China

We have been overweighting Taiwanese stocks within an EM equity portfolio since 2007, and this bourse has outperformed the EM index by 30% since that time (Chart II-1). Presently, odds of a pullback in relative performance have risen considerably, and we recommend reducing allocation to this bourse from overweight to neutral. With the exception of DRAM prices, semiconductor prices are collapsing (Chart II-2). This is a nail in the coffin for this semi- and technology hardware-heavy bourse.   In the past, Taiwan has depreciated its currency to offset the impact of falling export prices in dollar terms on corporate profitability. This option is no longer available to the authorities. It seems the Trump administration has made it clear to the island that its political and military support partially hinges on Taiwan not intervening in the currency market. In short, the authorities will not be able to resort to material currency depreciation to fight deflation in manufacturing goods as they have in the past. This is bad news for Taiwan's manufacturing-heavy economy, and especially corporate profitability. Exports and manufacturing are decelerating (Chart II-3). Exports of electronic products parts lead non-financial EBITDA, and currently foreshadow a deteriorating profit outlook (Chart II-4).   The recent underperformance of Taiwanese small-cap stocks versus their EM peers is a red flag for the relative performance of large caps. Last but not least, Taiwan is extremely exposed to U.S.-China strategic tensions, as our geopolitical team has argued.1 Escalating geopolitical and strategic tensions between the U.S. and China are taking us closer to a point where these risks are set to materialize, and the risk premium on Taiwanese equities to rise. This will hurt Taiwanese stocks' performance in both absolute and relative terms. Bottom Line: We are downgrading our allocation to Taiwanese stocks from overweight to neutral within an EM equity portfolio. This bourse is also vulnerable in absolute terms. This shift is also consistent with our overall portfolio strategy of reducing equity allocations to Asia in favor of Latin America, as well as with our new equity trade of shorting emerging Asia versus Latin America - a recommendation we made last week. In emerging Asia, having downgraded Taiwan, we now remain overweight only in Korea and Thailand. Footnotes 1 Please see Geopolitical Strategy/Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report "Taiwan Is A Potential Black Swan," dated March 30, 2018, the link is available on ems.bcaresearch.com

Special Report

Highlights The pace of "de-capacity" reforms in China will continue to diminish, with declining shutdowns of inefficient capacity and rising advanced capacity over the next 12-15 months. Coal prices may have less downside than steel prices due to more resilient domestic demand, and lower production growth for the former than the latter. Meanwhile, iron ore prices may have limited downside and could outperform steel prices due to increasing shutdowns of domestic iron ore mines. Go long September 2019 thermal coal and iron ore futures versus September 2019 steel rebar futures. Chinese coal producers' shares may outperform Chinese steel producers' shares. Feature This April, our Special Report titled, "Revisiting China's 'De-Capacity' Reforms," painted a negative picture for steel and coal prices over 2018 and 2019 on diminishing pace of "de-capacity" reforms and rising steel and coal output.1 So far, our call has not yet played out. Both steel and coal prices have been firm over the past five months (Chart 1A). Meanwhile, iron ore and coking coal have also rebounded (Chart 1B). Chart 1ASteel And Coal Prices: More Upside Ahead? Chart 1BIron Ore And Coking Coal Prices: Following Steel And Coal Prices? In this report, we return to the analysis we laid out back in April, with the goal of identifying whether or not the rally in steel and coal prices will continue. Another major question to answer is why share prices of coal and steel companies have continued to plunge, even though coal and steel prices have held up well. In brief, our research findings still suggest that steel and coal prices are likely to fall over the next 12-15 months on a diminishing pace of de-capacity (less shutdowns of old capacity) and rising advanced capacity. We also reckon that coal prices may have less downside than steel prices over the next 12-15 months due to more resilient domestic demand and smaller production growth compared to steel; we conclude by outlining a long/short trade opportunity tied to this view. Understanding The Recent Price Rally The recent strength in both steel and coal prices has been due to a tighter supply-demand balance than we expected: Steel Falling steel product output and still-solid steel demand growth have pushed up steel prices this year. While crude steel production has had strong growth so far this year (9% year-on-year and 50 million tons in volume), total output of steel product has actually declined by 20 million tons (2.7%) year-on-year during the same period (Chart 2). Steel products, including rebars, wire rods, sheets and other items, are made from crude steel and consumed in end consumption. Tianjin province - a city very close to Beijing - accounted for more than 100% of the reduction of steel product output, as 40% of the province's operating capacity was shut down due to the city's "de-capacity" policy and increasingly stringent environmental regulations. In addition, Chinese steel products production had already experienced huge cut last year by nearly 100 million due to the government's "Ditiaogang" de-capacity policy.2 As a result, strong crude steel output growth this year has not been able to lift steel product production from contraction, creating a shortage in Chinese steel product supply. To put it in perspective, total steel products production for the first eight months of this year is at a five-year low. Chart 2Falling Steel Product Output Amid Strong Crude Steel Production Growth Chart 3Steel Demand Has Been Robust As Well Meanwhile, massive pledged supplementary lending (PSL) injections - the People's Bank of China's direct lending to the real estate market - had extended property sales and starts beyond what appeared to be a sustainable trajectory, thereby lifting steel demand to some extent3 (Chart 3). Hence, weaker-than-expected steel products supply combined with slightly better demand than we anticipated have tightened the Chinese domestic steel market further, and underpinned high steel prices. Coal Similarly, the rebound in coal prices has also been due to declining output and strong demand growth. Chinese coal output turned out to be much weaker than we expected due to extremely stringent and frequent environmental and safety inspections on coal output (Chart 4). Back in mid-2017, in order to curb pollution, China demanded that coal mines plant trees, boost efficiency, cut down noise and seal off facilities from the outside world as part of a new "green mining" plan. This year's inspection have been even more stringent. Operations among coal mines, coal-washing plants and coal storage facilities were halted immediately if inspection teams found they failed to meet the related standards. As a result, Chinese coal production contracted 1% for the first eight months of this year. Chart 4Weaker-Than-Expected Coal Output Chart 5Resilient Thermal Coal Demand On the demand side, electricity generation from thermal power has remained quite robust at 7% (Chart 5). Again, coal prices have rebounded as the domestic coal supply-demand balance has tightened. Will Steel And Coal Prices Continue To Rise? The short answer is no. Many of the drivers underpinning the recent rally in steel and coal prices are set to fade over the next 12-15 months: Steel Steel prices will likely weaken in 2019 on rising steel product output and faltering steel demand growth. First, production of both crude steel and steel products will rise considerably next year, as the steel sector's de-capacity target is almost reached and new advanced capacity will come on stream faster to replace old or inefficient capacity that has already exited the market. Table 1 showed the 82% of this year's steel de-capacity target was already achieved by the end of July, leaving not much in the way of additional de-capacity cuts needed through the remainder of 2018. If this year's de-capacity cut target of 30 million tons is fulfilled over the next two months, there will be no need for any more capacity cuts in 2019, as the high end of the 2016-2020 de-capacity target (150 million tons) will be fully met this year. Table 1Supply-Side Reform - Capacity Reduction Target And Actual Achievement Record-high profit margins that Chinese steel producers are currently enjoying will also help boost steel production (Chart 6). This was the main driver behind this year's strong growth in crude steel output, despite more stringent environmental policies and ongoing de-capacity efforts. In addition, falling graphite electrode prices and increasing graphite electrode production will facilitate the expansion of cleaner electric furnace (EF) steel capacity and production in China (Chart 7). Chart 6Steel Producers' Profit Margin: At A Record High Chart 7Rising Graphite Electrode Supply Will Facilitate EF Steel Output EF technology uses scrap steel as raw materials, graphite electrodes and electricity to produce crude steel. The availability of graphite electrode has been one major bottleneck for the development of EF capacity. As of late 2017, there were about 524,000 tons of new graphite electrode capacity under construction, most of which will be completed within the next two years. This will nearly double the current capacity of 590,000 tons. As this capacity gradually enters into the market, graphite electrode prices will drop further, encouraging more EF steel projects. In 2017, newly added EF steel capacity was about 30 million tons, and EF steel production increased by about 24 million tons (47% year-on-year). With rising graphite electrode supply, EF capacity this year is expected to add 40 million tons, resulting in about a 25-30 million ton increase in EF steel output. In 2019, based on the government's goal of 15% of total steel production being EF steel by 2020, we expect another 25-30 million tons new EF capacity to come online. This alone would translate into 3-4% rise in steel product production in 2019. Second, while steel supply is rising, the demand outlook seems more pessimistic. Our September 13 Special Report titled, "China's Property Market: Where Will It Go From Here?" concluded that the Chinese property market is facing increasing downside risks. Diminishing PSL direct financing from the central bank and shrinking funding sources for Chinese real estate developers point to a considerable slowdown in property starts and construction, which