Asia

Special Report

Highlights Since 2010, China's private sector has accounted for the majority of the country's increase in the debt-to-GDP ratio, most of which has been on the balance sheets of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and the household sector. While policymakers achieved their goal of maintaining aggregate demand in the decade following the global financial crisis, the financial condition of SOEs has been greatly sacrificed as a result. An analysis of SOE return on equity highlights a sharp decline in return on assets, which has occurred due to both declining profit margins and a falling asset turnover ratio. Even worse, a comparison of adjusted SOE ROA to borrowing costs suggests that the marginal operating gain from debt has become negative. This has profound implications for policymakers, as it suggests that further leveraging of SOEs could push them into a debt trap and/or shackle the monetary authority's ability to meaningfully raise interest rates. We can envision a modest releveraging scenario over the coming 12-18 months, but even that scenario is not consistent with a surge in investment-driven economic activity. Policymakers face a clear choice between growth and leveraging, and our bet is that they will choose just enough of the latter to prevent the former from decelerating significantly. This implies that the typical beneficiaries of Chinese reflation are not likely to outperform global risk assets, and that China's contribution to global growth is not set to rise sharply. However, over the coming 6-12 months, we acknowledge that domestic stocks are significantly oversold, and we are watching closely for an opportunity to time a reversal. Feature Global investors have paid considerable attention to China over the past month, focusing on the likely stimulative response of policymakers to an upcoming, tariff-induced export shock. We recently presented our view of the likely character and magnitude of upcoming Chinese stimulus in a two-part joint special report with our geopolitical team,1 and concluded that an acceleration in fiscal spending was far more likely than a sharp pickup in credit growth. In this report, we further examine the constraints facing Chinese policymakers and again conclude that they are likely to remain committed to preventing a significant releveraging of the economy. The financial condition of Chinese state-owned enterprises features prominently in our argument, and we highlight how the damage caused by China's post-2008 "business model" is a serious roadblock to further credit excesses. Whereas most modern central banks characterize their monetary policy decisions within the context of a trade-off between growth and inflation, Chinese policymakers now appear to understand that they face a trade-off between growth and leveraging. While we agree that economic stability will always remain the paramount objective of policymakers and a major policy mistake is not likely in the cards, reflationary efforts are likely to be carefully calibrated to avoid a dramatic overshoot of credit growth. This means that there is both limited downside and upside to Chinese economic activity, implying that expectations of a material, credit-driven reacceleration in growth are not likely to be met. A Brief Review Of Chinese Private Sector Debt Chart 1A Now Familiar Concern After several years of intense concern about China's elevated debt, Chart 1 should be familiar to most investors. It highlights the significant rise in Chinese credit to the non-financial sector (i.e. total credit to governments, households, and non-financial corporations) based on data from the Bank for International Settlements (BIS), most of which has occurred in the private sector (non-financial firms and households). But Charts 2-4 presents a different breakdown of credit to the non-financial sector, based on IMF data, that includes a separation of corporate debt into private and state-owned enterprises (SOEs). The data shown in Charts 2-4 covers the 2010-2016 period; for reference, private non-financial sector debt continued to rise relative to GDP in 2017, in large part due to households (see Table A1 in Appendix 1 for the most recent IMF estimate of China's non-financial sector debt, absent the breakdown in corporate debt by ownership that the fund previously provided). Chart 2 presents the IMF's version of the rise in total non-financial debt (akin to Chart 1 from the BIS), and Charts 3 and 4 attribute the rise in debt to different sectors. Chart 3 shows that the increase in private sector debt accounts for 70% of the increase in leverage since 2010, and Chart 4 shows that the rise in SOE debt has accounted for nearly half of the rise in private sector debt. Within the private sector, household leverage has also risen substantially, accounting for roughly 40% of the rise from 2010-2016. Non-SOE corporates accounted for only 12% of the total rise in private leverage, the smallest of all sectors. Chart 2Another Perspective On Chinese Leveraging, With A Breakdown Of Corporate Debt By Ownership   Chart 3The Private Sector Has Accounted For ##br##Most Of Chinese Leveraging... Chart 4...Due Mostly To State-Owned ##br##Enterprises And Households     When considering the potential economic impact of a sharp rise in leverage, BCA's view is that the focus should usually be on the increase in private sector debt rather than government debt. Public sector deleveraging is fundamentally a political choice in countries that have control over their own monetary policy, and simply will not occur in China over the coming year given the headwinds facing the economy. Given this, Chart 4 suggests that to understand any constraints facing policymakers from excessive leverage, investors should primarily devote their attention towards China's SOEs. China's State-Owned Enterprises: The Sacrifice Of Profitability For Stability Chart 5Within SOEs, Industrial And Construction Firms ##br##Account For Half Of The Increase In Debt When assessing the risk of a potential private sector debt crisis in China, many investors have a sanguine view. The common refrain is that Chinese corporations, particularly state-owned enterprises, will be bailed out by the government if debt problems arise. Ultimately, we agree with this view, although we would note that the market pressure required to force the government to act could be quite severe. Still, there is a more pressing concern for investors: an analysis of the financial condition of China's state-owned enterprises suggests that the country may have reached the limit of how much SOEs can be further leveraged by policymakers in an attempt to rescue the economy, without significantly increasing the ultimate cost to the public. Our sense is that the campaign to control debt growth over the past two years reflects this economic reality, suggesting that the motivation behind the campaign will not be easily abandoned. Chart 2 showed that non-financial SOE debt-to-GDP rose by 20 percentage points from 2010-2016, a change in the stock of debt of roughly RMB33 trillion. Chart 5 shows that roughly half of this amount can be accounted for by the change in liabilities of state-owned industrial and construction enterprises over the same period. To the extent that they broadly reflect the condition of all non-financial SOEs, the availability of income statement and balance sheet data for these two industries allows us to make some inferences about the debt sustainability of China's state-owned firms.   Table 1 presents a breakdown of return on equity (ROE) for state-owned/state-holding companies in these industries, using the DuPont approach. Several points are noteworthy: Industrial & construction SOEs are highly leveraged entities, with an assets to equity ratio of 2.7. This explains the substantial difference between return on equity, which has been decently high, and a low single-digit return on assets (ROA). From 2010-2016, the ROE for industrial & construction SOEs fell from 14% to 8%, entirely because of a substantial decline in ROA. The decline in ROA occurred because of a roughly equal combination of declining profit margins and a falling asset turnover ratio. Based on the DuPont approach to expressing leverage,2 SOEs in the industrial and construction industries increased their leverage only very modestly during the period. But when leverage is expressed as liabilities relative to net income, a considerably more relevant measure when considering the potential to service debt, leverage nearly doubled. Table 1A Meaningful Decline In SOE Efficiency And Profitability We presented Chart 6 in our last weekly report of 2017,3 and used it to represent a stylized timeline of China's economic history over the past 15 years. The chart describes how China's extremely rapid growth phase from 2002-2008 was followed by the global financial crisis and a normal, counter-cyclical rise in the debt-to-GDP ratio from 2008 to 2010. Chart 6A Stylized Timeline Of China's Recent Economic History However, amidst the Great Recession, it became clear that China's export-enabled catchup growth phase was durably over, and policymakers were faced with a hard choice. They could either replace exports with debt-fueled domestic demand as a growth driver in order to buy time to transition to a services-led economy (the "reflate" path), or allow the labor market to suffer the consequences of a sharp slowdown in export growth while preserving fiscal and state-owned firepower for some uncertain future opportunity (the "stagnate" path). The picture that emerges from the combination of this narrative and our analysis of the evolution of SOE financial health is straightforward, but sobering. State-owned enterprises, already highly indebted at the onset of the global economic recovery, were levered even further in order to pursue the "reflate" path described above. While policymakers achieved their goal of maintaining aggregate demand, the consequence of their choice is that both the profitability and efficiency of SOEs have declined significantly. Avoiding An SOE Debt Trap A significant deterioration in SOE efficiency against the backdrop of a sharp rise in leverage speaks to the existence of capital misallocation, i.e. investment that has been funded by debt but cannot produce sufficient income to repay the debt. This suggests that SOEs are likely to have a bad debt problem at some point that will need to be resolved with government support. But in our view, the decline in profitability is a more immediate problem for policymakers, because it does not appear that SOEs can be leveraged any further without pushing them dangerously towards a self-reinforcing debt trap. Chart 7 illustrates why. The chart shows SOE ROA adjusted for interest expenses (a proxy for EBIT/Assets) versus a market-based proxy for SOE borrowing rates.4 Adjusted ROA fell below borrowing rates in 2013, suggesting that some of the observed decline in SOE profitability has occurred because the marginal operating gain from debt for Chinese state-owned enterprises has become negative. If so, this has profound implications for Chinese policymakers. Chart 8 illustrates how the process of perpetually leveraging an entity with a negative marginal operating gain from new borrowing eventually leads to a debt trap. An initial increase in debt causes interest costs to rise and profits to fall, as the return on new assets fails to exceed the interest rate on the debt used to acquire the assets. The process repeats itself as the entity is directed to leverage further, although management may choose to raise the entity's debt in this situation regardless of policy objectives (e.g. to cover a working capital deficit) if they mistakenly believe that the decline in ROA below debt costs is temporary. In addition, the existence of a negative marginal gain from new borrowing for a significant portion of the private sector would imply that China's natural rate of interest may have fallen. Chart 9 shows some evidence in support of this notion: the rise in the weighted average lending rate since late-2016 was relatively minor compared with levels that have prevailed over the past decade, and yet it is clear that it succeeded in materially slowing the investment-driven sectors of China's economy. This suggests that further leveraging of SOEs could tighten the shackles on the PBOC in terms of its ability to meaningfully raise interest rates, potentially fueling credit excesses in other sectors of the economy Chart 7SOEs Now Appear To Have A Negative ##br##Financial Gain From Debt Chart 8A Stylized Example Of ##br## Debt Trap Dynamics Chart 9Has SOE Leveraging Caused China's ##br##Natural Rate Of Interest To Fall?         In short, the financial condition of China's state-owned enterprises appears to represent a proximate constraint preventing policymakers from responding to economic weakness with a significant acceleration in credit growth. It is not just that SOEs are highly levered and there is "a lot of debt in the system"; material further leveraging of these entities risks deteriorating what is already very poor profitability, which may push SOEs into an outright debt trap. That would precipitate a crisis and necessitate a bailout from the government, the cost of which will increase directly in line with the amount of additional debt taken. We agree that economic stability will always remain the paramount objective of policymakers, and we fully expect a policy response to address the upcoming export shock from the U.S. But whereas most modern central banks characterize their monetary policy decisions within the context of a trade-off between growth and inflation, our analysis of China's state-owned enterprises suggests that Chinese policymakers now seem to understand that they face a trade-off between growth and leveraging. This implies that current reflationary efforts from policymakers are likely to be carefully calibrated to avoid a dramatic overshoot of credit growth. Envisioning Modest Releveraging Chart 10Modest Releveraging Is Ok, As Long As ##br##Its Pace Continues To Slow What is a carefully calibrated credit response likely to look like, and what does it mean for private sector debt growth? As noted above, my colleague Matt Gertken addressed this question by presenting three scenarios in part 1 of the recent joint special report with our geopolitical team.5 His base-case view, to which he assigned 70% odds, implied that there would be a very modest reacceleration in total social financing (on the order of 1% or so). In this report we take a second approach to estimating the potential magnitude of a modest reacceleration scenario using the BIS private sector credit data, primarily to incorporate different growth rates for the corporate and household sectors. Using the BIS data, Chart 10 shows the growth rate in Chinese total private sector debt, nominal GDP, and the difference between the two. The significant leveraging period from 2010-2016 is evidenced by the persistently positive gap between credit and GDP growth (it was only briefly negative in 2011).   But the chart also shows that there has been a downtrend in the gap since 2013, with 2017 representing a major overshoot (to the downside). Given that the trend shown in Chart 10 points downward and reflects policy efforts to control debt growth, we could envision Chinese policymakers tolerating some acceleration in credit growth relative to GDP, as long as it does not materially overshoot the trendline to the upside. Using this framework as a guide, we can calculate what modest releveraging might mean for corporate sector debt, assuming the following: Chinese policymakers, through a combination of fiscal spending and modest releveraging, succeed in stabilizing nominal GDP growth at current levels. Policymakers tolerate total non-financial private sector credit growth that is 4% in excess of nominal GDP growth. Household credit growth remains well in excess of GDP growth, in-line with its average of the past 5 years. Given the significant leveraging of the household sector and the recent uptick in home sales, this appears to be a reasonable assumption barring a major crackdown on the property market by Chinese officials. Chart 11 presents the result of these assumptions, which shows non-financial corporation credit growth accelerating to roughly 12% by the end of 2019. At first blush, the chart appears to show a meaningful acceleration, as the annual change in year-over-year credit growth based on this measure would meet or exceed that of the past two credit cycles. But there are two important caveats for investors: Even as depicted in Chart 11, non-financial corporate credit growth would still be extremely weak relative to its recent history. At the end of 2019, the chart shows that corporate credit growth would be almost two percentage points lower than its weakest point in 2015. Chart 11 illustrates a scenario where the level of credit to the total private non-financial sector grows by RMB36 trillion by the end of 2019. Chart 12 shows that when compared to our estimate of the stock of adjusted total social financing, this rise barely even registers as an acceleration. Chart 11A Rebound, But Weak Relative To History Chart 12Barely Even Registers As An Acceleration In Adjusted TSF In short, while the degree of acceleration in credit growth as implied in our scenario varies depending on the definition of credit employed, the bottom line for investors is that a modest releveraging scenario is not consistent with a surge in investment-driven economic activity. Policymakers face a clear choice between growth and leveraging, and our bet is that they will choose just enough of the latter to prevent the former from decelerating significantly. This cautious, contingent attitude towards an acceleration in private sector credit growth would be in marked contrast to previous episodes of reflation, suggesting that investors who are following China's "old stimulus rulebook" are likely to be disappointed. Implications For Investment Strategy Chart 13No Signs Yet Of A Heavy, Credit-Based Response There are two clear implications of our analysis for investment strategy. First, in ironic reference to Reinhart & Rogoff's book that coined the term, "this time" is likely to be different for China because policymakers seem resolute in their intention to prevent a financial crisis (as opposed to the term having been used in the past by those who have ended up contributing to one). Our analysis shows that the debt burden for state-owned enterprises is already extreme, and that further, material, forced leveraging of the sector risks a possible debt trap. This implies that the typical beneficiaries of Chinese reflation are not likely to outperform global risk assets, and that China's contribution to global growth is not set to rise sharply. For now, our BCA China Play Index and the relative performance of infrastructure stocks seem to support our conclusion (Chart 13). Second, if this time is not different, i.e. if policymakers allow a significant further releveraging of the private sector, either intentionally or by accident, investors should recognize that the longer-term outlook for China may darken considerably if the country is not capable of quickly shifting away from its old growth model over the next few years. Unfortunately for officials in China, the reality of economics is that positive NPV projects for SOEs to invest in cannot simply be willed into existence. The significant decline in profitability and asset turnover that we have observed in state-owned enterprises since 2010 speaks to the poor use of credit, and policymaker reliance on the traditional methods of stimulus is likely to achieve the country's short-term goals at the expense of making the already large debt problem (and the cost of the eventual bailout by the public sector) much worse. This would raise both the political and economic risks facing the country, at a time when a U.S. and/or global recession appears likely within the next 2-3 years. As a final point, despite our caution against over-optimism concerning China's stimulative response, we acknowledge that policymakers are likely to succeed in preventing a significant deceleration in their economy over the coming 6-12 months. Given how materially Chinese stock prices have declined, it remains a debate whether a mere stabilization of economic activity at a modest pace will be enough for domestic or investable equities to meaningfully rally in absolute or relative terms. For now, we have highlighted that the relative selloff in domestic stocks appears to be quite late, particularly in common currency terms, and we are watching closely for an opportunity to time a reversal.   Jonathan LaBerge, CFA, Vice President Special Reports jonathanl@bcaresearch.com   Appendix 1 Appendix A-1Chinese Non-Financial Sector Debt 1 Pease see China Investment Strategy Special Reports "China: How Stimulating Is The Stimulus?", dated August 8, 2018, and "China: How Stimulating Is The Stimulus? Part Two", dated August 15, 2018 available at cis.bcaresearch.com 2 The DuPont approach breaks down return on equity into the product of profit margins (profits / revenue), asset turnover (revenue / assets), and financial leverage (assets / equity). 3 Pease see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Legacies Of 2017", dated December 21, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 4 We use the yield-to-maturity of the ChinaBond Corporate Bond Index as our proxy for the interest rate paid by state-owned firms, given that the index includes bonds issued by central and local government SOEs. Importantly, our proxy is closely aligned with the weighted average bank loan borrowing rate paid by SOEs from 2014-2016, as per a 2017 report from the China Academy of Fiscal Science ("Cost reduction: 2017 survey and analysis", August 28, 2017). 5 Pease see China Investment Strategy Special Reports "China: How Stimulating Is The Stimulus?", dated August 8, 2018, and "China: How Stimulating Is The Stimulus? Part Two", dated August 15, 2018 available at cis.bcaresearch.com Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Special Report

Highlights Xi Jinping is trying to do two things at once: ease policy while cracking down on systemic financial risk; The trade war with the U.S. is a genuine crisis for China and is eliciting fiscal stimulus; Credit growth is far more likely to "hold the line" than it is to explode upward or collapse downward; The 30% chance of a policy mistake from financial tightening has fallen to 20% only, as bad loan recognition is underway and a critical risk to monitor; Hedge against the risk of a stimulus overshoot. China's policy headwinds have begun to recede, but Beijing is not riding to the rescue for emerging markets; While monetary policy has eased substantively, credit growth will be hampered by the government's financial crackdown; Potential changes to China's Macro-Prudential Assessment framework could be significant, but the impact on credit growth is overestimated at present; The recognition of non-performing loans (NPLs) and cleansing of China's banking system is still in early innings and will weigh on banks' risk appetite; The anti-corruption campaign is another reason to be cautious on EM. Geopolitical Strategy recommends clients stay overweight China (ex-tech) relative to EM. Feature "We have upheld the underlying principle of pursuing progress while ensuring stability." - Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, October 18, 2017 "Any form of external pressure can eventually be transformed into impetus for growth, and objectively speaking will accelerate supply-side structural reforms." - Guo Shuqing, Secretary of the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, July 5 PART I Last year we made the case that China's General Secretary Xi Jinping would double down on his reform agenda in 2018, specifically the bid to control financial risk, and that this would bring negative surprises to global financial markets as policymakers demonstrated a higher pain threshold.1 This view has largely played out, with economic policy uncertainty spiking and a bear market in equities developing alongside an increase in corporate and even sovereign credit default risk (Chart 1). We also argued, however, that Xi's "deleveraging campaign" would be constrained by the Communist Party's need for overall stability. Trade tensions with the U.S., and Beijing's perennial fear of unemployment, would impose limits on how much pain Beijing would ultimately tolerate: The Xi administration will renew its reform drive - particularly by curbing leverage, shadow banking, and local government debt. Growth risks are to the downside. But Beijing will eventually backtrack and re-stimulate, even as early as 2018, leaving the reform agenda in limbo once again.2 Over the past month, China has clearly reached its pain threshold: authorities have announced a series of easing measures in the face of a slowing economy, a trade war, and a still-negative broad money impulse (Chart 2). Chart 1Policy Uncertainty Up, Stocks Down Chart 2PMI Falling, Money Impulse Still Negative How stimulating is the stimulus? Will it lead to a material reacceleration of the Chinese economy? What will it mean for global and China-dedicated investors? We expect policy to be modestly reflationary. A substantial boost to fiscal thrust, and at least stable credit growth, is in the works. Yet Xi's reform agenda will remain a drag on the economy. While this new stimulus will not have as dramatic an effect as the stimulus in 2015-16, it will have a positive impact relative to expectations based on China's performance in the first half of the year. We advise hedging our negative EM view against a rally in China plays and upgrading expectations for Chinese growth in 2019. The policy headwind is receding for now. Xi Jinping's "Three Tough Battles" Chart 3Xi Jinping Caps Government Spending And Credit Xi will not entirely abandon the "Reform Reboot" that began last October. From the moment he came to power in 2012-13, he pursued relatively tight monetary and fiscal policy. Total government spending growth has dropped substantially under his administration, while private credit growth has been capped at around 12% (Chart 3). Xi partly inherited these trends, as China's credit growth and nominal GDP growth dropped after the massive 2008 stimulus. But he also embraced tighter policy as a way of rebalancing the economy away from debt-fueled, resource-intensive, investment-led growth. A comparison of government spending priorities between Xi and his predecessor makes Xi's policy preferences crystal clear: the Xi administration has increased spending on financial and environmental regulation, while minimizing subsidies for housing and railways to nowhere (Table 1 and 2). Table 1Central Government Spending Preferences (Under Leader's Immediate Control) Table 2Total Government Spending Preferences (Under Leader's General Control) These policies are "correct" insofar as they are driven not merely by Xi's preferences but by long-term constraints: The middle class: Pollution and environmental degradation threaten the living standards of the country's middle class. Broadly defined, this group has grown to almost 51% of the population, a level that EM politicians ignore only at their peril (Chart 4). Asset bubbles: The rapid increase in China's gross debt-to-GDP ratio since 2008 is a major financial imbalance that threatens to undermine economic stability and productivity as well as Beijing's global aspirations (Chart 5). The constraint is clear when one observes that "debt servicing" is the third-fastest category of fiscal spending growth since Xi came to power (Table 2). Chart 4Emerging Middle Class A Latent Political Risk Chart 5The Rise And Plateau Of Macro Leverage The problem is that Xi also faces a different, shorter-term set of constraints arising from China's declining potential GDP, "the Middle-Income Trap," and the threat of unemployment.3 The interplay of these short- and long-term constraints has forced Xi to vacillate in his policies. In 2015, the threat of an economic "hard landing," ahead of the all-important mid-term party congress in 2017, forced him to stimulate the "old" industrial economy and sideline his reforms. Only when he had consolidated power over the Communist Party in 2016-17 could he resume pushing the reform agenda.4 In July 2017, Xi announced the so-called "Three Critical Battles" against systemic financial risk, pollution, and poverty. The three battles are interdependent: continuing on the capital-intensive economic model will overwhelm any efforts to cut excessive debt or pollution (Chart 6), yet sudden deleveraging could derail the Communist Party's basic claim to legitimacy through improving the lot of poor Chinese. The macroeconomic impact of the three battles is broadly deflationary, as credit growth falls and industries restructure. The first battle - the financial battle - will determine the outcome of the other two battles as well as the growth rate of China's investment-driven economy, Chinese import volumes, and emerging market stability (Chart 7). Chart 6Credit Stimulus Correlates With Pollution Chart 7Credit Determines Growth And Imports On July 31, in the midst of worldwide speculation about China's willingness to stimulate, Xi reaffirmed this "Three Battles" framework. Remarkably, despite a general slowdown, a sharp drop in the foreign exchange rate, the revival of capital flight, and a bear market, he announced that the battle against systemic financial risk would continue in the second half of 2018. However, he also admitted that domestic demand needed a boost in the short term. Hence there should be no doubt in investors' minds about the overarching policy framework or Xi Jinping's intentions in the long run. The question driving the markets today is what China will do in the short term and whether it will initiate a material reacceleration in economic activity. Bottom Line: Xi Jinping remains committed to the reform agenda that he has pursued since coming to power in 2012. But he is forced by circumstances to vary the pace and intensity. At the top of the agenda is the control of systemic financial risk. This is a policy driven by the belief that China's economic and financial imbalances threaten to undermine its overall stability and global rise. Why The Shift Toward Easier Policy? The gist of the July 31 Politburo statement was that policy will get more dovish in the short term. It mentioned "stability" five times. The Politburo pledged to make fiscal policy "more proactive" and to find a better balance between preventing financial risks and "serving the real economy." This direct promise from Xi Jinping of more demand-side support gives weight to the State Council's similar statement on July 23 and will have reflationary consequences above and beyond the central bank's marginal liquidity easing thus far. What is motivating this shift in policy, which apparently flies in the face of Xi's high-profile deleveraging campaign? If we had to name a single trigger for China's change of tack, it is not the economic slowdown so much as the trade war with the United States. The war began when the U.S. imposed sanctions on Chinese firm ZTE in April and China depreciated the RMB, but it escalated dramatically when the U.S. posted the Section 301 tariff list in June (Chart 8).5 This is a sea change in American policy that is extremely menacing to China. China runs a large trade surplus and has benefited more than any other country from the past three decades of U.S.