Germany

Remain cautious and defensive overall. Stay long DM Europe over EM Europe. Look for EM opportunities in Southeast Asia and Latin America over Greater China.

Stay short Greater China assets. Stay long Japanese yen. Hold back on Brazil for now but look forward to opportunities in future.

Executive Summary Our negative view on the summer rally is coming to fruition, with equities falling back on the negative geopolitical, macro, and monetary environment. China is easing policy ahead of its full return to autocratic government this fall. Yet the Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis has only just begun. Tensions can still deal nasty surprises to global investors. It is essential to verify that relations will thaw after the US midterm and Chinese party congress is critical. Russia continues to tighten energy supply as predicted. Ukraine’s counter-offensive is pushing back the time frame of a ceasefire deeper into next year. Putin may declare victory and quit while he is ahead – but Russia will not be forced to halt its invasion until commodity prices fall significantly. Sweden’s election will not interfere with its NATO bid; Australia’s new government will not re-engage with China; Malaysia’s election will be a positive catalyst; South Africa’s political risks are reawakening; Brazil’s risks are peaking; Turkey remains a leading candidate for a negative “black swan” event. China’s Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Political Risk Asset Initiation Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 17.4% Bottom Line: Investors should stay defensive in the short run until recession risks and geopolitical tensions abate. Feature Last week we visited clients across South Africa and discussed a broad range of global macro and geopolitical issues. In this month’s GeoRisk Update we relate some of the key points in the context of our market-based quantitative risk indicators. While we were traveling, US-Iran negotiations reached a critical phase. A deal is said to be “closer” but we remain pessimistic (we still give 40/60 odds of a deal). The important point for investors is that the supply side of global oil markets will remain tight even if a deal is somehow agreed, whereas it will get much tighter if a deal is not agreed. China’s rollout of 1 trillion yuan ($146 billion) in new fiscal stimulus and rate cuts (5 bps cut to 1-year Loan Prime Rate and 15 bps cut to 5-year LPR) is positive on the demand side and supports our key view in our 2022 annual outlook that China would ease policy ahead of the twentieth national party congress. However, it is still the case that China is not providing enough stimulus to generate a new cyclical rally. Second quarter US GDP growth was revised slightly upwards but was still negative. Russia tightened control of European energy, as expected, increasing the odds of a European recession. Europeans are getting squeezed by rising energy prices, rising interest rates, and weak external demand. China Eases Policy Ahead Of Return To Autocracy China is facing acute political risk in the short term but it is also delivering more stimulus to try to stabilize the economy ahead of the twentieth national party congress this fall (Chart 1). The People’s Bank of China cut the benchmark lending rate by (1-year LPR) by 5 basis points, while authorities unveiled fiscal spending worth 1 trillion renminbi. Chart 1China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Political Risk After the party congress, the regime is likely to “let 100 flowers bloom,” i.e. continue with a broad-based policy easing to secure the recovery from the Covid-19 shock. This will include loosening social restrictions and aggressive regulations against industrial sectors like the tech sector. It should also include some diplomatic improvements, especially with Europe. But it is only a short term (12-month) trend, not a long-term theme. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyRoulette With A Five-Shooter China’s return to autocratic government under General Secretary Xi Jinping is a new, negative, structural factor and is nearly complete. Xi is highly likely to secure another decade in power and promote his faction of Communist Party stalwarts and national security hawks. The period around the party congress will be uncertain and dangerous. The exact makeup of the next Politburo could bring some surprises but there is very little chance that Xi and his faction will fail to consolidate power. The nomination of an heir-apparent is possible but of limited significance since Xi will not step down anytime soon or in a regular, predictable manner. Larger stimulus combined with power consolidation could spur greater risk appetite around the world, as it would portend a stabilization of growth and policy continuity. However, China’s underlying problems are structural. The manufacturing and property bust can be delayed but not reversed. China’s foreign policy will continue to get more aggressive due to domestic vulnerability, prompting foreign protectionism, export controls, sanctions, saber-rattling, and the potential for military conflict. Bottom Line: Investors should use any rally in Chinese assets over the coming 12 months as an opportunity to sell and reduce exposure to China’s historic confluence of political and geopolitical risk. Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis Only Beginning The Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis has only just begun. The previous three crises ranged from four to nine months in duration. The current crisis cannot possibly abate until November at earliest. Taiwan’s political risk will stay high and we would not buy any relief rally until there is a firm basis for believing tensions have fallen (Chart 2). Chart 2Taiwan: The Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis If this year’s crisis were driven by US and Chinese domestic politics – the US midterm election and China’s party congress – then both Presidents Biden and Xi Jinping would already have achieved what they want and could proceed to de-escalate tensions by the end of the year – i.e. before somebody really gets hurt. The two leaders could hold a bilateral summit in Asia in November and agree to uphold the one China policy and status quo in the Taiwan Strait. We have given a 40% chance to this scenario, though we would still remain pessimistic about the long-term outlook for Taiwan. But if this year’s crisis is driven by a change in US and Chinese strategic thinking as a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and China’s rising domestic instability, then there will not be a quick resolution on Taiwan. The crisis would grow next year, increasing the risk of aggression or miscalculation. We have given a 60% probability to this scenario, of which full-scale war comprises 20 percentage points. Bottom Line: Our geopolitical risk indicator for Taiwan spiked and Taiwanese equities rolled over relative to global equities as we expected. However, our oldest trade to capture the high long-term risk of a war in the strait – long Korea / short Taiwan – has performed badly despite the crisis. South Korea: China Stimulus A Boon But Not Geopolitics US-China rivalry – and the thawing of Asia’s once-frozen conflicts – is also manifest on the Korean peninsula, where the limited détente between the US and North Korea negotiated by President Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un has fallen apart. South Korea’s situation is not as risky as Taiwan’s but it is nevertheless less stable than it appears (Chart 3). Chart 3South Korea: Lower Geopolitical Risk Than Taiwan South Korea resumed its full-scale joint military exercise with the US, the Ulchi Freedom Shield, from August 22 to September 1. The drills involve amphibious operations and a carrier strike group. Full-scale drills were scaled down or cancelled under the Trump and Moon Jae-In administrations with the hopes of facilitating diplomacy and reducing tensions on the peninsula. North Korea was to discontinue ballistic missile tests and threats to the United States. But after the 2020 election neither Washington nor Pyongyang considered itself bound by this agreement. This year the US went forward with Ulchi Freedom even though regional tensions were sky-high because of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan and the De-Militarized Zone in Korea. The US is flagging its regional interests and power bases. North Korea is increasing the frequency of missile tests this year and is likely to conduct an eighth nuclear test. On August 17, it fired two cruise missiles towards the Yellow Sea. Pyongyang does not want to be ignored amid so many other geopolitical crises. It is emboldened by the fact that Russia and China will not be voting with the US for another round of sanctions at the United Nations Security Council due to the war in Ukraine and tensions over Taiwan. On August 11, South Korea responded to China’s insistence that the new government should abide by the “Three No’s,” i.e. three negatives that the Moon administration allegedly promised China: no additional deployments of the US’s Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system, no Korean integration into US-led missile defense, and no trilateral military alliance with the US and Japan. Korea’s Foreign Minister Park Jin told reporters upon his return from China that the three no’s were “neither an agreement nor a promise.” South Korea’s new and conservative President Yoon Suk-yeol is unpopular and gridlocked at home but he is using the opportunity to reassert Korean national interests, including the US military alliance. Tension with the North and cold relations with China are coming at a time when the economy is slowing down. Korean GDP grew by 0.7% in Q2 2022 on a quarter-on-quarter basis, supported by household and government spending, while exports and investments shrank. Roughly a quarter of Korean exports go to China, its biggest trading partner. Korean exports to China have suffered due to China’s economic woes but cold relations could bring new economic sanctions, as China has hit South Korea before over THAAD. With the Yoon administration planning to bring the fiscal deficit back to below 3% of GDP next year, and a broader backdrop of weak Chinese and global demand, it is hard to find bright corners in the Korean economy in the near term. With Yoon’s basement level approval rating, he will resort to foreign policy to try to revive his political capital. Saber rattling and tough talk with North Korea and China will increase tensions in an already hot region – geopolitical risk is bound to stay high on the back of the Taiwan crisis. Bottom Line: On a relative basis, due to the ironclad US security guarantee, South Korea is safer than Taiwan. Investors wanting exposure to Chinese economic stimulus, electric vehicles, and semiconductors should go long South Korea. But some volatility is likely because the North’s eighth nuclear test will occur in the context of high and rising regional tensions. Australia: Stimulus Is Positive But No “Thaw” With China Australia is blessed with strong geopolitical fundamentals but it is seeing a drop in national security and economic security due to the deterioration of China relations. Domestic political turmoil is one of the consequences (Chart 4). Most recently Australia has been roiled by the revelation that former Prime Minister Scott Morrison secretly ran five ministries during the pandemic: the ministries of Home, Treasury, Finance, Resources, and Health. Chart 4Australian Geopolitical Risk Limited After an investigation and review by the Solicitor General Stephen Donaghue, Morrison’s action was determined to be legal, although highly inappropriate and inconsistent with the principles of responsible governance. Morrison’s appointments to these ministries were approved by the Governor General but the announcement or publication of appointments has always been the prerogative of the government of the day. One might think that this investigation is merely politically motivated but the Solicitor General is an apolitical position unlike the Attorney General, and Donaghue had been serving with Morrison, guiding him about the constitutionality of a vaccine mandate during the pandemic. The new Labor Party government of Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has vowed to be more transparent and will seek to enshrine a transparency measure into the law. Its political capital will improve, which is helpful for its ability to achieve its chief election promises. With the change of the government, it was hoped that there would be a thaw in the Australia-China relationship. China is Australia’s largest export destination and it erected boycotts against certain Australian exports in 2020 in response to Prime Minister Morrison’s inquiry into the origin of Covid-19. Hence Australia’s new defense minister, Richard Marles, met with his Chinese counterpart, General Wei Fenghe, on the sideline of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore in June, which rekindled the hope that a thaw might happen. Yet a thaw is unlikely for strategic reasons, as highlighted by the Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis, the Biden administration’s retention of former President Trump’s tariffs, and Australia’s fears of China’s rising influence in the Pacific Islands. The US and Australia are preparing for a long-term policy of containing China’s ambitions. A few days after his election, Prime Minister Albanese flew to Tokyo to attend a meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), sending a signal that there will be policy continuity with respect to Australian foreign policy. On May 26, Chinese fighter jets flew closely to an Australian surveillance plane on its routine operation and released aluminum chaffs that were ingested by the P8’s engines. An Australian warship, the HMAS Parramatta, was tracked by a People’s Liberation Army nuclear power submarine and multiple aircrafts on its way back from Vietnam, Korea, and Japan as part of its regional presence deployment in June. Currently Australia is hosting the Pitch-Black military exercise, with 17 countries participating. This exercise will last for three weeks – focusing on air defense and aerial refueling. It will also see the German air force with 13 military aircrafts deployed to the Indo-Pacific region for the very first time. They will be stopping in Japan after the exercise. As Australia’s policy towards China is unlikely to change, geopolitical risk will remain elevated. On the economic front, Australia’s misery index is at the highest point since 2000, with an unemployment rate at 3% and inflation at 6%. GDP growth in the first quarter was 0.8% compared to 3.6% in Q4 2021, propped up by government and household consumption while investment and exports contracted. The good news for the government is that it is inheriting this negative backdrop and can benefit from cyclical improvements in the next few years. Since the Labor government lacks a single-party majority in the Senate (where it must rely on the Greens and independents), it will be difficult for the government to raise new taxes. So far, Albanese has indicated that the budget to be tabled in October will focus on pre-election promises, which includes childcare, healthcare, and energy reforms. At worst, Australian government spending will stay flat, but it is unlikely to shrink considering Labor’s narrow control of the House of Representatives. Australian equities have not outperformed those of developed market peers despite high industrial metal prices. The stock market’s weak performance is attributable to the stumbling Chinese economy (Chart 5). Australian exports to China in June are still down 14% from June of last year. Chinese economic woes will be a headwind to Aussie growth and equity markets until next year, when Chinese stimulus efforts reach their full effect. Chart 5Australian Equities Have Yet to Benefit from Industrial Metal Prices On the other hand, the value of Australian natural gas and oil exports in June grew by 118% and 211% respectively (Chart 6), compared to June of last year. Chart 6Geopolitics: A Boon and Bane to Aussie Growth​​​​​ Bottom Line: As China will continue stimulating the economy and global energy markets will remain tight, investors should look for opportunities in Aussie energy and materials stocks. Malaysia Closes A Chapter … And Opens A Better One? Rarely do we get to revisit our positive outlook on Malaysia – a Southeast Asian state with an ability to capitalize on the US break-up with China. On August 23, the embattled ex-prime minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak, lost his final appeal at the Federal Court in Putrajaya after being found guilty in 2020 for abuse of power, criminal breach of trust, and money laundering tied to Malaysia’s sovereign wealth fund, 1MDB. The high court instructed that he serves his 12-years prison sentence immediately, becoming the first prime minister to be imprisoned in the country’s 60-years plus of history. Political risk has weighed on the Malaysian economy for almost a decade starting with the contentious 2013 general election, which saw the collapse of non-Malay voter support for the ruling party. Then came the 2015 Wall Street Journal bombshell about 1MDB, and then the 2018 general election that resulted in Malaysia’s first change of government since independence. The pandemic also led to political crisis in 2020. Each crisis resulted in a successive weakening of animal spirits and ever lower investments, resulting in Malaysia’s loss of competitiveness (Chart 7). Malaysia’s cheap currency was unable to increase its competitiveness, due to the low investments in the economy, and reflected higher political risks in the country (Chart 8). Chart 7Political Risk Undermines Competitiveness​​​​​​ Chart 8Cheap Currency Reflects Political Risk​​​​​​ Nonetheless this entire saga has proved that Malaysia’s legal system is independent and that its political system is capable of holding policymakers accountable. The next general election will come in a matter of months and recent state elections bodes well for the institutional ruling party, the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), and its coalition, Barisan Nasional. The coalition is managing to claw back support from the Malay and non-Malay voters. The opposition had the bad luck of ruling during the pandemic and its rocky aftermath, which has helped to rehabilitate the traditional ruling party. We have long seen Malaysia as a potential opportunity. But we would advise investors to wait until the new election is held and a new government takes power before buying Malaysian equities. With the conclusion of its decade-long 1MDB saga, we would turn more bullish if the next election produces a sizeable and enduring majority, if the use of racial and sectarian rhetoric tones down, and if the governing coalition pursues pro-competitiveness policies. Bottom Line: Structurally, Malaysia is one of the largest exporters of semiconductors and will benefit from the US’s shift away from China and attempt to reconstruct supply chains so they run through the economies of allies and partners. Russia: Escalating To De-Escalate? Russia increased the number of active military personnel in a move that points to an escalation of the conflict with Ukraine and the West, even as Ukraine wages a counter-offensive against Russia in Crimea and elsewhere. The time frame for a ceasefire has been pushed further into next year. As long as the war escalates, European energy relief will be elusive. Our risk indicators will rise again (Chart 9). Chart 9Russia: Geopolitical Risk To Rise Again, Ceasefire Pushed Back Into Next Year Ukraine will not be able to drive Russians out of territory in which they are entrenched. It would need a coalition of western powers willing to go on the offense, which will not happen. Russia is also threatening to cut off the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, ostensibly removing one-fifth of Ukraine’s electricity. Once the Ukrainian counter-offensive grinds to a halt, a stalemate will ensue, incentivizing ceasefire talks – but not until then. The Europeans will have to support Ukraine now but will become less and less inclined to extend the war as they get hit with recession. Russia says it is prepared for a long war but that kind of rhetoric is necessary for propaganda purposes. The truth is that Russia does not have great success with offensive wars. Russia usually suffers social instability in the aftermath. The best indicator for the duration of the war is probably the global oil price: If it collapses for any reason then Russia’s war machine will fall short of funds and the Kremlin will probably have to accept a ceasefire. This what happened in 2014-15 with the Minsk Protocols. Putin will presumably try to quit while he is ahead, i.e. complete the conquest and shift to ceasefire talks, while commodity prices are still supportive and Europe is economically weak. If commodity prices fall, Russia’s treasury dries up while Europe regains strength. So while military setbacks can delay a ceasefire, Russia should be seen as starting to move in that direction. The deal negotiated with Turkey and the United Nations to ship some grain from Odessa is not reliable in the short run but does show the potential for future negotiations. However, a high conviction on the timing is not warranted. Also, the US and Russia could enter a standoff over the US role in the war, or NATO enlargement, at any moment, especially ahead of the US midterm election. Bottom Line: Ukraine’s counteroffensive and Russia’s tightening of natural gas exports increases the risk to global stability and economic growth in the short run, even if it is a case of “escalating tensions in order to de-escalate” later when ceasefire talks begin. Italy: Election Means Pragmatism Toward Russia Italy’s election is the first large crack in the European wall as a result of Russia’s cutoff of energy. The party best positioned for the election – the right-wing, anti-establishment party called the Brothers of Italy – will have to focus on rebooting Italy’s economy once in power. This will require pragmatism toward Russian and its natural gas. Regardless of whether a right-wing coalition obtains a majority or the parliament is hung, Italian political risk will stay high in the short run (Chart 10). Chart 10Italy: Election Brings Uncertainty, Then Economic Stimulus Although the center-left Democratic Party (PD) is narrowing the gap with the Brothers of Italy in voting intentions, it is struggling to put together an effective front against the right-wing bloc. After its alliance with the centrist Azione party and +Europa party broke down, PD’s chance of winning has become even slimmer. Even if the alliance revives, the center-left bloc still falls short of the conservative parties. Together, the right-wing parties account for just 33% of voting intentions (Democrats at 23%, Greens and Left Alliance at 3%, Azione and +Europa at 7%). By contrast, the right-wing bloc has a significant lead, with 46% of the votes (Brothers of Italy at 24%, Lega at 14%, Forza Italia at 8%). They also have the advantage of anti-incumbency sentiment amid a negative economic backdrop. Unless some sudden surprises occur, a right-wing victory is expected, with Giorgia Meloni becoming the first female prime minister in Italy’s history. This has been our base case scenario for the past several months. But what does a right-wing government mean for the financial markets? In an early election manifesto published in recent weeks, the conservative alliance pledged full adhesion to EU solidarity and dropped their previous euroskepticism. This helps them get elected and is positive for investors. However, there are also clouds on the horizon: In the same manifesto, the right-wing parties pledged to lower taxes for families and firms, increase welfare, and crack down on immigration. These programs will add to Italy’s huge debt pile and eventually lead to conflicts with the ECB and other EU institutions. In the manifesto, they stated that if elected, they would seek to amend conditions of Italy’s entitlement to the EU Recovery Fund, as the Russia-Ukraine war has changed the context and priorities significantly. This could potentially put the EU’s grants and cheap loans at risk. Under the Draghi government, Italy has secured about 67 billion euros of EU funds. According to the schedule, Italy will receive a further 19 billion Euros recovery funds in the second half of 2022, if it meets previously agreed upon targets. The new government will try to accept the funds and then make any controversial policy changes. On Russia, the conservative parties claimed that Italy would not be the weak link within EU. They pledged respect for NATO commitments, including increasing defense spending. Both Meloni and her Brothers of Italy have endorsed sending weapons to support Ukraine. Still, we think that due to Italy’s historical link with Russia and the need to secure energy supplies, the new government would be more pragmatic toward Russia. On China, Meloni has stressed that Italy will look to limit China’s economic expansion if the right-wing alliance wins. She stated that “Russia is louder at present and China is quieter, but [China’s] penetration is reaching everywhere.” China will want to use diplomacy to curb this kind of thinking in Europe. Meloni also stated that she would not seek to pursue the Belt and Road Initiative pact that Italy signed with China in 2019. In short, we stand firm on our recommendation of underweighting Italian assets at least until a new government is formed. Europe Gets Its Arm Twisted Further The United Kingdom is going through a severe energy, water, and inflation crisis – on top of the long backlog at the National Health Service – as it stumbles through the aftermath of Covid-19 and Brexit. The Conservative Party’s leadership contest is a distraction – political risk will not subside after it is resolved. The new Tory leader will lack a direct popular mandate but the party will want to avoid an early election in the current economic context, creating instability. The looming attempt at a second Scottish independence referendum will also keep risks high, as the outcome this time may be too close to call (Chart 11). Chart 11UK: Tory Leaders A Sideshow, Risks Will Stay High Germany saw Russia halt natural gas flows through Nord Stream 1 as the great energy cutoff continues. As we have argued since April, Russia’s purpose is to pressure the European economies so that they are more conducive to a ceasefire in Ukraine. Germany will evolve quickly and will improve its energy security faster than many skeptics expect but it cannot do it in a single year. The ruling coalition is also fragile, even though elections are not due anytime soon (Chart 12). Chart 12Germany: Geopolitical Risk Still Rising France’s political risk will also remain high (Chart 13), as domestic politics will be reckless while President Emmanuel Macron and his allies only control 43% of the National Assembly in the aftermath of this year’s election (Chart 14). Chart 13France: Lower Geopolitical Risk Than Germany Chart 14Macron Will Focus On Foreign Policy Spain is likely to see its coalition destabilized and early elections, much like Italy this year (Chart 15). Chart 15Spain: Early Elections Likely Sweden, along with Finland, will be joining NATO, which became clear back in April. In this sense it is at the center of Russia’s conflict with the West over NATO enlargement, so we should take a quick look at the Swedish general election on September 11. Currently the left-wing and right-wing blocs are neck and neck in the polls. While the current Social Democrat-led government may well fall from power, Sweden’s new pursuit of NATO membership is unlikely to change. The right-wing parties in Sweden are in favor of joining NATO. The two parties that oppose NATO membership are the left-wing Green and Left Party. The Social Democrats were pro-neutrality until the invasion of Ukraine and since May have spearheaded Swedish accession to NATO. The pro-neutrality bloc currently holds 43 seats in the 349-seats Riksdag. It has a supply-and-confidence arrangement with the current government and is currently polling at 13%. If it was willing and able to derail Sweden’s NATO bid, it would already have happened. So the general election in Sweden is unlikely to stop Sweden from joining. However, Russia does not want Sweden to join and the entire pre- and post-election period is ripe for “black swan” risks and negative surprises. One thing that could change with the election is Sweden’s immigration policy. The Social Democrats are pro-immigration (albeit pro-integration), while the right-wing bloc is less so. Sweden has received a great many asylum seekers since the Syrian refugee crisis in 2015 and will be receiving more from Ukraine and Russia (Chart 16). Chart 16Asylum Seekers to Surpass 2015 Refugee Crisis Our Foreign Exchange Strategist Chester Ntonifor points out that the increase in asylum seekers could augment Swedish labor force and increase its potential growth in the long run, while in the short run it could increase demand in the domestic economy. But an increase in demand could also exacerbate inflation in Sweden, especially considering how much the Riksbank is behind the curve vis-à-vis the ECB. Our European Investment Strategy recommends shorting EUR/SEK as Sweden is less vulnerable to Russian energy sanctions. Sweden produces most of its energy from renewable sources. Relative to Europe, Canada faces a much more benign political and geopolitical environment (Chart 17). However, within its own context, it will continue to see more contentious domestic politics as interest rates rise on a society with high household debt and property prices. The post-Covid-19 period will undermine the Justin Trudeau government over time, though it is not facing an election anytime soon. Canada continues to benefit from North America’s geopolitical advantage, though quarrels with China will continue, including over Taiwan, and should be taken seriously. Aside from any China shocks we expect Canadian equities to continue to outperform most global bourses. Chart 17Canada: Low Geopolitical Risk But Not Happy South Africa: The Calm Before The Storm South Africa’s economy remains in a low growth trap, which is contributing to rising political risk (Chart 18). Electricity shortages continue to dampen economic activity. Other structural issues like 33.9% unemployment, worsening social imbalances, and a split in the ruling party threaten to cause negative policy surprises. Chart 18South Africa: Institutional Ruling Party At Risk The South African economy has failed to translate growth outcomes into meaningful economic development, leaving low-income households (the median voter) increasingly disenfranchised, burdened, and constrained. Last year’s civil unrest was fueled by economic hardships that persist today. Without a significant and consistent bump to growth, social and political risks will continue to rise. Low-income households remain largely state dependent. Fiscal austerity has already begun to unwind, well before the 2024 election, in a bid to shore up support and quell rising social pressures (Chart 19). Chart 19South Africa: Fiscal Easing Ahead Of 2024 Vote The fact that the social scene is relatively quiet for now should not be seen as a sign of underlying stability. For example, two of the largest trade unions led a nationwide labor strike last week – while we visited clients in the country! – but failed to “shut down” the country as advertised. Labor union constituents noted the ANC’s economic failures, demanded immediate economic reform, and advocated for a universal basic income grant. This action blew over but the election cycle is only just beginning. Looking forward to the election, President Cyril Ramaphosa’s ANC is still viewed more favorably than the faction led by ex-President Jacob Zuma, but Ramaphosa has suffered from corruption allegations recently that have detracted attention from his anti-corruption and reform agenda and highlighted the party’s shortcomings once again. The ANC’s true political rival, the far-left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), have so far failed to capitalize on the weak economic backdrop. The EFF is struggling with leadership battles, thus failing to attract as many soured ANC voters as otherwise possible. If the Economic Freedom Fighters refocus and install new leadership, namely a leader that better reflects the tribal composition of the country, the party will become a greater threat to the ANC. But the overall macro backdrop is a powerful headwind for the ANC’s ability to retain a parliamentary majority. Global macro tailwinds that supported local assets in the first half of the year are experiencing volatility due to China’s sluggish growth and now stimulus efforts. Cooling metals prices and slowing global growth have weighed on the rand and local equity returns. But now China is enacting more stimulus. China is South Africa’s largest trading partner, so the decision to ease policy is positive for next year, even though China’s underlying structural impediments will return in subsequent years. This makes it hard to predict whether South Africa’s economic context will be stable in the lead-up to the 2024 election. As long as China can at least stabilize in the post-pandemic environment in 2023, the ANC will not face as negative of a macro environment in 2024 as would otherwise be the case. Investors will need to watch the risk of political influence on the central bank. Recently the ANC resolved to nationalize the central bank. Nationalization is mostly about official ownership but a change in the bank’s mandate was also discussed. However, to change the bank’s mandate from an inflation target to an unemployment target, the ANC would need to change the constitution. Constitutional change requires a two-thirds vote in parliament, a margin the ANC does not hold. Constitutional change will become increasingly difficult if the ANC sheds more support in the 2024 general election, as expected. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on South Africa until global and Chinese growth stabilize. Political risk is rising ahead of the 2024 election but it is not necessarily at a tipping point. Brazil And Turkey: Election Uncertainty Prevails We conclude with two brief points on Brazil and Turkey, which both face important elections – Brazil immediately and Turkey by June 2023. Both countries have experienced different forms of instability as emerging middle classes face economic disappointment, which has led to political challenges to liberal democracy. Brazil – President Jair Bolsonaro’s popular support is rallying into the election, as expected, but it would require a large unexpected shift to knock former President Lula da Silva off course for re-election this October (Chart 20). Brazil’s first round vote will be held on October 2. If Lula falls short of the 50% majority threshold, then a second round will be held on October 30. Bolsonaro faces an uphill battle because his general popularity is weak – his support among prospective voters stands at 35% compared to Lula at 44% today and Lula at 47% when he left office in 2010. Meanwhile the macroeconomic backdrop has worsened over the course of his four-year term. Bolsonaro will contest the election if it is close so Brazil could face significant upheaval in the short run. Chart 20Brazil: Risk Will Peak Around The Election Turkey – President Recep Erdogan’s approval rating has fallen to 41%, while his disapproval has risen to 54%. It is a wonder his ratings did not collapse sooner given that the misery index is reaching 88%, with headline inflation at 78%. Having altered the constitution to take on greater presidential powers, Erdogan will do whatever it takes to stay in power, but the tide of public opinion is shifting and his Justice and Development Party is suffering from 21 years in power. Erdogan could interfere with NATO enlargement, the EU, Syria and refugees, Greece and Cyprus, North Africa and Libya, or Israel in a way that causes negative surprises for Turkish or even global investors. Turkey will be a source of “black swan” risks at least until after the general election slated for June 2023 (Chart 21). Chart 21Turkey: A Source Of 'Black Swans' We will revisit each these markets in greater detail soon. Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com ​​​​​​​Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Geopolitical Calendar

Special Report