will eventually lead to faltering demand for steel. Chinese auto output growth is weak, with the three-month moving average growth registering a 6% contraction this September. The government has boosted infrastructure projects. This will support steel demand to some extent, but it is unlikely to offset demand weakness from the down-trending property market. The property market is the biggest steel-consuming sector, accounting for 38% of total Chinese steel consumption - much higher than the 23% share from the infrastructure sector. Bottom Line: Steel prices may stay high over the next two or three months due to low inventories and heating-season production controls within the steel industry. Nonetheless, steel prices are vulnerable to the downside over the next 12-15 months on rising steel product output and faltering steel demand growth. Coal Coal prices will likely decline over the next 12-15 months, but the price downside may be less than that of steel. First, on the supply side, coal output will rise only moderately (i.e., 2-3%) in 2019. There are three drivers pushing up Chinese coal output. The government in May asked domestic coal producers to ramp up coal output, as current coal market supply has been tight this year. Particularly, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) demanded that the top three coal produce provinces (Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Inner Mongolia) increase their aggregated coal output by at least 300,000 tons per day as soon as possible. However, the June-July environmental inspections within the major producing province of Mongolia resulted in a 14 million ton year-on-year drop in the province's coal output. If the 300,000 ton per day increase is realized in 2019, it will be equivalent to nearly 100 million tons of new coal supply next year, which is about 2.8% growth from 2017's output of 3.52 billion tons. Based on government data, 660 million tons of capacity is currently under construction, which includes new technologically advanced capacity that has already been built and ready to use but has not yet received government approval. If 30% of the under-construction capacity comes to market in 2019 and runs at a capacity utilization rate of 70%, it will translate into about 140 million tons of new coal supply next year, which is about 4% growth from last year. Due to too-strict production policies during the winter heating season, there was a coal supply crisis last winter. This year, the government is likely to implement a less stringent production policy for coal. In this case, coal producers will likely produce more to take advantage of seven-year-high profit margins (Chart 8). Chart 8Coal Producers' Profit Margin: At A Multi-Year High However, at the same time there are also two drivers dragging down coal output. Table 1 above shows that at the end of July, only 53% of this year's coal de-capacity target and 65% of the government's 2016-2020 coal capacity reduction target had been achieved. This implies that Chinese coal producers still need to cut 70 million tons of old coal capacity through the remainder of 2018 and another 210 million tons of inefficient capacity in the coming two years (2019 and 2020) - possibly 105 million tons of cuts in each year. Similar to steel, coal de-capacity reforms are also diminishing (e.g. a 150-million ton reduction target in 2018 versus a 105 million-ton reduction target in 2019). However, different from steel, the remaining de-capacity target for coal is still quite significant. With continuing the implementation of its de-capacity plan, excluding the three major producing provinces, the remaining provinces that in general have smaller-scale coal mines may face further cuts in their coal production. For the first eight months of this year, 13 out of the 22 non-top-three coal-producing provinces registered a contraction in coal output. Environmental policies will likely remain strict, given the country seems determined to improve its air quality. More frequent inspection and/or stricter policies will further curb coal production. On balance, we still expect overall coal output to increase moderately (i.e., 2-3%) next year. Second, on the demand side, coal demand growth will weaken only slightly due to robust thermal coal consumption for thermal power generation (Chart 5 above). We expect Chinese electricity consumption to grow at 5-6% next year - a touch lower than this year - on strong demand from both the residential and service sectors. Most of the growth will likely be supplied by thermal power, as some 72% of total electricity generation is currently thermal power. In addition, the government has limited hydropower and nuclear power projects coming onstream next year. In the meantime, coal consumption for heating will likely be replaced by natural gas or electricity, and coking coal demand may fall due to EF steel expansion and more use of scrap steel in blast furnaces. Bottom Line: Coal prices are likely to head south on rising supply and weakening demand growth next year. In addition, we expect coal prices to fall less than steel prices over the next 12-15 months on a tighter supply-demand balance for the former than the latter. What About The Iron Ore Market? The outlook for iron ore prices is becoming less downbeat. Iron ore prices may have limited downside and could outperform steel prices over the next 12-15 months - due to increasing shutdowns of mainland iron ore mines. Government data show that Chinese domestic iron ore output contracted 40% year-on-year in the first eight months of this year (Chart 9). About 60% of the decline was from Hebei - the province that has probably imposed the strictest environmental policies among all the provinces targeting ferrous- and coal- related industries - due to its proximity to the capital, Beijing. Chart 9Significant Drop In Domestic Iron Ore Output Profit margins for iron ore miners has tanked to a 15-year low due to rising production costs on environmental protections. The number of loss-making enterprises as a share of the total number of iron ore companies has reached a record high (Chart 10). Although EF steel capacity additions will contribute to most of the growth in crude steel output next year, non-EF crude steel capacity, which uses iron ore as its main input, will also increase to some extent. This will also lift iron ore demand, which will lead to further declines in port inventories and rising imports (Chart 11). Chart 10Iron Ore Producers' Profit Margin: At A 15-Year Low Chart 11Chinese Iron Ore Imports Are Likely To Go Up Bottom Line: We are less bearish on iron ore prices and expect them to outperform steel prices. Chinese iron ore imports will likely grow again. Investment Implications Three main investment implications can be drawn from our analysis. Price ratios of thermal coal/steel rebar and iron ore/steel rebar have fallen to record low levels (Chart 12). As we expect thermal coal and iron ore prices to outperform steel, we recommend going long September 2019 thermal coal futures/short September 2019 steel rebar futures and going long September 2019 iron ore futures/short September 2019 steel rebar futures on Chinese exchanges in RMB. Chinese coal imports including both thermal coal and coking coal could remain strong, which would at a margin be positive news for Chinese major coal importers Australia, Indonesia, Russia and Mongolia. In the meantime, Chinese iron ore imports are likely to rebound in 2019 as well. This will be positive news for producers in Australia, Brazil and South Africa. Chart 12Both Thermal Coal And Iron Ore Will Likely Outperform Steel Chart 13Coal Producers' Shares May Outperform Steel Producers' Stocks Despite stubbornly high coal and steel prices, Chinese share prices of coal producers and steel producers have still plunged (Chart 13, top and middle panel). From a top-down standpoint, it is hard to explain such poor share price performance among Chinese steel and coal companies when their profits have been booming. Our hunch is that these companies have been forced by the government to shoulder the debt of their peer companies that were shut down. This is an example of how the government can force shareholders of profitable companies to bear losses from restructuring by merging zombie companies into profitable ones. Based on our analysis, Chinese steel producers' share prices are still at risk of falling steel prices, while coal-producing companies may benefit from rising production and limited downside in coal prices. Hence, Chinese coal producers' shares may continue to outperform steel producers' shares with the price ratio of the former versus the latter just rebounding from three-year lows (Chart 13, bottom panel). Ellen JingYuan He, Associate Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy EllenJ@bcaresearch.com 1 Pease see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Reports "China's 'De-Capacity' Reforms: Where Steel & Coal Prices Are Headed", dated November 22, 2017, and "Revisiting China's De-Capacity Reforms", dated April 26, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 2 Ditiaogang" is low-quality steel made by melting scrap metal in cheap and easy-to-install induction furnaces. These steel products are of poor quality and also lead to environmental degradation. As "Ditiaogang" is illegal in China, it is not recorded in official crude steel production data. However, after it is converted into steel products, official steel products production data do include it. Consequently, last year's significant removal of "Ditiaogang" and statistical issues have caused the big divergence between crude steel production expansion and steel products output contraction since then. 3 Pease see China Investment Strategy Special Report "China's Property Market: Where Will It Go From Here?", dated September 13, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights So What? The odds of the Democrats taking the Senate have fallen. Meanwhile China's policy easing will benefit China itself, or consumer goods exporters, more so than other EMs. Why? China is the fulcrum of global macro at the moment - only a sharp spike in credit growth will signal a total capitulation by President Xi Jinping. We are lowering the odds of a Democratic takeover of the House from 70% to 65%, while in the Senate the odds fall from 50% to 40%. Generational warfare is one of our new long-run investment themes - it will help define the 2020 election. Feature Amidst the market correction last week, it was easy for investors to take their eyes off the ball: Chinese policy. Chart 1U.S. Is In Rude Health... The ongoing macro environment is one of policy divergence, with the U.S. economy in "rude health," (Chart 1) - to quote BCA's Chief U.S. Strategist Doug Peta - while Chinese growth disappointed under the pressure of macroprudential structural reforms (Chart 2). The dueling