-led globalization. Its embrace of globalization is what enabled the Communist Party to survive the fall of global communism! Chart 8More Than Market Dynamics At Work Chart 9China Is Less Export-Dependent True, China has already seen its export dependency decline (Chart 9). But Beijing has so far managed this transition gradually and carefully, whereas a not-unlikely 25% tariff on $250-$500 billion of Chinese exports will hasten the restructuring beyond its control (Chart 10). A very large share of China's population is employed in manufacturing (Chart 11). To the extent that the tariffs actually succeed in reducing external demand for Chinese goods, these jobs will be affected. Chart 10Tariffs Will Add More Pain To Factory Workers Chart 11Manufacturing Unemployment A Huge Threat Unemployment is anathema to the Communist Party. And China is simply not as experienced as the U.S. in dealing with large fluctuations in unemployment (Chart 12). While Chinese workers will blame "foreign imperialists" and rally around the flag, the pain of unemployment will eventually cause trouble for the regime. Domestic demand as well as exports will suffer. It is even possible that worker protests could evolve into anti-government protests. Chart 12China Not Experienced With Layoffs Given that Chinese and global growth are already slowing, it is no surprise that the Politburo statement prioritized employment.6 China's leaders will prepare for social instability as the worst possible outcome of the showdown with America - and that will push them toward stimulus. In addition, there will be no short-term political cost to Xi Jinping for erring on the side of stimulus, as there is no opposition party and the public is not demanding fiscal and monetary austerity. Moreover, the main macro implication of Xi's decision last year to remove term limits - enabling himself to be "president for life" in China - is that his reforms do not have to be achieved by any set date. They can be continually procrastinated on the basis that he will return to them later when conditions are better.7 The policy response to tariffs from the Trump administration also signals another policy preference: perseverance. Xi would not be straying from his reform priorities if not for a desire to counter American protectionism. China is not interested in kowtowing but would rather gird itself for a trade war. Still, our baseline view is that the Xi administration will stimulate without abandoning the crackdown on shadow lending or launching a massive "irrigation-style" credit surge that exacerbates systemic risk.8 Policy will be mixed, as Xi is trying to do two things at once. Bottom Line: China's slowdown and the outbreak of a real trade war with the United States is forcing Xi Jinping to ease policy and downgrade the urgency of his attempt to tackle systemic financial risk this year. Can Fiscal Easing Overshoot? Yes. How far will China's policy easing go? China has a low level of public debt, and fiscal policy has been tight, so we fully expect fiscal thrust to surprise to the upside in the second half of the year, easily by 1%-2% of GDP, possibly by 4% of GDP. Chart 13Fiscal Tightening Was The Plan For 2018 A remarkable thing happened this summer when researchers at the People's Bank of China and the Ministry of Finance began debating fiscal policy openly. Such debates usually occur during times of abnormal stress. The root of the debate lay in the national budget blueprint laid out in March at the National People's Congress. There, without changing official rhetoric about "proactive fiscal policy," the authorities revealed that they would tighten policy this year, with the aim of shrinking the budget deficit from 3% of GDP target in 2017 to 2.6% in 2018. The IMF, which publishes a more realistic "augmented" deficit, estimates that the deficit will contract from 13.4% of GDP to 13% (Chart 13). This fiscal tightening coincided with Xi's battle against systemic financial risk. Hence both monetary and fiscal policy were set to tighten this year, along with tougher regulatory and anti-corruption enforcement.9 Thus it made sense on May 8 when the Ministry of Finance revealed that the quota for net new local government bond issuance this year would increase by 34% to 2.18 trillion RMB. This quota governs new bonds that go to brand new spending (i.e. it is not to be confused with the local government debt swap program, which eases repayment burdens but does not involve a net expansion of debt). Local government spending is the key because it makes up the vast majority (85%) of total government spending, which itself is about the same size as new private credit each year. In June, local governments took full advantage of this opportunity, issuing 316 billion RMB in brand new bonds (up from a mere 17 billion in May - an 11.8% increase year-on-year) (Table 3). This spike in issuance is later than in previous years. Combined with the Politburo and State Council pledging to boost fiscal policy and domestic demand, it suggests that net new issuance will pick up sharply in H2 2018 (Chart 14).10 Table 3Local Government Bond Issuance And Quota Chart 14Local Government Debt Can Surprise In H2 At the same time, the risk that special infrastructure spending will fall short this year is receding. About 1.4 trillion RMB of the year's new bond allowance consists of special purpose bonds to fund projects. The State Council said on July 23 it would accelerate the issuance of these bonds, since, at most, only 27% of the quota was issued in the first half of the year (Chart 15). The risk of a shortfall - due to stricter government regulations over the quality of projects - is thereby reduced. What is the overall impact of these moves? The Chinese government provides an annual "debt limit" that applies to the grand total of explicit, on-balance-sheet, local government debt. The limit increased by 11.6% for 2018, to 21 trillion RMB (Table 4), which, theoretically, enables local governments to splurge on a 4.5 trillion RMB debt blowout. Should that occur, 2.6 trillion RMB of that amount, or 3% of GDP, would be completely unexpected new government spending in 2018 (creating a positive fiscal thrust).11 Chart 15June Issuance Surged, Special Bonds To Pick Up Table 4Local Government Debt Quota Is Not A Constraint Such a blowout may not be likely, but it is legally allowed - and the political constraints on new issuance have fallen with the central government's change of stance. This means that local governments' net new bond issuance can move up toward this number. More feasibly, local governments could increase their explicit debt to 19.3 trillion RMB, a 920 billion RMB increase on what is expected, which would imply 1% of GDP in new spending or "stimulus" in 2018.12 The above only considers explicit, on-balance-sheet debt. Local governments also notoriously borrow and spend off the balance sheet. The total of such borrowing was 8.6 trillion RMB at the end of 2014, but there is no recent data and the stock and flow are completely opaque.13 The battle against systemic risk is supposed to curtail such activity this year. But the newly relaxed supervision from Beijing will result in less deleveraging at minimum, and possibly re-leveraging. Similarly, the government has said it is willing to help local governments issue refinancing bonds to deal with the spike in bonds maturing this year.14 This frees them up to actually spend or invest the money they raise from brand new bonds. In short, our constraints-based methodology suggests that the risk lies to the upside for local government debt in 2018, given that it is legal for debt to increase by as much as 2.5 trillion RMB, 3% of GDP, over the 1.9 trillion RMB increase that is already expected in the IMF's budget deficit projections for 2018. What about the central government? Its policy stance has clearly shifted. The central government could quite reasonably expand the official budget deficit beyond the 2.6% target. Indeed, that target is already outdated given that new individual tax cuts have been proposed, which would decrease revenues (add to the deficit) by, we estimate, a minimum of 0.44% of GDP over a 12-month period starting in October.15 Other fiscal boosts have also been proposed that would add an uncertain sum to this amount.16 The total of these measures can quite easily add up to 1% of GDP, albeit with the impact mostly in 2019. Finally, the strongest reason to err on the side of an upward fiscal surprise is that an expansion of fiscal policy will allow the Xi administration to boost demand without entirely relying on credit growth. First, local governments are actually flush with revenues due to strong land sales (Chart 16), which comprise around a third of their revenues. This enables them to increase spending even before they tap the larger debt allowance. Second, China's primary concern about financial risk is due to excessive corporate (and some household) leverage, particularly by state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and shadow banking. It is not due to public debt per se. It is entirely sensible that China would boost public debt as it attempts to limit leverage. In fact, this would be the Zhu Rongji playbook from 1998-2001. This was the last time that China announced a momentous three-year plan to crack down on profligate lending, hidden debts, and credit misallocation. The authorities deliberately expanded fiscal policy to compensate for the anticipate credit crunch and its drag on GDP growth (Chart 17).17 Chart 16Land Sales Enable Non-Debt Fiscal Spending Chart 17China Boosted Fiscal During Last Bad Debt Purge As for the impact on the economy, the money multiplier will be meaningful because the economy is slowing and fiscal policy has been tight. But fiscal spending does operate with a six-to-ten month lag, meaning that China/EM-linked risk assets will move long before the economic data fully shows the impact. Our sense, judging by the unenthusiastic response of copper prices thus far, is that the market does not anticipate the fiscal overshoot that we now do. Bottom Line: The political constraints on local government spending have fallen. Fiscal policy could add as much as 1%-3% of GDP to the budget deficit in H2 2018, namely if local government spending is unleashed by the recently announced policy shift. This is comparable to the 4% of GDP fiscal boost in 2008-09 and 3% in 2015-16. Can Monetary Easing Overshoot? Yes, But Less Likely. Credit is China's primary means of stimulating the economy, especially during crisis moments, and it has a much shorter lag period than fiscal spending (about three months). But Xi's agenda makes the use of rapid, credit-fueled stimulus more problematic. Based on the sharp drop in the interbank rate - in particular, the three-month interbank repo rate that BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy and China Investment Strategy use as a proxy for China's benchmark rate - it is entirely possible that credit growth will increase to some degree in H2 2018. Interbank rates have now fallen almost to 2016 levels, while the central bank never hiked the official 1-year policy rate during the recent upswing (Chart 18). In other words, the monetary setting has now almost entirely reversed the financial crackdown that began in 2017. The sharp drop in the interbank rate is partly a consequence of the three cuts to required reserve ratios (RRRs) this year, which amounts to 2.8 trillion RMB in new base money from which banks can lend.18 One or two more RRR cuts are expected in H2 2018, which could free up another roughly 800 billion-to-1.6 trillion RMB in new base money. With China accumulating forex reserves at a slower pace than in the past, and facing a future of economic rebalancing away from exports and growing trade protectionism, RRRs can continue to decline over the long run (Chart 19). China will not need to sterilize as large of inflows of foreign exchange.19 If China's banks and borrowers respond as they have almost always done, then credit growth should rise. The risk to this assumption is that the banks may be afraid to lend as long as the Xi administration remains even partially committed to its financial crackdown. Moreover, the anti-corruption campaign is continuing to probe the financial sector. While this has only produced a handful of anecdotes so far, they are significant and may have helped cause the decline in loan approvals since early 2017. Critically, China has begun the process of recognizing non-performing loans (NPLs), by requiring that "special mention loans" be reclassified as NPLs, thus implying that NPL ratios will spike, especially among small and regional lenders (Chart 20). This is part of the deleveraging process we expect to continue, but it can take on a life of its own and will almost certainly weigh on credit growth to some extent for as long as it continues. Chart 18Monetary Settings Back To Easy Levels Chart 19RRR Cuts Can Continue Chart 20NPL Recognition Underway (!) What will be the prevailing trend: monetary easing or the financial crackdown? In Chart 21 we consider three scenarios for the path of overall private credit growth (total social financing, ex-equity) for the rest of the year, with our subjective probabilities: Chart 21Three Scenarios For Private Credit In H2 2018 In Scenario A, 10% probability, we present an extreme case in which Beijing panics over the trade war and the banks engage in a 2009-style lending extravaganza. Credit skyrockets up to the 2010-17 average growth rate. This would mark a massive 11.9 trillion RMB or 13.8% of GDP increase in excess of the amount implied by the H1 2018 data. This size of credit spike would be comparable to the huge spikes that occurred during past crises, such as the 22% of GDP increase in 2008-09 or the 9% of GDP increase in 2015-16. Needless to say, this is not our baseline case, but it could materialize if the trade war causes a global panic. In Scenario B, 70% probability, we assume, more reasonably, that traditional yuan bank loans are allowed to rise toward their average 2010-17 growth rate as a result of policy easing, yet Xi maintains the crackdown on non-bank credit in accordance with this "Three Battles" framework. Credit growth would still decelerate in year-on-year terms, but only just: it would fall from 12.3% in 2017 to 11.5% in 2018. Additional policy measures could easily bump this up to a modest year-on-year acceleration, of course. This scenario would result in a credit increase worth 2.9 trillion RMB or 3.4% of GDP on top of the level implied by H1 2018. In Scenario C, 20% probability, we assume that the 2018 YTD status quo persists: bank credit and non-bank credit continue growing at the bleak H1 2018 rate. The administration's attempt to maintain the crackdown on financial risk could frighten banks out of lending. This would mean no credit increase in 2018 beyond what is naturally extrapolated from the H1 2018 data. Credit growth would slow from 12.3% to 10.7% in 2018. This scenario would be surprising, but not entirely implausible given that the Politburo is insisting on continuing the Three Battles. The collapse in interbank rates and the easing measures already undertaken - such as reports that the Macro-Prudential Assessments will lighten up, and that the People's Bank is explicitly softening banks' annual loan quotas20 - lead us to believe that Scenario B is most likely, and possibly too conservative. This is the scenario most consistent with the latest Politburo statement: that authorities will continue the campaign against systemic risk, namely through the policy of "opening the front door" (traditional bank loans go up) and "closing the back door" (shadow lending goes down), which began in January. The Chinese government has always considered control of financial intermediation to be essential. The only way to reinforce the dominance of the state-controlled banks, while preventing a sharp drop in aggregate demand, is to allow them to grow their loan books while regulators tie the hands of their shadow-bank rivals (Chart 22). Chart 22Opening The Front Door, Closing The Back One factor that could evolve beyond authorities' control is the velocity of money. Money velocity is essentially a gauge of animal spirits. If a single yuan changes hands multiple times, it will drive more economic activity, but if it is deposited away for a rainy day, then the bear spirit is in full force. Thus, if credit growth accelerates, but money in circulation changes hands more slowly, then nominal GDP can still decelerate - and vice versa.21 China's money velocity suffered a sharp drop during the tumult of 2015, recovered along with the policy stimulus in 2016, and has tapered a bit in 2018 in the face of Xi's deleveraging campaign. Yet it remains elevated relative to 2012-16 and clearly responds at least somewhat to policy easing. The implication is that money velocity should remain elevated or even pick up in H2. Again, the risk to this view is that Xi's ongoing battle against financial risk, and anti-corruption campaign in the financial sector, could suppress money velocity as well as credit growth. Bottom Line: We see a subjective 70% chance that the drop in credit growth will be halted or reversed in H2 as a result of the central bank's liquidity easing and the Politburo's willingness to let traditional bank lending grow while it discourages shadow lending. Our baseline case says the impact could amount to new credit worth 3.4% of GDP in H2 2018 that markets do not yet expect. Investment Conclusions Beijing's shift in policy suggests that our subjective probability of a policy mistake this year, leading to a sharp economic deceleration, should be reduced from 30% to 20% (Credit Scenario C above).22 Why is this dire scenario still carrying one-to-five odds? Because we fear that the financial crackdown and rising NPLs could take on a life of their own. Meanwhile the risk of aggressive re-leveraging has risen from 0% to 10% (Credit Scenario A above). Summing up, Table 5 provides a simple, back-of-the-envelope estimate of the size of both fiscal and monetary policy measures as a share of GDP. Table 5Potential Magnitude Of Easing/Stimulus Our bias is to expect a strong fiscal response combined with a weak-to-moderate credit response. This would reflect the Xi administration's desire to prevent asset bubbles while supporting growth. A more proactive fiscal policy harkens back to China's handling of its last financial purge in 1998-2001. If banks prove unable or unwilling to lend sufficiently, additional fiscal expansion will pick up the slack. New local government debt can surprise by 1% of GDP or more, while formal bank lending amidst an ongoing crackdown on shadow lending could add new credit of around 3.4% of GDP and hence mitigate or halt the slowdown in credit growth. The combined effect would be an unexpected boost to demand worth 4.4% of GDP in H2 2018, which would exert an unknown, but positive, multiplier effect. We are replacing our "Reform Reboot" checklist, which has seen every item checked off, with a new "Stimulus Checklist" that we will monitor going forward (Appendix). Chart 23How To Monitor The Stimulus Impact Neither the size of this stimulus, nor the composition of fiscal spending, will be quite as positive for EM/commodities as were past stimulus efforts. China's investment profile is changing as the reform agenda seeks to reduce industrial overcapacity and build the foundations for stronger household demand and a consumer society. Increases in fiscal spending today will involve more "soft infrastructure" than in the past. We recommend reinstituting our long China / short EM equity trade, using MSCI China ex-tech equities. We also recommend reinitiating our long China Big Five Banks / short other banks trade, to capture the disparity of the financial crackdown's impact. To capture the new upside risk for global risk assets, our colleague Mathieu Savary at BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy has devised a "China Play" index that is highly sensitive to Chinese growth - it includes iron ore prices, Swedish industrial stocks, Brazilian stocks, and EM junk bonds (all in USD terms), as well as the Aussie dollar-Japanese yen cross. BCA Geopolitical Strategy also recommends this trade as a portfolio hedge to our negative EM view (Chart 23).23 A major risk to the "modest reflation" argument in this report will materialize if the RMB depreciates excessively in response to the escalating trade war (Trump will likely post a new tariff list on $200 billion worth of goods in September).24 This could result in renewed capital outflows breaking through China's capital controls, the PBC appearing to lose control, EM currencies and capital markets getting roiled, EM financial conditions tightening sharply, and global trade and growth slowing sharply. China would ultimately have to stimulate more (moving in the direction of Credit Scenario A above), but a market selloff would occur first and much economic damage would be done. PART II In the first part of this two-part Special Report, we concluded that policy headwinds to China's economic growth have begun to recede, but recent easing measures will likely disappoint the markets. Chart 24Money Growth Bottomed, Credit Still Weak In essence, China is girding for a trade war with the United States, which favors stimulus. But it is still attempting to reduce systemic financial risk. As a result, fiscal stimulus may surprise to the upside, but credit growth will be lackluster. The problem for investors - especially for emerging market (EM) assets and the commodity complex - is that Chinese fiscal stimulus typically operates with a six-to-ten month lag, as opposed to credit stimulus which only takes about three months to kick in.25 July statistics confirm our suspicion that credit stimulus will be hampered by the government's crackdown on shadow banking. Total credit growth remains weak, although broad money (M2) does appear to be bottoming (Chart 24). Thus far, BCA's China Investment Strategy has been correct in characterizing the latest developments as "taking the foot off the brake" rather than "pressing down on the accelerator."26 In this part of the report we take a deeper dive into the policy factors that cause us to limit our "stimulus overshoot" scenario to a 10% subjective probability. The three chief reasons are: overstated easing of macro-prudential controls; the continuing process of cleansing the banking sector of non-performing loans; and the anti-corruption campaign in the financial sector. A Preemptive Dodd-Frank Since the Xi administration redoubled its efforts to tackle systemic financial risk last year, we have urged investors to be cautious about Chinese growth.27 The creation of new institutions and new regulatory requirements set in motion processes that would be hard to reverse quickly. While these institutions are now making several compromises for the sake of stability, their operations will continue to weigh on credit growth. In July 2017, China's government held the National Financial Work Conference to address the major issues facing the country's financial system. This conference takes place once every five years and has often occasioned significant shakeups in financial regulation. In 1997, it initiated a sweeping purge of the banking system, and in 2002, it saw the creation of three financial watchdogs that would become critical institutional players throughout the 2000s.28 One of the skeletons in the closet from 2002 was the debate over whether financial regulation should be heavily centralized or divided among different, specialized, state agencies. Former Premier Wen Jiabao won the argument with the creation of the three watchdogs covering banking, securities, and insurance. After a series of controversies and conflicts, the Xi administration decided that these agencies had failed in their primary purpose of curbing systemic risk and ordered a reorganization with greater centralization. At the 2017 financial conference, Xi announced the creation of the Financial Stability and Development Committee (FSDC) to act as a centralized watchdog over the entire financial system. The FSDC would coordinate with the central bank, oversee macro-prudential regulation, and prevent systemic risk. Liu He, Xi's right-hand man on the economy and a policymaker with a hawkish reputation, was soon promoted to the Politburo and given the top job at the FSDC.29 As a second step, the Xi administration announced that it would combine the banking and insurance regulators into a single entity - the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission (CBIRC). The CBIRC, to be headed by Xi ally, and notable hawk, Guo Shuqing, would continue and escalate the crackdown on shadow lending that Guo had begun at the helm of the bank watchdog in 2017 (Chart 25). The merging of the agencies would also close the regulatory gap that had seen the insurance regulator increase its dominion and rent-seeking by encouraging "excessive" financial innovation and risky pseudo-insurance products.30 Chart 25Crackdown On Informal Credit Continues The FSDC was expected, rightly, to bring a more hawkish tilt to Chinese macro-prudential regulation. In reference to the U.S.'s Financial Stability Oversight Council, we dubbed these moves a "Preemptive Dodd-Frank."31 We also argued, however, that the purpose was to bring unified command and control to financial regulation and that China would continue to prize stability above all. Therefore the degree of tightening or loosening should vary in accordance this goal.32 After a series of announcements in July and August, it is clear that China's government has shifted to a more accommodative posture (please refer back to Chart 18 and Chart 19). As usual, there are rumors of high-level political intrigue to go along with the policy shift: some argue that Premier Li Keqiang is making a comeback while Xi's golden boy, Liu He, has been sidelined due