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary US Lead On Mega-Sized Firms: Is A Peak Nigh? The US has been the star protagonist of global equity markets for decades. It offers investors the rare combination of a big economy and a large universe of mega-sized listed companies. In fact, the overwhelming majority of the top 20 largest firms globally by revenue today are American. But can the US maintain this degree of presence on this list over the next decade? We think that this is unlikely. For starters, a decline in the US’s footprint could be driven by the fact that there is a peculiar stagnation in the works in the middle tier of American firms. Given that this tier acts as a talent pool for big firms, a stagnation here could mean that the US spawns fewer super-sized firms. The high market share commanded by big American firms could also end up being a liability. This dominance could bait regulatory attention, thereby affecting these firms’ growth prospects. Finally, slowing GDP growth in the US, as compared to its Asian peers, will prove to be another headwind that American firms must contend with. What should strategic investors do to prepare for this tectonic shift? We recommend reducing allocations to US equities over the long run since the US’s weight in global indices will peak soon (or may have already peaked). Bottom Line: Irrespective of what the Fed does (or does not do), the US’s footprint in the global league tables of big firms by revenue will weaken over the next decade. Strategic investors can profit from this change by reducing allocations to US equities while increasing allocations to China as well as a basket of countries including Korea, Japan, Taiwan, and Germany.   Dear Client, This week, we are sending you a Special Report by Ritika Mankar, CFA, who will be writing occasional special reports for the Global Investment Strategy service on a variety of topical issues. Ritika makes the case that the US economy’s ability to spawn mega-sized companies may become increasingly compromised over the next decade. We will return to our regular publishing schedule next week. Best Regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist US: Home To The Largest Number Of Big Listed Firms 2022 has been a turbulent year for US markets so far. But it is worth bearing in mind that the US has been the star protagonist of global equity markets for decades. This is because the US has offered investors a near-perfect trifecta constituting of: (1) A mega-sized economy; (2) A large universe of mega-sized listed companies; and (3) A track record of market outperformance. Specifically: Largest Economy: For over a century now, the US has been the largest economy in the world – a title it is expected to defend over the next few years (Chart 1). Large Listed Companies: The US’s high nominal GDP has also translated into high sales growth for its listed space. This, in turn, powered a great rise in the American equity market’s capitalization (Chart 2). In fact, the US’s market cap is so large today that it exceeds the cumulative market cap of the next four largest economies in the world, by a wide margin. So unlike Germany or China (which have large economies but small markets), the US has a large economy and is also home to some of the largest, most liquid stocks globally. Chart 1The US Will Remain The World’s Largest Economy For The Next Few Years Chart 2The Listed Universe In The US Has Grown From Strength To Strength Chart 3Growing Sales In The US Have Powered Its Outperformance Over The Past Decade Long History of Outperformance: And most importantly, the US market has a strong track record of outperformance. US markets have outperformed global benchmarks over the past decade thanks largely to the rapid sales growth seen by American firms (Chart 3). Notwithstanding the US’s star role in global markets thus far, in this report we highlight that the US’s heft will likely decline over the next decade. The Fed may or may not administer recession-inducing rate hikes in 2022. But irrespective of what the Fed does over the next 12-to-24 months, the US’s loss of influence in global equity markets appears certain because it will be driven by structural forces. Chart 4US Lead On Mega-Sized Firms: Is A Peak Nigh? Firstly, while behemoths such as Apple and Amazon have been attracting record investor attention, it is worth noting that the next tier of mid-sized American companies is no longer thriving as it used to. The reason why this matters is because history suggests that the pool of mid-sized companies acts as a superset for the big companies of tomorrow. So, if this talent pool is not booming today in the US, then there is likely to be repercussions tomorrow. Secondly, the US’s largest firms will have to contend with two structural headwinds over the next decade, namely increased regulatory attention and slowing growth. To complicate matters for American firms, competitors in Asia will not have this albatross around their neck. Hence, the US may remain the largest economy of the world a few years from now but is unlikely to be home to as many big, listed companies as it is today (Chart 4). The rest of this report quantifies the strength of these forces, and then concludes with actionable investment ideas.   Trouble In The Talent Pool Chart 5The US Is Home To Nearly A Dozen Mega-Sized Firms Today 2021 produced a special milestone for the American economy. This was the first year that ten listed American firms1 surpassed $200 billion in annual revenues (firms we refer to as ‘Big Shots’ from here on) (Chart 5). The US has been a global leader when it came to the size of its economy for decades, but last year it also became home to the largest number of big, listed corporations (Table 1). American Big Shots were striking both in terms of their number as well as their scale. In fact, such was their scale that the combined revenue of these ten Big Shots now exceeded the nominal GDP of major economies like India (Chart 6). Table 1The US Today Dominates The Global List Of Top 20 Firms Chart 6The Revenues Of US Big Shot Firms Are Comparable To India’s Nominal GDP! While the world has been captivated by the size that the US’s Big Shots have achieved (as well as the ideas of their unconventional founders), few have noticed that the talent pool for tomorrow’s Big Shots is no longer burgeoning. History suggests that most Big Shot firms tend to emerge from firms belonging to a lower revenue tier.  For instance, Amazon and Apple, which have revenues in the range of $350-to-$500 billion today, were mid-sized firms a decade ago with revenues in the vicinity of $50-to-$100 billion (Chart 7). Chart 7Most Big Shots Today Were The Mid-Sized Firms Of Yesterday This is why it is worrying that all is not well in the US’s ecosystem of mid-sized firms. If we define firms with annual revenues of $50-to-$200 billion as ‘core’ firms, then their share in the total number of American firms has stagnated over the past decade (Chart 8). Even the revenue share accounted for by core firms has been fading (Chart 9). This phenomenon contrasts with the situation in China, where the mid-sized firms’ cohort has been growing over the last decade (Charts 10 and 11). Chart 8Share Of Mid-Sized Firms In The US Has Stagnated Chart 9The Revenue Share Of US Mid-Sized Firms Is Also Falling Chart 10Share Of Mid-Sized Firms In China Is Expanding Chart 11The Revenue Share Of Chinese Mid-Sized Firms Is Rising Japan’s experience also suggests that when the mid-sized firms’ ecosystem weakens, the pipeline of future potential mega-cap companies get affected. In Japan, the proportion of core firms (Chart 12), as well as their revenue share (Chart 13), has not been growing as is the case, say, in China. And this is perhaps why, despite being the third-largest economy in the world today, Japan is home to only one listed mega-sized corporation with revenues of over $200 billion (Toyota). Chart 13The Revenue Share Of Japanese Mid-Sized Firms Has Plateaued The US May Have Hit Peak Oligopolization The fact that ten Big Shot firms (i.e., firms with annual revenues of over $200 billion) exist in the US today is remarkable. After all, the number of Big Shot firms in the US today exceeds the total number of Big Shots in the next four largest economies of the world combined (Chart 14). Chart 14The US Today Is The Global Hub For Mega-Sized Companies So why will the US’s leadership in this area come under pressure going forward? One reason is that the large size of American firms could itself become a liability. Specifically: Public Backlash Against The US’s Big Shots: The ten Big Shot firms of the US today account for more than a fifth of the revenue generated by all firms that constitute the MSCI US index (Chart 15). Also, the number of Big Shot firms, as a share of total firms, is high in the US (Chart 16). Chart 15Big Shots Account For More Than A Fifth Of Revenues Generated By The US Listed Space Chart 16A Large Proportion Of Firms In The US Are Very Big Notably, market leaders across a range of key sectors in the US account for an unusually large chunk of the sector’s revenues. Financials, Information Technology, and Consumer Discretionary together account for about half of the US equity market index’s weight. The dominant firm in each of these three sectors (as defined by MSCI) accounts for 15%-to-25% of that sector’s revenue (Chart 17). Market power usually benefits investors. But too much market power can be a problem. The growing oligopolization of the US economy has caused public dissatisfaction over the influence of corporations in the US to hit a multi-year high (Chart 18). Over 60% of Americans want major US corporations to have less influence. It is for this reason that the record scale acquired by American firms could prove to be an issue. American mega-scaled firms’ high market shares will provide them with pricing power, but this very power will end up baiting regulatory attention and anti-trust lawsuits which, in turn, will restrict their future growth rates. The fact that the US Federal Trade Commission (FTC) today is headed by a leader who wants to return the FTC to its trust-busting origins, and made her name by writing a paper arguing for Amazon to be broken up,2 is indicative of which way the wind is blowing. Chart 17Market Leaders In The US Are Too Big Chart 18Public Dissatisfaction With US Big Shot Firms Is High And Rising Interestingly, the speed at which the US restricts the market power of big firms will determine how quickly the US’s mid-sized firms begin to flourish again, thereby setting the stage for the US to spawn a new generation of big firms. Besides the growing regulatory risks for the US’s big firms, three other technical factors will end up slowing the pace at which the US can generate large firms, namely: Slowing GDP Growth: Since the US is a large and mature economy, the pace of its growth is bound to slow (Chart 19). Besides the deceleration in the US’s growth rate relative to its own past, it is projected to end up being lower than that of major economies like China. Chart 19US GDP Growth Is Set To Slow Big Business ≠ Big GDP Growth: While GDP growth receives a fillip when small firms grow, the high pricing power that very large firms command can end up constraining an economy’s growth rate. This is because large firms can charge monopolistic prices, thereby restraining demand. Secondly, mega-sized firms may actively invest in manipulating institutions to block upstarts,3 a dynamic that can restrict productivity growth as well. Chart 20The Revenue-To-Nominal GDP Ratio Is Already Elevated In The US Approaching Revenue Saturation: A cross-country comparison suggests that the revenue-to-nominal GDP ratio in the US is high1 (Chart 20). Only Japan has a superior ratio, which is likely to be an aberration rather than the norm (owing to Japanese firms’ unique tendency to prioritize revenues over profitability). Given that the US revenue-to-nominal GDP ratio is already elevated, it is likely that even as the US’s nominal GDP keeps growing, the pace of conversion of this GDP into revenues will stay the same or may even diminish over the coming decade.   Prepare For A Brave New World “German judges…first read a description of a woman who had been caught shoplifting, then rolled a pair of dice that were loaded so every roll resulted in either a 3 or a 9. As soon as the dice came to a stop, the judges were asked whether they would sentence the woman to a term in prison greater or lesser, in months, than the number showing on the dice…On average, those who had rolled a 9 said they would sentence her to 8 months; those who rolled a 3 said they would sentence her to 5 months; the anchoring effect was 50%.” – Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011)   The US has been the largest economy in the world and has also been able to nurture some of the largest mega-scaled companies of today. Such is the might and size of these firms that it is impossible to imagine a world where American firms’ leadership could be disrupted. Moreover, it is mentally easier to extrapolate the US’s lead today into the future. It may even seem like there is no other alternative to the US since Japan’s economy has been stagnating, Europe lacks innovation, and the political environment in China is contentious. Also, it is true that the US today is the undisputed leader when it comes to qualitative factors such as the ability to attract top global talent, its education system, and its legal system. However, the case can be made that this belief (that the US’s lead on mega-sized companies will spill into the next decade) runs the risk of becoming a Kahneman-esque anchoring bias. This is because: History Suggests That Upsets Are The Norm: History suggests that the evolution of the top 20 global firms (by revenue) has been a story of upsets. For instance, Europe’s hold over this list in the 2000s was striking by all accounts (Chart 21). Back then, it would have been almost blasphemous to question Europe’s lead (Chart 22). But today firms from three Asian island-countries account for more companies on this list than all of pre-Brexit Europe put together. Chart 21In The 2000s, Europe Was The Epicenter Of Global Mega-Sized Firms Chart 22How The Mighty Can, And Do, Fall ​​​​​​​China’s Disadvantages < Its Competitive Advantages: Despite its political baggage, China has the most formidable capability today to displace the US’s leadership position on the league tables of top 20 global firms by revenue. This is because China has a thriving ecosystem of core firms (Chart 11) and is set to grow at a faster clip than the US over the next five years (Chart 19). Moreover, while the Chinese government’s tolerance for large tech giants could remain low, the establishment could be keen to grow firms in the industrials as well as financials space for the sake of common prosperity. EM Listed Space Can Catch Up: The listed space in the US has developed at an exceptionally fast pace relative to its peers. The gap between US nominal GDP and listed space parameters is low (Chart 20), while the gap is wider for countries like Germany, China, and several other EMs. Even in a ceteris paribus situation where nominal GDPs were to stay static, an increase in the size of the listed universe in other countries can adversely affect the US’s current footprint. So, what can investors do to prepare for this coming tectonic shift? We recommend reducing allocations to US equities since the US’s weight in global indices will peak soon. It is worth noting that this strategic investment recommendation dovetails nicely with our earlier view that strategic investors should rotate out of US stocks. Currently, about half of the 20 largest firms globally by revenue are American (Map 1). Owing to the dynamics listed above, the number of American firms in the global league of top 20 could fall from this high level to 7 or 8 over the coming decade. Given that this change is indicative of things to come, we would urge investors to reduce allocations to US equities in a global portfolio over a strategic horizon. A confluence of micro and macro factors is likely to result in the US’s weight in global indices to crest sooner rather than later. Map 1Could The Global Epicenter Of Big Firms Drift Eastwards Over The Next Decade? In fact, US equities’ weight in a global index like the MSCI ACWI could have already peaked (Chart 23) and could fall by 500-to-600bps over the next decade if the last year’s trend is extrapolated into the future. As regards to sectors, health care appears to be the key industry where the US’s footprint could weaken (Table 2). Chart 23Loss Of US Influence Will Create Space For Underrepresented Markets To Grow Table 2China’s Weight In Top 20 Firms Is Set To Grow As the US cedes its leadership position, we expect the global epicenter of mega-sized listed corporates to drift eastwards (Map 1). Specifically: China: Currently, less than a quarter of the 20 largest firms globally by revenue are Chinese (Map 1). It is highly likely that the number of Chinese firms in the global list of top 20 firms will increase. China should be able to spawn more mega-sized companies since it already has a cache of promising large and mid-sized companies. Chinese companies will also benefit from the high growth rate of China’s domestic economy. From a sectoral perspective, financials and industrials appear to be two sectors where China’s footprint could grow the most (Table 2). Asia Ex-China: Asian countries like Korea, Taiwan, and Japan could potentially end up growing their weight in global equity indices by becoming home to more than one company that makes it to the global league tables of large companies. Besides the high GDP growth rate on offer in their domestic markets (Chart 20), firms in these countries could increase scale by feeding a stimulus-fueled industrial boom in the US. Additionally, these Asian countries have a competitive advantage when it comes to high-tech manufacturing capabilities (Chart 24). This will ensure that they will accrue any offshore opportunities that arise. Taiwan has the potential to grow its presence in the Information Technology space, given its innate competitive advantages (Chart 24) and the positive structural outlook for global semiconductor demand. In the case of India, it is worth noting that the country’s influence in the world economy will be ascendant over the next decade as its growing middle class flexes its muscles. Despite this, the probability of an Indian firm making an appearance among the largest firms of the world is low given the unusually small size of Indian companies today. Europe: Distinct from the Asian countries listed above, Germany could benefit from the industrial boom in the US given its capabilities when it comes to high-end manufacturing (Chart 24). ​​​​​​​Even as we believe that oil faces a bleak future on a structural basis, if a commodities supercycle were to take hold over the next decade, then the UK and France could improve their presence in global equity benchmarks given that Europe is home to some large firms in the energy sector. A commodities supercycle will also end up benefiting China and the US, since some large energy producers are also located in these countries. Chart 24Korea, Japan, And Germany Have An Edge In Manufacturing, While Taiwan, Japan, And China Have An Edge In Semiconductors ​​​​​​​Appendix The Methodology The starting point for most country-level economic analyses tends to be a country’s nominal GDP. But as market economists we realized that some key advantages could be unlocked by focusing on ‘revenues’ generated by the listed universe of a country. These advantages include: Investment Focus: As compared to nominal GDP which ends up picking up signals about the health of the listed ‘and’ unlisted firms in any country, focusing on listed firms’ revenues allows us to home-in on the health of the listed space. This is a valuable merit since the listed space is what public equity investors can buy into. For example, India is the fifth largest economy of the world and is also one of the fastest growing economies globally. But India is also characterized by a listed space where the largest companies have revenues of only around $100 billion. This makes India less investable than countries like Taiwan or South Korea that have far smaller nominal GDPs as compared to India but are home to firms with revenue of around $200 billion. Taking note of this difference - between the size of a country’s nominal GDP and the size of investable firms in a country - is key for our clients. Focus On Cause, Not Effect: It is fashionable today in the financial press to focus on the daily changes in market capitalization of assets (and non-assets too). But it is critical to note that the market cap of a stock or the price of a security is a dependent variable. Revenue, on the other hand, is a key independent variable that influences prices. So, a focus on forecasting movement in revenues of companies in a country ten years down the line, can be a more fruitful exercise for strategic investors. Steady And Stable: Revenue generated by a firm, is also a superior measure as compared to the market capitalization of a firm because the latter can be volatile. Whilst it could be argued that earnings of a company as a variable also offer stability and influence prices, earnings suffer from one drawback which is that it is a function of revenues as well as costs. Revenues of companies on the other hand have a direct theoretical link to the nominal GDP of a country. So, to rephrase a popular adage - market cap is vanity, nominal GDP is sanity, but revenue is king. This is the reason why in this Special Report, we analyze investment opportunities through the lens of revenues generated by listed firms in some of the largest economies of the world. We do so by focusing on the constituents of MSCI Country Indices (Equity) for major world economies in 2021. ​​​​​​​ Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1  Based on MSCI ACWI data for 2021. 2  Kiran Stacey, “Washington vs Big Tech: Lina Khan’s battle to transform US antitrust,” ft.com, August 2021. 3  Kathy Fogel, Randall Morck, and Bernard Yeung, “Big Business Stability And Economic Growth: Is What’s Good For General Motors Good For US?”, NBER Working Paper No. 12394, nber.org, July 2006.