policies have converged to produce epic tailwinds for the U.S. dollar (Chart 3) and correspondingly headwinds for global risk assets. Chart 2...But China Still Struggling Chart 3Epic Tailwinds For The Dollar Amidst this backdrop, investors have finally come to terms with the first portion of our thesis: the Fed will respond to robust U.S. growth. Merely weeks ago, markets doubted that the Fed had the temerity to raise interest rates beyond a single hike in 2019. Today, despite President Trump's rhetoric, there is no doubt which way the Fed will guide interest rates next year (Chart 4). Chart 4The Fed Will Keep Hiking A surge in expectations for hawkish Fed policy beyond 2018 should be detrimental for global risk assets. A determined Fed, racing to meet the rising U.S. neutral rate, may tighten global monetary policy too much given that the global neutral rate is likely lower. That view would support remaining overweight U.S. assets and underweight EM well into 2019. Chart 5Signs That China Is Stimulating China is the fulcrum upon which this view will balance. Beijing continues to signal policy easing. BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy's "China Play Index" has perked up, suggesting that global assets are sniffing out the bottoming of restrictive policy (Chart 5). Our own checklist, which would falsify our thesis that Chinese policymakers will avoid a stimulus "overshoot," is starting to see some movement (Table 1). Table 1Will China's Policy Easing Produce A Stimulus Overshoot? If China ramps up stimulus to keep pace with U.S. growth - itself a product of pro-cyclical fiscal stimulus - global risk assets may rally significantly. Our recommendation that investors buy the China Play Index as a portfolio hedge to our bearish view of global risk assets has only returned 0.7% since August 8. China: Credit Data Holds The Key Is it time to ditch the safety of U.S. stocks and embrace ROW? Chart 6What Will September Credit Data Bring? No, at least not yet. It is true that China is clearly shifting towards stimulus. As we go to press, the credit data for September has not yet appeared, but a sharp reversal in credit growth will be necessary to convince global markets that Xi Jinping has fully abandoned his efforts to impose more discipline on China's banks, shadow banks, local governments, and local government financing vehicles (Chart 6). It will be crucial to watch for a reversal in non-bank credit growth, which would suggest that Xi is capitulating on shadow banking, which would then imply a larger reflationary push overall (Chart 7). Chart 7Shadow Bank Crackdown To Lighten Up? The monetary policy setting is currently as easy as in 2016, although there has been no substantive change since July and People's Bank of China chief Yi Gang has signaled that while more can be done, his policy remains "prudent and neutral" (Chart 8). So far this year there have been four cuts to banks' required reserve ratios - it will take additional cuts to signify policy easing beyond expectations as of July (Chart 9). Easier monetary policy implies additional currency depreciation, which could have a reflationary effect. Chart 8Lending Rates Will Decline Substantially If Repo Rates Don't Rise Chart 9RRR Cuts Can Continue Local government brand new bond issuance is catching up to the previous two years', despite a late start. We expect this indicator to be abnormally strong in the closing months of the year, making for an overall increase year-on-year (Chart 10). Local governments are responding to the central government's encouragement to borrow and spend more. Chart 10Local Governments Borrowing More Further, global trade war concerns may abate in the coming months. There is still no guarantee that U.S. President Donald Trump will meet his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping at the G20 leaders' summit in Argentina at the end of November. Both sides are expected to bring negotiating teams to this meeting if it goes forward. While no formal talks have taken place since August 23, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin did meet with China's central bank Governor Yi Gang on the sidelines of the World Bank Annual Meeting in Bali, Indonesia. They discussed China's foreign exchange policy and the potential meeting between Trump and Xi. Our structural view is that the Sino-American tensions are hurtling towards a modern version of a Cold War. However, that structural view can have cyclical deviations. A pause in U.S.-China acrimony - though not a reversion to status quo ante - could manifest by the end of the year. Chart 11U.S. Is Winning The Trade War... Trade policy uncertainty has greatly favored U.S. assets relative to global, both in terms of equities (Chart 11) and the U.S. dollar (Chart 12). Even a temporary truce, if combined with further Chinese stimulus, could reverse the trend. Chart 12...And So Is The U.S. Dollar As such, we can see a temporary pullback in our central thesis of policy divergence, one that benefits global risk assets in the immediate term. However, we caution investors from believing that a structural shift is in place that favors EM and high-beta assets. Put simply, we doubt that China will stimulate as aggressively as it did in 2016, 2012, or 2009 (Chart 13). There is just too much political capital already sunk into macroprudential reforms. Beijing policymakers are therefore sending mixed signals, both looking to stabilize growth rates and contain leverage. Chart 13Expect A Weaker Jolt This Time Several clients have pointed out that the pace and intensity of stimulus is not important. Even a modest turn in Chinese policy will be a strong catalyst for global risk assets at the moment given that the context of 2018-2019 is much more favorable than 2015-2016. In other words, the world is not facing a global manufacturing recession precipitated by a historic decline in commodity prices as it was in 2015. Today, the world needs a lot less from China to spark a cyclical recovery. We are not so sure. First, the big difference between 2015-2016 and today is not the health of the global economy but the health of the U.S. economy and the fact that the Fed is much further along in its tightening cycle. In 2016, the Fed took a 12-month vacation after hiking rates in December 2015, as the amount of slack in the U.S. economy was much larger (Chart 14). Today, the market has begun to price in expectations of further rate hikes in 2019. Chart 14Output Gap Is Closed Second, China's foreign exchange policy could still prove globally deflationary. China faces an exogenous risk today - the trade war - that it did not face in 2015-16. At that time the currency fell amidst financial turmoil, capital outflows, and policy devaluation. But it bottomed in late 2016 after the PBoC defended it robustly, the government imposed strict capital controls, and stimulus stabilized growth. Today the CNY has come under downward pressure again from slower growth, easing monetary policy, and manipulation to retaliate against U.S. tariffs. Despite capital controls, the one year swap-rate differential between China and the U.S. appears to be leading CNY/USD further downward (Chart 15). Given that China's current policy easing is heavily reliant on monetary easing, CNY/USD has more downside. Chart 15Interest Rate Differentials And CNY-USD: A Tight Link Chinese currency trajectory is therefore an important gauge for global investors. Downside beyond the psychological barrier of 6.9-7.0 CNY/USD will at some point have a deflationary rather than reflationary global impact. The PBoC may hold the line and prevent further depreciation, in which case any additional stimulus measures will reinforce this line. But if China adopts more aggressive fiscal and credit stimulus and yet the currency still depreciates due to the U.S. conflict, then China's import demand will not rise by as much as the stimulus would imply. Domestic sentiment will worsen, causing capital outflow pressure to rise, and EM currencies and global growth expectations will suffer. As such, we prefer to play Chinese stimulus through exposure to Chinese equities (ex-tech) relative to other EM equities. Chinese stimulus, we argue, will stay in China, rather than rescue global risk assets. Within EM ex-China, we generally prefer equity indices that are exposed to the Chinese consumer over those exposed to resource-oriented "old China." A key point about China's current policy easing is the use of tax cuts more so than credit-fueled infrastructure construction: the goal of the reform agenda is to boost the consumption share of the economy. As such, we have been recommending that clients overweight South Korea and Malaysia relative to EM benchmarks. Bottom Line: Chinese policy is the fulcrum upon which global policy divergence will turn. If Chinese stimulus overshoots, investors should expand beyond the safety of U.S. assets and spring for global risk assets. At the moment, our view is that Chinese stimulus will not cause global economies to re-converge. Instead, it will benefit Chinese equities relative to other EM plays, and EM markets that export consumer goods to China. Overall, however, we remain cautious on global risk assets. Midterm Update: Did Trump Declare A Generational War? Chart 16GOP Improves In Key Senate Races The Democratic Party's midterm election strategy of opposing Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh's nomination has failed to work in key Senate races, where President Trump has rallied his base in reaction to the contentious nomination hearings. Polls now indicate that several Republican Senate candidates are in the lead, including the three that we are watching most closely: Tennessee, Arizona, and Nevada (Chart 16). Our own Senate model, which has been generous to Democrats, now sees Arizona, Tennessee, and Missouri as likely going to the Republican Party (Chart 17). Nevada is still projected to flip to the Democratic Party, but the GOP retains the current 51-49 Senate makeup. Chart 17Our Model Suggests Senate Race Will Be A Wash Political betting markets have sniffed out the shift in Senate polls, with the probability of the GOP maintaining control of the Senate now soaring to above 80%. However, the odds of retaining the House have actually reversed after initial gains in October (Chart 18). Why? Chart 18Republican Odds Surge For Senate First, because President Trump remains unpopular despite the surge of support for GOP Senate candidates in some states (Chart 19). Second, the generic ballot continues to give Democrats a robust lead of 7.3% (Chart 20). The lead has narrowed from a high of 9.5% in early September, but does not suggest that Republicans will benefit in the House as much as in the Senate. Chart 19Trump Still Has Popularity Deficit Chart 20Democrats' Robust Lead In Generic Polls Third, Justice Kavanaugh is now sitting on the Supreme Court! Had his nomination