to his failure to forestall tariffs during his trade talks with Donald Trump this spring.33 Such rumors are valuable only in revealing the intensity of the policy debate in Beijing. What is certain, however, is that the FSDC, with Liu He as chairman, only met for the first time as a fully assembled group in early July, just before the major easing measures were taken. This implies that any initial conclusions were pragmatic (i.e. not excessively hawkish). Moreover, Guo Shuqing is not only the CBIRC head but also the party secretary of the PBOC, meaning that central bank chief Yi Gang cannot have adopted easing measures without Guo's at least condoning it. Chinese policymakers see the recent easing measures as "fine-tuning" even as they continue the rollout of new regulatory institutions and systems. It is thus too soon to claim that Xi Jinping or any of these government bodies have thrown in the towel on their attempts to contain excessive leverage. Both the Politburo and the State Council - the highest party and state decision-makers - have made clear that they do not intend to endorse a massive stimulus on the magnitude of 2008-09 or 2015-16.34 They have also insisted that the "Tough Battle" against systemic financial risk, and the campaign to "deleverage" the corporate sector, will continue. What does this mean in practical terms? While new regulations will be compromised, they will also continue to be implemented. For example, authorities have watered down new regulations governing the $15 trillion asset management industry, yet the regulations are still expected to go into force by 2020. These rules will weigh on shadow banking activity (e.g. wealth management products) as banks prepare to meet the requirements.35 Two other examples are critical and will be discussed below: first, the potential easing of rules under the Macro Prudential Assessment (MPA) framework for stress-testing banks; second, this year's changes to rules governing non-performing loans (NPLs). In the former case, the degree of financial easing is potentially significant but at present overestimated by investors; in the latter case, the degree of tightening is already significant and widely underestimated. Bottom Line: New financial regulatory institutions will inherently suppress credit growth, especially by dragging on informal or non-bank credit growth. Macro-Prudential Assessments: Less Easing Than Meets The Eye A key factor in determining China's credit growth going forward will be banks' responses to any softening of the Macro Prudential Assessment (MPA) requirements. News reports have suggested that a relaxation of these rules may occur, but authorities have not finalized such a move. Furthermore, the impact on credit growth may be far less than the astronomical sums being floated around the investment community. The MPA framework began in 2016. It is an evaluative system of "stress-testing" China's banks each quarter. As such it is part of the upgrade of macro-prudential systems across the world in the aftermath of the global financial crisis, comparable to the American Financial Stability Oversight Committee or the European Systemic Risk Board.36 It is managed by the PBOC and the FSDC. The MPA divides banks into systemically important financial institutions and common institutions, and subdivides the former into those of national and regional importance. The evaluation method contains seven major criteria for assessing bank stability: Capital adequacy and leverage ratios; Bank assets and liabilities; Liquidity conditions; Pricing behavior for interest rates; Quality of assets; Cross-border financing; Execution of credit policy. The first and fourth of these criteria (capital adequacy and leverage ratios, and pricing behavior for interest rates) are in bold font because they result in a "veto" over the entire assessment: if a bank fails to maintain a sufficient capital buffer, or deviates too far from policy interest rates, it can fail the entire stress-test. Otherwise, failure of any two of the other five categories results in overall failure. A system of rewards and punishments awaits banks depending on how they perform (Diagram 1). Diagram 1China's Macro Prudential Assessment Framework Explained On July 20, the PBOC published a document saying that "in order to better regulate assets of financial institutions, during Macro Prudential Assessment (MPA), relevant parameters can be reasonably adjusted." Subsequently Reuters reported that the PBOC would reduce the "structural parameter" and the "pro-cyclical contribution parameter" of the capital adequacy ratio (CAR) requirements, thereby easing rules on one of the veto items. The structural parameter would fall from 1.0 to 0.5. Rumors suggest that the pro-cyclical parameter could fall from 0.4-0.8 to 0.3. No such changes have been finalized - only a few banks actually claim to have received notification of a change and there are regional differences. Clearly a general change of the rule would reduce regulatory constraints on bank credit. But how big would the impact be? Under the MPA, banks' CARs are not allowed to fall too far below the "neutral CAR," or C*, a variable that is calculated using the formula outlined in Diagram 2. Most of the variables in this formula will not change often: for instance, the minimum legal CAR will be slow to change, as will the capital reserve buffer and the bonus buffer for systemically important institutions. The one factor that can change frequently is the "discretionary counter-cyclical buffer," as it responds to the country's current place in the business cycle. Diagram 2China's Macro-Prudential Assessment Framework: Capital Adequacy Ratios The key input to this factor is broad credit growth. Thus, if authorities should reduce the CAR's cyclical parameter from a simple average of 0.6 to 0.3, broad credit growth could go higher without creating an excessive increase in the pro-cyclical buffer. In other words, at present about 60% of bank credit expansion in excess of nominal GDP growth counts toward a counter-cyclical capital buffer, which is added to other capital buffers. A tweak to this parameter could decrease that proportion to 30%, meaning that bank lending could go twice as high with the same impact on the counter-cyclical buffer. More significantly, if authorities should reduce the CAR's structural parameter from 1.0 to 0.5, any increase in credit growth would have a less dramatic impact on C*. Hence banks would be able to lend more while still keeping their neutral CAR within the appropriate range relative to their actual CAR. Banks could theoretically lend twice as much with the same impact on the assessment.37 On paper these changes could result in unleashing as much as 41.4 trillion RMB in new lending in 2018, or 28 trillion (33% of GDP) on top of what could have been expected without any adjustment to the macro-prudential rules. This is because broad credit growth would theoretically be allowed to grow as fast as 30% instead of 17%.38 But in reality this growth rate is extremely unlikely. Why? Because it assumes that banks will grow their lending books as rapidly as they are allowed. In fact, banks are currently increasing broad credit at a rate of about 10%, which is considerably lower than either today's or tomorrow's permitted rate of growth under the MPA framework (Chart 26). Chart 26Banks Are Not Lending To The Regulatory Maximum If tweaks to the MPA increase this speed limit to 30%, it does not mean that banks will drive any faster than they are already driving. They are lending at the current pace for self-interested reasons (and there is fear of excessive debt, default, or insolvency due to the government's ongoing regulatory and anti-corruption crackdown).39 Chart 27Regulators Can Deprive Banks Of MLF Access Still, if the MPA rules are tweaked, then it will send a signal that macro-prudential scrutiny is abating and banks can lend more aggressively - this would have some positive effect on credit growth, at least for major banks that are secure in meeting their CARs. Moreover, there will be a practical consequence in that fewer banks will be punished for having insufficient CARs. At present, only rarely do banks fail the evaluations. But a strict CAR requirement during an economic downturn could change that. The proposed MPA adjustment would show that banks are graded on a sliding rule: the authorities would slide the grading scale downward to enable more banks to pass the test. This means fewer failures, which means fewer punitive measures that could upset liquidity or stability in the banking system. Ultimately, in order for the new system to have any credibility at all, punishment will have to be meted out to banks that fail the stress tests. A key punishment within the MPA system is exclusion from medium-term lending facility (MLF) loans from the PBOC. This is a regulatory action with teeth, as this is one of the PBOC's major means of injecting liquidity (Chart 27). A misbehaving bank could face short-term liquidity shortage or even insolvency. Therefore the authorities are opting to soften the rules so that the new regulatory system is preserved yet the harshest implications are avoided (for now). This would be short-term gain for long-term pain, the opposite of what China needs from the standpoint of an investor looking for improvements to productivity and potential GDP growth. But it would not necessarily be a great boon for global risk assets in the near term. While it could help stabilize expectations for China's domestic growth, it is not clear that it would unleash a mass wave of new bank loans that would reaccelerate China's economy and put wings beneath EM assets and commodity prices. Bottom Line: Tweaking the MPA parameters is a clear example of policy easing. Yet the MPA system itself is a fairly rigorous means of stress-testing banks that is part of a much larger expansion of financial sector regulation. The results of the easier rules - if implemented - will not be as reflationary as might be expected from the headline 41 trillion RMB in new loans that could legally be created. Banks are already expanding loans more slowly than they are allowed to do, so increasing the speed limit will have little effect. The real purpose of the macro-prudential tweaks is to make it more difficult for banks to fail their stress tests in a downturn. As such, any tweaks would actually reveal that Chinese policymakers are expecting a more painful downturn, not that they are asking for a credit splurge. NPL Recognition Will Weigh On Credit Growth Another factor that we have highlighted that separates today's easing measures from outright stimulus: the growing recognition of non-performing loans (NPLs) in China's banks and the financial cleansing process. The government's reform push has already led to two trends that are relatively rare and notable in the Chinese context: rising corporate defaults (Chart 28) and rising bankruptcies (Chart 29). While the impact may be small relative to China's economic size, the direction of change is significant in a country that has been extremely averse to recognizing losses. Chart 28Defaults Are Rising Chart 29Creative Destruction In China These changes reflect the tightening of financial conditions and restructurings of various industries and as such are evidence of Xi's attempt to make progress on reforms while maintaining stability. They also reflect a general environment that is conducive to the realization of bad loans. Two recent policy decisions are affecting banks' accounting of bad loans. First, the CBIRC issued new guidance that eases NPL provision requirements for "responsible" banks (banks with good credit quality) while maintaining the existing requirements for "irresponsible" banks.40 Since the major state-controlled banks will largely meet the standards, they will be able to lend somewhat more (we estimate around 600 billion RMB or 0.7% of GDP). This would support the recent trend in which traditional bank lending rises as a share of total credit growth. Second, however, the CBIRC is requiring banks to reclassify all loans that are 90-or-more-days delinquent as NPLs, resulting in upward revisions of bank NPL ratios. This will send the official rate on an upward march toward 5%, from current extremely low 1.9% (Chart 30). It is the direction of change that matters, as NPL recognition can take on a life of its own. While many state banks may already have recognized the 90-day delinquent loans, many small and regional banks probably have not. Anecdotally, a number of small banks are reporting large NPL ratios as a result of the regulatory clampdown and definition change. Rural commercial banks, in particular, are in trouble with several showing NPLs in double digits (Chart 31). These small and regional banks will have until an unspecified date in 2019 to reclassify these loans and raise provisions against them. The result will hamper credit growth. Chart 30Bad Loan Ratios Set To Rise Chart 31City And Rural Commercial Banks Most At Risk Of Rising Bad Loans To get a more detailed picture of the NPL recognition process, we have updated our survey of 16 commercial banks listed on the A-share market.41 This research reveals that banks have continued to increase the amount of bad loans they have written off. While the NPL ratio has remained roughly the same, cumulative loan-loss write-offs combined with NPLs have reached 7% of total loans and are still rising (Chart 32). This shows that a cleansing process is well underway. It is concerning that write-offs have reached nearly 50% of pre-tax profits. And even as losses mount, the proportion of each year's losses to the previous year's NPLs has fallen, implying that the previous year's NPLs had grown bigger (Chart 33). Chart 32The Bank Cleansing Process Continues Chart 33Write-Offs Almost 50% Of Bank Profits Furthermore, while loan losses grow, the surveyed banks' profit growth has been reduced to virtually zero (Chart 34). Chart 34Write-Offs Almost 50% Of Bank Profits Our updated "stress test" for Chinese banks, which is based on the same sample of 16 commercial banks, suggests that if total NPLs rise to a pessimistic, but still quite realistic, ratio of 13% (a weighted average of NPL ratio assumptions per sector, ranging from 10%-30%), then total losses could amount to 10.4 trillion RMB, or 12% of GDP (Table 6). Table 6Pessimistic Scenario Analysis##br## For Commercial Bank NPLs In this scenario, banks' net equity would be impacted by 38% as this amount surpasses the buffer of net profits (1.75 trillion RMB) and NPL provisions (3 trillion). China's banks are well provisioned, but they would be less so after a hit of this nature. A similar stress-test by BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy found that equity impairment could range from 33%-49%, implying that Chinese banks were roughly 29% overvalued on a fair price-to-book-value basis.42 Looking at different economic sectors, it is apparent that domestic trade, manufacturing, and mining have seen the highest incidence of loans going sour (Table 7). In all three cases, it is reasonable to conjecture that the NPL ratio can continue to expand - and not only because of the definitional change. First, wholesale and retail (4.7%) consists largely of SMEs, and the government is publicly concerned about their ability to get credit. Second, manufacturing (3.9%) has been hit by changing trade patterns and rising labor costs and has not yet suffered the impact from recently imposed U.S. trade tariffs. Third, mining (3.6%) has felt the first wave of the impact from the government's cuts to overcapacity in recent years, but has seen very extensive restructuring and the fallout may continue. Table 7China: Troubled Sectors Can Produce More Bad Loans More realistic NPL recognition is an important and positive development for China over the long run. Over the short run, banks' efforts to write-off NPL losses will weigh on their willingness to lend and could pose a risk to overall economic activity. Bottom Line: The government's reform and restructuring efforts are initiating a process of creative destruction in the Chinese economy. This is most notable in the government's willingness to recognize NPLs, which will continue to weigh on credit growth. The government is trying to control the pace and intensity of this process, but we expect credit stimulus to be disappointing relative to fiscal stimulus as long as the financial regulatory crackdown is at least half-heartedly implemented. Anti-Corruption Campaign Is Market-Negative Another reason to expect total credit growth to remain subdued comes from the anti-corruption campaign and its probes into local government finances and the financial sector. Chart 35Anti-Corruption Campaign Trudges Onward One of the new institutions created in China's 2017-18 leadership reshuffle was the National Supervisory Commission (NSC). This is a powerful new commission that is capable of overseeing the highest state authority (the National People's Congress). It is also ranked above the formal legal system, the Supreme Court and the public prosecutor's office. It is charged with formalizing the anti-corruption campaign and extending it from the Communist Party into the state bureaucracy, including state-owned enterprises.43 Having operated for less than a year, it is not possible to draw firm conclusions about the doings of the NSC, let alone any macro impact. Tentatively, the commission has focused on financial and economic crimes that have the potential to create a "chilling effect" among government officials and bank executives.44 Notably, the NSC has investigated Lai Xiaomin, former chief executive of Huarong, the largest of the big four Asset Management Corporations (AMCs), i.e. China's "bad banks." There is more than one reason for Huarong to attract the attention of investigators, but it is notable that it had extensive investments in areas outside its official duty of acquiring and disposing of NPLs. The implication could be that the government wants the AMCs to focus on their core competency: cleaning up the coming deluge of NPLs. The anti-corruption is also targeting local government officials for misappropriating state funds. These investigations involve punishment of provincial officials for false accounting as well as embezzlement and other crimes. We have noted before that the provinces that revised down their GDP growth targets most aggressively this year were also some of the hardest hit with anti-corruption probes into falsifying data and misallocating capital.45 On several occasions it has appeared as if the anti-corruption campaign was losing steam, but the broadest tally of cases under investigation suggest that it is still going strong despite hitting a peak at the beginning of the year (Chart 35). The campaign remains a potential source of disruption among the very officials whose risk appetite will determine whether central government policy easing actually results in additional bank lending and local government borrowing. Bottom Line: While difficult to quantify, the anti-corruption campaign will dampen animal spirits within local governments and the financial sector as long as the new NSC is seeking to establish itself and the Xi administration remains committed to prosecuting the campaign aggressively. Investment Conclusions Table 8Estimates Of Hidden Local Government Debt We would be surprised if credit growth did not perk up at least somewhat as a result of the past month's easing measures. But as outlined above, these measures may disappoint the markets as a result of the ongoing financial regulatory drive, the baggage of NPL recognition, and any negative impact on risk appetite due to the anti-corruption campaign. And this is not even to mention the dampening effects of ongoing property sector and pollution curbs.46 In lieu of a credit surge, Beijing is likely to rely more on fiscal spending to stabilize growth. Fiscal spending also faces complications, of course. In recent years, China's local governments have built up a potentially massive pool of off-balance-sheet debt due to structural factors limiting local government revenue generation (Table 8). Beijing is now attempting to force this debt into the light. The local government debt maturity schedule suggests a persistent headwind in coming years as hidden debt is brought onto the balance sheet and governments scramble to meet payment deadlines (Chart 36). In addition, the local government debt swap program launched in 2014-15 will wrap up this month. Chart 36Local Governments Face Rising Debt Payments Nevertheless Beijing has introduced a new class of "refinancing bonds" in 2018 to help stabilize the fiscal situation. These bonds are separate from brand new bonds that have the potential to increase significantly over the second half of this year. China's Finance Ministry has also reportedly asked local governments to issue 80 percent of net new special purpose bonds by the end of September. Since only about a quarter of the year's 1.35 trillion RMB quota was issued in H1, this order would mean that about half of the quota (675 billion RMB out of 1.35 trillion RMB) would be issued in August and September alone - implying a significant surge to Chinese demand, albeit with a lag of six months or so.47 The latest data releases from July suggest that Beijing is trying to do two things at once: ease liquidity conditions while cracking down on excess leverage. Until we see a spike in credit growth, we will continue to expect the policy turn to be only moderately reflationary, with the ability to offset existing headwinds but not spark a broad-based reacceleration of the economy. Going forward, data for the month of August will be very important to monitor, as many of the easing measures were not announced until late July. For all the reasons outlined in this two-part Special Report, we would view a sharp increase in total credit as a game-changer that would point toward a "stimulus overshoot" (Appendix). Such an overshoot is less likely if the government relies more heavily on fiscal spending this time around, which is what we expect. Meanwhile, turmoil in emerging markets - which we fully anticipated based on China's policy headwinds this year and our dollar bullish view - will only be exacerbated by China's unwillingness to stimulate massively.48 Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Qingyun Xu, Senior Analyst qingyun@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma, Contributing Editor yushum@bcaresearch.com Appendix Appendix Appendix 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "A Long View Of China," dated December 28, 2017, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 4 The fact that he began tightening financial policy in late 2016 and early 2017 was especially significant because only a very self-assured leader would attempt something so risky ahead of a midterm party congress. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Reports, "Trump, Year Two: Let The Trade War Begin," dated March 14, 2018, and "Trump's Demands On China," dated April 4, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 The statement declared in its first paragraph that China would "maintain the stability of employment," with employment being the first item in a list. A similar emphasis on employment has not been seen in Politburo statements since the troubled year of 2015, and it has not been mentioned substantively in 11 key meetings since the nineteenth National Party Congress last October. 7 Please see footnote 2 above. 8 After the State Council meetings on July 23 and 26, Vice-Minister of Finance Liu Wei elaborated on the government's thinking: "These [measures] further add weight to the overall broad logic at the start of the year ... It isn't at all that the macro-economy has undergone any major volatility, and we are not undertaking any irrigation-style, shock-style measures." Please see "Beijing Sheds Light On Plans For More Active Fiscal Policy," China Banking News, July 27, 2018, available at www.chinabankingnews.com. 9 Our colleagues in BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy service have dubbed this policy "triple tightening." Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "EM And China: A Deleveraging Update," dated November 8, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 This spike in net new issuance in the single month of June is equivalent to 19.8% of the total net new issuance in 2017. It is also much higher than the average monthly issuance in 2014-17 or in 2017 alone. However, since June and July have typically seen the largest spikes in new issuance, it will be critical to see if new issuance in 2018 remains elevated after July. Notably, local government bond issuance is currently divided between brand new bonds, debt swap bonds, and refinancing bonds, but the debt swap program will expire in August, and the refinancing bonds are separate, meaning that a larger share of the allowed new issuance will involve new spending. 11 The IMF expects the change in local government explicit debt this year to be 1.9 trillion RMB. That is, a rise from 16.5 trillion existing to 18.4 trillion estimated. 12 This number is derived by assuming that total debt reaches 92.2% of the debt limit in 2018, which is the share it reached in 2015 (since 2015 the share has fallen to 87.5% in 2017). However, 2015 was a year of fiscal easing, so it is not unreasonable to apply this ratio to 2018 as an upper estimate, now that the government's easing signal is clear. One reason that local governments have been increasing debt more slowly than allowed was that the central government was tightening investment restrictions, for instance on urban rail investment. Many new subway projects of second-tier cities have been suspended, and after raising the qualifications for subway and light rail, the majority of third- and fourth-tier cities were not qualified to build urban rail at all. As a result, local governments' investment intentions were dropping. Now this may change. 13 This estimate comes from the Ministry of Finance. The previous estimate was from the National Accounting Office and stood at 7 trillion RMB as of June 2013. 14 Maturities will spike in the coming years, so this policy signal suggests that further support for refinancing will be forthcoming. There are even unconfirmed rumors of a second phase of the local government debt swap program, which would cover "hidden debt." 15 We say "minimum" because we do not include projections of the impact of tax deductions, lacking details. We only estimate the headline savings to household incomes - loss to government revenues - based on the increase of the individual income tax eligibility threshold and the reduction in tax rates for different income brackets. 16 Additional fiscal measures include corporate tax cuts, R&D expense credits, VAT rebates, and reductions in various fees. 17 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "What Geopolitical Risks Keep Our Clients Awake?" dated March 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 In fact it is more like 1.9 trillion due to strings attached, but a fourth or even fifth RRR cut could push it 3.5 trillion for the year, assuming the average 800 billion cut. 19 Ultimately this trend will result in tightening liquidity conditions in China, but for now forex reserves are not draining massively, while the RRR cuts are easing domestic liquidity. 20 Please see "China Said To Ease Bank Capital Rule To Free Up More Lending," Bloomberg, July 25, and "China's Central Bank Steps Up Effort To Boost Lending," August 1, 2018, available at www.bloomberg.com. 21 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Ms. Mea Challenges The EMS View," dated October 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 22 Please see BCA Research Special Report, "China: Party Congress Ends ... So What?" dated November 2, 2017, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 23 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "The Dollar And Risk Assets Are Beholden To China's Stimulus," dated August 3, 2018, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 24 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Three Macro Paradoxes Are About To Come True," dated August 3, 2018, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 25 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Data Lab: Testing The Predictability Of China's Business Cycle," dated November 30, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 26 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China Is Easing Up On The Brake, Not Pressing The Accelerator," dated July 26, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 27 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 28 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 29 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks," dated November 22, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 30 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Politics Are Stimulative, Everywhere But China," dated February 28, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 31 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Wrath Of Cohn," dated July 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 32 Please see footnote 31 above. 