Special Report

Executive Summary The ECB finally exited negative interest rates last week. In exchange for higher rates, the doves received an ambitious anti-fragmentation tool, the TPI. The ECB deposit rate is likely to reach between 1% and 1.5% by the summer of 2023. The ECB’s number one problem remains the widely different neutral rates across the Eurozone’s largest economies. Our r-star estimates suggest that the German neutral rate is significantly above that of Spain, Italy, and even France. This divergence in r-star means that the TPI will be activated, but its presence alone is not enough to tame the peripheral bond markets when the ECB hikes rates. While the near-term remains fraught with risks, BTPs are increasingly attractive for long-term investors. The TPI also creates a bullish long-term backdrop for the euro. Many R-Star In The European Sky Bottom Line: Diverging neutral rates across the Eurozone’s main economies will impair the ECB’s ability to normalize interest rates over the next twelve months without also activating the new anti-fragmentation tool, the TPI. BTPs have become attractive for long-term rather than short-term investors.   Last week, the European Central Bank (ECB) increased interest rates by 50bps, the first hike in eleven years and the third time in its history that it has tightened policy by such a large increment. In exchange for this abrupt end to negative interest rates, the doves on the Governing Council (GC) extracted the creation of the Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI), a new facility designed to limit fragmentation risk on sovereign bond yields in the Eurozone. These two moves raise three key questions: Will the ECB continue to increase rates this aggressively in the coming months? Have peripheral spreads peaked? Will the threat of TPI buying be enough to put a ceiling on spreads, or will the ECB actually need to activate the program in the coming months? To answer these questions, we evaluate where r-star (the neutral real rate of interest) stands in the four largest Euro Area economies. While there is scope for the ECB to push policy rates higher, the wide differences in r-star across European nations indicate that the TPI will need to be activated to stabilize peripheral bond markets, most importantly, Italian government debt. This makes BTPs attractive for long-term investors, although near-term volatility will remain elevated as the markets test the ECB’s resolve. What Happened? Related Report  European Investment StrategyLooking Beyond Europe’s Inflation Peak In terms of interest rates, the most important conclusion from last’s week policy meeting was that forward guidance has been abandoned. The ECB is now fully data dependent, and each policy meeting will be a live one. Another rate hike is certain for the September meeting, ranging from 25bps to potentially 75bps if the ECB wishes to further “front-load” tightening. The single guiding principle will be the outlook for inflation.   ​​​​​​​ Chart 1Incoming Inflation Peak We do expect inflation to peak soon in the Eurozone, mostly because of the decline in the commodity impulse and slowing food inflation (Chart 1).  Additionally, the one-month impulse of our Trimmed-Mean CPI is weakening. However, as of June, headline and core inflation stand at 8.6% and 3.7%, respectively. Inflation is unlikely to slow enough by the September meeting to prompt the ECB to forecast inflation falling below its 2% target by 2024.  In this context, our base case remains that the GC will opt for a 50bps hike in September. Beyond September, we expect the ECB to revert to 25bps rate hikes and the policy rate to settle between 1% and 1.5% by the summer of 2023, which is broadly in line with the current pricing of the €STR curve (Chart 2). We are somewhat less hawkish than the market for the month of October, because we expect inflation to roll over this fall. Moreover, the European economy continues to decelerate, as highlighted by the declines in the ZEW growth expectations and the PMIs (Chart 3). This deceleration will allow the ECB to revise down its inflation outlook over time. Chart 2Appropriate Pricing Chart 3Growth Is Slowing The announcement of the TPI was the other crucial development from the last ECB meeting. The TPI was unanimously supported. In addition, its asset purchases will be unlimited, and the GC will have much discretion with respect to its implementation. These are three important features that give it ample credibility. However, the program has yet to be activated. Chart 4PEPP Reinvestment Doing Little We do not share the optimism of the GC members who believe that the TPI’s existence alone will narrow peripheral spreads without the ECB having to purchase a single bond. The market will have to figure out what the GC deems as “unwarranted” and “disorderly” moves, especially in a context in which the Draghi government has collapsed and Italy’s commitment to reform will be challenged exactly as interest rates begin to rise. Moreover, the flexible re-investment of PEPP redemptions has not prevented BTP/Bund spreads from widening (Chart 4). As a result, we expect the market to test the ECB’s resolve over the coming weeks, which is likely to result in volatility and wider spreads until the TPI is activated. Bottom Line: Last week’s ECB meeting was a seminal moment. The ECB not only abandoned eight years of negative rates in one go, but it also implemented an ambitious program that aims to restrict peripheral spreads, albeit with some near-term volatility. European policy rates are set to rise to between 1% and 1.5% by the summer of 2023. In Search Of A Neutral Rate During Thursday’s press conference, President Christine Lagarde refused to respond to a question about the neutral rate of interest in Europe. We have sympathy for her predicament. The ECB’s biggest problem is that there is not one neutral interest rate for the entire euro area, but nineteen individual neutral rates for each Eurozone country, with wild differences among them.1  The differences between the neutral rates across the Eurozone are the key factor limiting how far and how fast the ECB may increase rates. It is also the main reason why the ECB resorts to an alphabet soup of non-interest rate policy measures (APP, PEPP, LTRO and, now, TPI) to maintain appropriate monetary conditions across the bloc. But exactly how wide are the differences between the neutral rates? To answer this question, we expand on the methodology developed by Holston, Laubach and Williams (HLW) from the San Francisco Fed  to estimate the neutral real interest rate – or “r-star” - in Germany, France, Italy, and Spain. These are the four largest economies in the Euro Area, accounting for 70% of its GDP. Specifically, we run regressions between the real interest rates in those countries versus trend GDP growth and current account balances, which approximates the savings-investment balance. Mimicking the HLW methodology, the inflation expectations used to extract real interest rates from nominal short rates reflect an adaptative framework whereby inflation expectations are a function of the ten-year moving average core CPI. Our methodology produces estimates of r-star that range from 0% in Germany, to -0.8% in Italy, or a GDP-weighted average of -0.3% for the Eurozone (Table 1). When incorporating last week’s ECB rate hike, Europe’s real deposit rate falls to -1.2% if we use the smoothing procedure from HLW to compute inflation expectations, or -3.7% if we use current core CPI. In either case, policy remains accommodative for everyone. Table 1Many R-Star In The European Sky We also ran a second set of estimates for r-star, which includes total nonfinancial debt-to-GDP. The logic reflects the notion that adverse debt dynamics was a key force behind the 2011/12 European sovereign debt crisis, which obligated the ECB to reverse course after pushing up the repo rate twice in 2011. Moreover, heavy debt loads not only constrain the ability of various countries to withstand higher rates, but they are also linked to misallocated capital and are therefore likely to depress trend GDP growth over time compared to countries with lighter debt loads. This adjustment changes the picture considerably. While Germany’s real neutral rate of interest remains around 0%, those of Italy and Spain plunge to -1.8% and -2.4%, respectively. France has also experienced a large decline in its r-star to -2.1% in response to the heavy debt load carried by its private and public sectors. Using this method, the GDP-weighted Euro Area r-star falls to -1.4% (Table 1). So which version of the model is more accurate? We believe the most realistic estimate for r-star in each of the four countries is the simple average of both the unadjusted and the debt-adjusted r-star. This implies that the inflation-adjusted neutral rate is close 0% in Germany, -1.2% in France, -1.2% in Spain and -1.3% in Italy (Table 1). Are those results consistent with reality? A country-by-country evaluation suggests that this ranking is correct. To arrive at this judgment, we evaluated each country based on the following four dimensions: Private sector debt accumulation since 2010. If policy is particularly easy for one country, the private sector will be incentivized to take on debt at a more rapid pace than if monetary conditions were tighter. House price appreciation since 2010. Housing is the part of the economy most sensitive to monetary conditions. Larger real estate price gains will materialize in economies where monetary policy is particularly loose. Profit growth since 2010. Easy monetary policy will subsidize corporate profitability, either through faster domestic activity or a cheaper exchange rate (or both). Unemployment rate. The unemployment rate is a crude measure of slack in the economy. An easier policy setting in one country will reduce the unemployment rate compared to a country where policy rates are high relative to r-star. Germany Chart 5Loosest Monetary Conditions In Germany Germany exhibits all the evidence of monetary policy being much more accommodative for that country than the other four countries, for the following reasons: Since 2010, German private debt has been expanding much faster than the average of the four countries (Chart 5, top panel). Germany is experiencing the fastest house price appreciation (Chart 5, second panel). Germany’s profits have grown much faster (Chart 5, third panel). Germany’s unemployment rate stands at only 3%, compared to an average rate of 8% for the four nations together (Chart 5, bottom panel). France Chart 6French Monetary Conditions Are Tighter France is a mixed bag. Monetary policy has been easy for France, but the French economy lags Germany on three of the four aforementioned dimensions: Since 2010, French private debt is growing at the fastest pace of the four economies studied, outpacing even that of Germany (Chart 6, top panel). While French house prices have grown slightly faster than the average of the four nations, they lagged German real estate prices (Chart 6, second panel). While French profits have also bested the average of the four nations, they nonetheless trail German profits (Chart 6, third panel). France’s unemployment rate is in line with the average of the four countries under observation (Chart 6, bottom panel). Spain For most of the period following 2010, Spain has suffered from the scars of the disastrous deleveraging that was required in the wake of the sovereign debt crisis. Its trend growth collapsed, and the ECB’s common policy was never as accommodative as it was for its northern neighbors. However, in recent years, the Spanish economy seems to be catching up, a result of the impact of previous structural reforms and the improved competitiveness brought about by collapsing real unit labor costs: Chart 7Spain Still Grapples With Problems Since 2010, Spanish private debt has contracted by 20% compared to a 33% expansion for the European average (Chart 7, top panel). Spanish real estate prices have also lagged far behind those of the other countries put together (Chart 7, second panel). However, since 2015, Spanish house prices have begun to recover, and they are now moving at the same pace as the Euro Area average. Spanish profit growth remains weak compared to the average of the four countries studied in this report (Chart 7, third panel). The Spanish unemployment continues to tower at 13%, well above the average of the four largest Euro Area economies (Chart 7, bottom panel). Italy Italy has a similar profile to that of Spain. While its worst performance is solidly in the rear-view mirror, the recent period of easy monetary policy has allowed for some recovery. Nonetheless, Italy still lags far behind other Eurozone countries, which suggests that policy in Italy is not nearly as accommodative as in the rest of the Eurozone. Chart 8Italy Shows Little Improvements Burdened by very large nonperforming loans, the Italian banking sector has been unable to provide adequate credit to the Italian private sector, which already had a limited appetite for debt. As a result, since 2010, Italian private credit has lagged far behind the European average (Chart 8, top panel). Italian real estate prices have not recovered meaningfully from their contraction between 2011 and 2019. Consequently, Italian housing prices lag substantially behind the average of the largest Euro Area countries (Chart 8, second panel). Italian profits remain weak (Chart 8, third panel). While not as elevated as the Spanish unemployment rate, at 8%, Italy’s rate is comparable to the four-country average (Chart 8, bottom panel). Generalizations These observations about individual countries confirm that Germany’s r-star is significantly higher than those of Spain and Italy. When compared to France, the German r-star is also higher, but the gap is much narrower than that between Germany and the two southern nations. The recent ECB Euro Area Bank Lending Survey confirms that France’s r-star is well below that of Germany. French lending standards are tightening as fast as those in Italy (Chart 9). In effect, France’s heavy private sector debt load is proving to be a burden as the ECB begins to tighten policy, which implies a lower French r-star. Chart 9Lending Standard Are Tightening Most In France And Italy​​​​​​​ Bottom Line: Among the four largest economies in the Eurozone, a modeling exercise based on the HWL approach reveals that there is a large gap in neutral real interest rates, with Germany on one side around 0%, and Italy, Spain, and even France on the other side with r-star estimates ranging between -1.2% and -1.3%. A survey of current economic activity in these four nations confirms the results from the modeling exercise. Investment Implications The main consequence of the differing r-star across the Eurozone is that the ECB will need to remain an active player in the sovereign bond market. The German, Dutch, and Baltic economies are overheating, and policy needs to be tightened. This means that the ECB will continue to hike rates over the coming months. However, it cannot raise rates much more before they become problematic in Italy, Spain, and even France. Thus, the ECB will activate the TPI in the coming months in order to ease monetary conditions in those economies relative to the stronger group by limiting policy-induced increases in bond yields. In fact, using the r-star estimates adjusted for the debt-to-GDP ratios, the ECB would need to absorb roughly 30% of the Italian total debt to bring Italy’s r-star closer to Germany’s levels. This will not happen, which means that in the foreseeable future, Italy will not be able to withstand the levels of interest rate needed to cool down the German economy. Nonetheless, the TPI can help the ECB in fine-tuning monetary conditions across the Eurozone as it hikes policy rates. For now, Italian bonds are likely to remain volatile until the TPI is activated, especially considering the political situation in Italy, where the outlook for structural reform seems compromised by political uncertainty. This volatility will result in the activation of the TPI before year-end. Once the TPI is activated, BTP/Bund spreads are likely to move back toward 100bps, the level historically consistent with the ECB’s involvement in the sovereign debt market during the APP/PEPP era. The activation of the TPI will also be a positive development for the European corporate bond market, especially investment grade bonds. In last week’s post-conference press release, the ECB revealed that the TPI will also be able to buy private issuer securities. Thus, the ECB is likely to return as a potential buyer in this market. Moreover, investment grade bonds already price in a European recession and therefore offer a large value cushion with 12-month breakeven spreads trading in their 79th historical percentile (Chart 10). We especially like European investment grade corporate bonds relative to US ones on a USD-hedged basis. Relative valuations are in favor of Europe, and the ECB is not tightening policy as much as the Fed. Related Report  European Investment StrategyTo Parity And Beyond The euro will ultimately benefit from the activation of the TPI. The narrowing of both sovereign and corporate spreads resulting from the program represents a very bullish development for EUR/USD (Chart 11), especially because the ECB will likely sterilize the bonds purchased under the program (i.e. the ECB’s balance sheet will not expand because of the TPI). The TPI will also allow the ECB to deliver higher interest rates, which further supports the euro. Nonetheless, we continue to see substantial (roughly 20%) odds of a break below parity in the near-term, especially if wider BTP-Bund spreads in the coming three months are the key catalyst behind the TPI’s activation.  Chart 10Eurozone IG Debt Is Attractive Chart 11The TPI Will Help The Euro, Eventually Finally, last week’s policy development is unlikely to affect the absolute performance of European stocks. European equities remain mostly impacted by the fluctuations in global stock prices and the shifting probability of a recession in Europe this winter in response to the evolving energy crisis on the continent. European equities are inexpensive, and the probability of a recession is declining as a result of the resumption of natural gas flows from Russia. Crucially, the broadening trend toward coal utilization this winter and the growing list of deals that Europe is striking to secure non-Russian gas supplies suggest the impact of Russian cutoffs this winter could be more limited than once feared. Moreover, we expect European governments to hose their economies with stimulus if a crisis does emerge, which would both limit the depth of the crisis and prompt a rapid rebound in activity once winter ends. However, the inattention of the ECB to recession risks suggests that European equities could lag US equities in the near term. Bottom Line: The differences in r-star across Europe mean that the ECB will be forced to activate the TPI before year-end in order to hike interest rates further. Practically, this means that medium- to long-term investors should overweight Italian bonds at the current level of spreads. Short-term investors should remain on the sidelines; the political situation in Italy is still dangerous, and speculators are likely to test the ECB’s resolve. This also means that the euro is attractive as a long-term play, but it still carries large left-tail risk in the near term. While investors should favor European investment-grade bonds in USD-hedged terms relative to the US, European equities are likely to continue to suffer headwinds compared to US stocks.   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes   1     In fact, it will soon be 20 r-star since Croatia will join the euro on January 1, 2023.