been stalled or outright rejected, the anger of the GOP base would have been more sustainable and broad-based going into the voting booth. The paradox for President Trump is that by winning the Supreme Court battle, the shot of adrenaline to the GOP base has been expended. Nonetheless, the fight itself shows yet again that anger works as an election strategy. After all, as counterintuitive as it may seem, there is no evidence that economic performance helps win midterm elections. Our research actually suggests that there is a mildly negative correlation between economic performance and congressional election performance (Chart 21). Voters only vote with their stomachs when they are hungry. Chart 21Strong Economy Won't Save The GOP In The House Of Representatives Midterm voters tend to be motivated by non-economic issues. With the Supreme Court settled in favor of the GOP base, the question arises: Is Trump out of ways to motivate his base with anger? Maybe not (there is still a Wall to be built!), but it may be too late to rally the GOP base sufficiently by November 6. The House appears to be lost, especially if GOP polling momentum stalls at its current level. However, the two parties have given us a glimpse into their strategies for 2020 - outrage versus outrage. President Trump, in an op-ed for USA Today, blasted the Democratic Party as a party of "open border socialism" that seeks to "model America's economy after Venezuela."1 Specifically, he cited plans by the Democratic Party to reform healthcare in such a way as to transfer the benefits that seniors currently enjoy under Medicare to the rest of the population, ending Medicare benefits in the process. The veracity of President Trump's claims is beyond the scope of this report - and has been covered extensively by the media. What is important is that President Trump may have revealed his strategy for 2020: Generational Warfare. Chart 22Here Comes Generational Warfare Investors caught glimpses of this strategy in 2016, when Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders appealed directly to Millennial voters in his surprisingly robust battle against Secretary Hillary Clinton. For Democrats, appealing to Millennials is a no brainer. First, they are the largest voting bloc in the country (Chart 22). Their numbers relative to Baby Boomers will necessarily grow. Chart 23Beware The Crisis Of Expectations Second, the share of 30-year-olds earning more than their parents at a similar age has fallen by nearly half (Chart 23). Despite the poor economic situation of today's youth, government spending continues to accrue mainly to the elderly (Chart 24). Chart 24Get Grandma! The problem for Democrats is that the more they appeal to the youth, the more likely that President Trump's charges of socialism will ring true. After all, the 18-29 age cohort has more favorable views of socialism than capitalism (Chart 25). Yes, even in America! Chart 25Uh-Oh... Where does this leave investors? First, American politics is no longer merely ideologically polarized. In 2020, we expect generational polarization to emerge as a major theme. Second, the kind of Generational Warfare practised by President Trump leaves no room for cuts to public services. Trump is not opposing Democratic "open border socialism" with traditional, centrist, Republican calls for entitlement reform. Instead, he is casting himself as a champion and defender of Baby Boomer entitlements, which, as Chart 24 clearly illustrates, leave spending on the youth in the dust. The point is that President Trump is not preaching fiscal conservativism. There is no room for entitlement reform in the new GOP. Generational Warfare will simply seek to prevent Democrats from shifting more benefits to the non-Baby Boomer share of the population by preserving the already unsustainable Baby Boomer entitlements. BCA Research's House View sees 2020 as the likeliest date for the next U.S. recession. At the end of 2020, The Congressional Budget Office projects that the U.S. budget deficit will be around 5% (Chart 26). Given that the last four recessions raised the U.S. budget deficit by an average of 5% of GDP, it is safe to say that the U.S. budget deficit may rise to 2010 levels after the next downturn. Chart 26U.S. Deficits Will Be Extremely Large For A Non-Recessionary Period Given President Trump's and the Democratic Party's focus on Generational Warfare, it is unlikely that entitlement reform will occur proactively either before or after the next recession. This suggests that bond yields could rise significantly after the next downturn. Bottom Line: Our baseline odds for the midterm recession are due for an adjustment. We are lowering the odds of a Democratic House takeover to 65% (from 70%) and of a Senate takeover to 40% (from 50%). President Trump's USA Today op-ed signals a turn towards Generational Warfare. Neither the GOP nor the Democratic Party are interested in entitlement reform. The former, under Trump, seeks to preserve the already unsustainable Baby Boomer benefits, while the latter seeks to expand them to the rest of the population. The 2020 election may be fought along the lines of who is more profligate toward their base. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see "Donald Trump: Democrats Medicare for All plan will demolish promises to seniors," published by USA Today, dated October 12, 2018.

Special Report

Highlights So What? More downside to CNY/USD ahead. Why? The trade war is spilling into political and military arenas, making it harder to de-escalate and negotiate a trade deal. Official U.S. and Chinese rhetoric is increasingly antagonistic, reflecting once-in-a-generation policy shifts toward a new Cold War. Tensions will not subside after the U.S. midterm election - neither the U.S.-Mexico-Canada agreement nor any quick deals with Japan and the EU will speed up U.S.-China negotiations. Feature Clients know that BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has been alarmist on U.S.-China relations since we started as a service in 2012.1 This structural view is based on the long-term decline of U.S. power relative to China and the emergence of global multipolarity.2 However, the rise of General Secretary Xi Jinping in 2012 and President Donald Trump in 2016 have reinforced our view that "Sino-American conflict is more likely than you think."3 This includes military as well as economic conflict. Setting aside the risk of war, a geopolitical "incident" of some kind is becoming increasingly likely. As the two sides engage in brinkmanship, the probability of a miscalculation or provocation rises, and the probability of a grand new compromise falls. For investors, the takeaway is supportive of Geopolitical Strategy's current stance: long U.S. dollar, long U.S. stocks relative to DM, and long DM stocks relative to EM. We expect CNY/USD to fall further as markets question the ability to discount trade uncertainties via tariff rates alone (Chart 1). We continue to recommend a "safe haven" hedge of Swiss bonds and gold. Chart 1CNY/USD Has More Downside The risk is that China could respond to U.S. pressure by stimulating its economy aggressively. So far, the "China Play Index," devised by our Foreign Exchange Strategy, does not signal reflation. Nor do Chinese domestic infrastructure stocks relative to global, which our China Investment Strategy watches closely (Chart 2). Chart 2Small Stimulus Thus Far Trade Tensions Are Spilling Over A corollary of our view that U.S.-China tensions are secular and strategic in nature - i.e., not limited to the U.S. trade deficit - is the view that trade tensions will spill over into strategic areas, exacerbating those tensions and generating negative outcomes for investors exposed to the U.S.-China economic partnership.4 This strategic spillover is now taking shape. Since President Trump went forward with the second round of tariffs - 10% on $200 billion worth of imports, to ratchet up to 25% on January 1, 2019 - a series of negative events have taken place in U.S.-China relations (Table 1), culminating in the USS Decatur incident on September 30. Table 1Trade War Spills Into Strategic Areas The Decatur, an Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer, was conducting operations in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea when it sailed within 12 nautical miles of Gaven and Johnson Reefs, which China claims as sovereign islands. At around 8:30am that Sunday morning, a Luyang-class destroyer from China's People's Liberation Army Navy "approached within 45 yards of Decatur's bow, after which Decatur maneuvered to prevent a collision," according to the U.S. Pacific Fleet spokesman. This was not an unprecedented incident in itself, but it came very close to a collision that could easily have resulted in a shipwreck, a full-blown U.S.-China crisis, and a global risk-off event in financial markets. The Decatur sailed close to the Chinese-claimed reefs because it was conducting a "Freedom of Navigation Operation" (FONOP) to assert the international right of free passage. A major point of contention between China and the U.S. (and between China and most of its neighbors and the western world) is that China claims outright sovereignty over about 80% of the South China Sea, including the Spratly Islands. In July 2016, the International Court of Arbitration ruled that none of the contested rocks and reefs in the sea qualify as islands and hence that they are not entitled to 12 nautical miles of "territorial" sea. China rejects this ruling and asserts sovereignty over the maritime features and much of the sea itself.5 In Diagram 1 we illustrate how a FONOP works based on a similar operation last year. The U.S. has conducted these operations for decades, but in late 2015 it began a series of FONOPs focusing on countering China's excessive claims in the South China Sea.6 This was also a way of opposing China's construction, reclamation, and "militarization" of the reefs under its possession. Diagram 1What Is A 'Freedom Of Navigation Operation'? It is not remotely a surprise that this year's trade tensions came close to exploding in the South China Sea. It is the premier geographic location of U.S.