Socialist Put And Rising Government Leverage," in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Brexit Update: Does Brexit Really Mean Brexit?" dated July 15, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. For the High Court ruling, please see the U.K. Courts and Tribunals Judiciary, "R (Miller) -V- Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union," dated November 3, 2016, available at www.judiciary.gov.uk. 20 At that time a Tory majority in the House of Commons had enraged the populace by imprisoning a group of petitioners from Kent. Both the Kentish Petition and the Legion Memorial demanded that parliament heed the will of the populace. 21 Presumably, the European Council could vote unanimously under Article 50 to extend the negotiation period for a very long time. 22 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Nuthin' But A G Thang," dated August 12, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 Except that it is better armed. 24 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "U.S. Election: Trump's Arrested Development," dated November 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 25 However, Wisconsin polling was rather poor as most pollsters assumed that it was a shoe-in for Democrats. One problem with polling in Midwest states is that they were, other than Pennsylvania and Ohio, assumed to be safe Democratic states. Note for example the extremely tight result in Minnesota and the absolute dearth of polling out of that state throughout the last several months. 26 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," dated September 4, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 27 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. General Elections And Scenarios: Implications," dated July 11, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 28 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 29 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It," dated November 4, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 30 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 31 Only a two-thirds majority of Congress, or a ruling by a federal court, can undo an executive action, and that is exceedingly rare. The real check on executive orders is the rotation of office: a president can undo with the stroke of a pen whatever his predecessor enacted. Congress has the power of the purse, but it is sporadic in its oversight and has challenged less than 5% of executive orders, even though those orders often re-direct the way the executive branch uses funds Congress has allocated. More often, Congress votes to codify executive orders rather than nullify them. 32 Trump is not alone in calling for renegotiating or even abandoning NAFTA. Clinton called for renegotiation in 2008, and Senator Bernie Sanders has done so in 2016. 33 In Proclamation 4074, dated August 15, 1971, Nixon suspended all previous presidential proclamations implementing trade agreements insofar as was required to impose a new 10% surcharge on all dutiable goods entering the United States. He justified it in domestic law by invoking the president's authority and previous congressional acts authorizing the president to act on behalf of Congress with regard to trade agreement negotiation and implementation (including tariff levels). He justified the proclamation in international law by referring to international allowances during balance-of-payments emergencies. 34 The "primary dimension" of Chart II-8 is represented by the x-axis and is the liberal-conservative spectrum on the basic role of the government in the economy. The "second dimension" (y-axis) depends on the era and is picking up regional differences on a number of social issues such as the civil rights movement (which famously split Democrats between northern Liberals and southern Dixiecrats). 35 We have penned two such efforts ourselves. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Polarization In America: Transient Or Structural Risk?," dated October 9, 2013, and "A House Divided Cannot Stand: America's Polarization," dated July 11, 2012," available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 36 Putnam, Robert. 2000. Bowling Alone. New York: Simon and Schuster. 37 Please see Martin Prosperity Institute, "Segregated City," dated February 23, 2015, available at martinprosperity.org. 38 Please see BuzzFeedNews, "Hyperpartisan Facebook Pages Are Publishing False And Misleading Information At An Alarming Rate," dated October 20, 2016, available at buzzfeed.com. 39 Nonetheless, due to the third-party candidate George Wallace carrying the then traditionally-Democratic South, Nixon managed to win the Electoral College in a landslide. 40 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Election: The Great White Hype," dated March 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 41 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "You've Been Trumped!," dated October 21, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 42 For comparison, Steph Curry, the greatest three-point shooter in basketball history, and a two-time NBA MVP, has a career three-point shooting average of 44%. With that average, he is encouraged to take every three-pointer he can by his team. In other words, despite being less than 50%, this is a very high percentage. 43 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategy Outlook 2015 - Paradigm Shifts," dated January 21, 2015, and "Strategy Outlook 2016 - Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights Today, we are sending out a previously scheduled Special Report, highlighting our thoughts on the how to assess the impact of China on global bond markets. This is an important topic that we hope you will find of great interest. We will not be offended, however, if that report sits in your inboxes for a day or two while the world awaits the results of today's U.S. Presidential election. Feature Global financial markets have been subject to extraordinary volatility over the past couple of weeks as the election campaign has drawn to a close. Investors have had to deal with the steady inflow of shifting poll results, overbearing media punditry, surprising FBI letters and wild conspiracy theories, all while trying to price the risks associated with two of the most polarizing presidential candidates in U.S. history. The recent narrowing of Hillary Clinton's lead in the polls has forced investors to seriously consider the possibility of a President Donald J. Trump, with all the change from the status quo that he represents. Given how markets have reacted to Trump closing the gap with Clinton - falling equity prices, higher volatility, lower bond yields and a weaker U.S. dollar - a Trump win could trigger a true risk-off market rout, with global investors wanting to avoid been burned by another political surprise after Brexit. Our colleagues at BCA Geopolitical Strategy still view a narrow Clinton victory as the most likely outcome, with admittedly lower conviction levels than usual for such an important election. Such is the problem of making predictions when polls are within margins of error. However, given the well-understood realities of the U.S. Electoral College map and the still-uphill climb needed for Trump to win, the result that would catch investors most off-guard would be The Donald pulling off the upset. From our perspective at BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy, a Clinton victory would keep the global economy on its current positive growth track in the near-term. This would shift bond investors' focus back over to the Fed and a likely December rate hike. However, a risk-off market move after a Trump win would represent the biggest risk to our current portfolio recommendations: We are positioned for rising global bond yields via an overall below-benchmark duration stance, given our view that we are in a cyclical growth upturn that is also pushing global inflation higher (more details on China's contribution to that can be found in the Special Report sent out today). In terms of regional bond allocation, we are favoring the areas with the lowest inflation rates and most credible dovish central banks, via an above-benchmark tilt in core Europe and a neutral stance on Japan and Canada. We are underweight the countries where central bankers are either in the process of raising rates (the U.S.) or will soon face a decision to tighten policy in the face of strong growth and rising inflation pressures (the U.K., Australia). We are also underweight Peripheral European debt (Italy, Spain, Portugal) versus Germany due to our concerns over decelerating growth in the Periphery combined with the ongoing stresses on Euro Area banks. We are overweight inflation protection (via linkers and CPI swaps) in the U.S. and U.K. where we see the greatest potential for rising inflation expectations. Within global credit markets, we are maintaining a defensive stance via underweights in U.S., Euro Area and Emerging Markets High-Yield (which are all overvalued and overlevered). Within Investment Grade corporates, we are only maintaining a neutral stance in the U.S. and above-benchmark tilts in the Euro Area and U.K. We are also neutral on Emerging Market hard currency debt, both sovereigns and corporates. In the event that Trump pulls out the win tonight, we would expect our overall below-benchmark duration call to suffer if bond yields declines in a risk-off move. However, our "break-even" level on that call allows some cushion to stick with the underweight, as we initiated the recommendation back in July when the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield was just below 1.60%. A return to those levels would be a 25bp decline from yesterday's closing level of 1.83%, which would be a massive move if it happened in a short period of time immediately after Trump was declared the winner. Yet if such large move in yields were to occur, it would almost certainly be in the context of a rout in global equity markets. Our underweight stance on high-yield corporates and Peripheral Europe would perform very well there. Our generally cautious stance on higher-quality corporates and Emerging Markets would likely cause minor hits only via our overweights in Europe, but with those markets supported by the ongoing central bank buying by the ECB and Bank of England, the losses should be relatively well-contained. There is also a risk that our overweights in inflation protection in the U.S. and U.K. would underperform, especially if the market rout turns into a lasting shock to global growth and inflation expectations. That will be difficult to determine in the immediate aftermath of a Trump win. Summing it all up, there are enough offsetting positions within our recommended portfolio to not suggest any changes into tonight's election. Let us hope that the election result is decisive enough that a winner can be declared tonight and this period of U.S. political uncertainty can end, whoever wins. Robert Robis, Senior Vice President Global Fixed Income Strategy rrobis@bcaresearch.com Recommendations Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product