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary The odds of a recession in the US are lower than widely perceived. The probability of a recession is higher in Europe, although this week’s partial resumption of gas flows through the Nord Stream 1 pipeline, along with increased use of coal-fired power plants, should soften the blow. Chinese growth should rebound in the second half of the year. However, the specter of future lockdowns, the shift in global spending away from manufactured goods towards services, and the weakening property sector will continue to weigh on activity. With the Twentieth Party Congress slated for later this year, it is increasingly likely that the authorities will open up a firehose of stimulus. Fading recession risks will buoy stocks in the near term. However, a brighter economic outlook also means that the Fed, and several other central banks, may see little need to cut policy rates in 2023, as the markets are currently discounting. The end result is that government bond yields will rise from current levels, implying that stock valuations will not return to last year’s levels even if a recession is averted. After Rapidly Raising Rates, Markets Expect Some DM Central Banks To Start Easing Next Year Bottom Line: We recommend a modest overweight on global equities for now but would turn neutral if the S&P 500 were to rise above 4,050.   Dear Client, I am delighted to announce that Ritika Mankar, CFA, has joined the Global Investment Strategy team. Ritika will be writing occasional special reports on a variety of topical issues. Next week, she will make the case that the US economy’s ability to spawn mega-sized companies may become increasingly compromised over the next decade. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist The Case for a Soft Landing in the US Chart 1Cyclicals Underperformed Defensives As Recession Risks Intensified Over the last few months, investors have become concerned that the Fed and many other central banks will need to engineer a recession in order to bring inflation down to more comfortable levels. While these fears have abated over the past trading week, they still continue to dominate market action (Chart 1). We place the odds of a US recession at about 40%. This is arguably more optimistic than the consensus view. According to Bank of America, the majority of fund managers saw recession as likely in this month’s survey. Not surprisingly, investors consider recession to be a major risk for equities over the next 12 months (Chart 2). Chart 2Many Investors Now See Recession As Baked In The Cake Even if a recession does occur, we have contended that it will likely be a mild one, perhaps so mild that it will be difficult to distinguish it from a soft landing. A number of things make a soft landing in the US more probable than in the past: Labor supply has scope to increase. The labor participation rate is still 1.2 percentage points below its pre-pandemic level, two-thirds of which is due to decreased participation among workers under the age of 55 (Chart 3). The share of workers holding multiple jobs is also below its pre-pandemic level (Chart 4). The number of multiple job holders has been rising briskly lately. That is one reason why job growth in the payroll survey – which double counts workers if they hold more than one job – has been stronger than job growth in the household survey. Increased labor supply would obviate the need for the Fed to take drastic actions to curtail labor demand in its effort to restore balance to the labor market. Chart 3Labor Supply Has Scope To Rise Chart 4The Number Of Multiple Job Holders Is Still Below Pre-Pandemic Levels A high level of job openings creates a moat around the labor market. There are almost two times as many job openings as there are unemployed workers in the US (Chart 5). Many firms are likely to pull job openings before they cut jobs in response to a slowing economy. A high level of job openings will also allow workers who lose their jobs to find employment more quickly than usual, thus limiting the rise in so-called frictional unemployment. It is worth noting that the job openings rate has declined from a record 7.3% in March to a still-high 6.9% in May, with no change in the unemployment rate over this period. Chart 5A High Level Of Job Openings Creates A Moat Around The Labor Market A steep Phillips curve implies that only a modest increase in unemployment may be necessary to knock down inflation towards the Fed’s target. Just as was the case in the 1960s, the Phillips curve has proven to be kinked near full employment (Chart 6). Unlike in the late 1960s, however, when rising realized inflation caused long-term inflation expectations to reset higher, expectations have remained well anchored this time around (Chart 7). Chart 6The Phillips Curve Is Kinked At Very Low Levels Of Unemployment Chart 7Long-Term Inflation Expectations Are Well Anchored   The unwinding of pandemic and war-related dislocations should push down inflation. A recent study by the San Francisco Fed estimates that about half of May’s PCE inflation print was the result of supply-side disturbances (Chart 8). While the ongoing war in Ukraine and the threat of another Covid wave in China will continue to unsettle global supply chains, these problems should fade over time. Falling inflation would allow real wages to start rising again. This would bolster confidence, making a soft landing more likely (Chart 9). Chart 8Supply Factors Explain Half Of The Increase In Prices Over The Past Year Chart 9Positive Real Wage Growth Will Bolster Consumer Confidence A lack of major financial imbalances makes the US economy more resilient to economic shocks. As a share of disposable income, US household debt is 34 percentage points below its 2008 peak (Chart 10). Relative to net worth, household debt is at multi-decade lows. About two-thirds of mortgages carry a FICO score above 760 compared to only one-third during the housing bubble (Chart 11). Non-mortgage consumer credit also remains in good shape, as my colleague Doug Peta elaborated in this week’s US Investment Strategy report. While corporate debt has risen over the past decade, the ratio of corporate debt-to-assets today is still below where it was during the 1990s. Moreover, thanks to stronger corporate profitability, the interest coverage ratio is near an all-time high (Chart 12).   Chart 10AUS Household Debt Is Not Especially High Anymore (I) Chart 10BUS Household Debt Is Not Especially High Anymore (II) Chart 11FICO Scores For Residential Mortgages Have Improved Considerably Since The Pre-GFC Housing Bubble Chart 12Corporate Balance Sheets Are In Decent Shape Chart 13Tight Supply Limits The Downside Risks To Housing Just like the US does not suffer from major financial imbalances, it does not suffer from any major economic imbalances either. The homeowner vacancy rate is near a record low, which should put a floor under residential investment (Chart 13). Outside of investment in intellectual property, which is not especially sensitive to the business cycle, nonresidential investment is still below pre-pandemic levels and not much above where it was as a share of GDP during the Great Recession (Chart 14). Spending on consumer durable goods has retraced four-fifths of its pandemic surge, with little ill-effect on aggregate employment (Chart 15). Chart 14Outside Of IP, Nonresidential Investment Is Still Low Chart 15Spending On Durable Goods Has Been Normalizing Without Derailing The Economy Europe: A Deep Freeze Will Likely Be Avoided Chart 16Russia Can Potentially Cause Significant Economic Damage In The EU If It Closes The Taps The macroeconomic picture is less benign outside the US. Four years ago, German diplomats laughed off warnings that their country had become dangerously dependent on Russian energy. They are not laughing anymore. German industry, just like industry across much of Europe, is facing a major energy crunch. The IMF estimates that output losses associated with a full Russian gas shutoff over the next 12 months could amount to as much as 2.7% of GDP in the EU (Chart 16). In Central and Eastern Europe, output could shrink by 6%. Among the major economies, Germany and Italy are the most at risk. Fortunately, Europe is finally stepping up to the challenge. The highly ambitious REPowerEU plan seeks to displace two-thirds of Russian gas by the end of 2022. The plan does not include any additional energy that could be generated by increased usage of coal-fired power plants, a strategy that the European political establishment (including the German Green Party!) has only recently begun to champion. It is possible that EU leaders felt the need to generate a crisis mentality to justify the decision to burn more coal. Dire warnings about how Europe is prepared to ration gas also send a message to Russia that the EU is ready to suffer in order to thwart Putin’s despotic regime. Whether Europe actually follows through is a different story. It is worth noting that the Nord Stream 1 pipeline resumed operations this week after Germany received, over Ukrainian objections, a repaired turbine from Canada. The resumption of partial flows through the pipeline, along with increased fiscal support for households and firms, reduces the risks of a “deep freeze” recession in Europe. The unveiling of the ECB’s new Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) this week should also help anchor sovereign credit spreads across the euro area. While the exact conditions under which the TPI will be engaged have yet to be fleshed out, we expect the terms to be fairly liberal, reflecting not only the lessons learned from last decade’s euro debt crisis, but also to serve as a powerful bulwark against Putin’s efforts to destabilize the EU economy. China: Government’s Growth Target Looks Increasingly Unrealistic Stronger growth in China would help European exporters (Chart 17). Chinese real GDP grew by just 0.4% in the second quarter from a year earlier as the economy was battered by Covid lockdowns. Activity should pick up in the second half of the year, but at this point, the government’s 5.5% growth target looks completely unachievable. The specter of future lockdowns, the shift in global spending away from manufactured goods towards services, and the weakening Chinese property sector are all weighing on the economy (Chart 18). Chart 17European Exporters Would Welcome A Stronger Chinese Economy The authorities will likely seek to stimulate the economy by allowing local governments to bring forward $220 billion in bond issuance that had been originally slated for 2023. The problem is that land sales – the main source of local government revenue – have collapsed. Worried about the ability of local governments to service their obligations, both retail investors and banks have shied away from buying local government debt. Chart 18A Slowing Property Market And Covid Lockdowns Have Been Weighing On The Chinese Economy Meanwhile, the inability of property developers to secure adequate financing to complete construction projects has left a growing number of home buyers in the lurch. In most cases, these properties were purchased off-the-plan. Understandably, home buyers have balked at the prospect of having to make mortgage payments on properties that they do not possess.  With the Twentieth Party Congress slated for later this year, it is increasingly likely that the authorities will open up a firehose of stimulus, including increased assistance for property developers and banks, as well as income-support measures for households. While such measures will not address China’s myriad structural problems, they will help keep the economy afloat. Equity Valuations in a Soft-Landing Scenario A few weeks ago, the consensus view was that stocks would tumble in the second half of the year as the global economy fell into recession but would then rally in 2023 as central banks began lowering rates. We argued the opposite, namely that stocks would likely rebound in the second half of the year as the economy outperformed expectations but would then face renewed pressure in 2023 as it became clear that the Fed and several other central banks had no reason to cut rates (Chart 19). Chart 19After Rapidly Raising Rates, Markets Expect Some DM Central Banks To Start Easing Next Year Chart 20Real Rates Have Jumped This Year In a baseline scenario where a recession is averted, we argued that the S&P 500 could rise to 4,500 (60% odds). In contrast, we noted that the S&P 500 could fall to 3,500 in a mild recession scenario (30% odds) and to 2,900 in a deep recession scenario (10% odds). It is worth stressing that even at 4,500, the S&P 500 would still be 11% lower in real terms than it was on January 4th. At the stock market’s peak in January, the 10-year TIPS yield stood at -0.91%, while the 30-year TIPS yield stood at -0.27%. Today, they stand at 0.58% and 0.93%, respectively (Chart 20). If real rates do not return to their prior lows, it is unlikely that equity valuations will return to their prior highs. This limits the upside for stocks, even in a soft-landing scenario. The sharp rally in stocks over the past week has priced out some of this recession risk, moving equity valuations closer towards what we regard as fair value. As we noted last week, we will turn neutral on equities if the S&P 500 were to rise above 4,050. As we go to press, we are only 1.3% from that level.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Follow me on         LinkedIn & Twitter Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores    

Executive Summary China: GeoRisk Indicator A new equilibrium between NATO, which now includes Sweden and Finland, and Russia needs to be reestablished before geopolitical risks in Europe subside. Russia aims to inflict a recession on the EU which will revive dormant geopolitical risks embedded in each country. Investors should ignore the apparent drop in China’s geopolitical risk as it could rise further until Xi Jinping consolidates power at the Party Congress this fall. Stay on the sideline on Brazilian, South African, Australian, and Canadian equities despite the commodity bull market, at least until China’s growth stabilizes. Korean risk will rise, albeit by less than Taiwanese risk. The US political cycle ensures that Biden may take further actions against adversaries in Europe, Middle East, and East Asia, putting a floor under global geopolitical risk. Tactical Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GLOBAL AEROSPACE & DEFENSE / BROAD MARKET EQUITIES 2020-11-27 9.3% Bottom Line: Geopolitical risk will rise in the near term. Stay long gold and global defensive stocks. Feature This month we update our GeoRisk Indicators and make observations about the status of political risk for each territory, and where risks are underrated or overrated by global financial markets. Russia GeoRisk Indicator Our “Original” quantitative measure of Russian political risk – the Russian “geopolitical risk premium” shown in the dotted red line below – has fallen to new lows (Chart 1). One must keep in mind that this geopolitical premium is operating under the assumption of a “free market” but the Russian market in the past few months had been anything but free. The Russian government and central bank had been manipulating the ruble and preventing capital outflows. Hence, Russian assets and any indicator derived from it does not reflect its true risk premium, merely the resolve of its government in the geopolitical struggle. Chart 1Russia: GeoRisk Indicator While the Russia Risk Premium accurately detected the build-up in tensions before the invasion of Ukraine this year, today it gives the misleading impression that Russian geopolitical risk is low. In reality the risk level remains high due to the lack of strategic stability between Russia and the West, particularly the United States, and particularly over the question of NATO enlargement. Our “Old” Russia GeoRisk Indicator remains elevated but has slightly fallen back. This measure failed to detect the rise in risk ahead of this year’s invasion of Ukraine. We predicted the war based on non-market variables, including qualitative analysis. As a result of the failure of our indicator, we devised a “New” Russia GeoRisk Indicator after this year’s invasion, shown as the green line below. This measure provides the most accurate reading. It is pushing the upper limits, which we truncated at 4, as it did during the invasion of Georgia in 2008 and initial invasion of Ukraine in 2014. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyThird Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning Has Russian geopolitical risk peaked for Europe and the rest of the world? Not until a new strategic equilibrium is established between the US and Russia. That will require a ceasefire in Ukraine and a US-Russia understanding about the role of Finland and Sweden within NATO. However, Hungary is signaling that the EU should impose no further sanctions on Russia. Russia’s cutoff of natural gas exports to Europe will create economic hardship that will start driving change in European governments or policies. A full ban on Russian natural gas may not be implemented in the coming years due to lack of EU unanimity. Still, the EU cannot lift sanctions on Russia because that would enable economic recovery and hence military rehabilitation, which could enable new aggression. Also, Russia will not relinquish the territories it has taken from Ukraine even if President Putin exits the scene. No Russian leader will have the political capital to do that given the sacrifices that Russia has made. Bottom Line: Russia’s management of the ruble is distorting some of our risk indicators. Russia remains un-investable for western investors. Substantial sanction relief will not come until late in the decade, if at all. UK GeoRisk Indicator British political risk is rising, and it may surpass the peaks of the Brexit referendum period in 2016 now that Scotland is pursuing another independence referendum (Chart 2). Chart 2United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator New elections are not due until January 25, 2025 and the ruling Conservative Party has every reason to avoid an election over the whole period so that inflation can come down and the economy can recover. But an early election is possible between now and 2025. Prime Minister Boris Johnson has become a liability to his party but he is still a more compelling leader than the alternatives. If Johnson is replaced, then the change of leadership will only temporarily boost the Tories’ public approval. It will ultimately compound the party’s difficulties by dividing the party without resolving the Scottish question.  