-China strategic friction: a hub for international trade; a vital supply route for all major Asian economies; and the primary focus of China's attempt to rewrite global rules (Diagram 2).7 The Appendix updates our list of clashes in this area. Diagram 2South China Sea As Traffic Roundabout The takeaway is that, far from capitulating to the Trump administration's trade demands, China is taking a more aggressive stance - and it is doing so outside the trade context. The U.S., for its part, has not diminished the significance of this incident, as it has often done on similar occasions.8 Instead, Vice President Mike Pence gave a remarkable speech at the Hudson Institute on October 4 in which he highlighted the Decatur, among a range of other "predatory" Chinese state-backed actions, to make a comprehensive case that China is a geopolitical rival seeking to undermine the United States and specifically the Trump administration.9 Pence's comments reflect a decision to "go public" with a shift in national strategy that has been developing in recent years, beginning - albeit tepidly - even in the Obama administration. A similar shift is underway in China - and has accelerated with the U.S.'s implementation of tariffs. Official Communist Party rhetoric increasingly characterizes the U.S. as an enemy whose real intention is to "contain" China's rise and has recently called for Chinese "self-reliance" in the face of U.S. sanctions.10 The two sides are bracing for conflict and are now seeking to mold public opinion more actively. Bottom Line: Investors should take note: markets were 45 yards away from a significant correction! The U.S.-China trade tensions are spilling outside of economic relations into political and military domains, as we expected. The South China Sea remains a hot zone that could be the setting of a geopolitical incident as tensions mount. What Is A Show Of Force? Notably, the U.S. military is said to be considering a "global show of force" during an unspecified week in November in order to deter China from its current policy trajectory. If this occurs, it will be market-relevant as it will be seen as a provocation by China and other U.S. rivals. A "show of force" is a formal military operation conducted by a nation with the purpose of demonstrating that it has both the will and the ability to use force in defense of its interests. It is fundamentally a political action, even though it utilizes military resources. The declared intention is to demonstrate resolve and prevent or deter an undesirable course of action by a rival state.11 Nevertheless, it is the equivalent of a dog baring its teeth and should not be taken lightly, especially when conducted by one major power against another. The U.S. holds shows of force fairly frequently. Over recent decades it has been the third most common type of operation for U.S. forces.12 However, for most of the past several decades, the U.S. conducted very few operations in the Asia Pacific not pertaining to the Vietnam War, and these were usually of limited length and intensity. They were often shows of force to deter North Korea from various acts of terrorism and sabotage. China was rarely involved - there was, for example, no U.S. deployment during the Tiananmen crisis. Nevertheless there are a few highly relevant precedents: By far the most important exception is the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis in 1996. This was a major show of force - and one whose shadow still hangs over the Taiwan Strait. In July 1995, Beijing launched a series of missile tests and military exercises, hoping to discourage pro-independence sentiment and dissuade the Taiwanese people from voting for President Lee Teng-hui - who was rightly suspected of favoring independence - ahead of the 1996 elections. The United States responded on March 1, 1996 by deploying two aircraft carriers, USS Nimitz and USS Independence, and various warships to the area. The Nimitz even sailed through the strait. Tensions peaked ahead of the Taiwanese election on March 23, 1996 - in which voters went against China's wishes - and the show of force concluded after 48 days on April 17. Of course, tensions simmered for years afterwards. The Taiwan incident was the only operation involving China in the 1990s, and the first to do so since a minor contingency operation upon the Chinese invasion of Vietnam in 1979. It is generally deemed successful in demonstrating U.S. commitment to Taiwan's security - but it also spurred a revolution in Chinese military affairs, such that China is today in a far better position to attack Taiwan than ever before.13 The market effects were pronounced: Chinese and Taiwanese equities sold off. American stocks were unaffected (Chart 3). Chart 3Naval Shows Of Force Can Rattle Markets The second major exception was the Hainan Island Incident, or EP-3 Incident. On April 1, 2001 a Chinese jet struck a U.S. EP-3 ARIES II signals reconnaissance plane in the skies over the South China Sea. The U.S. plane landed on China's island province of Hainan, where its crew was detained and interrogated for 10 days while their aircraft was meticulously disassembled. Ultimately the U.S. issued a half-hearted apology and the crew was released. This was a much smaller show of force than the third Taiwan crisis. The U.S. Navy positioned three destroyers in the area for two days. Chart 4A South China Sea Incident Helped Kill The Bull Market This incident marked the peak of the cycle in U.S. equities ex-tech (Chart 4). In China, both A-shares and H-shares experienced volatility before selling off in subsequent months (Chart 5, top panel). Chart 5Volatility And Selloffs Amid Asian Shows Of Force The Cheonan and Yeonpyeong Island incidents occasioned a show of force. On March 26, 2010 a North Korean miniature submarine conducted a surprise torpedo attack against the Cheonan, a South Korean Corvette, sinking it and killing 46 sailors. The U.S. intended to respond by positioning the USS George Washington in the Yellow Sea, but was intimidated from doing so by China's fiercely negative diplomatic reaction. Instead it deployed the carrier to the Sea of Japan. Later that year, however, after North Korea shelled Yeonpyeong Island and killed four South Koreans, the U.S. responded with a beefed up version of regular military drills, including the George Washington, for four days in the Yellow Sea. This incident is significant in showing how aggressively China will oppose demonstrations of American naval power in its near abroad. Unlike in 1996, China is today much better positioned to react to U.S. naval action in its neighborhood. If Beijing was so resistant to a U.S. show of force against North Korea in the wake of a North Korean attack, it will be even more resistant to a U.S. display of might in China's nearby waters aimed at China in response to what China views as a defense of maritime-territorial sovereignty. Chinese A-shares sold off, while H-shares were somewhat more resilient, during this episode (Chart 5, second panel). Fire and Fury: The United States' latest significant show of force occurred in 2017 when the navy positioned three aircraft carrier strike groups in the region to deter North Korean nuclear and missile tests and belligerent rhetoric against the United States. This action ultimately led to Chinese enforcement of sanctions and North Korean capitulation to U.S. demands. Chinese stocks only briefly sold off during this episode (Chart 5, third panel). However, the U.S. 10-year Treasury yield fell during the peak of tensions in the summer. So what about the global show of force that the U.S. is considering in November? Details on the specific operation under consideration are scant because they fall under a "classified proposal," written by members of the U.S. Navy's Pacific Command and only partially leaked to the press (apparently to coincide with Vice President Pence's speech).14 The proposal is still being discussed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Intelligence Community, so nothing is final. From the information that is publicly available, it is highly significant that the proposed show of force is supposed to be "global" in range. It would reportedly involve a "series" of military missions on "several fronts," including the South China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, an unspecified area near Russia, and the west coast of South America. It would also involve multiple military services - the navy, the air force, the marines, and potentially cyber and space capabilities. While the various missions would reportedly be "concentrated" and "focused," implying that the U.S. wants to manage the escalation of tensions carefully, the locations that have been named are extremely sensitive. A show of force in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea would be provocative enough. A simultaneous show of force against both China and Russia in today's context would be truly extraordinary.15 In short, if the report is accurate, the U.S. is contemplating a rare and provocative display of its global power projection capabilities. Why would the U.S. stage such a grand demonstration merely because of a taunt by a Chinese ship? The Decatur incident is only the proximate cause. Washington is in the midst of attempting a very dangerous "two-front war" against China and Iran, the latter of whom faces oil sanctions from November 4.16 Moreover, this is a "three-front war" if today's historically bad relations with Russia are taken into account. Indeed, the U.S. may well be responding to the joint show of force by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi in their own large-scale military exercises in September, in which Chinese soldiers participated in a Russian drill outside the auspices of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for the first time.17 As such, we would not put any stock in the idea that a sudden drop-off in geopolitical tensions, with China or anyone else, will occur after the U.S. midterm election on November 6. Rather, investors should expect an increase in geopolitical risk. There is no combination of midterm election results in which Trump will be forced to pull back on his "Maximum Pressure" doctrine. The proposal is not final, and the idea alone is a low-level threat that could be used in negotiations. But under the circumstances, we think it more likely than not that the U.S. will go forward with it. Ultimately, the U.S. proposal epitomizes our mega-theme of multipolarity. The U.S. is in relative decline and is reasserting itself with a muscular national security policy, particularly against China and Iran but also against Russia. However, its actions are highly unlikely to cause a change in China's behavior now that Beijing has determined that the U.S. is seeking Cold War-style strategic containment. Instead, China will hasten its efforts to become self-reliant and to deter U.S. aggression in its near abroad. Global economic policy uncertainty, and trade policy uncertainty, are likely to increase, not decrease, in such an environment. Saber-rattling and supply-chain risk will weigh on EM Asia in particular. Bottom Line: The U.S. government is contemplating an extraordinary "global show of force" that could involve a series of joint military operations across the globe. The chief focus is China, but the unknown array of operations could also target Russia or Iran. We think such operations are plausible and will increase global economic uncertainty. We would expect them to create volatility in global markets, adding to jitters over China tariffs (supply-chain risks) and Iranian