33 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Italy, Spain, Trade Wars... Oh My!" dated May 30, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 34 Please see Part I of this report. 35 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Now What?" dated June 27, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Note that according to the new asset management rules, financial institutions will be required to have a risk reserve worth 10% of their fee income, or corresponding risk capital provisions. When the risk reserve balance reaches 1% of the product balance, no further risk provision will be required. We estimate that setting aside these funds will be a form of financial tightening worth about 1.2% of GDP. 36 Please see Liansheng Zheng, "The Macro Prudential Assessment Framework of China: Background, Evaluation and Current and Future Policy," Center for International Governance Innovation, CIGI Papers No. 164 (March 2018), available at www.cigionline.com. 37 Recall that the second category of the MPA consists of bank assets and liabilities. This category also has a rule for broad credit growth, which is that it should not exceed broad money (M2) plus 20%-25%. Therefore passing this part of the exam already requires banks to meet a 28%-33% speed limit on new credit. Assuming that that the pro-cyclical parameter of the CAR category remains at its current minimum of 0.4, then the structural parameter cannot be effectively pushed any lower than 0.6-0.8. The bottom line is that pushing the CAR structural parameter lower is not going to yield a significant increase in the allowable rate of credit growth. 38 To reach this estimate, we began with the fact that the outstanding level of broad credit growth was around 207 trillion RMB by the end of 2017 (that is, loans plus bonds plus equities plus wealth management products and other off-balance-sheet assets). The 2017 growth rate was about 10% and is assumed to be the same in 2018. Therefore broad credit should reach 227.7 trillion by the end of the year. Then, if we assume that all banks lend at the maximum weighted growth rate allowed by adjusting the structural parameter in the MPA CAR requirement (which is 30%), outstanding broad credit would reach 269.1 trillion by the end of the year. Hence an extra 41.4 trillion RMB in broad credit growth would be released. For comparison, please see CITIC Bond Investment, "Deep Analysis: Impact of Parameter Adjustments in the MPA Framework," July 30, 2018, available at www.sohu.com. 39 Based on actual CARs in 2017, the limit to broad credit growth was 17%-22% for large state-owned banks, 10%-20% for joint-equity banks, and 15%-20% for city or rural commercial banks. However, the actual broad credit growth for most banks was a lot lower than that. For example, for all five state-owned banks (nationally systemically important financial institutions), it was below 10%, well beneath the 17%-22% determined by their actual CARs and C*. 40 Under current regulations, the loan provision ratio is 2.5% while the NPL provision coverage ratio is 150%. The higher of the two is the regulatory standard for commercial banks. On February 28, 2018, the China Banking Regulatory Commission issued a notice declaring that the coverage requirement would change to a range of 120%-150%, while the loan provision requirement would change to a range of 1.5%-2.5%. Banks would qualify for the easier requirements according to how accurately they classified their loans, whether they disposed of their bad loans, and whether they maintained appropriate capital adequacy ratios. This could result in a release of about 800 billion RMB worth of provisions that can be kept as core tier-1 capital or support new lending. 41 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Stress-Testing Chinese Banks," dated July 27, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 42 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Mind The Breakdowns," dated July 5, 2018, and Special Report, "Long Indian / Short Chinese Banks," dated January 17, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 43 Please see Jamie P. Horsley, "What's So Controversial About China's New Anti-Corruption Body?" The Diplomat, May 30, 2018, available at thediplomat.com. 44 The NSC is operationally very close to the Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDIC), which is the Communist Party corruption watchdog formerly headed by heavyweight Wang Qishan. It received only a 10% increase in manpower over the CDIC in order to expand its target range by 200% (covering all state agencies and state-linked organizations). It has allegedly meted out 240,000 punishments in the first half of 2018, up from 210,000 during the same period last year and 163,000 in H1 2016. About 28 of these cases were provincial-level cases or higher. The controversy over the "rights of the detained" has been highlighted by the beating of a local government official's limousine driver in one of the organization's first publicly reported actions. The NSC has also arrested local government officials tied to "corruption kingpin" Zhou Yongkang and known for misappropriating budgetary funds, and has secured the repatriation of fugitives who fled abroad and recovered the assets that they stole or embezzled. 45 The provinces include Tianjin, Chongqing, Liaoning, Inner Mongolia, etc. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy "Trump, Year Two: Let The Trade War Begin," dated March 14, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. There is empirical evidence that anti-corruption probes are correlated with debt defaults. Please see Haoyu Gao, Hong Ru and Dragon Yongjun Tang, "Subnational Debt of China: The Politics-Finance Nexus," dated September 12, 2017, available at gcfp.mit.edu. 46 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble?" dated April 6, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com, and Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "Blue Skies Drive China's Steel Policy," dated August 9, 2018, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 47 Please see "As economy cools, China sets deadline for local government special bond sales," Reuters, dated August 14, 2018, available at www.reuters.com. For more on local government bond issuance, see Part I of this series in footnote 1 above. Note also rumors in Chinese media suggesting that a new local government debt swap program could be launched with the responsibility of tackling off-balance-sheet debts that are guaranteed by local governments. The program has thus far only swapped debts that local governments were obligated to pay. It is not clear what would happen to a third class of local debt, that which is neither an obligation upon local governments nor guaranteed by them but that nevertheless is deemed to serve a public interest. 48 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The EM Bloodbath Has Nothing To Do With Trump," dated August 14, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights The indicators that led the EM selloff continue to point to more downside. Meanwhile, broader EM valuation and positioning indicators have not yet bombed out to warrant bottom fishing. In China, policymakers are not yet embracing stimulus of the same magnitude as in 2015-2016. Consequently, the odds for now favor staying put on China-leveraged plays. Feature Calling market bottoms and tops is an art -not a science - as there is no formula that works at all times, in all markets. The fundamental case for EM/China remains negative, as credit excesses of previous years have not been unwound, and commodities prices remain at risk. However, to avoid being part of a herd and to maintain investment discipline, it is vital to re-visit market indicators from time to time. In this week's report, we explore directional market indicators and valuations, and offer some thoughts on investor sentiment and positioning in EM. Putting all of these together with our fundamental analysis, we still see meaningful downside in EM risk assets, and continue recommending a defensive strategy. A Review Of Indicators The indicators that led this EM selloff continue to point to additional downside. Meanwhile, valuation and positioning indicators have not yet bombed out. Chart I-1 illustrates that EM corporate U.S. dollar bond yields continue to rise (shown inverted on the chart), entailing lower EM share prices. The message is the same whether we consider EM high-yield or investment-grade corporate or EM sovereign U.S. dollar bond yields. Chart I-1EM Share Prices Always Decline When EM Corporate Bond Yields Rise We have repeatedly highlighted1 that EM share prices correlate with EM borrowing costs rather than risk-free rates. So long as the rise in U.S. bond yields is offset by compressing EM credit spreads, EM corporate bond yields decline and EM share prices rally. But when EM corporate (or sovereign) yields rise, irrespective of whether this is due to rising U.S. Treasury yields or widening EM credit spreads, EM equity prices come under selling pressure. Chart I-2 illustrates that a similar relationship exists between China's onshore AA- corporate bond yields and A share prices. AA- corporate bond yields have not yet dropped, and, thereby, they still point to lower share prices ahead. Even though risk-free and interbank rates have plummeted on the mainland, corporate borrowing costs have not. If the Chinese authorities do indeed eradicate the perception of implicit government guarantees for the majority of corporate borrowers - one of the most important items on the government's structural reforms agenda - the odds are that corporate bond yields will rise further to price in higher risk of defaults. This would be a bad omen for corporate borrowing costs, capital spending and share prices. Our risky to safe-haven currency ratio is making new lows. Given it has historically been highly correlated with EM stocks, odds are that EM share prices will continue to drop (Chart I-3). Chart I-2China: On-Shore Corporate Bond (AA-) ##br##Yields And A-Share Market Chart I-3Risky To Safe-Haven Currencies ##br##Ratio And EM Stocks Notably, this ratio is also agnostic to the dollar's direction - it swings between risk-on versus risk-off regimes in financial markets, regardless of the greenback's general trend. Hence, it addresses the question of the direction of EM equity prices, irrespective of the dollar's trajectory. Industrial metals prices correlate with EM corporate earnings growth as demonstrated in Chart I-4. The basis is that both are affected by global growth. Presently, falling metals prices are signaling further deceleration in EM non-financials corporate EBITDA growth. We want to emphasize again that the EM selloff this year has primarily been due to the growth slowdown in EM/China rather than higher U.S. bond yields. If anything, the opposite has been occurring: the EM turmoil and growth slowdown have capped U.S. bond yields since April. Moreover, the currency selloff in EM ex-China has led to rising local currency interest rates in many developing economies. Looking forward, higher local rates entail a capital spending slump, which will weigh on EM and global growth. EM risk assets are highly sensitive to global trade growth. The poor performance of global cyclical equity sectors corroborates weakening world trade. In particular, global mining, steel, chemicals, industrials and semiconductor stocks have all broken below their 200-day moving averages (Chart I-5). Chart I-4More Deceleration In EM Corporate Profits Chart I-5Global Equities: Cyclical Sectors Have Broken Down EM equity valuations are currently roughly neutral, down from being one standard deviation above fair value in January (Chart I-6). Hence, EM stocks are not expensive, but they are not cheap either. When equity valuations are neutral rather than at extremes, the market can either rally or sell off. In brief, when equity valuations are not at extremes, the direction of share prices is contingent on the profit cycle. The outlook for EM corporate earnings at the moment is downbeat (as shown in Chart I-4 on page 3), presaging a market selloff. With respect to high-yielding EM currencies, Chart I-7 demonstrates that the aggregate real effective exchange rate for EM ex-China, Korea and Taiwan has dropped quite a bit, but still stands above its historical lows. Chart I-6EM Stocks Are Not Cheap Chart I-7EM Currencies Are Only Moderately Cheap Regarding credit market valuations, EM corporate credit spreads are still below their post-2009 mean (Chart I-8, top panels). EM sovereign spreads are above their post-2009 mean, but this is due to crisis-stricken outliers. Some pockets of EM, such as Argentina or Turkey,2 might be undervalued for a reason. However, sovereign spreads for EM ex-Venezuela, Argentina and Turkey are still at their post-2009 mean (Chart I-8, bottom panel). On the whole, EM market valuations have improved, but EM assets are not yet cheap to warrant bottom-fishing. Finally, investor sentiment towards EM is no longer wildly bullish as it was last year, but our sense is that the average investor believes this EM selloff will not develop into an extended major bear market. Consistent with this, investors may have hedged some of their bets, or are reducing their exposure, but they have not capitulated or gone bearish/underweight on EM assets. For example, Chart I-9 illustrates that leveraged investors - who have little tolerance for volatility - have substantially reduced their net long positions in EM ETF equity futures, yet asset managers are still very long. Chart I-8EM Credit Spreads Do Not Yet Offer Value Chart I-9EM Stock Futures: Leveraged Funds Have Sold, ##br##But Asset Managers Have Not Besides, investor sentiment on copper - a proxy for EM - is not yet depressed (Chart I-10). As can be seen on this chart, EM share prices bottom when the net bullish sentiment on copper typically drops close to 25%. That is not the case at the moment. Chart I-10Bullish Sentiment On Copper And EM Share Prices Bottom Line: Investors should stay put on EM and underweight EM assets relative to their DM counterparts in general, and the U.S. in particular. China: Juggling Contradictory Objectives China's central bank has substantially eased liquidity in the banking system, as evidenced by the 200-basis-point plunge in interbank rates. In addition, the authorities have instructed local governments to accelerate issuance of the remaining quota of their bonds. What's more, the banking regulator has urged banks to lend more to infrastructure development and to the export sector. We offer several comments and observations regarding China's current round of policy stimulus: First, there has so far been no additional fiscal stimulus announced. General government spending growth for 2018 is planned at 3%, and managed funds spending at 24.1%. Altogether public (fiscal and quasi-fiscal) spending in 2018 is projected to be 8% compared to 8.6% in 2017 and 8.1% in 2016 (Table I-1). Table I-1China: Fiscal And Quasi-Fiscal Spending (Annual Nominal Growth Rates) With no new announced public spending, front-loading previously planned spending could alter the near-term growth trajectory, but it will not affect the economy's cyclical outlook. Second, the key risk to our downbeat view is an acceleration in credit origination.3 Our baseline scenario is that regulatory tightening for banks and shadow banking as well as the ongoing anti-corruption campaign in the financial sector - both components of the broader structural reforms agenda - will continue, and will curb credit growth despite more liquidity provision by the People's Bank of China and lower interbank rates. Importantly, so far there has been little deleveraging. If the authorities allow a credit acceleration, it would negate their adherence to structural reforms in general, and deleveraging in particular. In such a case, China's growth will revive and the negative view on China-leveraged markets will prove to be wrong. Furthermore, a revival in credit growth would go against the policy priority of containing financial risks - code for not allowing bubbles to inflate further. In fact, property sales and starts have recently accelerated (Chart I-11). Stimulating money and credit now would mean inflating the real estate bubble further. Third, broad money (official M2 and our measure of M3) impulses have ticked up, but the credit impulse has not (Chart I-12, top panel). Chart I-11China: Housing Is Proving Resilient Chart I-12China: Money/Credit Impulses Importantly, the broad money impulses rolled over in the second half of 2016, yet EM/China markets and commodities prices remained resilient until early 2018 (Chart I-12, bottom panel). There was roughly an 12-month plus time lag between the rollover in the money/credit impulses and the peak in China-related financial markets. Hence, there will likely be an interval of at least six months before financial markets react to the recent improvement in the money impulses. As such, it is probably too early to bottom-fish EM/China plays. There could be considerable downside in financial markets in the next six months or so, notwithstanding short-term rebounds. Finally, the PBoC's ability to keep money market rates down will be constrained by its appetite for further weakness in the RMB exchange rate. Chart I-13 illustrates that the drop in the interest rate differential between China and the U.S. has coincided with the latest down-leg in the RMB's value. Chart I-13China: Lower Interest Rate Differential = Weaker RMB The interest rate differential between China and the U.S. is now only 100 basis points. Given that U.S. short interest rates are bound to rise further, we expect one of the following scenarios to unfold: If the PBoC opts to lower rates further or keep them at current levels, the yuan will continue to depreciate versus the U.S. dollar. This will be negative for China/EM financial markets; If the PBoC prefers to stabilize the RMB exchange rate versus the dollar, it will need to push up money market rates, thereby undoing its liquidity easing of the past several months. If this takes place, the odds of a credit revival will drop considerably and chances of an economic growth recovery will diminish. Given the above and the fact that EM financial markets have reacted poorly to the RMB's recent depreciation, staying negative on EM risk assets appears to be the more prudent course. We are not sure which option the PBoC will choose in the near term, but in the long run China will have to drop interest rates to soften the deleveraging process. Bottom Line: Chinese policymakers are attempting to simultaneously achieve contradictory objectives: On one hand, they want to deleverage the system and contain the property and credit bubbles. On the other hand, they are not ready to tolerate weaker growth, and have lately opted for stimulus as soon as growth has downshifted. It will be very hard to achieve these contradictory objectives at the same time. For now, policymakers are not yet embracing stimulus of the magnitude that was implemented in 2015-2016. Consequently, the odds for now favor staying put on China-leveraged plays. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "On EM Blues, Brazil And Malaysia," dated May 17, 2018, a link available on page 13. 2 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Alert "Turkey: Booking Profits On Shorts," dated August 15, 2018, a link available on page 13. 3 Underestimating the recovery in credit growth was the reason why we misjudged the magnitude and duration of 2016-17 recovery in China. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights The persistent weakness of the RMB appears to be one important factor weighing on Chinese stocks, particularly the domestic market. CNYUSD may have some upside from current levels if the Trump administration applies only 10% rate to the second round of planned tariffs, but on balance is likely to come under further market pressure. This explains the PBOC's decision to try to support the currency. Interestingly, July brought some hopeful (albeit early) macro signals from China among the data that we track, some of which appear to have been overlooked by investors. Still, a neutral stance towards Chinese investable stocks versus the global benchmark continues to be warranted, at least until some clarity emerges about the magnitude and disposition of the export shock. Feature Economic and financial market conditions in China have not meaningfully improved since the publication of our last weekly report. Chart 1 highlights that China's economic surprise index remains in negative territory, and Chart 2 shows that Chinese investable and domestic stocks remain 22% and 29%, respectively, below their rolling 1-year high in local currency terms. In US$ terms, domestic Chinese stocks are 34% below their January peak, owing to the significant decline in CNYUSD. The BCA China Play Index and the relative performance of domestic infrastructure stocks versus global equities are two additional market indicators that we are watching closely as proxies for reflation, and neither is signaling a significant improvement (Chart 3). Chart 1Persistently Negative Economic Surprises... Chart 2...And Still In A Bear Market Chart 3Reflation Proxies Are Not Signaling A Major Economic Upturn The RMB Factor The persistent weakness of the RMB appears to be one important factor weighing on Chinese stocks, particularly the domestic market. While a weaker currency will actually help offset some of the export shock, Chart 4 shows that domestic stocks have not responded positively to the decline: the rolling 3-month correlation between the two has soared even further into positive territory over the past month, which may explain recent actions from the PBOC to help stabilize the currency. In short, the RMB appears to be acting as the "panic barometer" for domestic equity investors. Chart 4The RMB Is Acting As A "Panic Barometer" For Domestic Stocks Chart 5Some Evidence Of PBOC-Driven Depreciation The PBOC continues to maintain that it is not actively manipulating the RMB, arguing that both last year's appreciation and Q2's depreciation have occurred due to market supply and demand. Chart 5 casts some doubt on this claim, suggesting that at least some of the recent decline has been purposeful. The chart shows the standardized 1-month percent change in official reserves, measured in SDRs to help remove the impact of currency fluctuations. It highlights that the change in currency-neutral reserves has been quite elevated over the past three months relative to recent history, which is what would be expected (absent major capital outflow) if the PBOC was buying foreign currency assets to push down the exchange rate. But we agree that the extent of the decline is now probably more than what policymakers are comfortable with, which raises the question of how much more market-based pressure the RMB is likely to come under. In attempting to answer this question, it is interesting to note that the magnitude of the decline in CNYUSD over the past two months seems to have been closely aligned with the share of proposed tariffs as a share of Chinese exports to the U.S., as would be implied in a simple open economy model with flexible exchange rates. Chart 6 illustrates the magnitude of the decline in CNYUSD that would be implied by this framework in a variety of tariff scenarios. The chart shows that the RMB has some upside from current levels if the rate on the second round of tariffs is limited to 10% (instead of the 25% that has been threatened), and no additional tariffs are levied. But it also shows that further market pressure on the exchange rate is likely if the Trump administration simply follows through with their stated plans, and especially if the U.S. moves to tariff all imports from China. Notably, in the scenarios showing a further RMB decline, all of them fall below the psychologically important level of 7 yuan to the dollar. Chart 6More Pressure On RMB To Come If Trump Merely Follows Through With His Threats Given this, it is easy to see why investors feel that they are in limbo regarding the outlook for Chinese stock prices. They can observe the reflationary outlook of Chinese policymakers, but they are also factoring in: A looming export shock of still uncertain magnitude A strong signal from authorities that the campaign to control leverage and crackdown on shadow banking will not be abandoned Persistent RMB volatility An ongoing "old economy" slowdown that was already underway prior to the imposition of tariffs Domestic Economy Crosscurrents Chart 7Closely Watched Data Releases Negatively Surprised In July Concerning the last of these factors, we have written about a slowdown in China's old economy for the better part of the past year, a view that is now sharply in the market's focus given the negative external outlook. Last week's disappointing release of the July retail sales, industrial production, and fixed asset investment data certainly did not help improve investor sentiment towards China's economy (Chart 7). Interestingly, however, July did bring some hopeful (albeit early) macro signals from China, some of which appear to have been overlooked by investors. Table 1 presents the dashboard of select macro series that we have showed in several reports over the past few months. It highlights the evolution of the key six components of our BCA Li Keqiang index Leading Indicator, four housing market series that we have found to have strongly leading properties, as well as the NBS and Caixin manufacturing PMIs. Credit growth and the PMIs are currently providing the most negative signals, in that they declined in July and are below their 12-month moving average. In the case of credit growth, this is a continuation of an almost 2-year downtrend, but the PMI weakness has been much more recent (in response to the worsening export outlook). But several indicators that we track ticked up in July, including 4 out of 6 components of our leading indicator for the Li Keqiang index (LKI). The fact that monetary conditions indexes have risen should not be surprising given the recent weakness in the currency, but growth in the money supply also ticked up non-trivially last month (possibly due to the PBOC's apparent manipulation of the RMB). In the case of M2, the tick up technically pushed the YoY growth rate (modestly) above its trend for the first time in 2 years. Table 1Some Hopeful Signs, But Credit Remains Weak There are two other points from Table 1 worth highlighting, the first of which is negative. While the LKI itself has looked reasonably strong over the past few months (in contrast to our slowing domestic demand view), it ticked down in July for the second time. In addition, the LKI has recently been propped up by two, presumably unsustainable, factors: a spurt of rail cargo volume growth that appears to be strongly linked to trade front-running in advance of the U.S. import tariffs, and a surge in electricity consumption from the services industry (which is not investment-intensive). Chart 8 controls for the second factor by presenting an alternative measure of the LKI that replaces overall electricity production with consumption in primary and secondary industries; the difference in the recent trend between the two measures is clear. Chart 8The LKI Is Being Held Up By Trade Front Running And Services The second important point from Table 1 is positive: both housing starts and sales accelerated very significantly in July, with sales being particularly notable. BCA's China Investment Strategy service has highlighted that the housing sector represented the best candidate for meaningful acceleration in Chinese economic activity, and the July data was particularly impressive. It remains unclear whether the authorities will continue to follow through with a crackdown on the property sector, despite recent statements suggesting they will: household leverage is not enormously elevated relative to GDP, but it has accelerated very significantly over the past couple of years. But if the recent strength in sales volume continues and policymakers do not respond aggressively with macroprudential measures, our conviction in a sustained residential construction boom in China would rise materially. This will be important for investors to monitor, as it could provide a critical source of investment-driven domestic demand over the coming 6-12 months. Investment Conclusions Despite the crosscurrents buffeting China's economic outlook, we can draw three conclusions that lead us to firm near-term investment strategy recommendations: Market proxies are not signaling that Chinese policymakers will end up overstimulating the economy For now, credit growth, and the domestic "old economy" more generally, continues to decelerate Further RMB weakness may be in the cards To us, these conclusions clearly argue for a neutral stance towards Chinese investable stocks versus the global benchmark, at least until some clarity emerges about the magnitude and disposition of the export shock. We also continue to recommend that investors favor low market beta sectors within the investable universe, such as classical defensives as well as industrials.1 In early-July, we opened a "shadow" trade of being long the MSCI China A Onshore index / short MSCI China index, which we said we would consider implementing in response to a 5% rally in relative dollar performance. Chart 9 highlights that this threshold has not yet been reached, and we continue to warn against trying to catch a falling knife. But Chart 10 underscores how stretched (to the downside) domestic stocks have become: versus the global benchmark, relative stock prices in US$ have fallen to an 11-year low. Panel 2 illustrates that this stretched performance is at least in part driven by the performance of U.S. equities, but domestic stocks prices are still at the very low end of their post-GFC range when compared with global ex-U.S. stocks. Chart 9Still Too Early To Buy A-Shares... Chart 10...But The Selloff Seems Extremely Late In short, the potential for a substantial bounce in relative domestic equity performance is considerable were the economic outlook to stabilize, and we will be watching closely for an opportunity to time a reversal. Stay tuned! Jonathan LaBerge, CFA, Vice President Special Reports jonathanl@bcaresearch.com 1 Investable industrial stocks in China have become relatively low-beta, owing to the fact that they had already materially underperformed the investable benchmark prior to the emergence of trade frictions with the U.S. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights The Turkish economy is in disarray, ... : The lira's plunge has reminded some investors of the Thai baht's in 1997, but we do not foresee a replay of the Asian Crisis. ... highlighting emerging markets' vulnerability to external factors: EM economies may be on firmer footing than they were 20 years ago, but the vicissitudes of dollar-denominated debt remain their Achilles' heel. Fraught times around the world justify paring back portfolio risk, ... : Increased caution is appropriate in the face of potential EM distress. Multiples are elevated and spreads are tight, leaving stocks and bonds susceptible to a pickup in risk aversion. ... even if domestic data indicate that the U.S. expansion is alive and well: Global concerns did nothing to dim small businesses' rosy outlook, but the dirty little secret within the July NFIB survey is that rising cost pressures will keep the Fed from backing off of its tightening plans. Feature Dear Client, This is our final report for the month of August. We will resume our regular publication schedule the first week of September. We wish everyone an enjoyable rest of the summer. Best regards, Doug Peta, Chief U.S. Investment Strategist What a difference a year makes. If 2017 was all about synchronized global growth, 2018 has been a study in desynchronization. While the list of sputtering international economies grows longer with every passing month, the U.S. economy continues to gather steam. The fact that it is leaving the laggards choking on its exhaust as it speeds by, trampling the conventions of the postwar international order the U.S. itself established, and tightening the screws on dollar borrowers, is bruising feelings from Ankara and Beijing to Ottawa and Brussels. There is nothing on the horizon to indicate that the desynchronization trend is about to end. Surreal as it may be for baby boomers and other pre-millennials, trade barriers are an essential plank in the Republicans' midterm election platform. Our geopolitical strategists caution that there is little reason to expect the anti-trade rhetoric out of Washington to die down before November. The associated headwinds for multinational corporations and economies more reliant on global trade are likely to persist for at least a few more months. The other global policy irritant comes from the Fed. Although it is not blind to the impact of its policies on other economies, its America First mandate is firmly entrenched. Confronted with a domestic economy that is being force-fed stimulus when it is already showing signs of bumping up against supply constraints, the Fed has very little room to relax its vigilance. Investors counting on an "EM put" to alter the course of rate hikes should recognize that that put is way out of the money: it will take a great deal of EM pain for the Fed to back away from its projected course. Turkey's Tenuous Model Before the Asian Crisis, the growth of the Asian Tiger economies was the envy of the world. The formula was simple and effective: take ample supplies of cheap labor, mix with developed-world capital to finance a buildup of manufacturing capacity, and watch eye-popping growth ensue. All was well until too much excitement led to hard-currency-debt-financed investment in overcapacity. When exchange-rate pegs fell, domestic borrowers became unable to meet their obligations and the Asian Miracle imploded. The Turkish lira's plunge has put many investors in mind of the Thai baht's 1997 collapse that set the Asian Crisis in motion. The EM contagion eventually found its way to Russia in the summer of 1998, felling hedge fund titan Long-Term Capital Management (LTCM) and thoroughly rattling several of its Wall Street enablers. Investors would be foolish to ignore the problems in Turkey, which could well ripple out into other EM economies and the developed world. However, our current base-case scenario does not call for anything on the order of the Asian Crisis. Chart of the WeekTurkey Is A Clear Outlier Today ... Chart 2... But It Would Have Been In The Thick Of Things In 1997 Turkey's dependency on external capital flows is reminiscent of the Asian Tigers', but it is an outlier in today's more conservative context (Chart of the Week). On the eve of the Asian Crisis, Turkey's external financing profile, on both a flow (current-account balance as a share of GDP) and a stock (external private debt as a share of GDP) basis, would have placed it squarely within the smart set (Chart 2). In retrospect, the Asian Miracle template of the early and mid '90s was an accident waiting to happen. Currency pegs are seen as a naïve relic, and exporters assiduously build up reserve war chests to prevent currency panics from taking root. Chart 3U.S. Banks Have Modest EM Exposure The key issue for U.S. investors is the potential for contagion to the U.S. banking system and its markets. It is almost impossible to identify an LTCM in advance, but the fact that the banking system is on a much tighter leash following the crisis means that it is far less vulnerable than it was in the late '90s. As our f/x strategists point out,1 European banks (especially Spain's BBVA) have considerably more exposure to Turkey and other fragile EM economies (Chart 3). Sentiment is the most likely transmission mechanism, and U.S. assets would seem to be last in line for multiple de-rating and spread widening, given the strength of the U.S. economy and its comparative remove from the rest of the world. Bottom Line: The magnitude of Turkey's financing excesses is not representative of the entire EM complex. U.S. investors should operate with a heightened sense of caution, but they should not panic. Emerging Markets' Achilles' Heel The magnitude of Turkey's reliance on external financing is unusual, but the direction is common. The vast bulk of the world's wealth is held in developed economies, and EM projects necessarily source capital from DM investors. Over 90% of all EM corporate debt is denominated in hard currency, of which the vast majority is denominated in U.S. dollars. For EM corporates with mainly domestic revenues, moves in the dollar exchange rate exert disproportionate influence over how comfortably they can service their debt. Exchange rates are determined by many factors, but real interest rate differentials are among the most prominent drivers. When the Fed hikes the fed funds rate while other central banks are easing policy or standing pat, the dollar tends to appreciate. A rising dollar pressures EM corporate borrowers, and hasn't been good for EM stock prices, either (Chart 4). If the Fed were to lift the fed funds rate all the way to 3.5% by the end of 2019, as we expect, several EM borrowers could find themselves in the crosshairs. Chart 4Tighter Fed Policy Squeezes EM Equities, Too Meaningful Chinese stimulus could go a long way to offsetting Fed tightening pressures. A more robust Chinese economy would trade more and consume more natural resources. Increased export volumes and higher commodity prices would boost EM exports and commodity prices, helping to support exchange rates. Unfortunately for Asian and Latin American EMs, the jury is still out as to whether or not the Chinese cavalry will ride to the rescue. Our China strategists have observed that a sizable stimulus injection would run counter to policy makers' commitment to reining in shadow banking excesses and cooling off the property market. If the trade war with the U.S. really starts to bite, however, reform may become a lesser priority. The powers that be have been circumspect with stimulus so far (Chart 5), weakening the currency to defend exports (Chart 6) rather than attempting to boost domestic activity via government spending. We will keep a close eye on Chinese policy developments as they unfold. Chart 5Instead Of Helping The EM Bloc With Reflation,... Chart 6...China Has Been Exporting Deflation Bottom Line: Chinese stimulus could help cushion the blow from a stronger dollar, but policy makers have yet to show their hand. Stay tuned. The View From Main Street Despite the global challenges, the July NFIB survey underlined the point that the U.S. economy is flying high. The headline Optimism Index is a single tick below its all-time high (Chart 7, top panel), the Hiring Plans (Chart 7, second panel) and Job Openings components (Chart 7, third panel) are at or near all-time highs, and the Good Time to Expand component is just off the high it set in May (Chart 7, bottom panel). All in all, the view from Main Street is the best it's ever been over the survey's 44-year history. All of the readings in Chart 7 are so good (two-plus standard deviations above the mean), that there is little scope for improvement. Mean reversion may well begin to assert itself, but it is likely to be a slow process. Overall optimism peaks well ahead of downturns, and tends to take its time deteriorating. It lends support to the message from our recession indicator2 that the expansion has at least another year to run. All good things come to an end, however, and the downside to the gangbusters survey results is that they foreshadow the expansion's eventual demise. Respondents' reports of price changes and future intentions to raise them correlate closely with PCE inflation (Chart 8). Record strength in job openings and hiring intentions indicates the labor market is tight enough to squeak, suggesting that firms will soon have to bid up wages to attract new employees. Taken together, the inflation-related measures imply that the Fed will not be able to let up, supporting the house view that the fed funds rate will surprise to the upside. Chart 7A Roaring Economy... Chart 8...Carries The Seeds Of Its Own Demise Bottom Line: The end of the expansion is not at hand, but its strength will eventually compel the Fed to step in to cut it off. Investment Implications Fiscal stimulus and monetary policy still support the expansion and the bull markets in equities and corporate debt, but they will not do so indefinitely. Stimulus is not sustainable from a budgetary standpoint, and gathering inflationary pressures will eventually inspire the Fed to wield its policy tools to bring the curtain down on the business cycle. The shift to restrictive policy will mark an inflection point in risk-asset performance, and investors should pursue more defensive portfolio positioning when it arrives. Although the cyclical inflection point is not yet upon us, the uncertain outcome of trade tensions and emerging market vulnerabilities merit dialing back portfolio risk in the near term. In line with the BCA house view, we recommend overweighting cash and underweighting bonds, while maintaining benchmark positioning in equities. Treasuries will likely outperform if the EM rumblings turn into something more serious, but we would view any decline in yields as a temporary respite from a Treasury bear market that has already been in place for two years. Depending on when, or if, the current global pressures abate, the equity bull market may still have some juice, and we are keeping an open mind about moving stocks back to overweight for the final push. Doug Peta, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy dougp@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see the August 17, 2018 Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "The Bear And The Two Travelers," available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see the August 13, 2018 U.S. Investment Strategy Special Report, "How Much Longer Can The Bull Market Last?" available at usis.bcaresearch.com.

Special Report

Dear client, Our publishing schedule will be shifting over the next two weeks. Next Friday, we will publish a Special Report aggregating various pieces from our colleague Matt Gertken of BCA's Geopolitical Strategy detailing the reforms taking place in China and their past and future evolution, and the economic and investment implications for China and the rest of the world. Matt argues that Chinese reforms are in place and here to stay, which should deepen the malaise in EM and support the dollar. We will not publish any report on August 31st. We will resume our regular publishing schedule on September 7. I hope you enjoy the rest of your summer. Best regards, Mathieu Savary Highlights The 1997 Asian Crisis was a deflationary event, causing commodity prices, commodity currencies and the yen to fall against the dollar, but it had a limited impact on the euro. When Russia collapsed in 1998, the LTCM crisis hit the U.S. banking system, with fears of solvency dragging Treasury yields lower, hurting the dollar against the yen and the euro. Today is not 1997, but the tightness of the U.S. economy suggests the Federal Reserve will need a large shock before abandoning its current pace of a hike per quarter; additionally, global liquidity conditions are tightening and China is slowing. The EM crisis is therefore not over, and vulnerable Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and South Africa could still experience significant pain. Unlike in 1998, the hot potato is not hiding in the U.S. but in Europe. A contagion event is therefore more likely to hurt the euro than 20 years ago; meanwhile, the yen stands to benefit. DXY could hit 100, and commodity currencies still have ample downside, the AUD in particular. Continue to monitor our China Play Index to gauge if Chinese stimulus could delay the day of reckoning for EM; this index can also be employed as a hedge for investors long the dollar or short EM plays. Feature "Misfortune tests the sincerity of friends." - Aesop This summer is oddly reminiscent of that of 1997. The Federal Reserve is tightening policy because the U.S. economy is not only at full employment but is also growing strongly and generating increasing domestic inflationary pressures. But the most familiar echoes come from outside the U.S. Specifically, emerging market trepidations are once again front page news as the Turkish lira, which had already fallen by 24% between January 2018 and July 31st, dropped by an additional 28% at its worst in a mere two weeks. Consequently, investors are now fretting about the risks of contagion across EM markets, one that could reverberate among G10 economies as well. We too worry that the echoes of 1997 are becoming increasingly louder. EM economies have built up large stocks of debt, and have financed themselves heavily by tapping foreign investors. However, these investors can be rather fickle friends, and we are set to test their sincerity. In this piece, we review how the events of 1997-'98 unfolded, what it meant for G10 currencies, and whether the same lessons can be applied today. We find that in 2018, an EM crisis could ultimately be more supportive for the dollar versus the euro, as unlike in 1998, where the hot potatoes were held by U.S. hedge funds, this time the mess sits squarely in Europe. Tom Yum Goong Goes Viral Initiated in the second half of the 1980s, the peg of the Thai baht seemed like a very successful experiment. The stability created by this institutional setup not only contributed to keeping Thai inflation at manageable levels, but by incentivizing capital inflows in the country it also helped Thailand build up its capital stock. At the time, this yielded a large growth dividend, with real GDP growth averaging 9% from 1985 to 1996. However, the economic boost generated by this cheap financing had a dark side. The Thai current account balance ballooned to a deficit of 8% of GDP in 1995-'96. As Herb Stein famously expressed, if something cannot go on forever, it will stop. Like in Aesop's fable where one of two travelers climbed up a tree to avoid a bear, leaving his friend to fend off the bear on his own, foreign investors abandoned Thailand, which was left on its own to finance its large current account deficit. While the Bank of Thailand was able to fend off the attacks for a few weeks, on July 2nd, 1997, it abandoned its efforts. The THB was left to float freely and dropped 56% against the USD over the subsequent six months. Other EM countries including Malaysia, Brazil and Korea, to name a few, had implemented similar U.S. dollar pegs. They too enjoyed stable inflation, growing money inflows and improved growth, but also experienced growing current account deficits and foreign currency debt loads. It did not take long for investors to extrapolate Thailand's woes to other countries. The Malaysian ringgit and the Indonesian rupiah began falling soon after the THB, while the Korean won began its own steep descent four months later (Chart 1). The economic pain was felt globally. The collapse in EM Asian exchange rates and the deep recessions experienced in these countries caused their export prices to collapse, which created a global deflationary shock (Chart 2). This shock was compounded by a fall in commodity prices that materialized as market participants realized that demand for commodities from the crisis-stricken countries was set to evaporate (Chart 2, bottom panel). Chart 1How The Thai Crisis Morphed Into An Asian Crisis Chart 2The Asian Crisis Was A Deflationary Shock Not only did this deflationary shock lift the USD against EM currencies and commodity currencies, it also caused inflation breakevens in the U.S. to fall significantly (Chart 3). However, because the U.S. economy remained robust through the second half of 1997 and in the early days of 1998, real rates did not respond much (Chart 3, bottom panel). Markets where not very concerned that this shock would force the Fed to cut rates, as it did not seem to affect the outlook for U.S. growth and employment. However, this combination of stable real rates in the face of weaker growth in EM, as well as the collapse in commodity prices ended up having large second-round effects. Russia defaulted in August 1998, prompting a collapse in the ruble. To patch up its finances, Russia began pumping ever more oil out of the ground, causing oil prices to fall below US$10/bbl in December 1998, deepening the malaise in commodity prices. This caused the Brazilian real to collapse in 1999, and the Argentinian peso to follow in 2002 (Chart 4). Chart 31997: Falling Breakevens, Stable Real Yields Chart 4Asian Crisis Goes Global Among these contagions, the Russian default was the event with the greatest systemic impact. This was because it was a direct hit to the U.S. banking system. Long Term Capital Management, a large Connecticut-based hedge fund, had accumulated massive bets on Russia. The country's default plunged the fund into the abyss. However, LTCM had liabilities to banks to the tune of US$125 billion. The exposure was perceived as an existential threat to the banking sector, and the market began to anticipate a repeat of the 1907 panic.1 Junk bond spreads jumped, the S&P 500 fell by 18%, and U.S. government bond yields collapsed by 120 basis points (Chart 5). The Fed was forced to respond, coming out of hibernation and cutting rates by 75 basis points between September and November of 1998. As the Fed forcefully responded to this shock and 10-year Treasury yields fell, the dollar, which had managed to stay somewhat stable against the synthetic euro from July 1997 to August 1998, fell 11%. Within the same one-year window starting in July 1997, the yen dropped 23%, dragged lower by the competitive pressures created by weaker Asian currencies. However, as soon as U.S. bond yields collapsed, the yen began to surge, rising by 36% from August 1998 to January 1999 (Chart 6). Only once the Fed started increasing rates anew did the euro and the yen level off. Chart 5The Russian Default Was The Real Shock For The U.S. Chart 6The Dollar Buckled After LTCM In aggregate, the dollar's performance through the 1997-1998 period was very mixed. The trade-weighted dollar managed to rise from July 1997 to August 1998. Nevertheless, this was a complex picture. During this timeframe the dollar rose against EM currencies - against the CAD, the AUD, the NZD and the JPY - but was flat against the euro. The USD then fell against everything from August 1998 to the first half of 1999. Only once the Fed started hiking again in the summer 1999, was the greenback able to resuming its broad ascent, one that lasted all the way until late 2001. Bottom Line: In 1997, the first domino to fall was Thailand. Since many East Asian economies suffered the same ills - current account deficits, foreign currency debt loads and falling foreign exchange reserves - Asian currencies followed, dragging the yen lower in the process. This generated a deflationary shock that hurt commodity prices and commodity currencies, leading to the infamous Russian default of 1998. The associated LTCM bankruptcy threatened the survival of the U.S. banking system, forcing bond yields much lower as the Fed cut rates three times. The dollar suffered because of this policy move, especially against the yen. However, once the Fed resumed its hiking campaign, the dollar recovered across the board, making new highs all the way to late 2001 and early 2002. Is 2018: 1997, 1998, Or 2018? In one key regard, today is not the late 1990s: Dollar pegs are few and far between. However, in many respects, similarities abound. First and most obviously, EM foreign currency debt loads, as measured against exports, GDP or reserves, are at similar levels to those prevailing in the late 1990s (Chart 7). This means that EM economies suffer when the dollar rises, as it represents an increase in their cost of capital, and thus a tightening in financial conditions. Second, the Fed has been increasing interest rates. Most importantly, the Fed is growingly concerned that domestic inflationary pressures in the U.S. are intensifying, courtesy of strong growth - at least relative to potential; a high degree of capacity utilization, especially in the labor market (Chart 8); and, unique to today, the U.S. has received a large degree of unneeded fiscal stimulus. Chart 7EM Dollar Debt Is High EM Have More ##br##Foreign-Currency Debt Than In The 1990s Chart 8The Foreign Pain Threshold For The Fed Is Much Higher ##br##Now Than In 2015 or 2016 This means it will take a lot of pain to derail the Fed from its desire to hike rates once a quarter. This also makes the current environment very different from 2015, the most recent episode of EM tumult. In 2015-2016, the Fed easily abandoned its hiking campaign. When it hiked rates in December 2015, the Fed anticipated increasing rates four times over the following 12 months. It delivered only one hike in December 2016. The reason was straightforward: Unlike today, the U.S. economy was still replete with slack (Chart 8) and was not on the receiving end of a large fiscal stimulus program, suggesting the Fed could not tolerate the deflationary impact of tightening financial conditions. Third, global liquidity is tightening, which is hurting the global growth outlook. Today, global excess money, as defined by the growth of broad money supply above that of loan growth in the U.S., the euro area and Japan, is contracting. Today, as in 1997, this indicator forebodes important weaknesses in global industrial production (Chart 9). U.S. liquidity is particularly important. Not only is dollar-based liquidity crucial to financing the large stock of dollar-denominated foreign debt, but the U.S. is also driving the fall in global excess money. The pick-up in U.S. economic activity is sucking liquidity from both the rest world and from the financial system to finance U.S. loan growth (Chart 10). This phenomenon was also at play in 1997. Chart 9Excess Money Is Contracting Global Excess ##br##Money Contracting, Just Like In Early 1997 Chart 10The U.S. Economy Is ##br##Sucking In Liquidity Why does this matter? Simply put, U.S. financial liquidity; built as a composite of 3-month T-bills, total bank deposits minus bank loans, bank investments, and M2 money supply; is a wonderful leading indicator. The current collapse in financial liquidity suggests that the global economy is about to hit a rough patch. As Chart 11 illustrates, the weakness of this indicator points to declines in our Global Leading Economic Indicators and in global commodity prices. This suggests the indicator is foretelling that a deflationary scare could materialize, an event normally also associated with a stronger dollar and downside in EM export prices (Chart 12). In a logically consistent fashion, the liquidity indicator is also warning that the AUD, CAD and NZD have substantial downside, while EM equity prices could also suffer more (Chart 13). Finally, it also highlights that even the U.S. stock market may not be immune to upcoming troubles (Chart 14). Chart 11U.S. Financial Liquidity Points To Weaker Growth... Chart 12...And A Stronger Dollar But Weaker EM Export Prices... Chart 13...Falling EM Stocks And Commodity Currencies... Chart 14...And Maybe Even A Correction In U.S. Stock Prices Fourth, gold is sending a similar signal as in the late 1990. As we have argued in the past, gold is a very good gauge of global liquidity conditions. During the Asian Crisis and the Russia/LTCM fiasco, industrial commodity prices only experienced a serious decline after the Thai baht had dragged down Asia into a tailspin. However, gold had been falling since 1996, a move predating the fall in Asian currencies (Chart 15). The precious metal was confirming that global liquidity was tightening and being sucked back into the booming U.S. economy. Today, gold prices are sending an ominous signal. After forming a large tapering wedge from 2011 to 2018, gold prices have broken down below the major upward-sloping trend line that had defined the bull market that began in 2001 (Chart 16). This indicates that gold may be starting another leg of a major bear market. Moreover, as the bottom panel of Chart 16 illustrates, it is true that net speculative positions in the yellow metal have plunged, but they remain far above the large net short positions that prevailed in the late 1990s. If gold is indeed entering another major down leg, this would confirm that tightening liquidity will further hurt EM asset prices, commodity prices and non-U.S. economic activity. Chart 15As Early As 1996, Gold Warned Of Upcoming Problems In Asia Chart 16Is A Secular Bear Market In Gold Beginning? Finally, adding insult to injury is China. The current communist party leadership is hell-bent on reforming the Chinese economy, moving it away from its dependence on capex and leverage. Consequently, China is in the midst of a major deleveraging campaign concentrated in the shadow banking sector, which has already caused money growth and total social financing to plumb to new lows (Chart 17). This is deflationary for the global economy as weaker Chinese credit weighs on capex, which in turns weighs on Chinese imports, as 69% of China's intake from the rest of the world are commodities and intermediate as well as industrial goods. Chart 17Chinese Monetary And Credit Conditions Remain ##br##Tight China Deleveraging Is Biting Chart 18No Capitulation ##br##Yet Moreover, the recent wave of renminbi weakness is exacerbating these deflationary pressures. The 9% fall in the yuan versus the dollar since April 11th represents a competitive devaluation that will hurt many EM countries. It also implies downside in China's import volumes, as it increases the prices paid by Chinese economic agents for foreign-sourced industrial goods and commodities.2 All these forces suggest that the pain that started in Argentina and Turkey could continue to spread across other vulnerable EM economies. It is doubtful that economies with large debt loads, large upcoming debt rollovers and other underlying economic problems will find it easy to receive financing in an environment of declining global liquidity, a strong dollar, budding deflationary pressures and a slowing China. Making this worry even more real, EM investors have not capitulated, as bottom-fishing has prompted massive inflows into Turkey in recent days (Chart 18). 