Regardless, the Tories face stiff headwinds in the coming referendum debate and election, having been in power since 2010 and having suffered a series of major shocks (Brexit, the pandemic, inflation). Bottom Line: The US dollar is not yet peaking against pound sterling, As from a global geopolitical perspective it can go further. Investors should stay cautious about the pound in the short term. But they should prefer the pound to eastern European currencies exposed to Russian instability. Germany GeoRisk Indicator German political risk spiked around the time of the 2021 election and has since subsided, including over the course of the Ukraine war (Chart 3). However, risk will rise again now that Germany has declared that it is under “economic attack” from Russia, which is cutting natural gas in retaliation to Germany’s oil embargo. Chart 3Germany: GeoRisk Indicator This spike in strategic tensions should not be underrated. Germany is entering a new paradigm in which Russian aggression has caused a break with the past policy of Ostpolitik, or economic engagement. Germany will have to devote huge new resources to energy security and national defense and will have to guard against Russia for the foreseeable future. Domestic political risk will also rise as the economy weakens and industrial activity is rationed. Germany does not face a general election until October 26, 2025. Early elections are rare but cannot be ruled out over the next few years. The ruling coalition does not have a solid foundation. It only has a 57% majority in the Bundestag and consists of an ideological mix of parties (a “traffic light” coalition of Social Democrats, Greens, and Free Democrats). Still, Germany’s confrontation with Russia will keep the coalition in power for now. Bottom Line: From a geopolitical point of view, there is not yet a basis for the dollar to peak and roll over against the euro. That is not likely until there is a ceasefire in Ukraine and/or a new NATO-Russia understanding. France GeoRisk Indicator French political risks are lingering at fairly high levels in the wake of the general election and will only partially normalize given the likelihood of European recession and continued tensions around Russia (Chart 4). Chart 4France: GeoRisk Indicator President Emmanuel Macron was re-elected, as expected, but his Renaissance party (previously En Marche) lost its majority and Macron will struggle to win over 39 deputies to gain a majority of 289 seats in the Assembly. He will, however, be able to draw from an overall right-wing ideological majority – especially the Republicans – when it comes to legislative compromises. The election produced some surprises. The right-wing, anti-establishment National Rally of Marine Le Pen, which usually performs poorly in legislative elections, won 89 seats. The left-wing alliance (NUPES) underperformed opinion polls and has not formed a unified bloc within the Assembly. Still, the left will be a powerful force as it will command 151 seats (the sum of the left-wing anti-establishment leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s La France Insoumise party and the Communists, Socialists, and Greens). Macron’s key reform – raising the average retirement age from 62 to 65 – will require an ad hoc majority in the Assembly. The Republicans, with 74 seats, can provide the necessary votes. But some members have already refused to side with Macron on this issue. Macron will most likely get support from the populist National Rally on immigration, including measures to make it harder to be naturalized or obtain long-term residence permits, and measures making it easier to expel migrants whose asylum applications have been refused. France will remain hawkish on immigration, but Macron will be able to rein in the populists. On energy and the environment, Macron may be able to cooperate with the Left on climate measures, but ultimately any cooperation will be constrained by the fact that Mélenchon opposes nuclear power. The Republicans and the National Rally will support Macron’s bid to shore up France’s nuclear energy sector. Popular opinion will hold up for France’s energy security in the face of Russian weaponization of natural gas. Macron and Mélenchon will clash on domestic security. Police violence has emerged as a major source of controversy since the Yellow Vest protests. Macron and the Right will protect the police establishment while the Left will favor reforms, notably the concept of “proximity police,” which would entail police officers patrolling in a small area to create stronger, more personal links between the police and the population; officers being under the control of the mayor and prefect; and ultimately most officers not carrying lethal weapons, and the ban of physically dangerous arrest techniques. Grievances over the police as well as racial inequality will likely erupt into significant social unrest in the coming years. As a second-term president without a single-party majority, Macron will increasingly focus on foreign policy. He will aim to become the premier European leader on the world stage. He will seek to revive France’s historic role as a leading diplomatic power and arbiter of Europe. He will strengthen France’s position in the EU and NATO, keep selling arms to the Middle East, and maintain a French military presence in the Sahel. Macron will favor Ukraine’s membership in the EU but also a ceasefire with Russia. He will face a difficult decision on whether to join Israeli and American military action against Iran should the latter reach nuclear breakout capacity and pursue weaponization. Bottom Line: The outperformance of French equities is stretched relative to EMU counterparts. But France will not underperform until the EU’s natural gas crisis begins to subside and a new equilibrium is established with Russia. Italy GeoRisk Indicator Italy is perhaps the weakest link in Europe both economically and strategically (Chart 5). Elections are due by June 2023 but could come earlier as the ruling coalition is showing strains. A change of government would likely compromise the EU’s attempt to maintain a unified front against Russia over the war in Ukraine. Chart 5Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Before the war Italy received 40% of its natural gas from Russia and maintained pragmatic relations with the Putin administration. Now Russia is reducing flows to Italy by 50%, forcing the country into an energy crisis at a time when expected GDP growth had already been downgraded to 2.3% this year and 1.7% in 2023. Meanwhile Italian sovereign bond spreads over German bunds have risen by 64 basis points YTD as a result of the global inflation. The national unity coalition under Prime Minister Mario Draghi came together for two purposes. First, to distribute the EU’s pandemic recovery funds across the country, which amounted to 191.5 billion euros in grants and cheap loans for Italy, 27% of the EU’s total recovery fund and 12% of Italy’s GDP. Second, to elect an establishment politician in the Italian presidency to constrain future populist governments (i.e. re-electing President Sergio Mattarella). Now about 13% of the recovery funds have been distributed in 2021, the economy is slowing, Russia is cutting off energy, and elections are looming. The coalition is no longer stable. Coalition members will jockey for better positioning and pursue their separate interests. The anti-establishment Five Star Movement has already split, with leader Luigi di Maio walking out. Five Star’s popular support has fallen to 12%. The most popular party in the country is now the right-wing, anti-establishment Brothers of Italy, who receive 23% support in polling. Matteo Salvini, leader of the League, another right-wing populist party, has seen its public support fall to 15% and will be looking for opportunities. On the whole, far-right parties command 38% of popular voting intentions, while far-left parties command 17% and centrist parties command 39%. Italy’s elections will favor anti-incumbent parties, especially if the country falls into recession. These parties will be more pragmatic toward Russia and less inclined to expand the EU’s stringent sanctions regime. Implementing a ban on Russian natural gas by 2027 will become more difficult if Italy switches. Italy will be more inclined to push for a ceasefire. A substantial move toward ceasefire will improve investor sentiment, although, again, a durable new strategic equilibrium cannot be established until the US and Russia come to an understanding regarding Finland, Sweden, and NATO enlargement. Bottom Line: Investors should steer clear of Italian government debt and equities until after the next election. Spain GeoRisk Indicator Infighting and power struggles within the People’s Party (PP) have provided temporary relief for the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party (PSOE) and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. However, with Alberto Nunez Feijoo elected as the new leader of PP on April 2, the People’s Party quickly recovered from its setback. It not only retook the first place in the general election polling, but also scored a landslide victory in the Andalusia regional election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, contributing 17% of the seats in the lower house. The Andalusian regional election was a test run for the parties before next year’s general election. Historically, Andalusia was PSOE’s biggest stronghold, but it was ousted by the center-right People’s Party-Citizens coalition in 2018. Since then, the People’s party has consolidated their presence and popularity in Andalusia. The snap election in June, weeks after Feijoo was elected as the new national party leader, expanded PP’s seats in the regional parliament. It now has an absolute majority in the regional parliament while the Socialists suffered its worst defeat. With the sweeping victory in Andalusia, the People’s Party is well positioned for next year’s general election. In addition, the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party continues to suffer from the stagflationary economic condition. In May, Spain recorded the second highest inflation figure in more than 30 years, slightly below its March number. Furthermore, the recent deadly Melilla incident which resulted in dozens of migrants’ death, also caused some minor setbacks within Sanchez’s ruling coalition. His far-left coalition partner joined the opposition parties in condemning Sanchez for being complacent toward the Moroccan police. The pressure is on the Socialists now, and political risk will rise in the coming months, till after the election (Chart 6). Chart 6Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: Domestic political risk will remain elevated in this polarized country, as elections are due by December 2023 and could come sooner. Populism may return if Europe suffers a recession. Russia aims to inflict a recession on the EU which is negative for cyclical markets like Spain, but Spain benefits from Europe’s turn to liquefied natural gas and has little to fear from Russia. Investors should favor Spanish stocks relative to Italian stocks. Turkey GeoRisk Indicator Turkey faces extreme political and economic instability between now and the general election due by June 2023 (Chart 7). Chart 7Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Almost any country would see the incumbent ruling party thrown from power under Turkey’s conditions. The ruling Justice and Development Party has been in charge since 2002, the country’s economy has suffered over that period, and today inflation is running at 73% while unemployment stands at 11%. However, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is doing everything he can with his recently expanded presidential powers to stay in office. He is making amends with the Gulf Arab states and seeking their economic support. He is also warming relations with Israel, as Turkey seeks to diversify away from Russian gas and Israel/Egypt are potential suppliers. He is doubling down on military distractions across the Middle East and North Africa. And he waged a high-stakes negotiation with the West over Finnish and Swedish accession to NATO. Russian aggression poses a threat to Turkish national interests. Turkey ultimately agreed to Finnish and Swedish membership after a show of Erdoğan strong hands in negotiating with the West over their membership, to show his domestic audience that he is one of the big boys ahead of the election. A risk to this view is that Erdoğan stages military operations against Greek-controlled Cyprus. This would initiate a crisis within NATO and put Finnish and Swedish accession on hold for a longer period. Bottom Line: Investors should not attempt to bottom-feed Turkish lira or stocks and should sell any rallies ahead of the election. A decisive election that removes Erdoğan from power is the best case for Turkish assets, while a decisive Erdoğan victory is second best. Worse scenarios include indecisive outcomes, a contested or stolen election, a constitutional breakdown, or a military coup. China GeoRisk Indicator China’s geopolitical risk is falling and relative equity performance is picking up now that the government has begun easing monetary, fiscal, and regulatory policy to try to secure the economic recovery (Chart 8). Chart 8China: GeoRisk Indicator Easing regulation on Big Tech has spurred a rebound in heavily sold Chinese tech shares, while the Politburo will likely signal a pro-growth turn in policy at its July economic meeting. The worst news of the country’s draconian “Covid Zero” policy is largely priced, while positive news regarding domestic vaccines, vaccine imports, or anti-viral drugs could surprise the market. However, none of these policy signals are reliable until Xi Jinping consolidates power at the twentieth national party congress sometime between September and November (likely October). Chinese stimulus could fail to pick up as much as the market hopes and policy signals could reverse or could continue to contradict themselves. After the party congress, we expect the Xi administration to intensify its efforts to stabilize the economy. The economic work conference in December will release a pro-growth communique. The March legislative session will provide more government support for the economy if needed. However, short-term measures to stabilize growth should not be mistaken for a major reacceleration, as China will continue to struggle with debt-deflation as households and corporations deleverage and the economic model transitions to a post-manufacturing model. Bottom Line: A Santa Claus rally in the fourth quarter, and/or a 2023 rally, is likely, both for offshore and onshore equities. But long-term investors, especially westerners, should steer clear of Chinese assets. China’s reversion to autocracy and confrontation with the United States will ultimately result in tariffs and sanctions and geopolitical crises and will keep risk premiums high. Taiwan GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan’s geopolitical risk has spiked as expected due to confrontation with China. Tensions will remain high through the Taiwanese midterm election on November 26, the Chinese party congress, and the US midterm (Chart 9). But China is not ready to stage a full-scale military conflict over Taiwan yet – that risk will grow over in the later 2020s and 2030s, depending on whether the US and China provide each other with adequate security assurances. Chart 9Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Still, Taiwan is the epicenter of global geopolitical risk. China insists that it will be unified with the mainland eventually, by force if not persuasion. China’s potential growth is weakening so it is losing the ability to absorb Taiwan through economic attraction over time. Meanwhile the Taiwanese people do not want to be absorbed – they have developed their own identity and prefer the status quo (or independence) over unification. Taiwan does not have a mutual defense treaty with the United States and yet the US and Taiwan are trying to strengthen their economic and military bonds. This situation is both threatening to China and yet not threatening enough to force China to forswear the military option. At some point China could believe it must assert control over Taiwan before the US increases its military commitment. Meanwhile China, the US, Japan, South Korea, and Europe are all adopting policies to promote semiconductor manufacturing at home, and/or outside Taiwan, so that their industries are not over-reliant on Taiwan. That means Taiwan will lose its comparative advantage over time. Bottom Line: Structurally remain underweight Taiwanese equities. Korea GeoRisk Indicator The newly elected President Yoon reaffirmed the strong military tie between Korea and the US, when he hosted President Biden in Seoul in May. Both Presidents expressed interests in expanding cooperation into new areas like semiconductors, economic security, and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The new administration is also finding ways to improve relations with Japan, which soured in the past few years over the issue of forced labor during the Japanese occupation of Korea. A way forward is yet to be found, but a new public-private council will be launched on July 4 to seek potential solutions before the supreme court ruling in August which could further damage bilateral ties. President Yoon’s various statements throughout the NATO summit in Madrid on wanting a better relationship with Japan and to resolve historical issues showed this administration’s willingness towards a warming of the relations between the two countries, a departure from the previous administration. On the sideline of the NATO summit, Yoon also engaged with European leaders, dealing Korean defense products, semiconductors, and nuclear technologies, with a receptive European audience eager to bolster their defense, secure supply chain, and diversify energy source. North Korea ramped up its missile tests this year as it tends to do during periods of political transitions in South Korea. It is also rumored to be preparing for another nuclear test. Provocations will continue as the North is responding to the hawkish orientation of the Yoon administration. Investors should expect a rise in geopolitical risk in the peninsular, but on a relative basis, due to its strong alliance network, Korean risk will be lower compared to Taiwan (Chart 10). Korea will benefit from a rebound in China in the near term, but in the long-term, it is a secure source of semiconductors and high-tech exports, as Greater China will be mired in long-term geopolitical instability. Chart 10Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: Overweight South Korean equities relative to emerging markets as a play on Chinese stimulus. Overweight Korea versus Taiwan. Australia GeoRisk Indicator Australia’s Labor Party ultimately obtained a one-seat majority in the House of Representatives following the general election in May (77 seats where 76 are needed). It does not have a majority in the Senate, where it falls 13 seats short of the 39 it needs. It will rely on the Green Party (12 seats) and a few stragglers to piece together ad hoc coalitions to pass legislation. Hence Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s domestic agenda will be heavily constrained. Pragmatic policies to boost the economy are likely but major tax hikes and energy sector overhauls are unlikely (Chart 11). Chart 11Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Fortunately for Albanese, his government is taking power in the wake of the pandemic, inflation, and Chinese slowdown, so that there is a prospect for the macroeconomic context to improve over his term in office. This could give him a tailwind. But for now he is limited. Like President Biden in the US, Albanese can attempt to reduce tensions with China after Xi Jinping consolidates power. But also like Biden, he will not have a basis for broad and durable re-engagement, since China’s regional ambitions threaten Australian national security over the long run. Global commodity supply constraints give Australia leverage over China. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on Australian currency and equities until global and Chinese growth stabilize. Brazil GeoRisk Indicator It would take a bolt of lightning to prevent former President Lula da Silva from winning re-election in Brazil’s October 2 first round election. Lula is more in line with the median voter than sitting President Jair Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro’s term has been marred with external shocks, following on a decade of recession and malaise. Polls may tighten ahead of the election but Lula is heavily favored. While ideologically to the left, Lula is a known quantity to global investors (Chart 12). However, Bolsonaro may attempt to cling to power, straining the constitutional system and various institutions. A military coup is unlikely but incidents of insubordination cannot be ruled out. Once Lula is inaugurated, a market riot may be necessary to discipline his new administration and ensure that his policies do not stray too far into left-wing populism. Chart 12Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil’s macroeconomic context is less favorable than it was when Lula first ruled. During the 2000s he rode the wave of Chinese industrialization and a global commodity boom. Today China is slipping into a balance sheet recession and the next wave of industrialization has not yet taken off. Brazil’s public debt dynamics discourage a structural overweight on Brazil within emerging markets. At least Brazil is geopolitically secure – far separated from the conflicts marring Russia, East Europe, China, and East Asia. It also has a decade of bad news behind it that is already priced. Bottom Line: Stay neutral Brazilian assets until global and Chinese growth stabilize and the crisis-prone election season is over. South Africa GeoRisk Indicator South Africa’s economy continues to face major headwinds amid persistent structural issues that have yet to be adequately addressed and resolved by policy makers. The latest bout of severe energy supply cuts by the state-run energy producer, Eskom, serve as a reminder to investors that South Africa’s economy is still dealing with a major issue of generating an uninterrupted supply of electricity. Each day that electricity supply is cut to businesses and households, the local economy stalls. Among other macroeconomic issues such as high unemployment and rising inflation, low-income households which are too the median voter, are facing increasing hardships. The political backdrop is geared toward further increases in political risk going forward (Chart 13). Chart 13South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Fiscal reform and austerity are underway but won’t last long enough to make a material difference in government finances. The 2024 election is not that far out and the ruling political party, the ANC, will look to quell growing economic pressures to shore up voter support and reinforce its voter base. Fiscal austerity will unwind. Meanwhile, the bull market in global metal prices stands to moderate on weakening global growth, which reduces a tailwind for the rand, South African equities relative to other emerging markets, and government coffers, reducing our reasons for slight optimism on South Africa until global growth stabilizes. Bottom Line: Shift to a neutral stance on South Africa until global and Chinese growth stabilize. Canada GeoRisk Indicator Canadian political risk has spiked since the pandemic (Chart 14). Populist politics can grow over time in Canada, especially if the property sector goes bust. However, the country is geopolitically secure and benefits from proximity to the US economy. Chart 14Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Global commodity supply constraints create opportunities for Canada as governments around the world pursue fiscal programs directed at energy security, national defense, and supply chain resilience. Bottom Line: Stay neutral Canadian currency and equities. While Canada benefits from the high oil price and robust US economy, rising interest rates pose a threat to its high-debt model, while US growth faces disappointments due to Europe’s and China’s troubles.     Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Alice Brocheux Research Associate alice.brocheux@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary Loss Of Russian Production Will Lift Brent With German imports of Russian oil close to 10% of its total requirements – following an impressive decline from 35% pre-invasion – we expect the EU to declare an embargo on Russian oil imports this week or next. Smaller states – e.g., Hungary and Slovokia – will be granted embargo waivers; their import volumes will not affect the EU effort. Russia will be forced to shut in ~ 1.6mm b/d of production, rising to 2mm b/d next year (vs. pre-invasion levels). Demand will fall as Brent prices surpass $120/bbl by 2H22, in our revised base case. Prices above $140/bbl are likely if Russia immediately halts EU oil exports. Our revised forecast calls for Brent to average $113/bbl this year, and $122/bbl next year. WTI will trade $3/bbl lower. Per earlier threats, Russia will cut EU natgas exports following the EU embargo. Benchmark euro natgas prices will go back above €225/MWh, and trigger an EU recession. Bottom Line: An EU embargo on Russian oil imports is close. Brent crude will rally above $120/bbl by 2H22, with $140/bbl or higher likely, depending on how quickly Russia reacts to the EU oil embargo. Eurozone natgas will trade above €225/MWh again. We remain long the S&P GSCI index, the COMT ETF, and the XOP and CRAK ETFs to retain exposure to higher prices. We are getting long 1Q23 ICE Brent futures and 4Q22 TTF futures at tonight's close. Feature Related Report  Commodity & Energy StrategyDie Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise The stage is set for the EU to announce an embargo on Russian oil imports this week or next. Odds of an EU embargo being declared sooner rather than later increased, in our view, in the wake of Germany's success in cutting Russian oil imports by more than half in a very short period – from ~ 35% prior to Russia's invasion of Ukraine on 24 February to ~ 12% earlier this month (Chart 1). Further reductions in Russian oil imports we expect from Germany will make it easier for the EU's largest economy to walk away from Russian crude and product imports sooner rather than later.1 Other EU member states already stand with Germany on the issue of an embargo on Russian imports. Those that do not – Hungary and Slovakia, e.g. – do not import Russian oil on a scale that can meaningfully derail EU solidarity on the embargo, which means waivers for these states can be expected to keep the embargo on track. In addition, four of the Five-Eyes states – the US, UK, Australia and Canada – already have imposed embargoes on Russian oil imports. Chart 1EU Energy Import Dependency (2021) Russian Shut-ins Will Tighten Supply The immediate fallout of the EU embargo will be to accelerate the rate at which Russia is forced to shut in production, as increasing volumes of its oil remain stranded on the water looking for a home. We reckon 1mm b/d or so of Russian crude oil output already has been cut. This will continue to increase. Russia will be forced to shut in ~ 1.6mm b/d of crude output this year, rising to 2mm b/d next year (averages vs. pre-invasion levels), in our modelling. This takes Russian oil production down to 8.4mm b/d this year, on average, and 8.0mm b/d next year.2 As more and more Russian crude is shut in, the pipelines carrying Urals and Eastern Siberia-Pacific Ocean (ESPO) crude from the Siberian oil fields to ports will fill, along with inventory in the ports where ships are loaded for export. When storage and pipelines fill, the only alternative Russian producers will have will be to shut in crude and condensate production. While some states obviously will benefit from the increasing availability of Russian crude on offer at 30% discounts or more – e.g., India and China – there is a limit as to how much surplus Russian output they can take in. China, in particular, will not want to jeopardize long-term contracts with key suppliers – e.g., the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) – nor will India, which will limit the total volumes both are willing to take from Russia longer term. Security of supply becomes an increasingly important consideration as Russia's oil output continues a long-term decline going forward: Costs were rising prior to Russia's invasion of Ukraine from 2008 to 2019. Falling drilling efficiency and production, were accompanied by rising water cuts – i.e., the amount of water being produced drilling for oil – in Russia's largest fields, which rose to as high as 86%. Shutting production from these older fields will force hard choices as to whether these fields are ever revived.3 Demand Will Be Stressed Shortly after Russia invaded Ukraine, the country's Energy Ministry Alexander Novak warned the EU it would cut off natural gas pipeline supplies being sent to the continent, in retaliation for embargoing oil imports.4 Oil exports of close to 5mm b/d accounted for just under half of Russia's revenue from energy exports last year, with OECD Europe representing half of that amount.5 For Russia, oil exports are far more important than gas exports, which will incline it to immediately cut pipeline flows to Europe as soon as an oil embargo is announced. For the EU, natgas exports from Russia are critical to the economies of its member states (Chart 2). The EU imported ~ 155 bcm of natgas from Russia in 2021, or just over 40% of its total natgas consumption. Germany's share amounted to 45 bcm, or 45% of domestic gas use . If, as we expect, the EU is close to announcing its oil embargo on Russia, an immediate retaliation from Moscow in the form of a cutoff of pipeline exports to the EU most likely will follow. This will throw the EU into a recession, as natgas prices surge. Chart 2Losing Russia's Natgas Will Be Painful For EU Revised Forecast Reflects Falling Russian Output We are revising our Brent forecast and crude oil balances in line with our expectation Russian oil output will decline meaningfully. As noted above, we now expect Russian crude oil output to fall to 8.4mm b/d this year and 8.0mm b/d in 2023. This pushes non-core OPEC 2.0 production – which now includes Russia – lower, as a result (Chart 3). We moved Russia out of the core OPEC 2.0 producer group, given the production declines we expect this year and next, and into the "Other Guys" group. Our base case demand reflects a shift in OECD vs. non-OECD consumption estimates, with the OECD gaining incrementally, while EM demand (via non-OECD consumption) falls incrementally (Chart 4). Chart 3Falling Russia Output Pushes Non-Core OPEC 2.0 Output Lower Chart 4DM Demand Shifts Higher, EM Shifts Lower The lower EM demand growth reflects weaker China oil consumption resulting from the country's zero-COVID policy. In addition, because we expect Russia to act quickly on cutting off EU natgas exports, benchmark TTF natgas prices will move back above €225/MWh. Higher oil and natgas prices in the EU will lead to recession later this year. How quickly this shows up depends on how quickly Russia reacts to an EU oil embargo. In addition, a strong USD – bid higher by global economic uncertainty and safe-haven demand – will pushing the local-currency costs of refined products like gasoline, diesel and jet fuel higher, also will contribute to lower EM demand (Chart 5). Chart 5USD Remains Well Bid In our base case, we expect a tighter market on balance (Chart 6). Oil inventories remain under pressure, owing to falling as Russian output and declines in production outside core OPEC 2.0 and the US (Chart 7). We cannot rule out additional SPR releases from the US or IEA to offset tightening global inventories. Chart 6Global Balances Tighten Chart 7Inventories Draw As Supply Tightens Our forecast for Brent this year has been lifted on the back of a much stronger expectation of an EU oil embargo against Russia. This will result in 2mm b/d of Russian production being shut in by next year, which will not be fully replaced (Table 1). We are lifting our Brent forecast to $110/bbl for 2022, and $115/bbl for next year as a result (Chart 8). Chart 8Loss Of Russian Production Will Lift Brent Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) To Dec23 Investment Implications An EU embargo on Russian oil imports is close at hand, in our view. Brent crude will rally above $120/bbl by 2H22, with $140/bbl or higher possible, depending on Russia's reaction to the EU oil embargo. We expect Brent prices to average $113/bbl this year, and $122/bbl in 2023. WTI will trade $3/bbl lower on average. Eurozone natgas will trade above €225/MWh again and stay at elevated levels, likely moving higher following a Russian cutoff of natgas supplies to the continent. This will throw the EU into recession. We remain long the S&P GSCI index, the COMT ETF, and the XOP and CRAK ETFs to retain exposure to higher prices. We are getting long 1Q23 ICE Brent futures and TTF natgas futures at tonight's close. A word of caution is in order: We are assuming Russia will follow through on its threat to shut off natgas exports to the EU in the event of an embargo against importing its oil is declared. This, we believe, is Russia's red line. If the EU fails to declare an embargo, or if Russia fails to follow through on its threat to cut off gas supplies in the wake of an EU oil embargo of its exports we will have to re-assess our outlook.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com Paula Struk Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy paula.struk@bcaresearch.com     Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish European natural gas inventories are building at a rapid rate, as competition from Asia – typically led by Chinese demand – remains weaker than in previous seasons. EU natgas storage stood at ~446 MWh as of May 16, 2022, the latest available reports indicate (Chart 9). The EU has weathered two extremely difficult winters in 2020-21 and 2021-22. Natgas storage levels were drawn hard to meet space heating demand, which, owing to a winter energy crisis in China at the time, forced European buyers into a competition for liquified natural gas (LNG) during the former period. Following unexpected spring-summer demand in 2021 when cold weather lingered in Europe and wind power generation fell sharply, storage owners again were hard pressed to secure LNG to rebuild storage levels going into this past winter, which caused European TTF natgas prices to soar, as demand surged (Chart 10). With the threat of a cutoff of Russian natgas hanging over the EU, there is a singular focus right now on getting storage as full as possible ahead of next winter. The EU aims to replace two-thirds of Russian gas imports before yearend. Precious Metals: Bullish The Fed has adopted a more hawkish rhetoric, as it acts more aggressively to reduce US inflation. Interest rates have increased from near-zero levels in March to 0.75%, and BCA’s US Bond strategy service expects two more 50 bps rate hikes in June and July. Post July, rate hikes will depend on the Fed’s assessment of inflation, inflation expectations and financial conditions. The Fed faces the risk of either remaining behind the inflation curve or sparking a recession in case it’s either not hawkish enough, or too hawkish. Base Metals: Bullish High power prices in Europe will continue to plague refined base metals production in the continent and keep refined metal prices buoyed. LME Europe aluminum stocks are close to 17-year lows. In China – whose metal smelters were also hit by high power prices in 2021 – aluminum smelting has revived, with the country reportedly producing a record amount of primary aluminum in April. Lockdowns, however, have reduced economic activity, demand for the metal and its domestic price. China has taken advantage of this arbitrage opportunity, sending most of its primary aluminum exports to Europe. This aluminum price spread between the two states has contributed to China’s steady rise in primary aluminum exports this year, after having exported nearly none in 2020 and 2021. Chart 9 Chart 10Dutch Title Transfer Facility Going Down     Footnotes 1     German officials have stated the country will wind down all oil imports from Russia by year end, even if the rest of the EU does not join it in an embargo.  We highly doubt Germany will act alone, given the support an embargo already has received from EU member states.  Please see Germany to Stop Russian Oil Imports Regardless of EU Sanctions, published by bloomberg.com on May 15, 2022. 2     Our expectation for shut-in volumes is lower than the IEA's, which sees Russia being forced to shut in 3mm b/d of production by 2H22.  We continue to monitor this closely via satellite and reporting services and will adjust our estimates as needed.  Obviously, if the IEA is correct oil markets will tighten even more than we expect. 3    Please see "The Future of Russian Oil Production in the Short, Medium, and Long Term," published by the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies in September 2019.  The OIES study notes production in Russia's highest-producing area – the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous (KMA) district – actually fell 15% between 2008-19, even as drilling activity surged 66%.  While output in 2018 rose due to intensified oil recovery (IOR), the OIES noted that the water cut rose sharply in 2018 as well in the KMA district. 4    Please see Russia warns of $300 oil, threatens to cut off European gas if West bans energy imports, published by cnbc.com on March 8, 2022.  The article notes Novak threatened to close the Nord Stream 1 pipeline delivering gas to Germany in retaliation for an EU oil embargo.  Almost three-quarters of Russia's natgas exports were sent to Europe prior to its invasion of Ukraine.  Natgas export revenues accounted for $62 billion of the $242 billion funding Russia's budget last year, while crude oil revenues made up $180 billion (just under 75%). 5    Please see Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise, which we published on May 5, 2022.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com.   Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed in 2022

Executive Summary German GeoRisk Indicator Russia and Germany have begun cutting off each other’s energy in a major escalation of strategic tensions. The odds of Finland and Sweden joining NATO have shot up. A halt to NATO enlargement, particularly on Russia’s borders, is Russia’s chief demand. Tensions will skyrocket. China’s reversion to autocracy and de facto alliance with Russia are reinforcing the historic confluence of internal and external risk, weighing on Chinese assets. Geopolitical risk is rising in South Korea and Hong Kong, rising in Spain and Italy, and flat in South Africa. France’s election will lower domestic political risk but the EU as a whole faces a higher risk premium. The Biden administration is doubling down on its defense of Ukraine, calling for $33 billion in additional aid and telling Russia that it will not dominate its neighbor. However, the Putin regime cannot afford to lose in Ukraine and will threaten to widen the conflict to intimidate and divide the West. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 14.2% Bottom Line: Stay long global defensives over cyclicals. Feature Chart 1Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar The dollar (DXY) is breaking above the psychological threshold of 100 on the back of monetary tightening and safe-haven demand. Geopolitical risk does not always drive up the dollar – other macroeconomic factors may prevail. But in today’s situation macro and geopolitics are converging to boost the greenback (Chart 1). Global economic policy uncertainty is also rising sharply. It is highly correlated with the broader trade-weighted dollar. The latter is nowhere near 2020 peaks but could rise to that level if current trends hold. A strong dollar reflects slowing global growth and also tightens global financial conditions, with negative implications for cyclical and emerging market equities. Bottom Line: Tactically favor US equities and the US dollar to guard against greater energy shock, policy uncertainty, and risk-aversion. Energy Cutoff Points To European Recession Chart 2Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Russia is reducing natural gas flows to Poland and Bulgaria and threatening other countries, Germany is now embracing an oil embargo against Russia, while Finland and Sweden are considering joining NATO. These three factors are leading to a major escalation of strategic tensions on the continent that will get worse before they get better, driving up our European GeoRisk indicators and weighing on European assets (Chart 2). Russia’s ultimatum in December 2021 stressed that NATO enlargement should cease and that NATO forces and weapons should not be positioned east of the May 1997 status quo. Russia invaded Ukraine to ensure its military neutrality over the long run.1 Finland and Sweden, seeing Ukraine’s isolation amid Russian invasion, are now reviewing whether to change their historic neutrality and join NATO. Public opinion polls now show Finnish support for joining at 61% and Swedish support at 57%. The scheduling of a joint conference between the country’s leaders on May 13 looks like it could be a joint declaration of their intention to join. The US and other NATO members will have to provide mutual defense guarantees for the interim period if that is the case, lest Russia attack. The odds that Finland and Sweden remain neutral are higher than the consensus holds (given the 97% odds that they join NATO on Predictit.org). But the latest developments suggest they are moving toward applying for membership. They fear being left in the cold like Ukraine in the event of an attack. Russia’s response will be critical. If Russia deploys nuclear weapons to Kaliningrad, as former President Dmitri Medvedev warned, then Moscow will be making a menacing show but not necessarily changing the reality of Russia’s nuclear strike capabilities. That is equivalent to a pass and could mark the peak of the entire crisis. The geopolitical risk premium would begin to subside after that. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyLe Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) However, Russia has also threatened “military-political repercussions” if the Nordics join NATO. Russia’s capabilities are manifestly limited, judging by Ukraine today and the Winter War of 1939, but a broader war cannot entirely be ruled out. Global financial markets will still need to adjust for a larger tail risk of a war in Finland/Sweden in the very near term. Most likely Russia will retaliate by cutting off Europe’s natural gas. Clearly this is the threat on the table, after the cutoff to Poland and Bulgaria and the warnings to other countries. In the near term, several companies are gratifying Russia and paying for gas in rubles. But these payments violate EU sanctions against Russia and the intention is to wean off Russian imports as soon as possible. Germany says it can reduce gas imports starting next year after inking a deal with Qatar. Hence Russia might take the initiative and start reducing the flow earlier. Bottom Line: If Europe plunges into recession as a result of an immediate natural gas cutoff, then strategic stability between Russia and the West will become less certain. The tail risk of a broader war goes up. Stay cyclically long US equities over global equities and tactically long US treasuries. Stay long defense stocks and gold. Stay Short CNY At the end of last year we argued that Beijing would double down on “Zero Covid” policy in 2022, at least until the twentieth national party congress this fall. Social restrictions serve a dual purpose of disease suppression and dissent repression. Now that the state is doubling down, what will happen next? The economy will deteriorate: imports are already contracting at a rate of 0.1% YoY. The manufacturing PMI has fallen to 48.1  and the service sector PMI to 42.0, indicating contraction. Furthermore, social unrest could emerge, as lockdowns serve as a catalyst to ignite underlying socioeconomic disparities. Hence the national party congress is less likely to go smoothly, implying that investors will catch a glimpse of political instability under the surface in China as the year progresses. The political risk premium will remain high (Chart 3). Chart 3China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency While Chairman Xi Jinping is still likely to clinch another ten years in power, it will not be auspicious amid an economic crash and any social unrest. Xi could be forced into some compromises on either Politburo personnel or policy adjustments. A notable indicator of compromise would be if he nominated a successor, though this would not provide any real long-term assurance to investors given the lack of formal mechanisms for power transfer. After the party congress we expect Xi to “let 100 flowers bloom,” meaning that he will ease fiscal, regulatory, and social policy so that today’s monetary and fiscal stimulus can work effectively. Right now monetary and fiscal easing has limited impact because private sector actors are averse to taking risk. Easing policy to boost the economy could also entail a diplomatic charm offensive to try to convince the US and EU to avoid imposing any significant sanctions on trade and investment flows, whether due to Russia or human rights violations. Such a diplomatic initiative would only succeed, if at all, in the short run. The US cannot allow a deep re-engagement with China since that would serve to strengthen the de facto Russo-Chinese strategic alliance. In other words, an eruption of instability threatens to weaken Xi’s hand and jeopardize his power retention. While it is extremely unlikely that Xi will fall from power, he could have his image of supremacy besmirched. It is likely that China will be forced to ease a range of policies, including lockdowns and regulations of key sectors, that will be marginally positive for economic growth. There may also be schemes to attract foreign investment. Bottom Line: If China expands the range of its policy easing the result could be received positively by global investors in 2023. But the short-term outlook is still negative and deteriorating due to China’s reversion to autocracy and confluence of political and geopolitical risk. Stay short CNY and neutral Chinese stocks. Stay Short KRW South Koreans went to the polls on March 9 to elect their new president for a five-year term. The two top candidates for the job were Yoon Suk-yeol and Lee Jae-myung. Yoon, a former public prosecutor, was the candidate for the People Power Party, a conservative party that can be traced back to the Saenuri and the Grand National Party, which was in power from 2007 to 2017 under President Lee Myung-bak and President Park Geun-hye. Lee, the governor of the largest province in Korea, was the candidate for the Democratic Party, the party of the incumbent President Moon Jae-in. Yoon won by a whisker, garnering 48.6% of the votes versus 47.8% for Lee. The margin of victory for Yoon is the lowest since Korea started directly electing its presidents. President-elect Yoon will be inaugurated in May. He will not have control of the National Assembly, as his party only holds 34% of the seats. The Democratic Party holds the majority, with 172 out of 300 seats. The next legislative election will be in 2024, which means that President Yoon will have to work with the opposition for a good two years before his party has a chance to pass laws on its own. President-elect Yoon was the more pro-business and fiscally restrained candidate. His nomination of Han Duck-soo as his prime minister suggests that, insofar as any domestic policy change is possible, he will be pragmatic, as Han served under two liberal administrations. Yoon’s lack of a majority and nomination of a left-leaning prime minister suggest that domestic policy will not be a source of uncertainty for investors through 2024. Foreign policy, by contrast, will be the biggest source of risk for investors. Yoon rejects the dovish “Moonshine” policy of his predecessor and favors a strong hand in dealing with North Korea. “War can be avoided only when we acquire an ability to launch pre-emptive strikes and show our willingness to use them,” he has argued. North Korea responded by expanding its nuclear doctrine and resuming tests of intercontinental ballistic missiles with the launch of the Hwasong-17 on March 24 – the first ICBM launch since 2017. In a significant upgrade of North Korea’s deterrence strategy, Kim Yo Jong, the sister of Kim Jong Un, warned on April 4 that North Korea would use nuclear weapons to “eliminate” South Korea if attacked (implying an overwhelming nuclear retaliation to any attack whatsoever). Kim Jong Un himself claimed on April 26 that North Korea’s nuclear weapons are no longer merely about deterrence but would be deployed if the country is attacked. President-elect Yoon welcomes the possibility of deploying of US strategic assets to strengthen deterrence against the North. The hawkish turn is not surprising considering that North-South relations failed to make any substantive improvements during President Moon’s five-year tenure as a pro-engagement president. South Koreans, especially Yoon’s supporters, are split on whether inter-Korean dialogue should be continued. They are becoming more interested in developing their own nuclear weapons or at the very least deploying US nuclear weapons in South Korea. Half of South Korean voters support security through alliance with the US, while a third support security through the development of independent nuclear weapons. The nuclear debate will raise tensions on the peninsula. An even bigger change in South Korea’s foreign policy is its policy towards China. President-elect Yoon has accused President Moon of succumbing to China’s economic extortion. Moon had established a policy of “three No’s,” meaning no to additional THAAD missiles in South Korea, no to hosting other US missile defense systems, and no to joining an alliance with Japan and the United States. By contrast, Yoon’s electoral promises include deploying more THAAD and joining the Quadrilateral Dialogue (US, Japan, Australia, India). Polls show that South Koreans hold a low opinion of all of their neighbors but that China has slipped slightly beneath Japan and North Korea in favorability. Even Democratic Party voters feel more negative towards China. While negative attitudes towards China are not unique to Korea, there is an important difference from other countries: the Korean youth dislike China the most, not the older generations. Negative sentiment is less tied to old wounds from the Korean war and more related to ideology and today’s grievances. Younger Koreans, growing up in a liberal democracy and proud of their economic and cultural success, have been involved in campus clashes against Chinese students over Korean support for Hong Kong democrats. Negative attitudes towards China among the youth should alarm investors, as young people provide the voting base for elections to come, and China is the largest trading partner for Korea. Korea’s foreign policy will hew to the American side, at risk to its economy (Chart 4). Chart 4South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar President-elect Yoon’s policies towards North Korea and China will increase geopolitical risk in East Asia. The biggest beneficiary will be India. Both Korea and Japan need to find a substitute to Chinese markets and labor, which have become less reliable in recent years. South Korea’s newly elected president is aligned with the US and West and less friendly toward China and Russia. He faces a rampant North Korea that feels emboldened by its position of an arsenal of 40-50 deliverable nuclear weapons. The North Koreans now claim that they will respond to any military attack with nuclear force and are testing intercontinental ballistic missiles and possibly a nuclear weapon. The US currently has three aircraft carriers around Korea, despite its urgent foreign policy challenges in Europe and the Middle East. Bottom Line: Stay long JPY-KRW. South Korea’s geopolitical risk premium will remain high. But favor Korean stocks over Taiwanese stocks. Stay Neutral On Hong Kong Stocks Hong Kong’s leadership change will trigger a new bout of unrest (Chart 5). Chart 5Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead On April 4, Hong Kong’s incumbent Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, confirmed that she would not seek a second term but would step down on June 30. John Lee, the current chief secretary of Hong Kong, became the only candidate approved to run for election, which is scheduled to be held on May 8. With the backing of the pro-Beijing members in the Election Committee, Lee is expected to secure enough nominations to win the race. Lee served as security secretary from when Carrie Lam took office in 2017 until June 2021. He firmly supported the Hong Kong extradition bill in 2019 and National Security Law in 2020, which provoked historic social unrest in those years. He insisted on taking a tough security stance towards pro-democracy protests. With Lee in power, Hong Kong will face more unrest and tougher crackdowns in the coming years, which will likely bring more social instability. Lee will provoke pro-democracy activists with his policy stances and adherence to Beijing’s party line. For example, his various statements to the news media suggest a dogmatic approach to censorship and political dissent. With the adoption of the National Security Law, Hong Kong’s pro-democracy faction is already deeply disaffected. Carrie Lam was originally elected as a popular leader, with notable support from women, but her popularity fell sharply after the passage of the extradition bill and National Security Law, as well as her mishandling of the Covid-19 outbreak. Her failure to handle the clashes between the Hong Kong people and Beijing damaged public trust in government. Trust never fully recovered when it took another hit recently from the latest wave of the pandemic. Putting another pro-Beijing hardliner in power will exacerbate the trend. Hong Kong equities are vulnerable not merely because of social unrest. During the era of US-China engagement, Hong Kong benefited as the middleman and the symbol that the Communist Party could cooperate within a liberal, democratic, capitalist global order. Hence US-China power struggle removes this special status and causes Hong Kong financial assets to contract mainland Chinese geopolitical risk. As a result of the 2019-2020 crackdown, John Lee and Carrie Lam were among a list of Hong Kong officials sanctioned by the US Treasury Department and State Department in 2020. Now, after the Ukraine war, the US will be on the lookout for any Hong Kong role in helping Russia circumvent sanctions, as well as any other ways in which China might further its strategic aims by means of Hong Kong. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on Hong Kong equities. Favor France Within European Equities French political risk will fall after the presidential election, which recommits the country to geopolitical unity with the US and NATO and potentially pro-productivity structural reforms (Chart 6). France is already a geopolitically secure country so the reduction of domestic political risk should be doubly positive for French assets, though they have already outperformed. And the Russia-West conflict is fueling a risk premium regardless of France’s positive developments. Chart 6France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated The French election ended with a solid victory for the political establishment as we expected. President Emmanuel Macron gaining 58% of the vote to Marine Le Pen’s 42%. Macron beat his opinion polling by 4.5pp while Le Pen underperformed her polls by 4.5pp. A large number of voters abstained, at 28%, compared to 25.5% in 2017. The regional results showed a stark divergence between overseas or peripheral France (where Marine Le Pen even managed to get over half of the vote in several cases) and the core cities of France (where Macron won handily). Macron had won an outright majority in every region in 2017. Macron did best among the young and the old, while Le Pen did best among middle-aged voters. But Macron won every age group except the 50 year-olds, who want to retire early. Macron did well among business executives, managers, and retired people, but Le Pen won among the working classes, as expected. Le Pen won the lowest paid income group, while Macron’s margin of victory rises with each step up the income ladder. Macron’s performance was strong, especially considering the global context. The pandemic knocked several incumbent parties out of power (US, Germany) and required leadership changes in others (Japan, Italy). The subsequent inflation shock now threatens to cause another major political rotation in rapid succession, leaving various political leaders and parties vulnerable in the coming months and years (Australia, the UK, Spain). Only Canada and now France marked exceptions, where post-pandemic elections confirmed the country’s leader. The Ukraine war constitutes yet another shock but it helped Macron, as Le Pen had objective links and sympathies with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Macron’s timing was lucky but his message of structural reform for the sake of economic efficiency still resonates in contemporary France, where change is long overdue – at least compared with Le Pen’s proposal of doubling down on statism, protectionism, and fiscal largesse. The French middle class was never as susceptible to populism as the US, UK, and Italy because it had been better protected from the ravages of globalization. Populism is still a force to be reckoned with, especially if left-wing populists do well in the National Assembly, or if right-wing populists find a fresher face than the Le Pen dynasty. But the failure of populism in the context of pandemic, inflation, and war suggests that France’s political establishment remains well fortified by the economic structure and the electoral system. Whether Macron can sustain his structural reforms depends on legislative elections to be held on June 12-19. Early projections are positive for his party, which should keep a majority. Macron’s new mandate will help. Le Pen’s National Rally and its predecessors may perform better than in the past but that is not saying much as their presence in the National Assembly has been weak. Bottom Line: France is geopolitically secure and has seen a resounding public vote for structural reform that could improve productivity depending on legislative elections. French equities can continue to outperform their European peers over the long run. Our European Investment Strategy recommends French equities ex-consumer stocks, French small caps over large caps, and French aerospace and defense.   Favor Spanish Over Italian Stocks Chart 7Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks What about Spain? It is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023 (Chart 7). In the past few months, a series of strategic mistakes and internal power struggles have led to a significant decline in the popularity of Spain’s largest opposition party, the People’s Party. Due to public infighting and power struggle, Pablo Casado was forced to step down as the leader of the People’s Party on February 23, as requested by 16 of the party’s 17 regional leaders. It is yet to be seen if the new party leader, Alberto Nunez Feijoo, can reboot People’s Party. The far-right VOX party will benefit from the People Party’s setback. The latter’s misstep in a regional election (Castile & Leon) gave VOX a chance to participate in a regional government for the very first time. Hence VOX’s influence will spread and it will receive greater recognition as an important political force. Meanwhile the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party (PSOE) faces anger from the public amid inflation and high energy prices. However, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s decision to send offensive military weapons to Ukraine is widely supported among major parties, including even his reluctant coalition partner, Unidas Podemos. The People’s Party’s recent infighting gives temporary relief to the ruling party. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for Feijoo and a pre-test for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The problem for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the stagflationary backdrop will weigh on their support over time. Bottom Line: Spanish political risk is likely to spike sooner rather than later, though Spanish domestic risk it is limited in nature. Madrid faces low geopolitical risk, low energy vulnerability, and is not susceptible to trying to leave the EU or Euro Area. Favor Spanish over Italian stocks. Stay Constructive On South Africa The political and economic status quo is largely unchanged in South Africa and will remain so going into the 2024 national elections. Fiscal discipline will weaken ahead of the election, which should be negative for the rand, but the global commodity shortage and geopolitical risks in Russia and China will probably overwhelm any negative effects from South Africa’s domestic policies. Rising commodity prices have propped up the local equity market and will bring in much-needed revenue into the local economy and government coffers. But structural issues persist. Low growth outcomes amid weak productivity and high unemployment levels will remain the norm. The median voter is increasingly constrained with fewer economic opportunities on the horizon. Pressure will mount on the ruling African National Congress (ANC), fueling civil unrest and adding to overall political risk (Chart 8). Chart 8South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, reducing social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs. While we recently argued that fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we also noted that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Already, the ANC have committed to maintaining a special Covid-19 social-grant payment, first introduced in 2020, for another year. This grant, along with other government support, will feature in 2024 and possibly beyond. Unemployment is at 34.3%, its highest level ever recorded. The ANC cannot leave it unchecked. The most prevalent and immediate recourse is to increase social payments and transfers. Given the increasing number of social dependents that higher unemployment creates, government spending will have to increase to address rising unemployment. President Cyril Ramaphosa is still a positive figurehead for the ANC, but the 2021 local elections showed that the ANC cannot rely on the Ramaphosa effect alone. The ANC is also dealing with intra-party fighting. Ramaphosa has yet to assert total control over the party elites, distracting the ANC from achieving its policy objectives. To correct course, Ramaphosa will have to relax fiscal discipline. To this outcome, investors should expect our GeoRisk indicator to register steady increases in political risk moving into 2024. The only reason to be mildly optimistic is that South Africa is distant from geopolitical risk and can continue to benefit from the global bull market in metals. Bottom Line: Maintain a cyclically constructive outlook on South African currency and assets. Tight global commodity markets will support this emerging market, which stands to benefit from developments in Russia and China. Investment Takeaways Stay strategically long gold on geopolitical and inflation risk, despite the dollar rally. Stay long US equities relative to global and UK equities relative to DM-ex-US. Favor global defensives over cyclicals and large caps over small caps. Stay short CNY, TWD, and KRW-JPY. Stay short CZK-GBP. Favor Mexico within emerging markets. Stay long defense and cyber security stocks. We are booking a 5% stop loss on our long Canada / short Saudi Arabia equity trade. We still expect Middle Eastern tensions to escalate and trigger a Saudi selloff.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1   The campaign in the south suggests that Ukraine will be partitioned, landlocked, and susceptible to blockade in the coming years. If Russia achieves its military objectives, then Ukraine will accept neutrality in a ceasefire to avoid losing more territory. If Russia fails, then it faces humiliation and its attempts to save face will become unpredictable and aggressive. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Geopolitical Calendar