sanctions (oil prices). How Will China Retaliate? China does not have the ability to respond proportionately to the U.S. - it cannot hold a global show of force of its own. Because its own shows of force will appear diminutive next to American fireworks, it may not react immediately. Beijing is more likely to respond by changing its policies to address the underlying increase in antagonism with the United States and improve its national security. We would classify its potential responses into two main groups: the low road and the high road. The low road consists of policies meant to confront the U.S. directly and forcefully. In our view, these policies bring significant costs that will make China reluctant to embrace them fully: Raise the stakes in the South China Sea: China could go for broke and deploy the full range of military assets in the islands that it has repurposed. This would provoke an even larger international naval response from the U.S. and its allies.18 Remove sanctions on North Korea: China could reverse sanctions enforcement on North Korea (Chart 6) and undermine President Trump's signature foreign policy overture. The problem is that China would then provide the U.S. with a pretext for an even greater military presence in Northeast Asia. Chart 6China Could Reverse Sanctions Enforcement Flout sanctions on Iran: China could subsidize Iran (Chart 7) in the hopes of helping to create a huge American distraction comparable to the second Iraq war. But this confrontation would threaten China with an oil shock and economic dislocation, an even greater conflict with the U.S., and the risk of regime change in Iran.19 Chart 7China Could Flout Iran Sanctions Punish U.S. companies: China could raise the pressure on U.S. companies doing business on its territory. The problem is that the U.S. has already demonstrated, through the ZTE affair this year, that it can inflict devastating reprisals against the tech champions on whom China's economic future depends (Chart 8). Chart 8U.S. Could Punish Chinese Tech Firms Thus China is most likely to take the "high road," i.e. seeking alternatives to the United States throughout the rest of the world: Chart 9China's Market Is Its Biggest Advantage Import more goods: China's greatest strength in winning friends is that its domestic demand remains relatively robust (Chart 9). China can substitute away from the U.S. by shifting to other developed markets. Emerging markets are becoming more connected with China and less so with the U.S. (Chart 10). Chart 10China's Trade Ties Grow, Ex-U.S. Maintain outward investment: China's outward investment profile is expanding rapidly (Chart 11), but there is potential for a negative political backlash - as has occurred in Malaysia.20 China will need to focus on improving relations with those countries where it expands investment, including in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).21 Chart 11China's Outward Investment Strategy: Priorities Over The Past Decade Court U.S. regional allies: Relations with South Korea have already improved; Shinzo Abe of Japan is soon to make a rare state visit to China; and trilateral trade talks between these three have revived for the first time since 2015 (Chart 12). Both the Philippines and Thailand currently have governments that are friendly to China. Beijing will need to ensure that its growing trade surpluses do not get out of whack. Chart 12Can China Court U.S. Allies? Sign multilateral trade pacts: China is trying to position itself as a leader of free trade. This is a tough sell, but a successful completion of negotiations on the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) will generate some momentum. This Asia Pacific trade grouping is far larger in terms of total imports than its more sophisticated rival, the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the latter being shorn of U.S. participation (Chart 13). Chart 13RCEP Is Bigger Than CPTPP Play nice in the South China Sea: Now that the U.S. is proposing to push back against Chinese militarization of the islands, it makes sense for China to take a conciliatory approach. It is proposing joint energy exploration with the Philippines and others at least as long as offshore activity is depressed (Chart 14). China might also try to settle a diplomatic "Code of Conduct" for the sea with its neighbors. Chart 14A Reason For China To Play Nice The most important consequence is an alliance with Russia, whether formal or not. The security agenda of these two powers is increasingly aligned with their robust economic partnership (Chart 15).22 The differences and distrust between them cannot override their need to guard themselves against a more assertive United States. Chart 15Embrace Of Dragon And Bear Bottom Line: China's "high road" strategies are its best options when more aggressive options have higher risks of undermining China's own long-term interests. But an alliance with Russia is quickly becoming inevitable. Investment Implications A global show of force targeting China's "core interests" in Taiwan and the South China Sea will make trade negotiations even more difficult. China is not going to offer concessions when facing U.S. military intimidation in addition to tariffs.23 Investors should watch closely for any signs that nationalist protests and boycotts of U.S. goods are developing in China. Such a movement would not be allowed to continue for long without the Communist Party condoning it. A boycott would mark a form of retaliation that is much more impactful than tariffs. A deterioration in cultural ties is also in the cards. The United States is reported to be considering restrictions on Chinese student visas after intelligence assessments of non-traditional technological and intellectual property theft via graduate students in advanced programs such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing.24 U.S. markets remain insulated today, as in the last big rupture in U.S.-China relations in 1989, so we continue to expect U.S. equities to outperform Chinese (and global) stocks amid trade tensions and saber-rattling. Chart 16Last U.S.-China Crisis Prompted Stimulus... However, an important takeaway from the 1989 episode is that China stimulated the economy (Chart 16). This time we think stimulus will remain lackluster, reflecting Xi's need to keep overall leverage contained (Chart 17). But conflict escalation with the U.S. is clearly the biggest risk to this view. Chart 17...But Stimulus Muted Thus Far One oft-discussed retaliatory option is that China could sell off its vast $1.17 trillion holdings of U.S. treasuries. Rapidly dumping them is not effective, but slowly tapering is precisely what China has been doing since 2011 (Chart 18). This will accelerate its need to invest in real assets abroad and to purchase alternative reserve currencies, such as the euro, pound, and yen. Chart 18China Weans Itself Off Treasuries Ultimately, the significance of Vice President Pence's speech is that the U.S. now views China as both a great power and a threat to U.S. supremacy. This raises the potential for a large share of the $33 billion in cumulative U.S. direct investment in China since 2006 to become, effectively, stranded capital (Chart 19). If that is indeed the case, it would mean that investors in S&P 500 China-exposed companies would have to take note and re-rate their investments. Companies with significant investment in China may have to make capital investments in alternative supply-chain options, leading to a significant hit to their profit margin. Chart 19Stranded Capital In China? Other countries in Europe and the rest of Asia stand to benefit from the U.S. getting squeezed out of China's market, unless and until the new Cold War forces them to choose sides. Their choice is by no means a foregone conclusion, underscoring that China's policy response will be to seek better bonds with its neighbors and non-U.S. partners. Over the longer term, we think that our mega-theme of multipolarity will produce the bifurcation of capitalism. Within each sphere of influence globalization will continue to operate, but between spheres, or in the border areas, it will become a much less tidy affair. In addition to our recommendations above on page 2, we are reinitiating our short U.S. S&P 500 China-exposed stocks relative to the broad market. These companies have sold off heavily in recent months but the negative backdrop suggests that there is farther to go. Housekeeping On a separate note, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy is closing our long U.S. high-tax rate basket relative to S&P 500 trade for a gain of 8.26%. This was a play on the Trump tax cuts that we initiated in April 2017. Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Power And Politics In East Asia: Cold War 2.0?" dated September 25, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Multipolarity And Investing," dated April 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think," dated October 4, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Trump, Day One: Let The Trade War Begin," dated January 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Throwing The Baby (Globalization) Out With The Bath Water (Deflation)," dated July 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Underestimating Sino-American Tensions," dated November 6, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?" dated March 28, 2017, and "The Looming Conflict In The South China Sea," May 29, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Comparable incidents in December 2013, August 2014, May 2016, December 2016, August 2017, and March 2018 did not receive such a high-level response from U.S. leaders, reflecting both the seriousness of the Decatur incident and the administration's sense of political expediency amidst the trade conflict and midterm election cycle. 9 Pence criticized Chinese President Xi by name for allegedly breaking his word on the militarization of the Spratly Islands. He suggested that China's outward investment should be understood in strategic rather than economic terms, implying that the Belt and Road Initiative is a Soviet-style plan to organize a "bloc" of nations under Chinese hegemony. And he hinted at a new defense of the Monroe Doctrine in his criticism of China's recent assistance to the collapsing socialist regime in Venezuela. Please see the White House, "Remarks by Vice President Pence on the Administration's Policy Toward China," dated October 4, 2018, available at www.whitehouse.gov. 10 The Trump administration's key document is Secretary of Defense James Mattis, "Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America," Department of Defense, 2018, available at dod.defense.gov. For the Xi administration, see Orange Wang and Zhou Xin, "Xi Jinping says trade war pushes China to rely on itself and 'that's not a bad thing,'" South China Morning Post, dated September 26, 2018, available at www.scmp.com; and the Information Office of the State Council, "The Facts and China's Position on China-US Trade Friction," September 2018, available at www.chinadaily.com. 11 For this discussion of shows of force please see W. Eugene Cobble, H. H. Gaffney, and Dmitry Gorenburg, "For the Record: All U.S. Forces' Responses to Situations, 1970-2000 (with additions covering 2000-2003)," Center for Strategic Studies, May 2005, available at www.dtic.mil. 12 See footnote 11 above. 