2018 may not be 1997 or 1998, but it is likely to be a year to remember. Bottom Line: EM currency pegs to the dollar may not be as prevalent as they were back in the 1990s, but enough risks are present that contagion from Argentina and Turkey to other EM economies is a very real risk. Specifically, the domestic economic situation in the U.S. warrants higher interest rates, which suggests the Fed is unlikely to be fazed by EM market routs unless they become deep enough to present a threat to U.S. growth itself. Moreover, global liquidity conditions are tightening as the U.S.'s economic strength is sucking in capital from around the world. This combination means that EM countries with large dollar debt loads are likely to find debt refinancing a very onerous exercise. Finally, China is slowing and letting the RMB fall, which is exerting a deflationary impact on the world. Investment implications An environment of slower global economic activity, tightening global liquidity conditions and a potential deflationary scare is positive for the dollar. But 1998 shows that if the hot potato hides in the U.S. and the Fed is forced to ease aggressively, the dollar could nonetheless suffer. In order to get a sense as to whether the dollar can continue to strengthen or not, it is important to get a sense of where the exposure to an EM accident may lie. To begin this exercise, we need to first assess which EM countries are most vulnerable to catching the "Turkish Flu." To do so, we collaborated with our colleague Peter Berezin and his team at BCA's Global Investment Strategy to build a heat map of vulnerable EM economies. This heat map is based on the following factors: current account balance, net international investment position, external debt, external debt service obligation, external funding requirements, private sector savings/investment balance, private sector debt, government budget balance, government debt, foreign ownership of local currency bonds, and inflation. This method shows that after Turkey and Argentina, the next six most vulnerable countries are Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, Chile, South Africa, and Indonesia in this order (Chart 19). Chart 19Vulnerability Heat Map For Key EM Markets While our long-term valuation models show that the Colombian peso is already trading at a significant discount to its fair value, the BRL, the CLP, the ZAR, and the MXN are not (Chart 20). This highlights that these markets could provide serious fireworks in the coming months. Moreover, they all have their own idiosyncrasies that accentuate these risks. Brazil will soon undergo elections that will likely not result in a market-friendly outcome.3 Chile has an extremely large dollar-debt load, copper prices are tanking and the CLP is very pricey. Finally, South Africa is contemplating the kind of land expropriations reminiscent of those that plunged Zimbabwe into chaos - not a good optic for a still-expensive currency. So, who is most exposed to this potential mess? The answer is the euro area, most specifically, Spain. As Chart 21 shows, the exposure of Spanish banks to the most vulnerable EM markets totals nearly 170% of the banking system's capital and reserves. This means that 30% of the capital and reserves of the banking systems in the euro area's five largest economies is exposed to these markets. Making the risk even more acute, French banks have large exposure to Spain, and German banks to France. This combined exposure dwarfs the exposure of the U.K., Japan or the U.S. to the most vulnerable EM economies. To be fair to Spain, Spanish banks often have set up their foreign affiliates as separate legal entities. This means that the impact on the balance sheets of the Spanish banking system of defaults in vulnerable EM countries may be more limited than seems at face value. Yet, this is far from certain. Chart 20BRL, CLP, ZAR, And MXN Are Too Expensive##br## In Light Of Their Vulnerabilities Chart 21Who Has More Exposure To EM? As a result, we would not be surprised if the European Central Bank is forced by an EM accident to back away from its desire to abandon its extraordinary accommodative stance. The ECB would first use forward guidance to message that a hike will be delayed ever further in the future. The ECB may even be forced to resume government and corporate bonds purchases past 2018. This is a potential nightmare scenario for the euro. In fact, as Chart 22 illustrates, a euro at parity may not be a far stretch. Historically, the euro bottoms when it trades 10% below our fair value model, based on real short rate differentials, relative yield curve slopes and the ratio of copper to lumber prices. Such a discount would correspond to EUR/USD at parity. Because under such circumstances the Fed could be forced to pause its own hiking cycle for a quarter or two, a move to EUR/USD between 1.10 and 1.05 seems more likely than a collapse to parity right now. This also means that in conjunction with BCA's Geopolitical Strategy team, we recommend our clients close overweight positions in Spanish assets. Chart 22The Euro Still Has Downside If EM Go Bust What about the yen? In the late 1990s, the yen fell against the U.S. dollar as Asian currencies were collapsing, but surged once the Fed backtracked and bond yields tanked in 1998. This time could follow a different road map. Japan does not compete against Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Chile and South Africa in the same way as it was competing against industrial companies in countries like Taiwan, Singapore or South Korea. This means that Japan is unlikely to need to competitively devalue to remain afloat if the BRL, COP, MXN, CLP and ZAR collapse further. However, since an EM shock is likely to prove to be a deflationary event, this means that bond yields could experience downside, especially as positioning in the U.S. bond market is massively crowded to the short side (Chart 23). A countertrend bull market in bonds would greatly flatter the yen. As a result, we are maintaining our short EUR/JPY bias over the coming months. The G10 commodity currency complex is also at risk. Not only does tightening dollar liquidity imply further weakness in this group of currencies, so does slowing EM activity and a deflationary scare. Additionally, the CAD and the NZD are not trading at much of a discount to their fair value, and the AUD trades at a premium (Chart 24). This means we would anticipate these currencies to suffer more in the coming quarters, led by the AUD, which is not only the most expensive of the group, but also the most geared to EM economic activity. Being short AUD/CAD still makes sense. Chart 23A Bond Rally Would ##br##Support The Yen Chart 24TDollar-Bloc Currencies Offer Limited Cushion##br## In The Event of An EM Selloff Finally, the pound is its own animal. GBP/USD is now quite cheap, but the U.K.'s large current account deficit of 3.9% of GDP, which is not funded through FDIs anymore, means that Great Britain remains vulnerable to tightening global liquidity conditions. Moreover, Brexit negotiations will heat up in the fall, as the March 2019 deadline for reaching a deal with the EU looms large. This means that political tumult in the U.K. will remain a large source of risk for the pound. We will explore the outlook for the pound in an upcoming report this September. Currently, our long DXY trade is posting an 8.5% profit, with a target at 98. The above picture suggests that the dollar could move well past 98, especially as the momentum factor that is so important to the greenback still plays in favor of the USD.4 As a result, we are upgrading our target on the dollar to 100. However, we are also tightening our stop loss to 94.88. We will update our stop loss to 97 if the DXY hits 98 in the coming weeks, in order to protect gains while still being exposed to the dollar's potential upside. Bottom Line: Beyond Turkey and Argentina, the EMs most vulnerable to tightening global liquidity conditions are Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Chile and South Africa. Spanish banks have outsized exposure to these markets, which means the euro area is at risk if the "Turkish Flu" becomes contagious. As such, the ECB could be forced to remain easier than it wants to. The euro is still at risk. The yen could strengthen if global bond yields suffer. Hence, it still makes sense to be short EUR/JPY. While the CAD, AUD and NZD are also all vulnerable to a deflationary scare, the Aussie is the worst positioned of the three. Shorting AUD/CAD still makes sense. The DXY is likely to experience significant upside from here, with a move to 100 becoming an increasingly probable scenario. Risks To Our View Chart 25A Gauge And A Hedge Against Chinese Stimulus The biggest risk to our view is China. In 2016, a vicious EM selloff was staunched by a large wave of stimulus that put a floor under Chinese economic activity, and caused China to re-lever. The impact was felt around the world, lifting commodity prices and EM assets while plunging the dollar into a vicious selloff in 2017. It is conceivable that such an outcome materializes anew, especially as China is, in fact, injecting stimulus into its economy. However, as we wrote two weeks ago, the current stimulus still pales in comparison to what took place in 2015. Moreover, reforms and deleveraging have much greater primacy now than they did back then.5 BCA believes that the current wave of stimulus is not designed to cause growth to surge again, as was the case in 2015, but is instead aimed at limiting the negative impact of the ongoing trade war with the U.S. Yet, we cannot be dogmatic. Not only is it hard to gauge the actual degree of stimulus currently applied to the Chinese economy, there is a heightened risk that the flow of policy announcements causes a shift in the dominant narrative among market participants. Such a shift in attitudes could easily cause a mass buying of EM assets and commodities, delaying the day of reckoning for vulnerable EM. As a result, we continue to promulgate that investors track the behavior of our China Play Index, introduced two weeks ago (Chart 25).6 Not only does this index provide a live read on how traders are pricing in Chinese developments, but it also provides a great hedge for investors long the dollar, short EM, or short the commodity complex. Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com 1 In the panic of 1907, the Knickerbocker Trust Company went bankrupt, threatening the health of the U.S. banking system. The stock market crashed, money markets went into paralysis, and a consortium of bankers led by J.P. Morgan himself ended up acting as a lender of last resort, staunching the crisis. As a consequence of this panic, the Federal Reserve System was born in 1913. 2 For a more detailed discussion of the deflationary risk created by the RMB, please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "What Is Good For China Doesn't Always Help The World", dated June 29, 2018, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 3 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Brazil: Faceoff Time", dated July 27, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com 4 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "Riding The Wave: Momentum Strategies In Foreign Exchange Markets", dated December 8, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 5 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "The Dollar And Risk Assets Are Beholden To China's Stimulus", dated August 3, 2018, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 6 Ibid. Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

Dear Client, We had intended to send you the second part of our two-part special report on long-term inflation risks this week, but given the sharp moves in the dollar and emerging market assets, we decided to write this bulletin instead. Barring any further major market turbulence, we will send you the sequel to the inflation report next week. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights The dollar rally and EM selloff have further to go. The U.S. economy is firing on all cylinders, while the rest of the world is sputtering. Turkey is not an isolated case. Emerging markets as a whole have feasted on debt over the past decade, and now will be held to account. We remain neutral on global equities, while underweighting EM relative to DM and overweighting defensives relative to deep cyclicals. Brewing EM stresses could cause the 10-year Treasury yield to temporarily fall to 2.5%, leading to a further flattening of the yield curve. However, the long-term path for yields is up. Feature King Dollar Reigns Supreme Our expectation going into this year was that the dollar would strengthen, triggering turmoil in emerging markets. This thesis has panned out, raising the question of whether it is time to declare victory and move on. We don't think so. While market positioning has clearly shifted closer towards our own views, we still think that the stronger dollar/weaker EM story has further to run. To understand why, it is useful to review the reasoning behind our thesis. Our bullish dollar view was based on a simple observation, which is that the U.S. had finally reached a point where aggregate demand was starting to outstrip supply. This implied that the dollar would need to strengthen in order to shift demand away from the United States. It is amazing how many commentators still think that the U.S. can divert spending towards imported goods without any change in the value of the dollar. Americans do not care what the CBO's or IMF's estimate of the domestic output gap is when they are deciding whether to buy U.S. or foreign-made goods. They care about relative quality-adjusted prices. Since the U.S. is a fairly closed economy - imports are only 15% of GDP - we reckoned that the dollar would need to strengthen considerably in order to displace a significant amount of domestic production with foreign-made goods. This is exactly what happened. Still More Upside For U.S. Rates Currency values tend to track interest rate differentials (Chart 1). As such, our prediction of a stronger dollar entailed the expectation that investors would increasingly price in a more hawkish path for the fed funds rate. This has indeed occurred. Since the start of the year, the expected fed funds rate has risen by 34 basis points for end-2018 and by 65 basis points for end-2019 (Chart 2). Chart 1Historically, The Dollar Has Moved In Line With Interest Rate Differentials Chart 2Rate Expectations Have Increased, ##br##But There Is Still A Long Way To Go Our sense is that U.S. interest rate expectations can rise further. Faster wage growth will boost consumption. The household savings rate can also fall from its current elevated level, which will give consumer spending an additional boost (Chart 3). Business investment should remain firm. Chart 4 shows that capex intentions are strong, while bank lending standards for commercial and industrial loans, which tend to lead loan growth, continue to ease. Fiscal stimulus will also goose the economy. Chart 3Consumption Could Accelerate As The Savings Rate Drops Chart 4U.S. Capex Investment Going Strong Could interest rate expectations move up more in the rest of the world than in the U.S., causing the dollar to tumble? It is possible, but unlikely. In contrast to most other central banks, the Fed wants to tighten financial conditions in order to keep the economy from overheating. A weaker dollar would entail an easing of financial conditions, and hence would require an even more hawkish response from the Fed. Currency Intervention Is Unlikely To Succeed Some have speculated that the Trump administration will intervene in the foreign exchange market in order to drive down the value of the dollar. We doubt this will happen, but even if such interventions were to take place, they would not be successful. Presumably, currency interventions would take the form of purchases of foreign exchange, financed through the issuance of Treasurys. The purchase of foreign currency would release U.S. dollars into the financial system, but the sale of Treasury securities would suck out those dollars from the financial system. The net result would be no change in the volume of U.S. dollars in circulation - what economists call a "sterilized" intervention. Both economic theory and years of history show that sterilized interventions do not have lasting effects on currency values. The Fed could, of course, provide funding for the Treasury's purchases of foreign exchange, leading to an increase in the monetary base. This would be tantamount to an unsterilized intervention. However, such a deliberate attempt to weaken the dollar by expanding the money supply would fly in the face of the Fed's efforts to cool growth by tightening financial conditions. We highly doubt the Fed's current leadership would go along with this. Emerging Markets In The Crosshairs This brings us to emerging markets. EM equities almost always fall when U.S. financial conditions are tightening (Chart 5). One can believe that emerging market stocks will go up; one can also believe, as we do, that the Fed will do its job and tighten financial conditions. But one cannot believe that both of these things will happen at the same time. Some pundits think that the plunge in the Turkish lira is not emblematic of the problems facing emerging markets. We are skeptical of this sanguine conclusion. Chart 6 shows that as a share of both GDP and exports, EM dollar-denominated debt is now as high as it was in the late 1990s. Turkey may be the worst of the lot, but it is hardly an isolated case. Chart 5Tightening U.S. Financial Conditions Do Not Bode Well For EM Stocks Chart 6EM Dollar Debt Is High Chart 7 presents a vulnerability heat map for a number of key emerging markets.1 We consider fourteen variables (expressed as a share of GDP, unless otherwise noted): 1) Current account balance; 2) Net international investment position; 3) External debt; 4) Change in external debt during the past five years; 5) External debt-servicing obligations coming due over the next 12 months as a share of exports; 6) External funding requirements over the next 12 months as a share of foreign exchange reserves; 7) Private sector savings-investment balance; 8) Private-sector debt; 9) Change in private-sector debt over the past five years; 10) Government budget balance; 11) Government debt; 12) Change in government debt over the past five years; 13) Share of domestic debt held by overseas investors; and 14) Inflation. Our analysis suggests that Turkey, Argentina, Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, Chile, South Africa, and Indonesia are all vulnerable to balance of payments stresses. Chart 7Vulnerability Heat Map For Key EM Markets Of course, asset markets in some of these economies have already moved quite a bit over the past few months, so it is useful to benchmark their stock markets and currencies to the underlying macro risks they face. For stock markets, we do this by comparing the heat map score with a composite valuation measure that incorporates price-to-book, price-to-sales, price-to-forward earnings, price-to-cash flow, and the dividend yield. Our analysis suggests that stocks in Russia and Korea are rather cheap, while equities in Indonesia, Mexico, South Africa, and Argentina are still quite expensive (Chart 8, top panel). Chart 8Some EM Stock Markets And Currencies Have Not Fully Priced In Macro Risks For currencies, we compare the heat map score with the level of the real effective exchange rate relative to its ten-year average. The Mexican peso, Brazilian real, Chilean peso, Indonesian rupiah, and South African rand still look pricey on this basis (Chart 8, bottom panel). In contrast, the Turkish lira and the Argentine peso are starting to look fairly cheap, although they could still get quite a bit cheaper before finding a floor. The China Wildcard The last time emerging markets seemed at risk of melting down was in 2015. Fortunately for them, China came to the rescue, delivering a massive double dose of fiscal and credit easing. Things may not be so straightforward this time around. China does not want to let its economy falter, but high debt levels and an overvalued housing market have made the usual policy prescriptions less appealing. As such, we would not necessarily conclude that the recent decline in the Chinese three-month interbank rate is a signal that the authorities want to see much faster credit growth (Chart 9). They may simply want to see a weaker currency. This is an important distinction because while faster credit growth would boost demand for EM exports, a weaker yuan would hurt other emerging markets by giving China a leg up in competitiveness. A weaker yuan would also make it more expensive for Chinese companies to import natural resources, thus putting downward pressure on commodity prices. It is too soon to know what policy mix the Chinese authorities will choose to pursue. Investors should pay close attention to the monthly data on the growth rates of social financing and local government bond issuance. So far, the combined credit and fiscal impulse has continued to weaken, suggesting that the authorities are in no hurry to open the stimulus floodgate (Chart 10). Chart 9Is China Trying To Stimulate Credit ##br##Growth Or Weaken The Yuan? Chart 10China Has Been Slow To Open The Credit And Fiscal Spigots Worries About The Euro Area Slower EM growth is likely to take a bigger toll on the euro area than the United States. Exports to emerging markets account for only 3.6% of GDP for the U.S., compared to 9.7% of GDP for the euro area. Euro area banks also have more exposure to emerging markets than U.S. banks. Notably, Spanish banks have sizeable exposure to Turkey and other vulnerable emerging markets (Chart 11). Meanwhile, worries about Italy have resurfaced. The 10-year Italian bond yield has moved back above 3%, not far from its May highs. The gap in fiscal policy between what Italy's new populist government has promised voters and what the European Commission is willing to accept remains a mile wide. Italian banks have become increasingly wary of financing their spendthrift government. With the ECB stepping back from asset purchases, two critical buyers of Italian debt are moving to the sidelines. The credit impulse in the euro area turned negative even before concerns about emerging markets and Italian politics came to the fore. As Chart 12 shows, the credit impulse has reliably tracked euro area growth. Right now, there is little reason to think that European banks will open the credit spigots, suggesting that euro area growth will be lackluster. Chart 11Who Has More Exposure To EM? Chart 12Euro Area Credit Impulse Suggests Growth Will Remain Lackluster Investment Conclusions If last year was the year of global growth resynchronization, this year is turning into one of desynchronization. The U.S. economy is outperforming the rest of the world, and the dollar is benefiting in the process. As we go to press, the broad trade-weighted dollar is up 6.1% year-to-date and stands only 2.2% below its December 28, 2016 high (Chart 13). From a long-term perspective, the greenback has become expensive, so we are inclined to close our strategic long DXY trade for a potential carry-adjusted profit of 15.7% if it reaches our target of 98 (as of the time of writing, the DXY is at 96.5). However, even if we were to close this trade, our tactical bias would be to remain long the dollar until clearer evidence emerges that the brewing EM crisis is about to abate. We moved from overweight to neutral on global equities on June 19. The MSCI All-Country World index has fluctuated a lot since then, but is currently up only 0.7% in dollar terms. Developed markets have gained 1.4%, while emerging markets have lost 3.8% (Chart 14). We have yet to reach a capitulation point for EM equities. The number of shares in the iShares MSCI Turkey ETF has almost doubled since August 3rd, as a stampede of bottom fishers have plowed into the fund (Chart 15). Equity investors should maintain our recommendation to underweight emerging markets relative to DM and to favor defensive sectors over deep cyclicals. We expect euro area stocks to perform in line with their U.S. peers in local-currency terms, but to underperform in dollar terms over the remainder of the year. Chart 13The Dollar Is Back Near Its Highs Chart 14Stock Market Performance: Roller Coaster Ride Chart 15Foreign Investors And Turkish Stocks: ##br##Trying To Catch A Falling Knife In the fixed-income realm, the long-term trend in global bond yields remains to the upside, but near-term EM stresses could cause the 10-year Treasury yield to temporarily fall back towards 2.5%. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 We collaborated with our colleague Mathieu Savary and his team at BCA’s Foreign Exchange Strategy to build this heat map. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

We published a Special Alert report titled Turkey: Book Profits On Shorts yesterday. The link is available on page 18. This report is Part 2 of an overview of the cyclical profiles of emerging market (EM) economies. This all-in-charts presentation illustrates the business cycle conditions of various developing economies. The aim of this report is to provide investors with a quick assessment of where each EM economy stands. In addition, we provide our view on each market. The rest of the countries were covered in Part 1, published last week (the link to it is available on page 18). Chart I-1 Malaysia: Keep Underweight For Now As... Malaysia: Keep Underweight For Now As...Malaysia: Keep Underweight For Now As... Malaysia: Keep Underweight For Now As... ...Bank Shares Have Significant Downside ...Bank Shares Have Significant Downside ...Bank Shares Have Significant Downside...Bank Shares Have Significant Downside Indonesia: Underweight Equities & Bonds Indonesia: Underweight Equities & Bonds Indonesia: Underweight Equities & Bonds Indonesia: Underweight Equities & Bonds Indonesia: Underweight Equities & Bonds Indonesia: The Sell-Off Is Not Over Yet Indonesia: The Sell-Off Is Not Over Yet Indonesia: The Sell-Off Is Not Over Yet Indonesia: The Sell-Off Is Not Over Yet Indonesia: The Sell-Off Is Not Over Yet Thailand: Stay Overweight Thailand: Stay Overweight Thailand: Stay OverweightThailand: Stay Overweight Thailand: Better Positioned To Weather The EM Storm Thailand: Better Positioned ##br##To Weather The EM Storm Thailand: Better Positioned ##br##To Weather The EM Storm Thailand: Better Positioned ##br##To Weather The EM Storm Thailand: Better Positioned ##br##To Weather The EM Storm Philippines: Inflation Breakout Philippines: Inflation BreakoutPhilippines: Inflation Breakout Philippines: Inflation Breakout Philippines: Neutral On Equities Due To Oversold Conditions Philippines: Neutral On Equities ##br##Due To Oversold Conditions Philippines: Neutral On Equities ##br##Due To Oversold ConditionsPhilippines: Neutral On Equities ##br##Due To Oversold Conditions Central Europe: Labor Shortages & Wage Inflation Central Europe: Labor Shortages & Wage Inflation Central Europe: Labor Shortages & Wage Inflation Central Europe: Robust Growth - Overweight Central Europe: Robust Growth - Overweight Central Europe: Robust Growth - OverweightCentral Europe: Robust Growth - Overweight Chile: Robust Growth - Overweight Equities Chile: Robust Growth - Overweight Equities Chile: Robust Growth - Overweight Equities Chile: No Inflationary Pressures Chile: No Inflationary PressuresChile: No Inflationary PressuresChile: No Inflationary Pressures Chile: No Inflationary Pressures Colombia: Currency Will Be A Release Valve Colombia: Currency Will Be A Release Valve Colombia: Currency Will Be A Release Valve Colombia: Currency Will Be A Release Valve Colombia: Currency Will Be A Release Valve Colombia: Credit Growth Remains A Headwind For Economy - Neutral Colombia: Credit Growth Remains ##br##A Headwind For Economy - Neutral Colombia: Credit Growth Remains ##br##A Headwind For Economy - NeutralColombia: Credit Growth Remains ##br##A Headwind For Economy - Neutral Peru: Vulnerable To External Developments Peru: Vulnerable To External Developments Peru: Vulnerable To External Developments Peru: Vulnerable To External Developments Peru: Vulnerable To External Developments Peruvian Equities - Underweight Peruvian Equities - Underweight Peruvian Equities - UnderweightPeruvian Equities - Underweight

Special Report

Highlights China's policy headwinds have begun to recede, but Beijing is not riding to the rescue for emerging markets; While monetary policy has eased substantively, credit growth will be hampered by the government's financial crackdown; Potential changes to China's Macro-Prudential Assessment framework could be significant, but the impact on credit growth is overestimated at present; The recognition of non-performing loans (NPLs) and cleansing of China's banking system is still in early innings and will weigh on banks' risk appetite; The anti-corruption campaign is another reason to be cautious on EM. Geopolitical Strategy recommends clients stay overweight China (ex-tech) relative to EM. Feature In the first part of this two-part Special Report, we concluded that policy headwinds to China's economic growth have begun to recede, but recent easing measures will likely disappoint the markets.1 Chart 1Money Growth Bottomed, Credit Still Weak In essence, China is girding for a trade war with the United States, which favors stimulus. But it is still attempting to reduce systemic financial risk. As a result, fiscal stimulus may surprise to the upside, but credit growth will be lackluster. The problem for investors - especially for emerging market (EM) assets and the commodity complex - is that Chinese fiscal stimulus typically operates with a six-to-ten month lag, as opposed to credit stimulus which only takes about three months to kick in.2 July statistics confirm our suspicion that credit stimulus will be hampered by the government's crackdown on shadow banking. Total credit growth remains weak, although broad money (M2) does appear to be bottoming (Chart 1). Thus far, BCA's China Investment Strategy has been correct in characterizing the latest developments as "taking the foot off the brake" rather than "pressing down on the accelerator."3 In this report we take a deeper dive into the policy factors that cause us to limit our "stimulus overshoot" scenario to a 10% subjective probability. The three chief reasons are: overstated easing of macro-prudential controls; the continuing process of cleansing the banking sector of non-performing loans; and the anti-corruption campaign in the financial sector. A Preemptive Dodd-Frank Since the Xi administration redoubled its efforts to tackle systemic financial risk last year, we have urged investors to be cautious about Chinese growth.4 The creation of new institutions and new regulatory requirements set in motion processes that would be hard to reverse quickly. While these institutions are now making several compromises for the sake of stability, their operations will continue to weigh on credit growth. In July 2017, China's government held the National Financial Work Conference to address the major issues facing the country's financial system. This conference takes place once every five years and has often occasioned significant shakeups in financial regulation. In 1997, it initiated a sweeping purge of the banking system, and in 2002, it saw the creation of three financial watchdogs that would become critical institutional players throughout the 2000s.5 Chart 2Crackdown On Informal Credit Continues One of the skeletons in the closet from 2002 was the debate over whether financial regulation should be heavily centralized or divided among different, specialized, state agencies. Former Premier Wen Jiabao won the argument with the creation of the three watchdogs covering banking, securities, and insurance. After a series of controversies and conflicts, the Xi administration decided that these agencies had failed in their primary purpose of curbing systemic risk and ordered a reorganization with greater centralization. At the 2017 financial conference, Xi announced the creation of the Financial Stability and Development Committee (FSDC) to act as a centralized watchdog over the entire financial system. The FSDC would coordinate with the central bank, oversee macro-prudential regulation, and prevent systemic risk. Liu He, Xi's right-hand man on the economy and a policymaker with a hawkish reputation, was soon promoted to the Politburo and given the top job at the FSDC.6 As a second step, the Xi administration announced that it would combine the banking and insurance regulators into a single entity - the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission (CBIRC). The CBIRC, to be headed by Xi ally, and notable hawk, Guo Shuqing, would continue and escalate the crackdown on shadow lending that Guo had begun at the helm of the bank watchdog in 2017 (Chart 2). The merging of the agencies would also close the regulatory gap that had seen the insurance regulator increase its dominion and rent-seeking by encouraging "excessive" financial innovation and risky pseudo-insurance products.7 The FSDC was expected, rightly, to bring a more hawkish tilt to Chinese macro-prudential regulation. In reference to the U.S.'s Financial Stability Oversight Council, we dubbed these moves a "Preemptive Dodd-Frank."8 We also argued, however, that the purpose was to bring unified command and control to financial regulation and that China would continue to prize stability above all. Therefore the degree of tightening or loosening should vary in accordance this goal.9 After a series of announcements in July and August, it is clear that China's government has shifted to a more accommodative posture (Chart 3). As usual, there are rumors of high-level political intrigue to go along with the policy shift: some argue that Premier Li Keqiang is making a comeback while Xi's golden boy, Liu He, has been sidelined due to his failure to forestall tariffs during his trade talks with Donald Trump this spring.10 Such rumors are valuable only in revealing the intensity of the policy debate in Beijing. Chart 3Monetary Policy Has Eased Substantively What is certain, however, is that the FSDC, with Liu He as chairman, only met for the first time as a fully assembled group in early July, just before the major easing measures were taken. This implies that any initial conclusions were pragmatic (i.e. not excessively hawkish). Moreover, Guo Shuqing is not only the CBIRC head but also the party secretary of the PBOC, meaning that central bank chief Yi Gang cannot have adopted easing measures without Guo's at least condoning it. Chinese policymakers see the recent easing measures as "fine-tuning" even as they continue the rollout of new regulatory institutions and systems. It is thus too soon to claim that Xi Jinping or any of these government bodies have thrown in the towel on their attempts to contain excessive leverage. Both the Politburo and the State Council - the highest party and state decision-makers - have made clear that they do not intend to endorse a massive stimulus on the magnitude of 2008-09 or 2015-16.11 They have also insisted that the "Tough Battle" against systemic financial risk, and the campaign to "deleverage" the corporate sector, will continue. What does this mean in practical terms? While new regulations will be compromised, they will also continue to be implemented. For example, authorities have watered down new regulations governing the $15 trillion asset management industry, yet the regulations are still expected to go into force by 2020. These rules will weigh on shadow banking activity (e.g. wealth management products) as banks prepare to meet the requirements.12 Two other examples are critical and will be discussed below: first, the potential easing of rules under the Macro Prudential Assessment (MPA) framework for stress-testing banks; second, this year's changes to rules governing non-performing loans (NPLs). In the former case, the degree of financial easing is potentially significant but at present overestimated by investors; in the latter case, the degree of tightening is already significant and widely underestimated. Bottom Line: New financial regulatory institutions will inherently suppress credit growth, especially by dragging on informal or non-bank credit growth. Macro-Prudential Assessments: Less Easing Than Meets The Eye A key factor in determining China's credit growth going forward will be banks' responses to any softening of the Macro Prudential Assessment (MPA) requirements. News reports have suggested that a relaxation of these rules may occur, but authorities have not finalized such a move. Furthermore, the impact on credit growth may be far less than the astronomical sums being floated around the investment community. The MPA framework began in 2016. It is an evaluative system of "stress-testing" China's banks each quarter. As such it is part of the upgrade of macro-prudential systems across the world in the aftermath of the global financial crisis, comparable to the American Financial Stability Oversight Committee or the European Systemic Risk Board.13 It is managed by the PBOC and the FSDC. The MPA divides banks into systemically important financial institutions and common institutions, and subdivides the former into those of national and regional importance. The evaluation method contains seven major criteria for assessing bank stability: Capital adequacy and leverage ratios; Bank assets and liabilities; Liquidity conditions; Pricing behavior for interest rates; Quality of assets; Cross-border financing; Execution of credit policy. The first and fourth of these criteria (capital adequacy and leverage ratios, and pricing behavior for interest rates) are in bold font because they result in a "veto" over the entire assessment: if a bank fails to maintain a sufficient capital buffer, or deviates too far from policy interest rates, it can fail the entire stress-test. Otherwise, failure of any two of the other five categories results in overall failure. A system of rewards and punishments awaits banks depending on how they perform (Diagram 1). Diagram 1China's Macro Prudential Assessment Framework Explained On July 20, the PBOC published a document saying that "in order to better regulate assets of financial institutions, during Macro Prudential Assessment (MPA), relevant parameters can be reasonably adjusted." Subsequently Reuters reported that the PBOC would reduce the "structural parameter" and the "pro-cyclical contribution parameter" of the capital adequacy ratio (CAR) requirements, thereby easing rules on one of the veto items. The structural parameter would fall from 1.0 to 0.5. Rumors suggest that the pro-cyclical parameter could fall from 0.4-0.8 to 0.3. No such changes have been finalized - only a few banks actually claim to have received notification of a change and there are regional differences. Clearly a general change of the rule would reduce regulatory constraints on bank credit. But how big would the impact be? Under the MPA, banks' CARs are not allowed to fall too far below the "neutral CAR," or C*, a variable that is calculated using the formula outlined in Diagram 2. Most of the variables in this formula will not change often: for instance, the minimum legal CAR will be slow to change, as will the capital reserve buffer and the bonus buffer for systemically important institutions. The one factor that can change frequently is the "discretionary counter-cyclical buffer," as it responds to the country's current place in the business cycle. Diagram 2China's Macro-Prudential Assessment Framework: Capital Adequacy Ratios The key input to this factor is broad credit growth. Thus, if authorities should reduce the CAR's cyclical parameter from a simple average of 0.6 to 0.3, broad credit growth could go higher without creating an excessive increase in the pro-cyclical buffer. In other words, at present about 60% of bank credit expansion in excess of nominal GDP growth counts toward a counter-cyclical capital buffer, which is added to other capital buffers. A tweak to this parameter could decrease that proportion to 30%, meaning that bank lending could go twice as high with the same impact on the counter-cyclical buffer. More significantly, if authorities should reduce the CAR's structural parameter from 1.0 to 0.5, any increase in credit growth would have a less dramatic impact on C*. Hence banks would be able to lend more while still keeping their neutral CAR within the appropriate range relative to their actual CAR. Banks could theoretically lend twice as much with the same impact on the assessment.14 On paper these changes could result in unleashing as much as 41.4 trillion RMB in new lending in 2018, or 28 trillion (33% of GDP) on top of what could have been expected without any adjustment to the macro-prudential rules. This is because broad credit growth would theoretically be allowed to grow as fast as 30% instead of 17%.15 But in reality this growth rate is extremely unlikely. Why? Because it assumes that banks will grow their lending books as rapidly as they are allowed. In fact, banks are currently increasing broad credit at a rate of about 10%, which is considerably lower than either today's or tomorrow's permitted rate of growth under the MPA framework (Chart 4). If tweaks to the MPA increase this speed limit to 30%, it does not mean that banks will drive any faster than they are already driving. They are lending at the current pace for self-interested reasons (and there is fear of excessive debt, default, or insolvency due to the government's ongoing regulatory and anti-corruption crackdown).16 Chart 4Banks Are Not Lending To The Regulatory Maximum Still, if the MPA rules are tweaked, then it will send a signal that macro-prudential scrutiny is abating and banks can lend more aggressively - this would have some positive effect on credit growth, at least for major banks that are secure in meeting their CARs. Moreover, there will be a practical consequence in that fewer banks will be punished for having insufficient CARs. At present, only rarely do banks fail the evaluations. But a strict CAR requirement during an economic downturn could change that. The proposed MPA adjustment would show that banks are graded on a sliding rule: the authorities would slide the grading scale downward to enable more banks to pass the test. This means fewer failures, which means fewer punitive measures that could upset liquidity or stability in the banking system. Ultimately, in order for the new system to have any credibility at all, punishment will have to be meted out to banks that fail the stress tests. A key punishment within the MPA system is exclusion from medium-term lending facility (MLF) loans from the PBOC. This is a regulatory action with teeth, as this is one of the PBOC's major means of injecting liquidity (Chart 5). A misbehaving bank could face short-term liquidity shortage or even insolvency. Therefore the authorities are opting to soften the rules so that the new regulatory system is preserved yet the harshest implications are avoided (for now). Chart 5Regulators Can Deprive Banks Of MLF Access This would be short-term gain for long-term pain, the opposite of what China needs from the standpoint of an investor looking for improvements to productivity and potential GDP growth. But it would not necessarily be a great boon for global risk assets in the near term. While it could help stabilize expectations for China's domestic growth, it is not clear that it would unleash a mass wave of new bank loans that would reaccelerate China's economy and put wings beneath EM assets and commodity prices. Bottom Line: Tweaking the MPA parameters is a clear example of policy easing. Yet the MPA system itself is a fairly rigorous means of stress-testing banks that is part of a much larger expansion of financial sector regulation. The results of the easier rules - if implemented - will not be as reflationary as might be expected from the headline 41 trillion RMB in new loans that could legally be created. Banks are already expanding loans more slowly than they are allowed to do, so increasing the speed limit will have little effect. The real purpose of the macro-prudential tweaks is to make it more difficult for banks to fail their stress tests in a downturn. As such, any tweaks would actually reveal that Chinese policymakers are expecting a more painful downturn, not that they are asking for a credit splurge. NPL Recognition Will Weigh On Credit Growth Another factor that we have highlighted that separates today's easing measures from outright stimulus: the growing recognition of non-performing loans (NPLs) in China's banks and the financial cleansing process. The government's reform push has already led to two trends that are relatively rare and notable in the Chinese context: rising corporate defaults (Chart 6) and rising bankruptcies (Chart 7). While the impact may be small relative to China's economic size, the direction of change is significant in a country that has been extremely averse to recognizing losses. Chart 6Defaults Are Rising Chart 7Creative Destruction In China These changes reflect the tightening of financial conditions and restructurings of various industries and as such are evidence of Xi's attempt to make progress on reforms while maintaining stability. They also reflect a general environment that is conducive to the realization of bad loans. Two recent policy decisions are affecting banks' accounting of bad loans. First, the CBIRC issued new guidance that eases NPL provision requirements for "responsible" banks (banks with good credit quality) while maintaining the existing requirements for "irresponsible" banks.17 Since the major state-controlled banks will largely meet the standards, they will be able to lend somewhat more (we estimate around 600 billion RMB or 0.7% of GDP). This would support the recent trend in which traditional bank lending rises as a share of total credit growth. Second, however, the CBIRC is requiring banks to reclassify all loans that are 90-or-more-days delinquent as NPLs, resulting in upward revisions of bank NPL ratios. This will send the official rate on an upward march toward 5%, from current extremely low 1.9% (Chart 8). It is the direction of change that matters, as NPL recognition can take on a life of its own. While many state banks may already have recognized the 90-day delinquent loans, many small and regional banks probably have not. Anecdotally, a number of small banks are reporting large NPL ratios as a result of the regulatory clampdown and definition change. Rural commercial banks, in particular, are in trouble with several showing NPLs in double digits (Chart 9). These small and regional banks will have until an unspecified date in 2019 to reclassify these loans and raise provisions against them. The result will hamper credit growth. Chart 8Bad Loan Ratios Set To Rise Chart 9City And Rural Commercial Banks Most At Risk Of Rising Bad Loans To get a more detailed picture of the NPL recognition process, we have updated our survey of 16 commercial banks listed on the A-share market.18 This research reveals that banks have continued to increase the amount of bad loans they have written off. While the NPL ratio has remained roughly the same, cumulative loan-loss write-offs combined with NPLs have reached 7% of total loans and are still rising (Chart 10). This shows that a cleansing process is well underway. It is concerning that write-offs have reached nearly 50% of pre-tax profits. And even as losses mount, the proportion of each year's losses to the previous year's NPLs has fallen, implying that the previous year's NPLs had grown bigger (Chart 11). Chart 10The Bank Cleansing Process Continues Chart 11Write-Offs Almost 50% Of Bank Profits Furthermore, while loan losses grow, the surveyed banks' profit growth has been reduced to virtually zero (Chart 12). Our updated "stress test" for Chinese banks, which is based on the same sample of 16 commercial banks, suggests that if total NPLs rise to a pessimistic, but still quite realistic, ratio of 13% (a weighted average of NPL ratio assumptions per sector, ranging from 10%-30%), then total losses could amount to 10.4 trillion RMB, or 12% of GDP (Table 1). Chart 12Write-Offs Weigh On##br## Bank Profit Growth Table 1Pessimistic Scenario Analysis ##br##For Commercial Bank NPLs In this scenario, banks' net equity would be impacted by 38% as this amount surpasses the buffer of net profits (1.75 trillion RMB) and NPL provisions (3 trillion). China's banks are well provisioned, but they would be less so after a hit of this nature. A similar stress-test by BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy found that equity impairment could range from 33%-49%, implying that Chinese banks were roughly 29% overvalued on a fair price-to-book-value basis.19 Looking at different economic sectors, it is apparent that domestic trade, manufacturing, and mining have seen the highest incidence of loans going sour (Table 2). In all three cases, it is reasonable to conjecture that the NPL ratio can continue to expand - and not only because of the definitional change. First, wholesale and retail (4.7%) consists largely of SMEs, and the government is publicly concerned about their ability to get credit. Second, manufacturing (3.9%) has been hit by changing trade patterns and rising labor costs and has not yet suffered the impact from recently imposed U.S. trade tariffs. Third, mining (3.6%) has felt the first wave of the impact from the government's cuts to overcapacity in recent years, but has seen very extensive restructuring and the fallout may continue. Table 2China: Troubled Sectors Can Produce More Bad Loans More realistic NPL recognition is an important and positive development for China over the long run. Over the short run, banks' efforts to write-off NPL losses will weigh on their willingness to lend and could pose a risk to overall economic activity. Bottom Line: The government's reform and restructuring efforts are initiating a process of creative destruction in the Chinese economy. This is most notable in the government's willingness to recognize NPLs, which will continue to weigh on credit growth. The government is trying to control the pace and intensity of this process, but we expect credit stimulus to be disappointing relative to fiscal stimulus as long as the financial regulatory crackdown is at least half-heartedly implemented. Anti-Corruption Campaign Is Market-Negative Another reason to expect total credit growth to remain subdued comes from the anti-corruption campaign and its probes into local government finances and the financial sector. Chart 13Anti-Corruption Campaign Trudges Onward One of the new institutions created in China's 2017-18 leadership reshuffle was the National Supervisory Commission (NSC). This is a powerful new commission that is capable of overseeing the highest state authority (the National People's Congress). It is also ranked above the formal legal system, the Supreme Court and the public prosecutor's office. It is charged with formalizing the anti-corruption campaign and extending it from the Communist Party into the state bureaucracy, including state-owned enterprises.20 Having operated for less than a year, it is not possible to draw firm conclusions about the doings of the NSC, let alone any macro impact. Tentatively, the commission has focused on financial and economic crimes that have the potential to create a "chilling effect" among government officials and bank executives.21 Notably, the NSC has investigated Lai Xiaomin, former chief executive of Huarong, the largest of the big four Asset Management Corporations (AMCs), i.e. China's "bad banks." There is more than one reason for Huarong to attract the attention of investigators, but it is notable that it had extensive investments in areas outside its official duty of acquiring and disposing of NPLs. The implication could be that the government wants the AMCs to focus on their core competency: cleaning up the coming deluge of NPLs. The anti-corruption is also targeting local government officials for misappropriating state funds. These investigations involve punishment of provincial officials for false accounting as well as embezzlement and other crimes. We have noted before that the provinces that revised down their GDP growth targets most aggressively this year were also some of the hardest hit with anti-corruption probes into falsifying data and misallocating capital.22 On several occasions it has appeared as if the anti-corruption campaign was losing steam, but the broadest tally of cases under investigation suggest that it is still going strong despite hitting a peak at the beginning of the year (Chart 13). The campaign remains a potential source of disruption among the very officials whose risk appetite will determine whether central government policy easing actually results in additional bank lending and local government borrowing. Bottom Line: While difficult to quantify, the anti-corruption campaign will dampen animal spirits within local governments and the financial sector as long as the new NSC is seeking to establish itself and the Xi administration remains committed to prosecuting the campaign aggressively. Investment Conclusions We would be surprised if credit growth did not perk up at least somewhat as a result of the past month's easing measures. But as outlined above, these measures may disappoint the markets as a result of the ongoing financial regulatory drive, the baggage of NPL recognition, and any negative impact on risk appetite due to the anti-corruption campaign. And this is not even to mention the dampening effects of ongoing property sector and pollution curbs.23 In lieu of a credit surge, Beijing is likely to rely more on fiscal spending to stabilize growth. Fiscal spending also faces complications, of course. In recent years, China's local governments have built up a potentially massive pool of off-balance-sheet debt due to structural factors limiting local government revenue generation (Table 3). Beijing is now attempting to force this debt into the light. The local government debt maturity schedule suggests a persistent headwind in coming years as hidden debt is brought onto the balance sheet and governments scramble to meet payment deadlines (Chart 14). In addition, the local government debt swap program launched in 2014-15 will wrap up this month. Table 3Estimates Of Hidden Local Government Debt Chart 14Local Governments Face Rising Debt Payments Nevertheless Beijing has introduced a new class of "refinancing bonds" in 2018 to help stabilize the fiscal situation. These bonds are separate from brand new bonds that have the potential to increase significantly over the second half of this year. China's Finance Ministry has also reportedly asked local governments to issue 80 percent of net new special purpose bonds by the end of September. Since only about a quarter of the year's 1.35 trillion RMB quota was issued in H1, this order would mean that about half of the quota (675 billion RMB out of 1.35 trillion RMB) would be issued in August and September alone - implying a significant surge to Chinese demand, albeit with a lag of six months or so.24 The latest data releases from July suggest that Beijing is trying to do two things at once: ease liquidity conditions while cracking down on excess leverage. Until we see a spike in credit growth, we will continue to expect the policy turn to be only moderately reflationary, with the ability to offset existing headwinds but not spark a broad-based reacceleration of the economy. Going forward, data for the month of August will be very important to monitor, as many of the easing measures were not announced until late July. For all the reasons outlined in this two-part Special Report, we would view a sharp increase in total credit as a game-changer that would point toward a "stimulus overshoot" (Table 4). Such an overshoot is less likely if the government relies more heavily on fiscal spending this time around, which is what we expect. Table 4Will China Over-Stimulate This Time Around? Meanwhile, turmoil in emerging markets - which we fully anticipated based on China's policy headwinds this year and our dollar bullish view - will only be exacerbated by China's unwillingness to stimulate massively.25 Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Qingyun Xu, Senior Analyst qingyun@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma, Contributing Editor yushum@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "China: How Stimulating Is The Stimulus?" dated August 8, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Data Lab: Testing The Predictability Of China's Business Cycle," dated November 30, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China Is Easing Up On The Brake, Not Pressing The Accelerator," dated July 26, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks," dated November 22, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Politics Are Stimulative, Everywhere But China," dated February 28, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Wrath Of Cohn," dated July 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see footnote 8 above. 10 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Italy, Spain, Trade Wars... Oh My!" dated May 30, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see Part I of this series in footnote 1 above. 12 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Now What?" dated June 27, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Note that according to the new asset management rules, financial institutions will be required to have a risk reserve worth 10% of their fee income, or corresponding risk capital provisions. When the risk reserve balance reaches 1% of the product balance, no further risk provision will be required. We estimate that setting aside these funds will be a form of financial tightening worth about 1.2% of GDP. 13 Please see Liansheng Zheng, "The Macro Prudential Assessment Framework of China: Background, Evaluation and Current and Future Policy," Center for International Governance Innovation, CIGI Papers No. 164 (March 2018), available at www.cigionline.com. 14 Recall that the second category of the MPA consists of bank assets and liabilities. This category also has a rule for broad credit growth, which is that it should not exceed broad money (M2) plus 20%-25%. Therefore passing this part of the exam already requires banks to meet a 28%-33% speed limit on new credit. Assuming that that the pro-cyclical parameter of the CAR category remains at its current minimum of 0.4, then the structural parameter cannot be effectively pushed any lower than 0.6-0.8. The bottom line is that pushing the CAR structural parameter lower is not going to yield a significant increase in the allowable rate of credit growth. 15 To reach this estimate, we began with the fact that the outstanding level of broad credit growth was around 207 trillion RMB by the end of 2017 (that is, loans plus bonds plus equities plus wealth management products and other off-balance-sheet assets). The 2017 growth rate was about 10% and is assumed to be the same in 2018. Therefore broad credit should reach 227.7 trillion by the end of the year. Then, if we assume that all banks lend at the maximum weighted growth rate allowed by adjusting the structural parameter in the MPA CAR requirement (which is 30%), outstanding broad credit would reach 269.1 trillion by the end of the year. Hence an extra 41.4 trillion RMB in broad credit growth would be released. For comparison, please see CITIC Bond Investment, "Deep Analysis: Impact of Parameter Adjustments in the MPA Framework," July 30, 2018, available at www.sohu.com. 16 Based on actual CARs in 2017, the limit to broad credit growth was 17%-22% for large state-owned banks, 10%-20% for joint-equity banks, and 15%-20% for city or rural commercial banks. However, the actual broad credit growth for most banks was a lot lower than that. For example, for all five state-owned banks (nationally systemically important financial institutions), it was below 10%, well beneath the 17%-22% determined by their actual CARs and C*. 17 Under current regulations, the loan provision ratio is 2.5% while the NPL provision coverage ratio is 150%. The higher of the two is the regulatory standard for commercial banks. On February 28, 2018, the China Banking Regulatory Commission issued a notice declaring that the coverage requirement would change to a range of 120%-150%, while the loan provision requirement would change to a range of 1.5%-2.5%. Banks would qualify for the easier requirements according to how accurately they classified their loans, whether they disposed of their bad loans, and whether they maintained appropriate capital adequacy ratios. This could result in a release of about 800 billion RMB worth of provisions that can be kept as core tier-1 capital or support new lending. 18 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Stress-Testing Chinese Banks," dated July 27, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Mind The Breakdowns," dated July 5, 2018, and Special Report, "Long Indian / Short Chinese Banks," dated January 17, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see Jamie P. Horsley, "What's So Controversial About China's New Anti-Corruption Body?" The Diplomat, May 30, 2018, available at thediplomat.com. 21 The NSC is operationally very close to the Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDIC), which is the Communist Party corruption watchdog formerly headed by heavyweight Wang Qishan. It received only a 10% increase in manpower over the CDIC in order to expand its target range by 200% (covering all state agencies and state-linked organizations). It has allegedly meted out 240,000 punishments in the first half of 2018, up from 210,000 during the same period last year and 163,000 in H1 2016. About 28 of these cases were provincial-level cases or higher. The controversy over the "rights of the detained" has been highlighted by the beating of a local government official's limousine driver in one of the organization's first publicly reported actions. The NSC has also arrested local government officials tied to "corruption kingpin" Zhou Yongkang and known for misappropriating budgetary funds, and has secured the repatriation of fugitives who fled abroad and recovered the assets that they stole or embezzled. 22 The provinces include Tianjin, Chongqing, Liaoning, Inner Mongolia, etc. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy "Trump, Year Two: Let The Trade War Begin," dated March 14, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. There is empirical evidence that anti-corruption probes are correlated with debt defaults. Please see Haoyu Gao, Hong Ru and Dragon Yongjun Tang, "Subnational Debt of China: The Politics-Finance Nexus," dated September 12, 2017, available at gcfp.mit.edu. 23 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble?" dated April 6, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com, and Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "Blue Skies Drive China's Steel Policy," dated August 9, 2018, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 24 Please see "As economy cools, China sets deadline for local government special bond sales," Reuters, dated August 14, 2018, available at www.reuters.com. For more on local government bond issuance, see Part I of this series in footnote 1 above. Note also rumors in Chinese media suggesting that a new local government debt swap program could be launched with the responsibility of tackling off-balance-sheet debts that are guaranteed by local governments. The program has thus far only swapped debts that local governments were obligated to pay. It is not clear what would happen to a third class of local debt, that which is neither an obligation upon local governments nor guaranteed by them but that nevertheless is deemed to serve a public interest. 25 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The EM Bloodbath Has Nothing To Do With Trump," dated August 14, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights President Trump has little to do with the ongoing EM selloff; The macro backdrop is the real culprit behind Turkey's woes, particularly the strong dollar... ... Which is a product of global policy divergence, with the U.S. stimulating while China pursues growth-constraining reforms; Chinese stimulus is important to watch, as it could change the game, but we do not expect China to save EM as it did in 2015; Turkey's troubles are a product of its late-stage populist cycle and will not end with Trump's magnanimity; The positive spin on the EM bloodbath is that it may force the Fed to slow its rate hikes, prolonging the business cycle. Feature Chart 1EM: Bloodbath Markets are selling off in Turkey and the wider EM economies (Chart 1), with the financial media focusing on the actions taken by the U.S. President Donald Trump in the escalating diplomatic spat between the two countries. Investors should be very clear what it means to ascribe the ongoing selloff to President Trump's aggressive posture with Ankara in particular and trade in general. If President Trump started EM's troubles with his tweets, he can then end them with another late-night missive. This is not our view. Turkey is enveloped in a deep morass of populism and weak fundamentals since at least 2013. What is worse, the ongoing selloff is likely going to ensnare at least the other fragile EM economies and potentially take down EM as an asset class. In this Report, we recount the pernicious macro backdrop - both geopolitical and economic - that EM economies face today. We then focus on Turkey itself and show that President Trump has little to do with the current selloff. The Bloodbath Is Afoot, Again Every financial bubble, and every financial bust, begins with a compelling story grounded in solid fundamentals. The now by-gone EM "Goldilocks Era" (2001-2011) was primarily driven by exogenous factors: a generational debt-fueled consumption binge in DM; an investment-fueled double-digit growth rate in China that kicked off a structural commodity bull market; and the unleashing of pent-up EM consumption/credit demand (Chart 2).1 These EM tailwinds petered out by 2011. Subsequently, China and EM economies entered a major downtrend that culminated in a massive commodity rout that began in 2014. But before the bloodbath could motivate policymakers to initiate painful structural reforms, Chinese policymakers stimulated in earnest. In the second half of 2015, Beijing became unnerved and injected enormous amount of credit and fiscal stimulus into the mainland economy (Chart 3). The intervention, however, did not change the pernicious fundamentals driving EM economies but merely caused "a mid-cycle recovery, or hiatus, in an unfinished downtrend," as our EM strategists have recently pointed out (Chart 4).2 Chart 2Goldilocks Era##BR##Is Over For EM Chart 3Is China About To Cause Another##BR##EM Mid-Cycle Recovery? Take Brazil, for example. Instead of using the 2014-2015 generational downturn to double-down on painful fiscal and pension reforms, the country's politicians declared President Dilma Rousseff to be the root-cause of all evil that befell the nation, impeached her in April 2016, and then proceeded to unceremoniously punt all painful reforms until after this year's election (if ever). They were enabled to do so by the "mid-cycle recovery" spurred by Chinese stimulus. In other words, Brazil's policymakers did nothing to actually deserve the recovery in asset prices but got one anyway. The country now will experience "faceoff time" with the markets, with no public support for painful reforms (Chart 5) and hardly an orthodox candidate in sight ahead of the October general election.3 Chart 4Where Are China/EM In The Cycle? Chart 5Brazil's Population Is Not Open To Fiscal Austerity Could Brazilian and Turkish policymakers be in luck, as Chinese policymakers have blinked again?4 Our assessment is that the coming stimulus will not be as stimulative as in 2015. First, President Xi's monetary and fiscal policy, since coming into office in 2012, has been biased towards tightening (Chart 6). Second, Chinese leverage has plateaued (Chart 7). In fact, "debt servicing" is now the third-fastest category of fiscal spending growth since Xi came to power (Table 1). Third, the July 31 Politburo statement pledged to make fiscal policy "more proactive" and "supportive," but also reaffirmed the commitment to continue the campaign against systemic risk. Chart 6Xi Jinping Caps##BR##Government Spending And Credit Chart 7The Rise And Plateau##BR##Of Macro Leverage Whether China's mid-year stimulus will be globally stimulative is now the question for global investors. The key data to watch out of China will be August credit numbers, to be released September 9th through 15th. Is President Trump not to be blamed at all for the EM selloff? What about the trade war against China? If anything, tariffs against China have caused Beijing to "blink" and implement some stimulative measures this summer. If one must find fault in U.S. policy, it is the double dose of fiscal stimulus that has endangered EM economies. A key theme for BCA's Geopolitical Strategy this year has been the idea that global policy divergence would replace the global growth convergence.5 Populist economic stimulus in the U.S. and structural reforms in China would imperil growth in the latter and accelerate it in the former, forming a bullish environment for the U.S. dollar (Chart 8). Table 1Total Government Spending Preferences (Under Leader's General Control) Chart 8U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD As such, the White House is partly responsible for the EM selloff, but not in any way that can be changed with a tweet or a handshake. Furthermore, we do not see the upcoming U.S. midterm election as somehow capable of altering the global growth dynamics.6 It is highly unlikely that Democrats will seek to spend less, and they cannot raise taxes under Trump. Bottom Line: EM economies have never adjusted to the end of their Goldilocks era. A surge in global liquidity pushed investors further down the risk-curve, propping up EM assets despite poor macro fundamentals. China's massive 2015-2016 stimulus arrested the bear market, giving investors a perception that EM economies had recovered. This mid-cycle hiatus, however, has now been overtaken by the global policy divergence between Washington and Beijing, which is bullish USD. President Trump's trade tariffs and aggressive pressure on Turkey do not help. However, they are merely the catalyst, not the cause, of the selloff. As such, investors should not "buy" EM on a resolution of China-U.S. trade tensions or of the Washington-Ankara diplomatic dispute. Contagion Risk BCA's Emerging Market Strategy is clear: in all episodes of a major EM selloff, the de-coupling between different regions proved to be unsustainable, and the markets that showed initial resilience eventually re-coupled to the downside (Chart 9).7 One reason to expect contagion risk among all EM markets is that the primary export market for China and other East Asian exporters are other EM economies, particularly the commodity producers (Chart 10). As such, it is highly unlikely that East Asian EM economies will be able to avoid a downturn. In fact, leading indicators of exports and manufacturing, such as Korea's manufacturing shipments-to-inventory ratio and Taiwan's semiconductor shipments-to-inventory ratio herald further deceleration in their respective export sectors (Chart 11). Chart 9Asian And Latin American Equities:##BR##Unsustainable Divergences Chart 10EM Trades##BR##With EM Chart 11Asia Export##BR##Slowdown Is Afoot In respect of foreign funding requirements of EM economies, our EM strategists have pointed out that there is a substantive amount of foreign currency debt coming due in 2018 (Table 2), with majority EM economies facing much higher foreign debt burdens than in 1996 (Table 3).8 Investors should not, however, rely merely on debt as percent of GDP ratios for their vulnerability assessment. For example, Malaysia's private sector FX debt load stands at 63.7% of GDP, the second highest level after Turkey. But relative to total exports (a source of revenue for its indebted corporates) and FX reserves (which the central bank can use to plug the gap in the balance of payments), Malaysia actually scores fairly well. Table 2EM: Short-Term (Due In 2018) FX Debt Table 3EM Private Sector FX Debt: 1996 Versus Today Chart 12 shows the most vulnerable EM economies in terms of foreign currency private sector debt exposure relative to FX reserves and total exports. Unsurprisingly, Turkey stands as the most vulnerable economy, along with Argentina, Brazil, Indonesia, Chile, and Colombia. Chart 12BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy Has Already Pinned Turkey As The Most Vulnerable EM Economy Will the EM selloff eventually ensnare DM economies as well, particularly the U.S.? We think yes. The drawdown in EM will bid up safe-haven assets like the U.S. dollar. The dollar can be thought of as America's second central bank, along with the Fed. If both the greenback and the Fed are tightening monetary conditions, eventually the U.S. economy will feel the burn. As such, it is dangerous to dismiss the ongoing crisis in Turkey as a merely localized problem that could, at its worst, spread to other EM economies. In 1997, Thailand played a similar role to that of Turkey. The Fed tightened rates in early 1997 and largely remained aloof of the developing East Asia crisis that eventually spread to Brazil and Russia, ignoring the tumult abroad until September 1998 when it finally cut rates three times. Fed policy easing at the end of 1998 ushered in the stock market overshoot and dot-com bubble, whose burst caused the end of the economic cycle. The same playbook may be occurring today. The Fed, motivated by the strong U.S. economy and fears of being too close to the zero-bound ahead of the next recession, is proceeding apace with its tightening cycle. It is likely to ignore troubles in the rest of the world until the USD overshoots or U.S. equities are impacted directly. At that point, perhaps later this year or early next year, the Fed will back off from tightening, ushering the one last overshoot phase ahead of the recession in 2020 - or beyond. Bottom Line: Research by BCA's EM strategists shows that EM contagion is almost never contained in just a few vulnerable economies. For investors who have to remain invested in EM economies, we would recommend that they go long Chinese equities relative to EM, given that Beijing policymakers are stimulating the economy to ensure that Chinese growth is stabilized. While this will be positive for China, it is likely to fall short of the 2015 stimulus that also stimulated non-China EM. An alternative play is to go long energy producers vs. the rest of EM - given our fundamentally bullish oil view combined with rising geopolitical risks regarding sanctions against Iran.9 We eventually expect EM risks to spur an appreciation in the USD that the Fed has to lean against by either pausing its tightening cycle, or eventually reversing it as it did in the 1997-1998 scenario. This decision will usher in the final blow-off stage in U.S. equities that investors will not want to miss. What About Turkey? Chart 13Turkey: Volatile Politics, Volatile Stocks In 2013, we called Turkey a "canary in the EM coal mine" arguing that its historically volatile financial markets would mean-revert as domestic politics became turbulent (Chart 13).10 Turkey is a deeply divided society equally split between the secularist cities, which are primarily located on the Mediterranean (Istanbul, Izmir, Bursa, Adana, etc.), and the religiously conservative Anatolian interior. This split dates back to the founding of the modern Turkish Republic in the post-World War I era (and in truth, even before that). The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), a religiously conservative but initially pro-free-market party, managed to appeal to the conservative Anatolia while neutering the most powerful secularist institution in Turkey, its military. Investors hailed AKP's dominance because it reduced political volatility and initially promised both pro-market policies and even accession to the EU. However, the AKP has struggled to win more than 50% of the popular vote in a slew of elections and referendums since coming to power (Chart 14), a fact that belies its supposed iron-grip hold on Turkish politics since it came to power in 2002. The vulnerability behind AKP's hold on office has largely motivated President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's attempt to consolidate political power. While we disagree with the consensus view that Erdogan's constitutional changes have turned Turkey into a dictatorship, some of his actions do suggest a deep fear of losing power.11 Populist leadership is characterized by a strategy of "giving people what they want" so that the policymakers in charge remain in office. Erdogan's perpetually slim hold on power has motivated several populist policy decisions that have stretched Turkey's macro fundamentals. First, Turkey's central bank has essentially been conducting quantitative easing since 2013 via net liquidity injections into the banking system (Chart 15). Notably, these injections began at the same time as the May 2013 Gezi Park protests, which saw a huge outpouring of anti-government sentiment across Turkey's large cities. Essentially, politics has been motivating Ankara's monetary policy over the past five years. Chart 14AKP's Stranglehold On Power Is Overstated Chart 15Turkey's Populist Policies Began##BR##With Gezi Park Protests Second, Turkey's current account balance has suffered under the weight of rising energy costs, with no attempt to improve the fiscal balance (Chart 16). The government has done little in terms of structural reforms or fiscal austerity, instead President Erdogan has continued to challenge central bank independence on interest rates, despite a clear sign that the country is experiencing a genuine inflationary breakout (Chart 17). Chart 16Populism Means No Austerity Is In Sight Chart 17Genuine Inflation Breakout Overall, Turkey is a classic example of how populism in a highly divided and polarized country can get out of control. Foreign investors have long assumed that Erdogan's populism was benign, if not even positive, given the presumably ample political capital at the president's disposal. However, with every election or referendum, the government did not double-down on pro-market structural reforms. Instead, the pressure on the central bank only increased while Turkey's expensive and extravagant geopolitical adventures in neighboring Syria accelerated. In this pernicious macro context, it has not taken much to knock Turkey's assets off balance. President Trump's threats to expand sanctions to Turkish trade are largely irrelevant, given that the vast majority of Turkey's exports and FDI sources are non-American (Chart 18). However, given past behavior - such as after the shadowy Gülen "plot" to take over power or the 2016 coup d'état - markets are by now conditioned to expect that Turkish policymakers will double-down on populist policies in the face of renewed pressure. Chart 18Turkey-U.S. Relationship Is Not Economic What of Turkey's membership in NATO? Should investors fear broader geopolitical instability due to the domestic crisis? No. Ankara has used its membership in NATO, and particularly the U.S. reliance on its Incirlik air base in southern Turkey, as levers in previous negotiations and diplomatic spats with Europe and the U.S. If Ankara were to renege on its commitments to the Western military alliance, it would likely face a united front from Europe and the U.S. As such, we would expect Turkey neither to threaten exit from NATO, which it has not done in the past, nor even to threaten U.S. operations in Incirlik, which Erdogan's government has threatened before. The most likely outcome of the ongoing diplomatic spat, in fact, would be to see Ankara give in to U.S. demands, given the accelerating financial and economic crisis. Such an outcome, however, will not arrest the downturn. Turkey's economy and assets are fundamentally under pressure due to the realization by investors that this year's main macro theme is not the resynchronized global growth recovery, but rather the global policy divergence between the U.S. and China, which has appreciated the U.S. dollar. No amount of kowtowing by Ankara will change this macro trend. Bottom Line: The list of Turkish policy sins is long. Erdogan's reign has been characterized by deep polarization and populism, leading to suboptimal policy choices since at least 2013. The latest U.S.-Turkey spat is therefore merely one of many problems plaguing the country. As such, its resolution will not be a buying opportunity for investors. Investment Implications Our main investment theme in 2018 was that the global policy divergence between the U.S. and China - emblematized by fiscal stimulus in the U.S. and structural reforms in China - would end the global growth resynchronization. As the U.S. economy outperformed the rest of the world, the U.S. greenback would appreciate, imperiling EM economies. The best cognitive roadmap for today is the late 1990s, when the U.S. economy continued to grow apace as the rest of the world suffered from an EM crisis. The problems eventually washed onto American shores in the form of a stronger dollar, forcing the Fed to back off from tightening in mid-1998. Policy easing then led to the overshoot phase in U.S. equities in 1999. Investors should prepare for a similar roadmap by being long DXY relative to EM currencies, long DM equities (particularly U.S.) relative to EM equities, and tactically cautious on all global risk assets. Strategically, however, it makes sense to remain overweight equities as a Fed capitulation would be a boon for risk assets. If the current selloff in EM gets worse, we would expect that the Fed would again back off from tightening as it did in 1998, ushering in a blow-off stage in equities ahead of the next recession. Once the dollar peaks and EM assets bottom, U.S. equities will become the laggard, with global cyclicals outperforming. A secondary conclusion is that President Trump's trade rhetoric in general, and aggressive policies towards Turkey in particular, are merely a catalyst for the selloff. As such, if President Trump changes his mind, we would fade any rally in EM assets. The fundamental policy decisions that have led to the greenback rally have already been taken in 2017 and early 2018. The profligate tax cuts and the two-year stimulative appropriations bill, combined with Chinese policymakers' focus on controlling financial leverage, are the seeds of the current EM imbroglio. Finally, a small bit of housekeeping. We are booking gains on our long Malaysian ringgit / short Turkish lira trade for a gain of 51.2% since May. We are also closing our speculative long Russian equities relative to EM trade for a loss of -0.9% as a result of the persistent headwind from U.S. sanctions. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Coming Bloodbath In Emerging Markets," dated August 12, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Understanding The EM/China Cycles," dated July 19, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Special Report, "Brazil: Faceoff Time," dated July 27, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: How Stimulating Is The Stimulus?" dated August 8, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Three Questions For 2018," dated December 13, 2017, and Weekly Report, "Upside Risks In U.S., Downside Risks In China," dated January 17, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Will Trump Fail The Midterm?" dated April 18, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "EM: Sustained Decoupling, Or Domino Effect?" dated June 14, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "A Primer On EM External Debt," dated June 7, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Commodity & Energy Strategy Special Report, "U.S., OPEC Talk Oil Prices Down; Gulf Tensions Could Become Kinetic," dated July 19, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Turkey: Canary In The EM Coal Mine?" in "The Coming Political Recapitalization Rally," dated June 13, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Turkey: Deceitful Stability," in "EM: The Beginning Of The End," dated April 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com.