Special Report

Highlights There is an eternal duality between bulls and bears on the Chinese economy. We prefer to stay away from the debate, and simply monitor the situation while adjusting our portfolio recommendations as the situation evolves. From the perspective of BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy (GFIS), and in the short term, five key questions on China influence our duration stance and our core bond portfolio allocation recommendations. To answer these questions, we are following specific indicators, laid out in this Special Report. Together, those form the "GFIS China Checklist". Several of our financial stress indicators reveal the possibility that China's macro stability could be starting to fray a bit at the edges. These trends could become worrisome if they linger or re-appear. China's cyclical growth impulses are positive, suggesting a tailwind for the global economy, and upward pressure on inflation and bond yields in the near-term. At the moment, the "China Factor" reinforces our below-benchmark portfolio duration stance and our bias towards underweighting bond markets that are most exposed to Chinese demand and higher commodity prices (i.e. Australian government debt), while also favoring inflation-linked bonds over nominals across the developed world. Table 1The GFIS China Checklist Feature Chart 1Getting China Right Is Crucial At the macro level, several factors have a disproportionate impact on the direction of global bond yields. The evolution of monetary policies in the developed economies, globalization, new technologies, demographic changes and productivity trends are among the themes that top our list. A positive or negative shift in these factors could significantly alter the path of global growth and inflation and, by the same token, bond yields. In this Special Report, we will address the "China factor". Through its massive aggregate demand, this huge country can tip the global macro landscape into equilibrium or disequilibrium (Chart 1).1 As such, closely monitoring its developments is crucial for investors to correctly position for/against the cyclical drivers of bond markets. Unfortunately, understanding China's dynamics and seeing through the opacity of its policy-setting process is extremely challenging. Experts on the matter often disagree (even here at BCA!) on the complex issues, and sometimes even the most basic assumptions, underlying a view on China. In this Special Report, our goal is not to try to untangle the ultimate truth about China. Instead, we will cut through the fog and offer a simple framework to monitor its economy and associated risks. From an investment perspective, getting China right comes down to answering five keys questions: Is China's macro stability starting to deteriorate? Are China's growth impulses positive? Is Chinese economic momentum accelerating? Are China's business fundamentals evolving positively? Is the outlook for Chinese household consumption improving? To answer those, we follow simple indicators, laid out in this Report. Together, they form the BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy (GFIS) "China Checklist" (Table 1). The Eternal Duality In Chinese philosophy, the Yin - the dark swirl - represents shadows, the moon and the trough of a wave. In the investment world, members of the Yin camp view China's great accomplishments of the last 30 years with a doubtful eye. In its economic miracle, they see fragility and unsustainability. Those doubters are quick to raise the multiple structural problems such as regional disparities, income inequality, pollution, workers' dissatisfaction, and the unfair hukou2 system, among others. China' high debt levels and widespread, institutionalized misallocation of capital usually anchor their gloomy view. On the other end of the spectrum, the Yang - the light swirl - represents the sun and growth. For members of the Yang camp, China's policymakers have a grand master plan that will lead China to dominate economically and geopolitically for decades to come. Discarding the potential credit addiction problem, they believe that China should continue to invest at a record pace, arguing that investments will eventually lead to faster productivity, which will lift potential growth and overall prosperity. They posit that leveraging is simply a natural process for a fast-growing country with massive excess savings. To their despondency, China bears fail to recognize the merits of the country's un-paralleled meritocratic political system and the communal dynamic that makes it unique. Where does GFIS stand in this debate? Both camps have legitimate arguments and could be right in the end. The key thing about the Yin/Yang symbol is that both the black and white contain a little bit of each other. In the end, this duality might just be a healthy dynamic where one cannot exist without its opposite. For us, it leaves an important dilemma. On one hand, betting on a Chinese hard landing that never materializes could turn out to be a widow-maker trade.3 On the other hand, ignoring China's structural issues and assuming that everything will be all right is a strategy that can be prone to devastating disappointments. Instead of trying to predict the end game, we will focus our efforts on assessing how the economic momentum and the risks are evolving at each particular moment. This will inform our overall views on global growth and inflation and, in the end, the direction of bond yields and credit spreads. Bottom Line: There is eternal debate between the Yin and Yang camp in regards to China's future. We prefer to stay away from the debate, and will monitor the situation through specific indicators and adjust our investment recommendations accordingly. Is China's Macro Stability Starting To Deteriorate? Maybe Nobody knows for sure when or if China will go through an acute period of turbulence related to stresses in its financial system. Nonetheless, to properly calibrate our duration call and the pro-cyclical bets in our recommended fixed income portfolio, we need to assess if the stress points are flashing red, and to what degree. Below, we propose a set of indicators that could eventually signal a bubbling credit-related event (Chart 2 & Chart 3). Chart 2Is China's Macro Stability Deteriorating? Part I Chart 3Is China's Macro Stability Deteriorating? Part II In aggregate, they warn that China has been experiencing some instability lately. This should be taken seriously and temper any China optimism. The Renminbi If China goes through a period of instability, its currency, the Renminbi (RMB), would deteriorate as money tries to escape through any cracks in the financial system or real economy. The RMB has had several episodes of rapid depreciation (by China's standards) over the past 18 months which could be a bad omen. That said, since China's policymakers still largely have the capacity to control the evolution of its currency, the RMB could end up reflecting a serious capital outflow problem only far after the fact. Nonetheless, it is still something to follow closely. Hibor/Shibor rates When a financial system goes through episodes of turbulence, lenders tend to freeze operations until the cause is clear. Banks stop lending to each other and overnight interest rates tend to spike. It is possible that the RMB-based Hong Kong Interbank Offered rate (Hibor) or the Shanghai Interbank Offered Rate (Shibor) can offer such a signal. Since mid-2015, the Hibor has experienced three such episodes. In each case, they proved to be temporary - rates came down shortly after each spike - but we still view this with a wary eye. Since China has a closed capital account and maintains a stable currency through several interlinked instruments, it is possible that the overnight lending market might not be as relevant a signal as it would be for countries with open capital accounts. Our colleagues at the BCA China Investment Strategy have recently been sanguine about the significance of those spikes.4 Regardless, we will keep this indicator on our list of possible China stress points. Equity prices of global banks with heavy links to China & Emerging Markets Capital market data are often the first to hint that financial stress is rising. In China's case, the stock prices of major global banks that are highly exposed to China and, more broadly, emerging markets might play that role. Two such banks are Standard Chartered and HSBC. If China's internal dynamic eventually becomes shaky, the relative equity performance of those banks could quickly erode.5 For now, this does not seem to be the case, as their stocks are performing well; the stress appears to be contained. Capital outflows If China's economy is about to crumble under a pile of debt, money will leak through the cracks. Part of the money flowing out will eventually trickle through to safe assets in the rest of the world, like U.S. Treasuries and non-Chinese property markets. Since mid-2014, China capital flight has been large and clearly represents a potential source of worry. Official Holdings of U.S. Treasuries If the Chinese economy were to deteriorate meaningfully, or if there were potential undercapitalization issues stemming from any buildup of bad loans within the Chinese banking system, the authorities might be driven to sell some of China's enormous stock of U.S. Treasuries and "invest" the money domestically. Lately, China has been a net seller of U.S. Treasuries, which could be a potential sign of trouble but could also simply be the result of China having less of a need to accumulate U.S. dollar assets to fight inherent appreciation pressures on the RMB. Policy Uncertainty Capital flight out of China could be related to many factors. Pessimism towards the future or lack of domestic investment opportunities could force savings outward. Another possibility is increasing policy uncertainty and/or brewing political instability among China's leadership. Lately, China's Policy Uncertainty Index has skyrocketed.6 Before pushing the panic button, however, one has to consider mitigating factors. It is possible, considering the after-effects of the shocking U.K. Brexit referendum and the increased odds of a Donald Trump U.S. Presidency, that this jump in the China uncertainty index has been more externally than domestically driven. Bottom Line: Several of our financial stress indicators reveal the possibility that China's macro stability could be starting to fray a bit at the edges. These trends could become worrisome if they linger or re-appear. Are China's Growth Impulses Positive? Yes Economic momentum can develop as a result of several growth impulses. Below, we propose five of them (Chart 4 & Chart 5). Currently, they are trending favorably, for the most part, and suggest that China is in the expansionary phase of its economic cycle. If sustained, this tendency should have a considerable impact on global growth, inflation and bond yields. Chart 4Are The Growth Impulses Positive? Part I Chart 5Are The Growth Impulses Positive? Part II The monetary conditions index Both the movement in policy interest rates and the currency can influence a country's monetary conditions, which in turn impact the backdrop for growth. Since the beginning of 2015, China's policy interest rate and the reserve requirement ratio for banks have been cut several times. The Renminbi has also depreciated during the same period. Combined, these factors have eased monetary conditions, which has been a positive development for the Chinese economy. Money supply growth In most countries, a more rapidly growing money supply usually leads to greater credit expansion, which eventually leads to faster economic growth. Again, since the beginning of 2015, Chinese money supply growth has shot up markedly. This should sustain credit/growth expansion in the coming months. Corporate bond yields An abundance of money can be of little help to an economy if corporations cannot finance themselves at a reasonable yield. Historically, the average Chinese corporate bond yield has been a leading indicator of industrial output growth. As the corporate yield decreases, financing becomes more attractive and a credit boom could follow, resulting in increased economic activity. Since 2015, Chinese corporate bond yields have literally collapsed, seemingly following the trend in non-Chinese corporate bond yields. If history is any guide, this should be setting the stage for accelerating output growth. One caveat: China's private sector debt servicing ratio might have reached too high a level, such that it has reduced the ability for companies to benefit from lower corporate bond yields moving forward. This could explain why industrial output growth has not gained ground as corporate bond yields have fallen. The credit impulse Credit origination has been a vital part of China's economic success since 2000 and even more so since the 2008 global financial crisis. Our Emerging Markets Strategy team has created the credit impulse indicator - which is the second derivative of credit growth - to assess the condition of the credit impulse.7 This simple indicator has proven to be one of our more reliable leading indicators of economic growth (for China and for many other countries) Of late, this indicator has moved into positive territory. Possibly, easy monetary conditions, stronger money supply growth and lower corporate bond yields have helped push the impulse upward. We interpret that as a very powerful signal for future Chinese growth. Again, a cautionary note is warranted. For a while now, Chinese credit growth has been faster than nominal GDP growth, potentially representing an unsustainable dynamic. Hence, it is likely that the latest surge proves to be only temporary, as credit growth slows to a more desirable pace.8 So, we won't get too excited just yet. Fiscal thrust Outside the credit channel, the Chinese government embodies another major contributor to the growth impulse. Considering its relatively low debt levels, the government has the means to sustain the economy via increased fiscal expenditures, especially via infrastructure investments. Lately, to alleviate the pain from the reforms and restructuring of certain parts of the economy,9 the government has engineered a decent fiscal thrust. Many infrastructure projects have been laid out, growing at a rate up of 15% in the last four years. As long as China continues along a long-term restructuring path, reducing that rapid pace of government spending will prove to be difficult. Bottom Line: Chinese growth impulses are currently positive. Is Chinese Economic Momentum Accelerating? Yes An open liquidity tap and a positive fiscal thrust should lead to increased Chinese demand. Below, we provide six indicators showing that this occurred lately (Chart 6 and Chart 7). The synchronicity of their upward acceleration reinforces our optimism about the Chinese cyclical outlook. Chart 6Is Chinese Economic Momentum Accelerating? Part I Chart 7Is Chinese Economic Momentum Accelerating? Part II Keqiang index Since Chinese economic growth data could be described as "man-made" and potentially unreliable, an index of Premier Li Keqiang's favorite economic indicators has been used, since it was leaked to the press several years ago, to appraise the true state of the economy. Cargo volumes, electricity consumption and loans disbursed by banks comprise this indicator. In the last twelve months, the Keqiang index has hooked decisively higher. The index has a flaw - the declining role of banks loans in overall new credit - but it is still useful, and it corroborates the positive signal sent by the growth impulses mentioned previously in this report. Excavator sales Traditionally, the construction sector has been at the core of China's growth miracle. To gauge the evolution of this sector, the growth rate of excavator sales has been very reliable. After being negative since mid-2011, it has surged in 2016. With a lift off of such magnitude, one could doubt the validity of this data. However, it has followed a similar spurt seen in money supply and a burst in the "projects started" capital spending growth rate. Residential floor space sold The state of the construction sector can also be assessed through the time series of residential floor space sold, which tends to lead new housing starts by several months. Again, since the beginning of the year, this indicator has been trending higher, echoing the message sent by excavator sales growth. Import volume growth No other time series better expresses the state of China's demand than its import volume growth. If the global growth and inflation outlook were to get a boost, Chinese imports would need to gain positive momentum. Lately, they have accelerated; this constitutes a very positive sign. CRB Raw Industrials prices Since China is by far the biggest consumer of commodities globally (see Chart 1, on page 2), China's demand indicators should be correlated with global commodity prices. In theory, both should move in a similar fashion to validate one another. This year, the CRB Raw Industrials price index has indeed stabilized and confirmed the positive growth dynamic observed through other indicators. The Chinese yield curve The yield curve has traditionally been recognized as an excellent leading indicator for most economies. It usually signals slowing growth when it flattens and steepens when growth gains momentum. China's yield curve has been especially well correlated with the Chinese PMI data, for example. Lately, China's yield curve has flattened a bit, which is not a good sign. However, until it inverts, like in 2011, 2013 and 2015, we will treat its message as neutral. Bottom Line: Chinese economic momentum is accelerating. A flattening yield curve tempers our optimism to some degree, however. Chart 8Are The Business Fundamentals Evolving Positively? Are The Business Fundamentals Evolving Positively? Yes If Chinese economic momentum truly accelerates, domestic businesses should reap the benefits and their internal dynamics should improve. As per the business indicators presented below, this is currently the case (Chart 8). Final goods producer prices Producer pricing power is crucial and it has been lacking over the last few years on a global scale. Without pricing power, capital investment and employment growth tend to stay depressed, and vice versa. Since 2012, China's final goods producer prices have been contracting. This started before the beginning of the commodities collapse in 2014 and has been hugely deflationary for the rest of the world. But this might be a story of the past; final goods producer prices have turned positive lately. This could prove a major development, if it lasts. The risk here is that the U.S. dollar appreciates - due to a Fed hike and/or a more hawkish tone going forward - pushing global commodity prices lower, which has historically depressed global producer prices. However, if the Fed treads carefully after the December rate hike that we expect, waiting for the rest of the global economy to catch up to a U.S. acceleration, the dollar could end up trending sideways. Commodity prices could then continue on the current upward trend, preventing producer price growth from relapsing back into negative territory. Cash flow ratio Leveraging during the 2009-2011 period has left many Chinese firms highly indebted, especially in the industrials, materials and real estate sectors. As debts increased, debt servicing cash flows substantially shrank during the 2011-2014 period. Fortunately, since mid-2015, this situation has reversed, with the cash flow/total liabilities ratio having increased steadily. Net earnings revisions In the end, strong profits are necessary for a healthy economy. This has been lacking globally, but even more so in China; most China MSCI equity index sectors suffer from contracting earnings per share, except consumer staples. Nonetheless, the jump higher in net earnings revisions seen this year is encouraging. Bottom Line: China's business fundamentals are evolving positively. Chart 9 Is Chinese Consumption Outlook Improving? Is the Outlook For Chinese Household Consumption Improving? Yes Ultimately, improved business conditions should lead to better job creation, strong workers' income and more robust final consumer spending. Lately, the virtuous cycles in credit, demand and the business sector have indeed trickled down to the consumers. Employment and consumption are synchronously accelerating (Chart 9). PMI Employment Index Despite the questionable quality of China's employment data - making it difficult to assess the true picture of the labor market - the employment sub-index of the overall China Purchasing Managers Index (PMI) gives a relatively reasonable reading. Since 2012, it has been trending downward. However, the fact that the latest data point rose sharply above the 12-month moving average is a good sign, perhaps indicating the cyclical downtrend in Chinese employment growth truly bottomed in 2015. Auto sales If employment growth and wages are indeed in a cyclical upturn, Chinese retail consumption growth should be thriving. This has been the case in 2016, with auto sales growth shooting up sharply. Bottom Line: The outlook for Chinese household consumption is improving. Investment Implications Chart 10Investment Implications In the analysis above, we concluded that: The possibility of eroding Chinese macro stability cannot be discarded, as financial stress points are rising. This needs close monitoring. Chinese growth impulses are, for the most part, positive. Chinese economic momentum is accelerating, but a flattening yield curve tempers our optimism. China's business fundamentals are evolving positively. The outlook for Chinese household consumption is improving. In sum, despite the reigning policy uncertainty and persistent capital outflows, the current short-term dynamics are surprisingly positive. Accordingly, and taking the overall "China factor" in isolation, the following fixed income investment recommendations should be implemented (Chart 10): Maintain a below-benchmark duration bias. There is a meaningful positive contribution to global growth and inflation from China. If the Chinese economy gathers more steam, global bond yields and inflation will also move higher. Maintain low exposure to bond markets most negatively exposed to faster Chinese growth & rising commodity prices. Our positive cyclical view on China has an impact on our core recommended bond portfolio allocation. We have been underweight Australian government bonds versus global hedged benchmarks since the summer, and China's improving demand constitutes a definite plus to this view, as it is Australia's largest export destination. We have also maintained a bias to favor inflation-linked bonds versus nominals in the major developed markets. A faster pace of Chinese goods inflation should translate into an acceleration in global traded goods prices (and inflation rates) in the coming months, to the benefit of the relative performance of linkers. Maintain a neutral stance on Emerging Market hard currency bonds. Due to a very unappealing structural backdrop, we have a negative longer-term bias towards Emerging Markets sovereign and corporate bonds. However, in July, we turned neutral, from underweight, due to the improving global cyclical outlook, especially based on what was happening in China. This move has paid off so far and the position should be maintained, even if there is some upward pressure on the U.S. dollar from a Fed rate hike next month.10 Overweight Australian Semis. Since March 2016, we have had a positive bias towards Australian Semi-government debt.11 Semis outperform Australia federal government debt during global expansionary phases, and China will continue to support the current cyclical growth upturn. Finally, the biggest risk to our view is that China's structural fragilities won't allow the current cyclical recovery to be sustained beyond the next year. Our GFIS China Checklist will help us to detect any downturn if and when it becomes apparent. Jean-Laurent Gagnon, Editor/Strategist jeang@bcaresearch.com 1 Furceri, Jalles, and Zdzienicka (2016) perform time-varying coefficient analysis using local projection methods on a sample of 148 countries over 1990-2014, and show that spillovers from a 1 percentage point shock to China's final demand growth now have a cumulative impact on global GDP of about 0.25 percent, after one year. Source: http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2016/02/pdf/c4.pdf 2 The hukou system was originally introduced to register China's households as part of an effort to gather population statistics. It has morphed into a government tool to control rural-urban migration flows that has made it more difficult for migrant workers to access health care or education services in China's cities. For more information, please see: http://thediplomat.com/2016/02 chinas-plan-for-orderly-hukou-reform/ 3 Here we have a thought for all those who have bet on the demise of the Japanese bond market over the years without glory. 4 For details on this issue, please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "HIBOR, Liquidity And Chinese Stocks", dated September 22, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 5 For details on this issue, please see http://www.imf.org/~/media/files/publications/spillovernotes/spillovernote5 6 This is part of a global suite of indicators produced by researchers Baker, Bloom and Davis, designed to measure economic policy uncertainty for the major economies. For more information, please go to www.policyuncertainty.com. 7 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Gauging EM/China Credit Impulses", dated August 31, 2016, available at ems.bcaresearch.com 8 For more perspective on this idea, please see BCA Emerging Market Strategy Special Report "Misconceptions About China's Credit Excesses", dated October 26, 2016, available at ems.bcaresearch.com 9 Massively decreased output and increased employee layoffs in the steel industry, for example. 10 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "Emerging Markets Hard Currency Debt: Time For More Optimism?", dated July 12, 2016, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com 11 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "Australian Credit: Time To Test The Waters", dated March 29, 2016, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com

Dear Client, In addition to this week's regular Weekly Report, you should have also received a Client Note written by my colleague Marko Papic discussing the upcoming U.S. presidential election. Marko argues that the election is now too close to call. Donald Trump's resilience in the polls continues to baffle most observers. Not us. Back in September of 2015, when most pundits were laughing off Trump's chances, we wrote a report arguing that Trump's rhetoric would resonate with voters much more than most people thought possible. That report, entitled "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," is as relevant today as it was back then. Best regards, Peter Berezin Highlights Spare capacity has narrowed substantially within the developed world. Most of the decline in spare capacity is attributable to lackluster supply, rather than stronger demand. Potential GDP growth is likely to remain weak over the coming years. Narrowing output gaps will put upward pressure on inflation. We are long Japanese and German inflation protection. As spare capacity continues to dwindle, forward guidance will become a more effective tool for central banks. At least in this respect, central bankers may find themselves with a few more bullets in their arsenals. Stay long the dollar and position for gradually higher government bond yields. Global equities are highly vulnerable to a near-term correction, owing to a more hawkish Fed and growing U.S. election uncertainty. Once the dust has settled, European and Japanese stocks will outperform their U.S. peers. Feature Spare Capacity Is Dwindling A persistent shortfall of aggregate demand has been the defining feature of the global economic landscape ever since the financial crisis erupted. This chronic lack of spending has kept inflation below target in most developed economies, forcing central banks to adopt ever more radical easing policies. That is starting to change. Spare capacity continues to decline, allowing once dormant supply-side constraints to reimpose themselves. In this week's report, we take stock of where we are in this process. Mind The (Output) Gap The simplest measure of spare capacity is the so-called output gap, which estimates the difference between what economies are actually producing and what they are capable of producing without putting undue upward pressure on inflation. According to the IMF, the output gap for advanced economies has narrowed from a high of 3.8% of GDP in 2009 to 0.8% at present. The OECD's measure shows a similar decline (Chart 1). Chart 1AOutput Gaps Have Narrowed Chart 1BOutput Gaps Have Narrowed The IMF reckons that the output gap has nearly closed in the U.S. and the U.K. The Fund estimates that Japan's output gap currently stands at 1.5% of GDP. The OECD also sees the U.K. output gap as being fully closed. However, it calculates a smaller output gap for Japan but a larger output gap for the U.S. than the IMF does. Both institutions peg the euro area's output gap at around 1%-to- 1.5%. Not surprisingly, there is a fair bit of variation within continental Europe. The output gap in Germany has fully disappeared, but still stands at 2%-to-3% of GDP in Italy and Spain. Naturally, one should take these numbers with a grain of salt. Output gaps are notoriously difficult to calculate and are subject to large revisions. The OECD, for example, tends to rely on statistical approaches to estimate output gaps.1 These typically involve employing tools such as the so-called "Hodrick-Prescott filter" to smooth out historical GDP data and then treating the resulting trendline as an estimate for potential GDP. Such methods have their uses, but they can go badly awry in situations where GDP is slow to return to its "true" underlying trend. This is a particular worry in the current environment, considering that recoveries following burst asset bubbles tend to be lethargic even in the best of times. The fact that fiscal policy has been fairly tight and monetary policy has been constrained by the zero lower bound has further dampened the recovery. With that in mind, rather than relying on purely statistical techniques, it is useful to measure spare capacity directly. We do this by gauging the extent to which the existing factors of production - labor and capital - are being effectively deployed across the major developed economies. As we argue below, this approach suggests that slack may be modestly higher in Japan than what the IMF and the OECD calculate, and more meaningfully understated in peripheral Europe. The Message From Headline Unemployment Rates Unemployment has been falling in almost all major developed economies (Chart 2). In the U.S. and the U.K., the jobless rate is back to pre-crisis levels. In Germany and Japan, it is below where it was before the Great Recession. As such, it is unlikely that unemployment can decline much in these economies. Chart 2AUnemployment Rates Have Declined Chart 2BUnemployment Rates Have Declined In contrast, while unemployment rates in peripheral Europe have been trending lower over the past three years, they are still quite high by historical standards. There is some debate over whether they can fall much further. The OECD, for example, contends that Spain is already close to full employment, even though the country's unemployment rate still stands at nearly 20%. We find this implausible. The OECD essentially takes a moving average to calculate structural unemployment rates in various economies. As noted above, this can be highly misleading in circumstances where the forces pushing an economy towards full employment are impaired. In general, this suggests that both the IMF and the OECD estimates of labor market slack in the euro area are too low. This is consistent with a recent ECB research paper, which calculated that the euro area's output gap was 6% of GDP in 2015, a far cry from the European Commission's estimate of 1.1%.2 Disguised Unemployment The unemployment rate is probably the single best measure of labor market slack. However, it can understate the true amount of spare capacity during periods when many people have stopped looking for work, or when those who are employed are not working as much or as intensively as they would like. The nature of this additional labor market slack differs from region to region. In the U.S., it has mainly manifested itself in lower labor force participation rates; whereas in Europe - perhaps in keeping with the more egalitarian nature of European society - it has mainly taken the form of fewer hours worked and a higher incidence of involuntary part-time employment. Chart 3 shows that labor force participation rates among prime-age workers (those between the ages of 25-and-54) in Europe are generally higher now than they were before the financial crisis. In contrast, the share of workers who have part-time jobs but desire full-time employment remains elevated across most of continental Europe (Chart 4). The average annual number of hours worked per employee has also declined in most European economies (Chart 5). Chart 3ALabor Force Participation Rate ##br##Has Risen In Europe, But Fallen In The U.S. Chart 3BLabor Force Participation Rate ##br##Has Risen In Europe, But Fallen In The U.S. Chart 4AEurope: Higher Incidence Of ##br##Involuntary Part-Time Employment Chart 4BEurope: Higher Incidence ##br##Of Involuntary Part-Time Employment In the U.S., the prime-age labor force participation rate is still 1.9 points lower than it was in 2007. Part of this is cyclical. As long as the labor market continues to improve, participation rates among prime-age workers should continue to recover. That's the good news. The bad news is that ongoing structural forces are likely to prevent the participation rate from returning back to its pre-crisis levels. Chart 6 shows that labor force participation rates among U.S. prime-aged males has been trending lower since the 1960s. The decline has been particularly acute among less-educated workers. Why this has happened remains a source of intense debate. Conservative commentators have argued that cultural shifts have reduced the social pressure on men to maintain gainful employment. Liberal commentators have contended that falling real wages at the lower end of the skill distribution have reduced the incentive to work. Whatever the reason, it will be difficult to boost labor participation substantially from current levels. At present, 11% of U.S. prime-aged nonparticipants report wanting a job, only modestly higher than before the recession (Chart 7). It is possible that some fraction of those who do not want to work will change their minds - indeed, this year has seen a modest inflow of "disabled" people back into the labor force. Realistically, however, this is unlikely to boost labor participation by more than one percentage point. Chart 5Hours Worked ##br##In Europe Have Declined Chart 6U.S.: The Less Educated ##br##Are Shunning The Labor Force Chart 7U.S.: Fewer Potential Workers ##br##On The Sidelines Chart 8Japan's Underutilized Labor Force The incidence of involuntary part-time employment in Japan has returned to where it was prior to the Great Recession. However, in absolute terms, it remains quite high - in fact, nearly as high as in Europe. Japanese full-time employees may also not be as productively engaged as they could be. As evidence, note that output-per-hour in Japan is 37% lower than in the U.S. and 33% lower than in Germany (Chart 8). From this we conclude that there is somewhat more labor market slack in Japan than the headline unemployment rate suggests. Industrial Capacity Utilization Goods-producing sectors typically account for less than a third of GDP in most advanced economies. Nevertheless, because the demand for goods tends to be more volatile than the demand for services, fluctuations in industrial production often account for the bulk of the changes in output gaps. As Chart 9 shows, after a brisk recovery following the financial crisis, the U.S. industrial capacity utilization rate has been trending lower for the past two years. It currently stands at 75.4%, 5.6 percentage points lower than at its pre-recession peak. The Institute for Supply Management's semi-annual capacity utilization survey also suggests that many U.S. manufacturing businesses are operating substantially below potential (Chart 10). Much of the deterioration in U.S. industrial utilization reflects the effects of the energy bust and a stronger dollar. Business capex has decelerated sharply as a consequence of these forces, falling by over two-thirds in the case of energy capex. This should cut into excess capacity. Chart 9U.S.: Industrial Capacity ##br##Utilization Remains Low Chart 10U.S.: Less Slack In Services ##br##Than Manufacturing The dearth of new investment elsewhere in the world should also help prop up utilization rates (Chart 11). Industrial utilization is close to its historic average in Europe. Unlike in the case of labor markets, there is not a lot of regional variation in capacity utilization rates across the euro area. If anything, Italian spare capacity is actually closer to its pre-recession level than Germany's. Chart 11AEurope: Idle Industrial Capacity Is Shrinking Chart 11BEurope: Idle Industrial Capacity Is Shrinking Chart 12Excess Capacity Has Declined In Japan Capacity utilization has also returned to its long-term trend in Japan. Encouragingly, the Tankan Factor Utilization Index has risen to its highest level since the early 1990s (Chart 12). Nevertheless, the strong yen is starting to put pressure on Japan's industrial sector. This suggests that further monetary easing from the BoJ will be necessary. Economic And Investment Implications Our analysis suggests that spare capacity has narrowed substantially within the developed world, although for some countries not quite as much as output gap estimates from the IMF and the OECD indicate (particularly in the case of peripheral Europe). Unfortunately, most of the decline in spare capacity is attributable to lackluster supply, rather than faster demand growth (Chart 13). Interestingly, a cyclically-induced withdrawal of workers from the labor market has only played a modest role in explaining the slowdown in potential GDP growth and the resulting decline in output gaps. Instead, most of the deceleration in potential GDP growth stems from lower productivity gains. Chart 13AWeak Supply Growth Has Narrowed Output Gaps Chart 13BWeak Supply Growth Has Narrowed Output Gaps Some of the decline in productivity growth reflects cyclical factors, especially weak business investment. However, as we have discussed in past reports, much of it reflects structural forces such as declining educational achievement and a shift in focus of internet innovation away from business productivity applications towards consumer services such as social media.3 Looking out, narrowing output gaps will put upward pressure on inflation. We are long Japanese and German inflation protection via the CPI swap market. Governor Kuroda has made it clear that he wants Japanese inflation to rise above 2% to make up for the fact that inflation has perpetually undershot the BoJ's target. The Bundesbank may not want higher inflation, but the ECB's need to reflate Southern Europe all but guarantees such an outcome. As spare capacity continues to dwindle, forward guidance will become a more effective tool for central banks. The essence of forward guidance is the commitment to keeping monetary policy ultra loose even when the economy begins to overheat. If people believe that the central bank will keep the punch bowl filled, this could cause long-term inflation expectations to rise, leading to lower real yields and increased spending today. Such a commitment is likely to be regarded as more credible if people expect it to be carried out over the next few years, rather than at some distant point in the future. The Bank of Japan has already moved in that direction with its pledge to engineer an inflation overshoot by keeping the 10-year JGB yield anchored at zero. Chart 14China: On The Mend, Cyclically The U.S. has the smallest output gap, but the highest neutral interest rate, among the major developed economies. This week's FOMC statement strongly hinted at a December rate hike. As we discussed two weeks ago, in addition to one hike this year, we expect the FOMC to hike rates twice next year.4 This should cause the real broad trade-weighted dollar to appreciate by 10% over the next 12 months. A stronger dollar will mitigate some of the upward pressure on U.S. bond yields. Nevertheless, as slack continues to erode and inflation shifts higher, Treasury yields, along with bond yields elsewhere, should continue trending higher. Global equities are currently highly vulnerable to a near-term correction, owing to a more hawkish Fed and growing U.S. election uncertainty. We are currently short the NASDAQ 100 futures as a hedge, a trade that has gained 3.1% since we initiated it. Once the dust has settled, European and Japanese stocks will outperform their U.S. peers. This is partly because U.S. stocks are relatively expensive, but it is also because an ascending dollar will hurt U.S. multinationals. Investors should overweight Japanese and European stocks on a currency-hedged basis within the developed market universe. The outlook for emerging markets is mixed. On the one hand, the recent uptick in Chinese growth - as evidenced by this week's better-than-expected PMI data (Chart 14) - should provide some support to commodity prices and EM assets. On the other hand, a stronger dollar will weigh on commodities, while making it more onerous for some emerging market companies to refinance their dollar-denominated loans. Higher U.S. rates could also reduce the global pool of dollar liquidity, making it difficult for some emerging markets to finance their current account deficits. On balance, a modestly underweight stance towards EM assets is warranted. Peter Berezin, Senior Vice President Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 The IMF uses a more ad hoc approach. Desk economists have significant leeway in how they estimate output gaps for their respective economies. Most economists rely on statistical models and production function calculations, intermixed with educated guesswork. 2 Marek Jarocinski, and Michele Lenza, "How Large Is The Output Gap In The Euro Area," ECB Research Bulletin 2016, July 1, 2016. 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Slower Potential Growth: Causes And Consequences," dated May 29, 2015; and Special Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame The Statisticians," dated March 25, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Better U.S. Economic Data Will Cause The Dollar To Strengthen," dated October 14, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends* Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

The European armament dynamics of the late-19th century/early 20th century are eerily reminiscent of the current post-Great Recession global arms race. Back then Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy on one side, and Britain, France and Russia on the other, were fiercely trying to outpace each other in terms of military expenditures. The crumbling Ottoman Empire along with the newly created smaller states in Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania were also eager weapons purchasers. Today, a fresh military expenditure-related development pops up almost daily. The chart shows that not only are the U.S. and China boosting military spending, but also Japan, Australia, India, Vietnam, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Russia, etc.[1] The list goes on and on. The driving factor is "multipolarity," i.e. the emergence of multiple competing great powers, which BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service views as a key investment theme.[2] While we are not arguing that WWIII will erupt in the coming years, the purpose of yesterday's Special Report is to identify the winning global equity sectors from the intensifying global arms race: global defense stocks come atop of our list, but also global space-related equities and cyber security firms would be beneficiaries of the secular increase in military outlays. On a regional basis, the BCA U.S. defense index is the only game in town (see the next Insight). [1] Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Great Risk Rotation," dated December 11, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com [2] Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Multipolarity And Investing," dated April 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com

Recommended Allocation Central Banks Still In The Driving Seat Markets continue to obsess about every move from the three major DM central banks. With two of them (the Fed and the ECB) likely to withdraw accommodation cautiously over the coming 12 months, the upside for risk assets is limited. The Fed is signaling that it will probably hike in December and the futures market is pricing in a 70% probability of that happening (roughly the probability one month before the rate rise in December last year). Inflation expectations have picked up recently (Chart 1) and core PCE inflation ticked up to 1.7% in August, within "hailing distance", as Fed vice-chair Stanley Fischer put it, of the Fed's 2% target. There is a political angle, too: having forecast four rate rises for the year, the Fed would endanger its credibility (and risk an audit from Congress) if it failed to deliver even one. At the same time, with growth in the Eurozone running a little above trend, the ECB is likely to announce in December an extension to its asset purchase program beyond March 2017 but eventually at a slower pace (a "tapering"). Reflecting these factors, government bond yields have moved up in recent months (Chart 2), and the trade-weighted dollar has strengthened by 4% since mid-August. None of these moves are good for risk assets, which have consequently moved sideways since August. But neither do they presage a big selloff since central banks will err on the side of caution. Inflation in the U.S. is unlikely to jump: wage growth will be kept under control by a gradual rise in the participation rate, which will prevent unemployment falling much further (Chart 3). The Fed's leaders continue to sound dovish. Janet Yellen even raised the question in a recent speech of "whether it might be possible to reverse these adverse supply-side effects [from the 2007-9 Global Financial Crisis] by temporarily running a 'high-pressure economy'", though she emphasized this was a suggestion for further economic research not her view. More practically, the FOMC will have a more dovish tilt in 2017, as the three regional Fed presidents who voted for a hike in September rotate out. Chart 1Have Inflation Expectations Bottomed? Chart 2Bond Yields Moving Higher Chart 3Core Workers Reentering The Labor Force Meanwhile, economic data remain somewhat sluggish. The U.S. manufacturing and non-manufacturing ISMs both rebounded sharply in September, suggesting that the very weak August prints were, as we suggested, an anomaly. Q3 U.S. real GDP growth come in at 2.9%, but the New York Fed's NowCast points to a slowdown to 1.4% in Q4. The Citi Economic Surprise Index (Chart 4) has also turned down again recently, with notable weakness in consumer spending and housebuilding. We expect this sluggish pace to continue through 2017: consumption should hold up as wage rises come through, but it is hard to forecast a strong recovery in capex, given the low capacity utilization rate (Chart 5), even if investment in the mining and energy sectors bottoms out next year. Eurozone growth could stutter too. It is driven substantially by credit growth, but historically European banks have tended to curtail lending after their share prices have fallen, as has been the case recently (Chart 6). Chinese growth has stabilized (at least in the GDP data, which seems to come in regularly at 6.7%, bang in the middle of the government's target range), thanks to the government's reflation policy from earlier this year. While the Chinese authorities have now reined back a little on stimulus, given their worries about the run-up in house prices,1 they offer an option since they would undoubtedly reflate again should growth slow. Chart 4Data Surprising Negatively Again Chart 5Hard To See More CAPEX Indeed Chart 6Share Prices Influence Lending All this suggests that returns from investment assets will be low, but positive, over the coming 12 months. With economic growth anemic but stable, bond yields prone to drift up, and equities expensive (but not as expensive as bonds), we expect risk-adjusted returns from the major asset classes to be broadly similar. We continue to recommend therefore a neutral weighting between bonds and equities, and suggest that investors look to pick up extra return through tilts to investment-grade corporate credit, inflation-linked over nominal bonds, and alternative assets such as real estate and private equity. Equities: Our preference remains for U.S. equities over European ones in USD terms. The dollar is likely to strengthen further, and the worst is not over for Eurozone banks - the time to buy into them will be at the point of maximum pain, which may come if German or Italian banks have to be bailed out by their governments. We continue to recommend a small (currency-hedged) overweight on Japan. The Bank of Japan's new policy to cap 10-year government bond yields at 0% has worked so far: the yen has weakened to JPY 104 to the dollar and equities have risen moderately. We expect further fiscal or wage-control measures from the government to give inflation an extra push. We remain wary of EM equities: earnings growth is negative, loan growth has started to slow (with the credit impulse having a high correlation with earnings and economic growth), and there is still little sign of structural reform. Some sectors in EM - notably IT and Healthcare - are attractive, however. Fixed Income: U.S. Treasury bond yields are likely to rise further - our model suggests fair value is a little below 2% (Chart 7) - and so we remain underweight duration. A moderate pickup in inflation suggests that TIPs will outperform nominal bonds (as described in detail in our recent Special Report).2 We lowered our recommendation in high-yield corporate debt to neutral last month because, at 65 BPs, the default-adjusted spread no longer offers sufficient return to justify the risk. At the start of the year it was 400 BPs (Chart 8). We continue to like investment-grade debt, where the spread over government bonds is 120 BPs in the U.S. and 100 BPs in the Eurozone, higher than at any point in 2005-2006 during the last expansion. Chart 7Treasury Yields Could Rise Further Chart 8Junk No Longer Offers Enough Return Currencies: We expect the U.S. dollar to continue to appreciate given the differential in growth and monetary conditions between the U.S. and other developed economies. The dollar looks expensive, but is nowhere near the over-bought levels it got to at the peak of previous rallies in 1985 and 2002 (Chart 9). China seems likely to allow a further weakness of the RMB against the dollar, repegging it to a trade-weighted currency basket. This could push down other emerging market currencies too particularly if, like Brazil recently, they try to cut rates to boost growth. Chart 9USD Not As Overvalued As In The Past Commodities: Oil has probably overshot in the short-term on expectations that Saudi Arabia and Russia will cap, or even cut, production. We think this talk has been overhyped and that the OPEC meeting in November could prove a disappointment. Nonetheless, we still see the equilibrium level for crude over the next two years at USD 50 a barrel, the marginal cost for U.S. shale producers. Industrial commodities are likely to fall further (they peaked in June) if we are right that the dollar appreciates. We continue to like gold as an inflation hedge, but short-term are nervous because it, too, is negatively correlated with the dollar. Garry Evans, Senior Vice President Global Asset Allocation garry@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see China Investment Strategy "Housing Tightening: Now And 2010" dated October 13, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report "TIPS For Inflation-Linked Bonds," dated October 28, 2016, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com Recommended Asset Allocation Model Portfolio (USD Terms)

Special Report

"That as the only possible policy in our day for a conqueror to pursue is to leave the wealth of a territory in the complete possession of the individuals inhabiting that territory, it is a logical fallacy and an optical illusion in Europe to regard a nation as increasing its wealth when it increases its territory, because when a province or state is annexed, the population, who are the real and only owners of the wealth therein, are also annexed, and the conqueror gets nothing." 1 Norman Angell's "The Great Illusion" posited in the early 1910s that war would be futile for developed nations, especially given the rising importance of economic and financial ties. Nevertheless, the arms race from the late-1800s gained momentum and eventually led to the Great War, dealing a devastating blow to his arguments. The European armament dynamics of the late-19th century/early 20th century are eerily reminiscent of the current post-Great Recession global arms race. Back then Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy on one side, and Britain, France and Russia on the other, were fiercely trying to outpace each other in military expenditures. The crumbling Ottoman Empire along with the newly created smaller states in Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania were also eager weapons purchasers. Today, a fresh military expenditure-related development pops up almost daily. Not only are the U.S. and China boosting military spending, but also Japan, Australia, India, Vietnam, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Russia, etc (Chart 1).2 The list goes on and on. The driving factor is "multipolarity," i.e. the emergence of multiple competing great powers, which BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service has shown to be a key investment theme.3 Chart 1U.S. Defense Spending Is More Than The Rest Of The World Combined While we are not arguing that WWIII will erupt in the coming years, the purpose of this Special Report is to identify the winning global equity sectors from the intensifying global arms race (Chart 2): global defense stocks come atop of our list, but also global space-related equities and cyber security firms would be beneficiaries of the secular increase in military outlays. On a regional basis, the U.S. defense stocks are the only game in town, but undiscovered Chinese, and to a lesser extent Russian, defense stocks are intriguing as are Israeli defense and tech stocks (please refer to the Appendix below for ticker symbols). Chart 2Intensifying Global Arms Race Late 19th/Early 20th Century: Militarism, Globalization & Finance Back in the late-1800s, the ascendancy of Germany was challenging the hegemony of Britain, fueling a European-wide arms race. Smaller newly formed states were also on the hunt for the latest and greatest weaponry. During the Balkan Wars of 1912-13 airplanes were deployed in combat for the very first time, highlighting the importance of new technology. Behind this explosive European rearmament were a few large British companies (Vickers Sons & Maxim Ltd, Armstrong and Whitworth, and Coventry Ordnance Works). "By 1905, its capital of £7.4 million ranked Vickers sixth amongst British companies; Armstrong Whitworth, with 5.3 million pounds capital was eleventh".4 Basil Zaharoff, who acted as general representative for business abroad for Vickers,5 was reputedly one of the richest men in the world.6 Moreover, globalization was on the rise in the late 19th century, as evidenced by global imports as a percentage of GDP (Chart 3). Industrialization coupled with imperialism and the colonization of Asia and sub-Saharan Africa along with population growth and rising demand for commodities were key drivers behind the jump in 19th century globalization. Finally, all of this was made possible by cross-boarder finance. Trade finance and credit growth skyrocketed in the late-1800s and the rising interconnectedness of global financial centers was most evident in the 1907 stock market panic that originated in the U.S., but spread like wildfire to the rest of the world. Chart 3Twin Peaks Of Globalization? Chart 4Heeding The Early 1960s Parallel What About The 1960s? The idea of militarily outspending opponents was very evident in the early-1960s when U.S. defense spending surged by 20% on a year-over-year basis (Chart 4), bolstering demand once again for military contractors. The mutually assured destruction (MAD) doctrine of military strategy and national security policy declared overtly in the early-1960s by U.S. defense secretary Robert McNamara and the Space Race competition between the Cold War rivals also have striking similarities with today, as far as investment implications are concerned. Parallels With Today China's ascendency to a world power large enough to challenge the hegemony of the U.S. is a sea change.7 The rearmament of East Asia is reminiscent of late 19th and early 20th century Europe and involves Japan, Australia, South Korea, Vietnam and India. All of the Middle East, along with Turkey and Russia, are on a structural military spending spree. European NATO fringe states are also arming furiously (Chart 5), trying to thwart Russia's regional ambitions. In the U.S., despite the Budget Control Act of 2011 (sequestration), the CBO projects that defense spending will rise gradually from $586 billion in 2015 to $739 billion by 2026 (Chart 6). This is before any push for a fiscal spending thrust that both presidential candidates have proposed, which would include increased defense outlays. While as a percentage of GDP defense spending may drift sideways, in absolute terms it will likely rise, and thus boost demand for defense contractors. Chart 5Stealthy Rise In Defense Outlays Chart 6CBO Estimates New Defense Spending Highs Globalization has hit an apex recently (Chart 3).8 The world is still licking its wounds from the recent GFC, where U.S. financials stocks were so intertwined with their global peers that the crisis effectively brought down to its knees the global financial system and gave birth to unorthodox monetary policy that Central Banks are still currently deploying. Global Rearmament Beneficiaries If our hypothesis that a global arms race will continue to heat up in coming years pans out, then owning global defense stocks as a structural bet will pay handsome dividends. The global push away from austerity and toward more fiscal spending should also support aggregate defense demand. Thus, there are high odds that global defense stocks are primed to deliver absolute positive returns, irrespective of where the broad global equity market drifts in the next five years. Similar to Vickers and Armstrong and Whitworth making impressive stock market strides early last century, global defense stocks should continue to be high flyers. The early-1960s U.S. aerospace & defense (A&D) stocks are the only close stock market parallel we have come across in our analysis (given data constraints) and comparing this index's available metrics of that era with today is in order. A big pushback to the U.S. Equity Strategy service's constructive view on the U.S. defense index (since the late-2015 inception) has been that the valuations of these stocks are already full, leaving no valuation cushion for any mishaps (Chart 7). True, defense stocks are on the expensive side, but not if they manage to grow into their valuations, as we expect. Relative performance was up over 100% in a span of four years in the 1960s (Chart 8), as U.S. aerospace & defense industrial production (IP) swelled to a 20% per annum clip with utilization rates running at 95% (Chart 8). A&D factories were humming, racing to fulfill orders as U.S. military expenditures were thriving (Chart 4). Chart 7Buy Global Defense Stocks Chart 8In The 1960s A&D Factories Were Humming... This demand surge translated into a jump in sector sales momentum (Chart 4), and given the industry's high operating leverage, earnings and book values soared. From trough to peak, sector EPS rose more than 400%, margins expanded from sub 2% to nearly 8%, and book value doubled (Chart 9). That stellar performance justified initial valuation premiums at the time. Using that period as a guide would imply that there is ample upside left for relative performance of the global defense index (that is a pure play on global defense spending). For comparison consistency, we use U.S. A&D figures. Currently, U.S. A&D IP is contracting, with resource utilization running at 80%. U.S. A&D relative performance has risen a mere 30% since the Great Recession (Chart 10). Chart 9...Boosting The Allure Of ##br## A&D Stocks Chart 10If History At Least Rhymes, ##br## There Is Still Ample Upside... Likely, the advance is still in the early innings, and analysts have been very slow to upgrade their EPS estimates accentuating the apparent overvaluation. Importantly, 5-year forward relative EPS growth estimates are deep in negative territory which is very perplexing given the upward trajectory of industry demand (Chart 11). Given that we only have access to data for MSCI All-Country World aerospace & defense long-term EPS expectations the caveat is that some of the poor expectations and performance could be because of the waning aerospace delivery cycle. Unlike the deteriorating health of the broad corporate sector, profit margins are expanding and net debt-to-EBITDA is a comfortable 1.2x. Similarly, interest coverage ratio is near an all-time high of 8x (Chart 12), while the overall markets EBIT/interest expense ratio is half that. Chart 11...Especially ##br## Given Depressed Analysts' Expectations Chart 12Defense ##br## Wins Championships Global defense sector return on equity (ROE) is almost 30% and rising (Chart 13), whereas global non-financial corporate (NFC) ROE is hitting multi-year lows, with the U.S. NFC ROE plumbing all-time lows (Chart 14). Free cash flow is also growing briskly and the industry is making greenfield investments, with capex growing 9.5% year-over-year, the mirror image of the global NFC sector that is pruning capital outlays (middle and bottom panels, Chart 13). Chart 13Defense Flexing ##br## Its Muscles... Chart 14...Vs. The Atrophy In The U.S. ##br## Non-Financial Corporate Sector On the valuation front, modest overvaluation exists, as portrayed by the high relative price-to-cash flow and price-to-book multiples. However, the global defense stocks forward P/E ratio and EV/EBITDA multiple are on an even keel with the broad market (Chart 15), and if our thesis that a secular uptrend in defense-related demand looms proves accurate, then these stocks are not expensive, but on the contrary still represent a buying opportunity. Chart 15Mixed Signals On The Relative Valuation Front Chart 16Defense Is The Best Offense The Rise In Terrorism, Global Space Race And Cyber Security Threat The unfortunate structural increase in terrorist activity will also embolden governments around the world to step up defense spending (top panel, Chart 16).9 The latter tends to move in long cycles. U.S. defense industry revenues have already begun to outpace those of the overall S&P 50010, and a prolonged upturn lies ahead, based on the message from the previous upcycle. From a cyclical perspective, the defense capital goods shipments-to-inventories ratio is outpacing the overall manufacturing sector (second panel. Chart 16), reinforcing the case for ongoing earnings outperformance. The same also holds true in Europe. Western European terrorist attacks have increased, heralding further relative gains for the euro area aerospace & defense index (bottom panel, Chart 16). Beyond the disastrous spike in terrorism, the global space race is also gaining traction, with China spearheading the charge. There is a good chance that China will attain geosynchronous orbit satellites (residing more than 20,000 miles above the earth), challenging U.S. space dominance. India's space aspirations are grand and it is slowly and stealthily rising up the ranks on the space race. Moreover, as more countries aim to have manned space missions, that translates into higher space budgets and thus firming demand for space-related expenditures (Chart 17). Chart 17Space, The Final Frontier Finally, the number of cyber-attacks is also on the rise globally. Defending against attacks is a challenge. Not only does the cyber space domain definition remain elusive, but tracking hackers down is also increasingly difficult given the vastest of the internet, lack of global uniform policing methods and physical country borders. Crudely put, it is a lot easier for a Chinese or Russian hacker to deal a blow, for example, to U.S. nuclear infrastructure rather than physically deliver an attack. All of this suggests that investment in anti-hacking and counter cyber-attack capabilities is necessary around the globe in order to thwart cyber-terrorism. Risks To Our View While there is conceivably a risk that China will abruptly halt its intense militarization and make a U turn in its long-term strategy of becoming a military superpower, we assign a very low probability to such a turn of events. The global push for more fiscal spending may not materialize, which would be a risk to our sanguine global defense spending view. As Paul Volcker and Peter Peterson recently opined in a NY Times article11 - offering a different view from the always-articulate Larry Summers - prudent and fiscally responsible spending is in order given the excessive debt-to-GDP ratio that is probing war-like levels (Chart 18). This excessive debt overhang is not only a U.S. phenomenon, but also a global one spanning both advanced and emerging economies. Chart 18Excessive Debt Is A Risk To Bullish View On Global Defense Stocks One final risk is that the world will enter a prolonged peace phase and global terrorism will get quashed, with conflicts dying down in the Middle East, Russia reining in its imperialistic ambitions and China ceasing to stir the waters in the South and East China Seas. We would also assign low odds to this optimistic "no conflict phase" scenario, but it would indeed be welcome. Investment Conclusion Factors are falling into place for a structural outperformance period in the global defense index. The early-1900s and early-1960s parallels, coupled with the trifecta of terrorism, space race and cyber security all point to upbeat demand for defense-related goods and services. Expressing this buoyant view can be done from a bottom up perspective. The Appendix below highlights all the companies in the global defense index we track from Datastream and the alternative one from Bloomberg. An investable proxy is the U.S. aerospace & defense index as the U.S. dominates global A&D indexes and aerospace outfits also sport significant defense corporate segments (please see the Appendix below for relevant tickers). There are also three fairly liquid ETFs mimicking the U.S. A&D index: ITA:US, PPA:US & XAR:US. Moreover, below are a few more speculative investment ideas. Given China's dominance of global defense spending (ex-U.S.) we are confident that Chinese A&D stocks will also be eagerly sought after and deliver alpha in the coming years (please refer to the Appendix below for a list of China plays). If one has the resilience and the stomach to invest in Russian equities given high political and currency risk, then Russian A&D stocks may be a desirable vehicle. Russia remains a massive weapons exporter with a large sphere of influence. We would not underestimate the returns in local currency of some Russian A&D stocks (the Appendix below lists some Russian A&D listed firms). Finally, Israel A&D and IT companies either listed on NASDAQ or domestically in Tel Aviv offer some great opportunities for investors that can handle riskier investments. Not only Israel's geography, but also its intense IT/military focus and entrepreneurial culture imply that a number of these companies will be long-term winners (please see the Appendix below for relevant tickers). While most of the drones, space-related, and highly specialized IT companies are private, there is a drone and an anti-hacking ETF (IFLY:US & HACK:US). On the space front, we are tracking an index that comprises a number of space-related constituents that we show in the Appendix below. Nevertheless, most of these companies are categorized under A&D. Bottom Line: We are initiating a structural overweight in the global defense index with a longer-than-usual five year secular investment horizon. The re-rating phase in this index is still in the early innings. The re-rating phase in this index is still in the early innings. We also reiterate our overweight in the BCA U.S. defense index (LMT, GD, RTN, NOC, LLL). Anastasios Avgeriou, Vice President Global Alpha Sector Strategy anastasios@bcaresearch.com 1 Angell, Norman (1911), The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power in Nations to their Economic and Social Advantage, (3 ed.), New York and London: G.P. Putnam’s & Sons. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, “The Great Risk Rotation,” dated December 11, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, “Multipolarity And Investing,” dated April 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 4 Angell, Warren, Kenneth (1989), Armstrongs of Elswick: Growth In Engineering And Armaments To The Merger with Vickers, London, The Macmillan Press Ltd. 5 http://www.oxforddnb.com/index/38/101038270/ 6 https://www.britannica.com/biography/Basil-Zaharoff 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II,” dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, “The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here,” in Monthly Report, “Winter Is Coming,” dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “A Bull Market For Terror,” dated August 5, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 10 Please see U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, “Wobbling,” dated December 7, 2015, available at uses.bcaresearch.com 11 http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/22/opinion/ignoring-the-debt-problem.html?_r=0 Appendix Table A1BI Global Defense Primes Competitive Peers Table A2World Defense Index (DS: DEFENWD) Table A3S&P 500 Aerospace & Defense Index ##br## (S5AERO Index) Table A4China ##br## Aerospace & Defense Table A5Russia & Israel Aerospace & Defense Table A6Kensho Space Index