13 Please see William S. Murray, "Asymmetric Options for Taiwan's Defense," Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, June 5, 2014, available at www.uscc.gov. 14 Please see Barbara Starr, "US Navy proposing major show of force to warn China," dated October 4, 2018, available at www.cnn.com. 15 Even the South American location implies that Chinese, Russian, and Iranian influence on that continent is now deemed meaningful enough to require a reassertion of the Monroe Doctrine. Over the past decade, the U.S. has tended to regard these activities as limited, but now that may be changing. 16 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "2019: The Geopolitical Recession?" dated October 3, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see "Russia Holds Massive War Games, As Putin And Xi Tout Ties," Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, September 11, 2018, available at www.rferl.org. 18 Australia, Japan, and the U.K. have already begun enforcing freedom of navigation alongside the U.S. 19 The U.S. could also impose secondary sanctions on China for non-compliance. State-owned energy firm Sinopec, for instance, was said to be reducing imports of crude from Iran by half in the month of September. Our Commodity & Energy Strategy notes that Chinese refiners, like other Asian refiners, are preparing to run more light-sweet crude from the U.S. in the future, which gives a good yield in high-value-added products like gasoline. So far China has not imposed retaliatory tariffs on these imports from the U.S. Please see Chen Aizhu and Florence Tan, "China's Sinopec halves Iran oil loadings under U.S. pressure: sources," Reuters, dated September 28, 2018, available at uk.reuters.com. 20 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Are You Ready For 'Maximum Pressure?'," dated May 16, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 21 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown?" dated September 13, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 22 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Can Russia Import Productivity From China?" dated June 29, 2016, and "The Embrace Of The Dragon And The Bear," dated April 11, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 Xi Jinping's refusal to meet with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo over the past weekend, and decision to visit North Korea for the first time in his term, underscores this point. 24 Please see Demetri Sevastopulo and Tom Mitchell, "US considered ban on student visas for Chinese nationals," Financial Times, dated October 2, 2018, available at www.ft.com. Appendix Notable Clashes In The South China Sea (2010-18) Notable Clashes In The South China Sea (2010-18) (Continued) Notable Clashes In The South China Sea (2010-18) (Continued)

Highlights Heightening geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and China, higher U.S. bond yields, tightening U.S. dollar liquidity and weakening EM/China growth - all combined - constitute a bitter cocktail for EM. Barring a meaningful improvement in Chinese growth, higher U.S. bond yields will be overwhelming for EM financial markets. U.S. banks are not creating new dollars sufficiently. In addition, they are shrinking their claims on EM. The U.S. dollar is primed for another upleg. Downgrade Indian stocks from overweight to underweight within a dedicated EM equity portfolio. Feature As China becomes more assertive and slightly hostile toward the U.S., this will likely mark a paradigm shift in the macro landscape and asset valuations and, hence, could become a grey swan1 event for emerging markets (EM). Investors remain complacent about the ongoing geopolitical confrontation between these two economic giants as well as other headwinds that China and EM are facing. The decision by the Trump administration to raise import tariffs to 25% on $200 billion of China's exports to the U.S. as of January 1, 2019 is an unambiguous signal that U.S. trade confrontation with China is not a pre-mid-term election political plot. Instead, it is the beginning of a long-term geopolitical battle between an existing and rising superpower. Remarkably, the just-concluded trade deal between the U.S., Mexico and Canada (USMCA) includes language that requires signatories to give notice if they plan to negotiate a free trade deal with a "non-market" economy.2 Provided "non-market" country is for now implied to be China, this corroborates that confrontation with the latter is a new long-term strategy for the U.S. In addition, investors should not expect China to be constantly on the defensive. Both the political leadership and people in China have realized that trade is not the only aspect where the U.S. is likely to challenge the Middle Kingdom, and they recognize it will be a long-term battle. Therefore, the communist party and President Xi will counter the U.S. with reasonably tough actions. Quite simply, failure to do so will place the political leadership's credibility in question. President Xi understands this well, and will not allow it to happen. It is hard to forecast the avenues and approaches that Chinese leadership will explore to confront the U.S. Yet the recent navy incident in the South China Sea exemplifies that China will not be silent in this row.3 More generally, EM financial markets are not ready for such negative surprises. For example, there has been little capitulation on the part of asset managers with respect to EM equities. In fact, they have lately been buying EM ETF futures (Chart I-1). Global financial market volatility calculated as an equally weighted average of volatility in U.S. and EM equities, U.S. bonds, various currencies, oil and gold are near its historic lows (Chart I-2). Chart I-1Asset Managers Have Been Buying EM Equity Futures Chart I-2Financial Markets Volatility Is Very Low Remarkably, the U.S. bond market volatility is at an all-time low while bond yields are breaking out (Chart I-3). Odds are the U.S. yields will move up considerably. The basis is that strong growth and rising inflation in the U.S. warrant considerably higher bond yields and more Fed rate hikes than are currently priced in. Barring a meaningful improvement in Chinese growth and global trade, higher U.S. bond yields will be overwhelming for EM financial markets. In particular, higher U.S interest rates could trigger another downleg in the value of Chinese yuan. Chart I-4 illustrates that the China-U.S. interest rate differential has been instrumental to moves in the RMB/USD exchange rate. Chart I-3A Breakout In U.S. Bond Yields Chart I-4China Vs. U.S.: Does Interest Rate ##br##Differential Explain Exchange Rate? Apart from the heightening geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and China and higher U.S. bond yields, weakening EM/China growth, tightening global U.S. dollar liquidity and a strong U.S. dollar all combined will constitute a bitter cocktail for EM. We discuss some of these negatives below. All in all, financial markets could be on the cusp of a volatility outbreak, and EM will still be at the epicenter of the storm. BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy service continues to recommend short positions in EM risk assets and an underweight allocation versus DM. A Dead Cat Bounce... Emerging markets share prices have attempted to stage a rebound lately, but so far it appears to be nothing more than a dead cat bounce. Even thought the aggregate EM equity index managed a 5% bounce in recent weeks, both the EM equally weighted equity and small-cap indexes have failed to rebound at all (Chart I-5, top and middle panels). Similarly, EM bank stocks - which make up 17% of the MSCI market cap and are the key to the benchmark's performance - have not rallied (Chart I-5, bottom panel). This is occurring at a time when the S&P 500 is at all-time highs. These are very unhealthy signs for EM risk assets. ...As China/EM Growth Continues To Downshift The premise behind the lack of meaningful rebound in EM equities in our view is that both global manufacturing and world trade growth continue to downshift (Chart I-6, top panel). The epicenters of the slowdown are China and other emerging economies (Chart I-6, middle and bottom panels). Chart I-5No Confirmation Of EM Rebound Chart I-6EM/China Growth Is Decelerating Importantly, the Markit PMI manufacturing surveys suggest export orders contracted in September in the world's important manufacturing hubs, including China, Japan, Taiwan and Germany. The last time such poor export performance was registered was more than two years ago. The slump in the aggregate EM manufacturing PMI explains not only the EM equity selloff but also EM credit spreads widening and EM currency depreciation since the beginning of this year (Chart I-7). So long as the weakening trend in EM/China and global trade growth persist, EM risk assets and currencies will continue to sell off. Regarding China, growth deceleration was already occurring before the initial import tariffs took hold. Specifically, not only are overseas orders weak, but also domestic orders have rolled over decisively, as indicated by the People's Bank of China's (PBoC) 5000 industrial enterprise survey (Chart I-8). Chart I-7Weakening Growth Explains Selloff In ##br##EM Credit And Currencies Chart I-8China: Domestic And Overseas Orders In the mainland, the boost to infrastructure spending in the coming months will likely be offset by a slump in property construction and other segments of the economy. We discussed this angle in our recent report,4 but in recent days there has been more real estate market tightening. Specifically, the authorities are considering the cancellation of the housing pre-sale system in Guangdong province - a policy that could be applied to other geographies. The motive of this tightening is to curb both the land-buying frenzy and Ponzi financing schemes that many developers are involved in. This fits the policy script of dealing with and purging speculation and excesses early to prevent a bust later. These policy measures will cut off property developers from their primary source of funding - presales - and force them to reduce their construction volumes. As an unintended consequence of this announcement, some developers have already begun cutting house prices to accelerate pre-sales and raise funds. Given already bubbly property valuations and the existence of substantial speculative buying, house price deflation could set off a domino chain effect of lower prices, reduced speculative investment purchases and financial strains on developers, leading them in turn to offer even larger price discounts to generate funds faster, and so on. Forecasting the exact trajectory of a downturn and the speed of its adjustment is impossible. This is why we focus on the presence of major imbalances/excesses and policy tightening that could cause disentangling of these excesses. Given the still-considerable property market excesses5 prevalent in China and the money/credit tightening that has already occurred in the past two years, we reckon the odds of a material property market downtrend are substantial. On the whole, our main theme for China and EM remains that mainland construction activity will continue to downshift, with negative implications for countries that supply construction goods, materials and equipment. U.S. Dollars Shortages? The U.S. economy is firing on all cylinders and inflationary pressures continue to rise. Barring a deflationary shock from China/EM, the Federal Reserve has little reason to halt its rate hikes or abandon its policy of shrinking its balance sheet. Not only are U.S. interest rates rising, but there are also budding U.S. dollar shortages that will get worse: The U.S. banking system's excess reserves at the Fed are dwindling, as the latter continues to shrink its balance sheet (Chart I-9). U.S. banks' dollar-denominated claims on foreign entities in general and emerging markets in particular are shrinking (Chart I-10). Thus, EM debtors in particular have found themselves short of dollars. Chart I-9The U.S. Dollar Is Primed For Another Upleg Chart I-10U.S. Dollar Shortages In Rest Of World Finally, U.S. banks are not creating enough dollars - their total assets are growing at a paltry rate of 1%, and U.S. broad money (M2) growth is expanding at 4% annually - the slowest pace in the past 14 years excluding the aftermath of the 2008 credit crisis (Chart I-11). Bottom Line: The Fed is shrinking its balance sheet, and high-powered money/liquidity in the banking system is falling. This and other factors are discouraging U.S. banks from creating new U.S. dollars. Along with rising U.S. interest rates, this will propel the greenback higher, which will be detrimental for EM risk assets. Equity Portfolio Rotation Amid High Oil Prices Given the recent breakout in oil prices, we make the following changes to our country equity allocation: Upgrade Russia from neutral to overweight.4 October 2018 Orthodox macro policy and high oil prices will help this bourse to outperform the EM benchmark (Chart I-12, top panel). We have already been overweight Russia within EM local bonds, currency and credit portfolios.6 Chart I-11U.S. Banks Are Not Creating Sufficient Amount Of Dollars Chart I-12Upgrade Russian And Colombian Equities ##br##From Neutral To Overweight Upgrade Colombian equities from neutral to overweight. Like Russia, high oil prices and orthodox macro policies justify an upgrade (Chart I-12, bottom panel). Upgrade Malaysia from underweight to neutral.4 October 2018 High energy prices, hope for structural changes and low inflation do not justify an underweight stance. Still, Malaysia is vulnerable to slowdown in global trade and credit excesses of the past years that have not yet been worked out. This prevents us from upgrading this bourse to overweight. Downgrade Philippines equities from neutral to underweight.4 October 2018 Inflation is breaking out and the central bank is behind the curve.7 Downgrade India from overweight to underweight. More detailed analysis on India starts on the following page. Our equity overweights are Taiwan, Korea, Thailand, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, Russia and central Europe. Our underweights are Brazil, South Africa, India, the Philippines, Indonesia and Peru. The complete list of our equity, fixed-income, credit and currency allocations are always presented at the end of our Weekly Reports, please refer to page 16. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Downgrade Indian Equities 4 October 2018 We are downgrading our allocation to Indian stocks from overweight to underweight within an EM-dedicated equity portfolio (Chart II-1). Rising stress in the country's non-bank finance companies - the recent default of finance company Infrastructure Leasing & Financial Services Limited and the fire-sale of Dewan Housing Finance bonds by a mutual fund - has been responsible for escalating financial risks, and will have ramifications for overall macro stability and growth. Stress Among Finance Companies: Liquidity Or Solvency? Finance companies account for about 12% of the MSCI India Stock Index. Further, there are deep interlinkages between them and mutual funds. Chart II-2 shows that mutual funds have exponentially increased their claims on non-bank finance companies by purchasing commercial paper (short-term debt obligations) issued by the latter. Chart II-1Failure To Break Out Is A Bad Omen Chart II-2Mutual Funds' Exposure To Finance Companies Further signs that the non-bank finance sector is having difficulties rolling over or repaying their debt obligations will hurt mutual funds. This might trigger redemptions from the latter by their own investors. Importantly, mutual funds' net purchases of equities as well as bonds has been very strong in recent years, often outpacing that of foreigners (Chart II-3). Given the former's large holdings of various securities, forced selling by mutual funds can often create an air pocket for Indian financial markets: local investors will be selling at a time when foreign investors are not yet ready to buy. Odds are considerable that stress will continue to escalate in the non-bank financial sector. Short-term interest rates and corporate bond yields are rising (Chart II-4). This is occurring at a time when non-bank finance companies are very vulnerable because of their liquidity mismanagement. Chart II-3Indian Mutual Funds Are Large Investors In Stocks And Bonds Chart II-4Rising Borrowing Costs Financial data from six non-bank finance companies included in the MSCI India Equity Index reveals that short-term debt levels for these companies are extremely elevated (Chart II-5, top panel) and their liquidity situation is grim. A measure of liquidity risk, calculated as short-term investments (including cash) minus short-term borrowing, has plummeted and is in deep negative territory (Chart II-5, bottom panel). In short, these finance companies have been borrowing short term and lending long term. Additionally, these entities will soon have to deal with surging non-performing assets (NPAs). Total assets for large finance companies - including the six companies included in the MSCI Equity Index - have grown at an annual average of around 20% since 2010. It is difficult to lend or invest at such a rapid pace while avoiding capital misallocation and the accumulation of bad assets. Crucially, the current level for NPAs for these six finance companies is 2.3% of risk-weighted assets, but could rise much further. Their provisions stand 2.1%, which barely covers existing NPAs. Hence, provisions have to rise multi-fold. For example, if NPAs rise to 12%, that would wipe out 32% of these companies' equity. We assume a recovery ratio of 30% on these bad assets. For comparison, the NPA ratio for overall the banking system has already surged to about 12%. Finally, commercial banks' lending to finance companies has been excessive in recent years (Chart II-6). Commercial banks are already swamped with rising non-performing loans, and any additional stress among finance companies will damage investor sentiment and negatively impact banks' share prices. Chart II-5Finance Companies: Liquidity Strains Are ##br##Rooted In Maturity Mismatches Chart II-6Banks' Exposure To Finance Companies Bottom Line: Odds are that the liquidity stress among finance companies will escalate and turn into a solvency problem. This will harm mutual funds in particular and cause them to liquidate their equity and bond holdings. Indian financial markets will selloff further. Limited Maneuvering Room For Central Bank High crude prices, rising inflation and mounting financial stress are placing the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in an extremely precarious position: If the central bank provides sufficient liquidity or reduces interest rates to deal with budding stress in the financial system, the currency will plunge further; If the RBI does not provide sufficient liquidity or hikes rates to put a floor under the rupee, the stress in the financial system will worsen. It seems the central bank is currently biased to providing liquidity to contain financial system stress. In fact, the central bank has already injected bank reserves through the liquidity adjustment facility. In addition, it announced upcoming purchases of government securities in October in the order of Rs. 360 billion and has stressed its willingness to provide more injections if the need arises. This is negative for the currency which will continue to tumble, especially at a time when the U.S. dollar is well-bid worldwide. In turn, continued currency depreciation will make foreign investors net sellers of stocks and bonds. Bottom Line: We recommend investors downgrade India from overweight to underweight. We are also closing our long Indian banks / short Chinese banks at a 2% loss. Concerning equity sectors, we are reiterating our long Indian software companies' stocks / short EM overall equity benchmark. This trade is up 22%, and a cheaper rupee and strong DM growth herald further gains. Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com 1 A grey swan is an event that can be anticipated to a certain degree but is considered unlikely to occur and would have a sizable impact on financial markets if it were to occur. 2https://ustr.gov/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements/united-states-mexico-canada-agreement/united-states-mexico# 3https://www-m.cnn.com/2018/10/01/politics/china-us-warship-unsafe-encounter/index.html?r=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.cnn.com%2F 4 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "Desynchronization Compels Currency Adjustments," dated September 20, 2018, a link available on page 16. 5 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report "China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble?," dated April 6, 2018, available on ems.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report "Vladimir Putin, Act IV," dated March 7, 2018, link available on ems.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report "The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion," dated April 25, 2018, link available on ems.bcaresearch.com. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations