Brazil

Highlights Barring dramatic policy actions, the ratio of public debt to GDP in Brazil is set to rise both continuously and significantly.   Authorities can only gratify either the government’s creditors by tightening fiscal policy, or the population by substantially relaxing their fiscal stance. Given that both the president and congressmen face re-election in two years, they will sooner or later choose to please the population at the expense of the creditors. In the near term, authorities might pass a tight 2021 budget to boost investor confidence. However, as the economy crumbles due to the fiscal cliff, President Bolsonaro will likely choose to considerably relax fiscal policy. Provided it is impossible to know when President Bolsonaro will shift his stance on fiscal policy, we are sticking with our structural underweight positions in Brazilian financial markets. Feature The Brazilian government is caught between a rock and a hard place: it must decide either to provide more fiscal stimulus to the struggling economy or to stabilize its mushrooming public debt by winding down fiscal stimulus. If the authorities opt for another round of fiscal stimulus to support domestic demand, they risk losing investor confidence as public debt becomes unsustainable. On the other hand, if the government chooses to aim for fiscal sustainability, they will at the very least need to let current fiscal stimulus programs lapse. This would amount to a fiscal cliff that would devastate the economy. Lingering economic fragility and the lack of a politically feasible and economically justifiable solution will likely lead to political infighting. The latter will damage business and investor confidence. There are already signs that financial markets are becoming uneasy with the sustainability of the nation’s public debt. There are already signs that financial markets are becoming uneasy with the sustainability of the nation’s public debt. Specifically, the term structure of local currency government bond yields has steepened pricing in a higher risk premium (Chart I-1). Neither growth nor inflation outlooks at this point warrant such yield curve steepening. Hence, the latter probably reflects worries about long-term public debt sustainability. Also, the Brazilian real has failed to rally in recent months despite rising commodities prices (Chart I-2).   Chart I-1Brazil: Risk Premium In Local Bonds Has Been Rising Chart I-2Commodities Prices And BRL: A Decoupling?   Faced with the dilemma between public debt sustainability and economic growth, President Bolsonaro will eventually opt for a relaxation of fiscal policy such that government spending limits will no longer be respected. If this happens, his prominent, fiscally conservative Economic Minister, Paulo Guedes will likely resign, and Brazil’s financial markets will plummet. How Large Has The Stimulus Been? Chart I-3Brazil: Fiscal Stimulus Has Been Large To begin, the Brazilian economy has been benefiting from fiscal stimulus (Chart I-3). The COVID-19 fiscal package, excluding credit-type stimulus, is the highest in the region at 8% of GDP. Of that, 67% has already been spent and the rest will be disbursed before year-end. The economy is now facing a non-trivial level of fiscal restraint over the remaining months of this year as fiscal transfers to low-income households have been halved, from 600 to 300 reais per person, and the loan repayment moratorium will expire before October. Concerning the loan moratorium, in March the government implemented a large-scale debt servicing postponement program for consumers and businesses. Altogether, the five largest banks offered a grace period of 2-6 months of principal and interest payments on loans, amounting to 235 billion reais. This is equivalent to 3.3% of GDP. The end of this loan repayment moratorium will likely mark the beginning of a surge in NPLs prompting banks to further tighten credit standards. Notably, new private credit originated by banks has been already shrinking for both households and businesses (Chart I-4). In terms of monetary stimulus, the transmission mechanism of monetary policy in Brazil has been partially broken. Households and companies have not benefitted much from the central bank’s rate cuts. While the SELIC policy rate has reached a historic low of 2%, the prime lending rates remain elevated both in nominal and in real terms (Chart I-5). Chart I-4Private Credit Origination Has Been Contracting Chart I-5Brazil: Lending Rates Are Very High In Nominal And Real Terms   Bottom Line: The economy is recovering from a very low base due to the massive stimulus provided by authorities (Chart I-6). However, provided central government non-interest expenditures are large - they now make up 24% of GDP - curtailment in government spending will have a materially negative impact on the economy. Public Debt Sustainability Brazil’s gross public debt has reached 92% of GDP and is set to move even higher as large fiscal deficits add to public indebtedness (Chart I-7). The social security deficit has also expanded sharply despite last year’s pension reforms (Chart I-7, bottom panel). Indeed, most of those social security savings will only come into effect after the 2022 presidential and congressional elections.  Chart I-6The Economy Is Recovering From A Low Base Chart I-7Brazil: Public Debt And Fiscal Deficits   Public debt-to-GDP ratios only stabilize if (1) governments run large primary fiscal surpluses or (2) nominal GDP growth exceeds government borrowing costs. Neither of these two conditions can easily be met in Brazil. Provided that the primary fiscal deficit presently stands at 7.5% of GDP, drastic budget tightening would be required to push it towards a surplus. Such fiscal tightening would ravage the economy and, hence, is not politically feasible. Notably, Brazil ran large primary fiscal surpluses (about 3.5% of GDP) from 1999 to 2012 which allowed it to stabilize its public debt dynamics. The second stipulation - that nominal GDP growth exceeds government borrowing costs - has not been satisfied since 2013 (Chart I-8). With government bond yields at about 5.5%, nominal GDP growth would need to rise to and remain above 7-8% in order to reduce the public debt-to-GDP ratio. Chart I-8Public Debt Burden Rises When Borrowing Costs Are Above Nominal GDP Growth Chart I-9Brazil: Core Inflation Is Too Low Provided that potential GDP growth in Brazil is probably 2% or lower, nominal GDP growth that is consistently above 7-8% would require inflation to be 5% or higher. Chart I-9 illustrates that core inflation in Brazil is currently only at 1-2%, well below the central bank’s target range. With fiscal policy set to tighten and a partially broken monetary transmission mechanism, it will be impossible for inflation to rise to 5%. Hence, the second stipulation cannot be met in Brazil without drastic policy action being taken. Bottom Line: Barring dramatic policy actions, Brazil will continue experiencing a steep uptrend in its public debt to GDP ratio. What Will Authorities Do? Authorities are likely to pass a tight 2021 budget later this year to boost investor confidence. However, as the economy crumbles again, President Bolsonaro is likely to opt to relax fiscal policy. The government has already submitted to Congress its 2021 budget which entails a substantial fiscal cliff. The government’s non-interest spending is expected to shrink by 23% from estimated 2020 levels, which is equal to 5.7% of GDP. This is what the fiscally conservative Economy Minister Guedes aims to accomplish in his attempt to cap public indebtedness. Guedes hopes that structural reforms will boost the country’s growth potential so that economic activity can do well in face of fiscal tightening. However, there have been little structural reforms in Brazil in the recent years. As a result, it is unrealistic to expect decent economic growth at times of material fiscal tightening. Chart I-10Brazil: Nominal Income Growth Is Very Low On the whole, Brazilian authorities are facing a political economy dilemma. On the one hand, considerable fiscal tightening would gratify creditors but devastate the already weak economy. Specifically, employee income has already slowed to a record low of 4% in nominal terms. Further fiscal tightening would be a political suicide (Chart I-10). On the other hand, failure to dramatically tighten fiscal policy will lead to a revolt in Brazil’s bond and currency markets and will result in higher borrowing costs for both the public and private sectors. President Bolsonaro faces re-election in two years and realizes that he will lose the election if employment and income do not improve substantially. As a result, the odds are high that president Bolsonaro will eventually abandon fiscal austerity. Notably, there are already signs that the president is wavering on the 2021 budget. In particular, he is contradicting himself on the need either for fiscal tightening or the extension of stimulus. Besides, different members of his cabinet have spoken against fiscal consolidation, in general, and against the golden fiscal rule that caps government spending, in particular.  Critically, Bolsonaro’s popularity has risen recently to its highest level since his election because of fiscal transfers to low-income households launched in March. This makes it certain that heading into the elections Bolsonaro will try to attract votes from low-income families by resorting to a fiscal transfer to support their income. This will be a drag on public finances but will boost his re-election chances. Because they are also facing re-election in late 2022, the Congress will likely support the president in his modification of the constitutional fiscal spending rule and his pursuit of a more relaxed fiscal policy, generally, and in his provision of income support for low-income households in particular. However, Economy Minister Guedes will likely resign if his fiscal austerity program is abandoned. The central bank has been clear that it will pursue easy money policies only as long as fiscal consolidation remains on track. If fiscal austerity is thwarted, the central bank might consider raising interest rates. Such action would clash with Bolsonaro’s attempt to engineer a strong economy going into the 2022 elections. It is possible that the central bank president and its leadership will come under fire from the president’s administration and might also quit. Public debt-to-GDP ratios only stabilize if (1) governments run large primary fiscal surpluses or (2) nominal GDP growth exceeds government borrowing costs. Neither of these two conditions can easily be met in Brazil. What will Bolsonaro do when faced with a creditors’ revolt that would raise government bond yields? He might pressure the central bank to launch a quantitative easing program, i.e., the purchasing of government bonds that would bring yields down. This would amount to public debt monetization. Fiscal easing funded by the central bank would boost economic growth, both real and nominal. In such a scenario, it is possible that nominal GDP growth would reach or exceed 7-8% while local currency government bond yields would be capped at 5-6% by the central bank’s purchases. This would entail high inflation, negative real interest rates and signify a central bank that is behind the inflation curve. These conditions would be an ultra-bearish cocktail for the exchange rate. Given 96% of public debt is in local currency, the cost to government finances from currency depreciation will be minimal. Companies and banks, however, have large foreign currency debt exposure and depreciation in the exchange rate will be painful for them. However, this is the least painful way out of the economic deadlock the nation is in. Bottom Line: Brazilian authorities are faced with a political economy dilemma. They can only gratify either the government’s creditors by tightening their fiscal policy, or the population by substantially relaxing their fiscal stance. Given that both the president and congressmen face re-election in two years, they will sooner or later choose to please the population at the expense of the creditors.   Investment Strategies In The Short And Long Term Chart I-11Brazil Versus EM: Domestic Bonds And Sovereign Credit In the short term: So long as the government adheres to fiscal tightening, economic growth will surprise on the downside. The central bank will then reduce the policy rate ever further. In this scenario, local fixed-income and sovereign credit markets could outperform their EM peers (Chart I-11). Equities will struggle as domestic demand disappoints. In the near term, stocks will likely underperform local currency government bonds, so long as fiscal tightening is maintained (Chart I-12). Notably, equities are not cheap – the average of the trailing and forward P/E ratios is close to a record high (Chart I-13). Chart I-12Brazil: Stock-To-Domestic Bond Ratio Is Overbought Chart I-13Brazilian Equities Are Not Cheap   The impact on the currency remains uncertain. It might find support as worries about public debt sustainability are put on hold, commodities prices rise, and the broad trade-weighted US dollar weakens further. However, investors could also look beyond the near term and question the feasibility of such a tight fiscal stance ahead of the 2022 elections. In this context, investors could foresee the government abandoning its fiscal frugality in favor of populist and fiscally expansionist policies. In this case, the currency will struggle. Heading into the elections Bolsonaro will try to attract votes from low-income families by resorting to a fiscal transfer to support their income. In the medium and long term: President Bolsonaro will ultimately opt for considerable fiscal easing, probably next year, in order to bolster economic growth and household income before the 2022 elections. Expansionary fiscal policy will boost growth and benefit the stock market. Yet, it will be very negative for fixed-income markets, sovereign credit and the currency. Local bond yields will rise as investors sell out of bonds. The only way that authorities would be able to cap government domestic bond yields is via quantitative easing, i.e., the central bank’s purchasing of government bonds. This will amount to public debt monetization and will lead to substantial exchange rate depreciation. Chart I-14The Brazilian Real Is Only Modestly Cheap The trade-weighted currency in Brazil is only one standard deviation below its fair value, i.e., it is cheap but not very cheap (Chart I-14). Hence, public debt monetization and higher inflation and lower real rates will cause the exchange rate to plummet.    Local investors should overweight equities versus fixed-income if the fiscal stance is relaxed. International investors, on the other hand, should be cautious as the BRL depreciation will erode their foreign currency return in equities and local currency bonds. Sovereign credit will also perform poorly in this scenario. Bottom Line: Given that it is impossible to know when President Bolsonaro will shift his fiscal policy, we are sticking with our structural underweight positions in Brazilian equities, local currency bonds and sovereign credit, versus their EM counterparts. That said, if the 2021 budget is approved, Brazilian fixed-income markets could outperform their EM peers over the near term. We also continue shorting the real against an equally-weighted basket of the euro, CHF and JPY because the end-game in Brazil will likely be currency depreciation to boost nominal growth.     Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Please note that yesterday we published Special Report titled Do Not Overlook China’s Innovation Drive. Please click on it to access it. Today, we publish analysis on Brazil and Ukraine.   Chart I-1Brazilian Share Prices And Commodity Prices Move In Tandem A FOMO (fear-of-missing-out) mania has pushed equity prices higher around the world. Brazilian stocks, currency and credit markets, likewise, have been staging a rebound. There is evidence that in Brazil equity purchases by local investors have been driving up share prices.1 The absolute performance of Brazilian share prices and the exchange rate trend will likely depend on commodities prices and a global rally in risk assets (Chart I-1). In relative terms, Brazilian financial markets will underperform their EM counterparts because of the following: Brazil is on track for its worst economic contraction in the past century following the deep recession of 2014-2016 (Chart I-2). This is the first nominal GDP contraction in Brazil. Growth was feeble even before the pandemic struck, but the COVID-19 lockdowns were the last nail in the coffin for the economy. Given that Brazil has not been able to control the spread of the virus – having hit another high in daily new infections last Friday – major cities will be forced to maintain social distancing measures for longer, delaying a recovery in consumer and business confidence. Chart I-2The Level Of Economic Activity In Real And Nominal Terms Table I-1Brazil's Fiscal Package Is The Largest In The Region   While Brazil has deployed the largest COVID-19 fiscal package in the region (Table I-1), its economic recovery will lag behind the majority of EM and DM countries. State-sponsored loans have not been reaching small and micro businesses, which employ over half of the working force. Moreover, informal workers amount to about 20% of the country’s total population, and they also have not been receiving any economic benefits other than a $120 US dollar monthly stipend. Household income growth was subdued during the 2017-2019 recovery. To support their living standards, families were aggressively borrowing before the pandemic (Chart I-3, top panel). Now, with their income contracting and household debt servicing costs above 20% of disposable income, consumer loan defaults will mushroom (Chart I-3, bottom panel). Chart I-4 shows that non-performing loans (NPL) for households are rising as a share of total consumer loans. Chart I-3Household Income, Credit And Debt Service Chart I-4Mushrooming Consumer Delinquencies   The private banks’ NPL provisions are set to surge due to rising defaults. Consumer loans make up 53% of private banks’ non-earmarked (non state-directed) lending. Chart I-5 shows that bank share prices are highly correlated with the annual change in provisions (shown inverted). Hence, the further rise in provisions will continue undermining bank share prices. We published a Special Report on Brazilian banks on March 31 and their outlook remains dismal. Besides, facing high credit risks, private banks have tightened credit standards and loan origination is plummeting, further hurting the economy. The sheer size of the fiscal stimulus and the historic nominal GDP contraction will push the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio well above 100% by end-2020. As discussed in our previous reports,2 and provided local currency interest rates remain above nominal GDP growth, public debt is on an unsustainable trajectory (Chart I-6). Chart I-5Do Not Chase Brazilian Bank Stocks Chart I-6Government Bond Yields Are Well Above Nominal GDP Growth   Chart I-7The Social Security Deficit Is Widening The only way to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio in Brazil is via the central bank conducting substantial quantitative easing, i.e. monetary authorities purchasing local government bonds. This will push local bond yields much lower and over time boost nominal GDP growth. With interest rate on government debt below nominal GDP growth over several years, the condition of public debt sustainability will be achieved. However, this amounts to monetization of public debt and, if carried on a large scale, it will suffocate the exchange rate – the currency would depreciate a lot. Furthermore, the projected BRL 800 billion (11% of GDP) in savings from the infamous pension reform will be impossible to achieve. Chart I-7 shows that the social security deficit has widened since March due to the shortfall in revenues. Given social security revenues are derived from taxes on workers and businesses, this deficit will continue to increase as employment and wages collapse while pension payouts remain fixed. Finally, the political situation is in disarray and a presidential impeachment might be inevitable. President Bolsonaro has become even more radical and is in conflict with various branches of power. Meanwhile, corruption and electoral fraud investigations against him and his allies continue to develop. The key risk to our negative view is as follows: One could argue that investors have lost faith in the Bolsonaro administration and are actually looking forward to his removal from office. Hence, the escalating political crisis culminating in Bolsonaro’s impeachment would be bullish for financial markets. This is a valid perspective given Vice-president Mourão – who has the backing of the army and adheres to a more centrist view on a wide range of issues - would assume the presidency in the case of impeachment. He would maintain orthodox economic policies and cooperate with Congress. This kind of thinking from investors might be taking its cues from the political dynamics and market actions in early 2016, when Brazilian markets bottomed seven months before then President Dilma Rousseff was impeached. Brazil is on track for its worst economic contraction in the past century following the deep recession of 2014-2016. In addition, the long-term political outlook for Brazil might be turning positive. The quite popular ex-Justice Minister Sergio Moro hinted last week that he could run in the 2022 presidential race. While he did not explicitly announce his candidacy, he stated that he wants to “participate” in the public debate by presenting a pro-market and anti-corruption alternative to Bolsonaro. If Moro runs, he will likely win given his enormous popularity. His victory will be accordingly cheered by international and domestic investors as he would run on a platform of structural reforms. Chart I-8The Brazilian Real Is Only Modestly Cheap Nevertheless, in the near term Bolsonaro will try to maintain his grip on power as long as he can. Foreseeing the risk of impeachment, he has strengthened his ties with the big coalition of small centrist parties in Congress. For now, it is not clear if Congress will vote for his removal. Importantly, the more radical and autocratic Bolsonaro becomes in a bid to save his presidency, the higher the odds of Economy Minister Paulo Guedes resigning. This was the case with the Ministers of Health and Justice and the Secretary of the Treasury. The latter was a key figure in drafting economic reforms. If Guedes resigns, it will send shockwaves throughout the nation’s financial markets. Bottom Line: Continue underweighting Brazilian equities and fixed income within their respective EM universes. We took profits on our short BRL/long USD position on June 4th due to tactical considerations. Investors should consider shorting the BRL again. The BRL is somewhat but not very cheap (Chart I-8). Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Ukraine: An Opportunity In Bonds Is Still Present Investors should stay long local currency government bonds and continue overweighting the nation’s sovereign credit within the EM sovereign credit universe. Ukraine is pursuing prudent fiscal policy under the auspices of the IMF. With the government refraining from announcing a large-scale fiscal spending package amid the COVID-19 outbreak, its fiscal overall and primary deficits will widen to 8% and 4% of GDP, respectively. In particular, the increase in healthcare and social spending will be partially offset by both a reduction in discretionary spending and a cap on public wages. Such a conservative policy approach is negative for growth but will result in lower inflation and a stable exchange rate. Critically, a prudent fiscal policy will allow the central bank to cut interest rates. Both headline and core consumer price inflation are well below the lower end of the central bank’s target band (Chart II-1). Nominal wage growth is heading toward zero and will probably deflate by the end of this year (Chart II-2). Falling domestic demand will ensure that any rise in inflation due to currency depreciation will be modest. Chart II-1Inflation Is Undershooting Chart II-2Wage Growth Is Subdued!   As a result of considerable disinflation, real interest rates are still very high. Elevated real rates warrant large interest rate cuts by the central bank. Deflated by core consumer inflation, the real policy rate is 8% and the real lending rate is 12% for companies and over 30% for consumer credit (Chart II-3). A conservative policy approach is negative for growth but will result in lower inflation and a stable exchange rate. High real rates will entice foreign portfolio capital. Chart II-4 demonstrates that foreign investors have reduced their holdings of local bonds from $5.2 billion at the end of 2019 to $3.75 billion currently. Given the very low real rates worldwide, Ukraine is one of few markets offering high real rates with decent macro policies, at least in the medium term. Chart II-3Elevated Real Rates Warrant More Rate Cuts By CB Chart II-4Foreign Inflows Could Resume   With regard to the balance of payments, the recently announced $5 billion IMF loan should help ease short-term funding for the country. The 18-month arrangement will provide the immediate disbursement of $2.1 billion with a second disbursement of $0.7 billion expected by the end of September after the IMF program review. Importantly, plummeting imports and relatively resilient exports will narrow the current account deficit (Chart II-5). Exports should remain supported by food exports, which represents close to 40% of overall exports. Besides, the central bank also carries $25 billion in foreign exchange reserves, which compares with $18 billion in foreign funding requirements for 2020 (Chart II-6). So far, the central bank has refrained from selling foreign exchange reserves but might do so if the currency depreciates significantly. Chart II-5Current Account Will Balance Soon Chart II-6Foreign Funding Requirements Are Covered By FX Reserves   Bottom Line: We continue to recommend holding 5-year local currency government bonds currently yielding 11%. Even though moderate currency depreciation cannot be ruled out, on a total return basis domestic bonds will deliver decent returns to foreign investors in the next 6-12 months.  EM fixed income investors should continue overweighting domestic bonds and sovereign US dollar credit within respective EM portfolios. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     Investors ignore triple crisis and bet on equities 2     Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Countries In-Depth "Brazil: Deflationary Pressures Warrant A Weaker BRL," dated November 28, 2019 available at ems.bcaresearch.com Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Countries In-Depth "Brazil: Just Above "Stall Speed"," dated September 27, 2019 available at ems.bcaresearch.com   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Chart I-1Brazilian Share Prices And Commodity Prices Move In Tandem A FOMO (fear-of-missing-out) mania has pushed equity prices higher around the world. Brazilian stocks, currency and credit markets, likewise, have been staging a rebound. There is evidence that in Brazil equity purchases by local investors have been driving up share prices.1 The absolute performance of Brazilian share prices and the exchange rate trend will likely depend on commodities prices and a global rally in risk assets (Chart I-1). In relative terms, Brazilian financial markets will underperform their EM counterparts because of the following: Brazil is on track for its worst economic contraction in the past century following the deep recession of 2014-2016 (Chart I-2). This is the first nominal GDP contraction in Brazil. Growth was feeble even before the pandemic struck, but the COVID-19 lockdowns were the last nail in the coffin for the economy. Chart I-2The Level Of Economic Activity In Real And Nominal Terms Table I-1Brazil's Fiscal Package Is The Largest In The Region   Given that Brazil has not been able to control the spread of the virus – having hit another high in daily new infections last Friday – major cities will be forced to maintain social distancing measures for longer, delaying a recovery in consumer and business confidence. While Brazil has deployed the largest COVID-19 fiscal package in the region (Table I-1), its economic recovery will lag behind the majority of EM and DM countries. State-sponsored loans have not been reaching small and micro businesses, which employ over half of the working force. Moreover, informal workers amount to about 20% of the country’s total population, and they also have not been receiving any economic benefits other than a $120 US dollar monthly stipend. Household income growth was subdued during the 2017-2019 recovery. To support their living standards, families were aggressively borrowing before the pandemic (Chart I-3, top panel). Now, with their income contracting and household debt servicing costs above 20% of disposable income, consumer loan defaults will mushroom (Chart I-3, bottom panel). Chart I-4 shows that non-performing loans (NPL) for households are rising as a share of total consumer loans. Chart I-3Household Income, Credit And Debt Service Chart I-4Mushrooming Consumer Delinquencies   The private banks’ NPL provisions are set to surge due to rising defaults. Consumer loans make up 53% of private banks’ non-earmarked (non state-directed) lending. Chart I-5 shows that bank share prices are highly correlated with the annual change in provisions (shown inverted). Hence, the further rise in provisions will continue undermining bank share prices. We published a Special Report on Brazilian banks on March 31 and their outlook remains dismal. Besides, facing high credit risks, private banks have tightened credit standards and loan origination is plummeting, further hurting the economy. The sheer size of the fiscal stimulus and the historic nominal GDP contraction will push the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio well above 100% by end-2020. As discussed in our previous reports,2 and provided local currency interest rates remain above nominal GDP growth, public debt is on an unsustainable trajectory (Chart I-6). Chart I-5Do Not Chase Brazilian Bank Stocks Chart I-6Government Bond Yields Are Well Above Nominal GDP Growth   The only way to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio in Brazil is via the central bank conducting substantial quantitative easing, i.e. monetary authorities purchasing local government bonds. This will push local bond yields much lower and over time boost nominal GDP growth. With interest rate on government debt below nominal GDP growth over several years, the condition of public debt sustainability will be achieved. However, this amounts to monetization of public debt and, if carried on a large scale, it will suffocate the exchange rate – the currency would depreciate a lot. Chart I-7The Social Security Deficit Is Widening Furthermore, the projected BRL 800 billion (11% of GDP) in savings from the infamous pension reform will be impossible to achieve. Chart I-7 shows that the social security deficit has widened since March due to the shortfall in revenues. Given social security revenues are derived from taxes on workers and businesses, this deficit will continue to increase as employment and wages collapse while pension payouts remain fixed. Finally, the political situation is in disarray and a presidential impeachment might be inevitable. President Bolsonaro has become even more radical and is in conflict with various branches of power. Meanwhile, corruption and electoral fraud investigations against him and his allies continue to develop. The key risk to our negative view is as follows: One could argue that investors have lost faith in the Bolsonaro administration and are actually looking forward to his removal from office. Hence, the escalating political crisis culminating in Bolsonaro’s impeachment would be bullish for financial markets. This is a valid perspective given Vice-president Mourão – who has the backing of the army and adheres to a more centrist view on a wide range of issues - would assume the presidency in the case of impeachment. He would maintain orthodox economic policies and cooperate with Congress. This kind of thinking from investors might be taking its cues from the political dynamics and market actions in early 2016, when Brazilian markets bottomed seven months before then President Dilma Rousseff was impeached. In addition, the long-term political outlook for Brazil might be turning positive. The quite popular ex-Justice Minister Sergio Moro hinted last week that he could run in the 2022 presidential race. While he did not explicitly announce his candidacy, he stated that he wants to “participate” in the public debate by presenting a pro-market and anti-corruption alternative to Bolsonaro. If Moro runs, he will likely win given his enormous popularity. His victory will be accordingly cheered by international and domestic investors as he would run on a platform of structural reforms. Nevertheless, in the near term Bolsonaro will try to maintain his grip on power as long as he can. Foreseeing the risk of impeachment, he has strengthened his ties with the big coalition of small centrist parties in Congress. For now, it is not clear if Congress will vote for his removal. Chart I-8The Brazilian Real Is Only Modestly Cheap Importantly, the more radical and autocratic Bolsonaro becomes in a bid to save his presidency, the higher the odds of Economy Minister Paulo Guedes resigning. This was the case with the Ministers of Health and Justice and the Secretary of the Treasury. The latter was a key figure in drafting economic reforms. If Guedes resigns, it will send shockwaves throughout the nation’s financial markets. Bottom Line: Continue underweighting Brazilian equities and fixed income within their respective EM universes. We took profits on our short BRL/long USD position on June 4th due to tactical considerations. Investors should consider shorting the BRL again. The BRL is somewhat but not very cheap (Chart I-8). Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1     Investors ignore triple crisis and bet on equities 2     Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Countries In-Depth "Brazil: Deflationary Pressures Warrant A Weaker BRL," dated November 28, 2019 available at ems.bcaresearch.com Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Countries In-Depth "Brazil: Just Above "Stall Speed"," dated September 27, 2019 available at ems.bcaresearch.com

Special Report

Highlights Our COVID Unrest Index reveals that Turkey, the Philippines, Brazil, and South Africa are the major emerging markets most at risk of significant social unrest. China, Russia, Thailand, and Malaysia are the least at risk – in the short run. Stay tactically overweight developed market equities relative to emerging markets. Go tactically short a basket of “EM Strongmen” currencies relative to the EM currency benchmark. Short the rand as well. Feature Chart 1Stimulus-Fueled Markets Ignore Reality With global fiscal stimulus now estimated at 7% of GDP, and central banks in full debt monetization mode, the S&P 500 is at 2940 and rallying toward 3000. It is not only largely ignoring the global pandemic and recession. It is as if the trade war never occurred, China is not shrinking, and WTI crude oil prices have never gone negative (Chart 1). In recent reports we have argued that “geopolitics is the next shoe to drop” – specifically that President Trump’s electoral challenges and the vulnerability of America’s enemies make for a volatile combination. But there are also more mundane geopolitical consequences of the recession that asset allocators must worry about. Such as government change and regime failure. COVID-19 and government lockdowns have exacted a heavy economic toll on households and political systems now face heightened risk of unrest. In many cases emerging market countries were already vulnerable, having witnessed outbreaks of civil unrest in 2019. Fear of contracting the virus, plus various isolation measures, will tend to suppress street movements in the near term. This year’s “May Day” protests will be minor compared to what we will see in coming years. But significant unrest will sprout as the containment measures are relaxed and yet economic problems linger. And bear in mind that the biggest bouts of unrest in the wake of the 2008 crisis did not occur until 2011-13. In this report we introduce our “COVID Unrest Index” for emerging economies, which shows that Turkey, the Philippines, Brazil, and South Africa face substantial unrest that can trigger or follow upon market riots. Introducing The COVID Unrest Index At any point in time, social and political instability depends on economic conditions such as unemployment and inflation, structural problems such as inequality, and governance issues such as corruption. In the post-COVID recessionary environment, additional factors such as health care capacity also carry weight. To identify markets that are most likely to face unrest, we created a COVID Unrest Index (Table 1). The overall ranking is determined by five factors: Table 1Our COVID-19 Social Unrest Index Initial Economic Conditions: A proxy for economic policy’s ability to respond to the crisis. This factor includes the fiscal balance and sovereign debt – which determine "fiscal space" – as well as the current account balance, public foreign currency debt as a percent of GDP, foreign debt obligations as a percent of exports, and foreign funding requirements as a percent of foreign currency reserves. Health Capacity And Vulnerability: A proxy for both a population’s vulnerability to COVID and its health care capabilities. Vulnerability to the pandemic is captured by COVID-19 deaths per million, share of the population over the age of 65, and likelihood of dying from an infectious disease. Health infrastructure is measured by life expectancy at age 60 and health expenditure per capita. Economic Vulnerability To Pandemic: A proxy for the magnitude of the COVID-specific shock to the individual economy. This factor takes into account a country’s dependence on revenue from tourism and its dependence on inflows from remittances. Household Grievances: A proxy for economic hardship faced by households, captured by the GINI index, which measures income inequality, and the “misery index,” which consists of the sum of inflation and unemployment. Governance: A proxy the captures the quality of governance from the World Bank’s World Governance Indicators – specifically the ability to participate in selecting government, likelihood of political instability or politically-motivated violence, and perceptions of corruption. The country ranking for the COVID Unrest Index is constructed by first standardizing the variables, then transforming them such that higher readings are associated with more favorable conditions. Finally, the five factors are averaged for each country to produce individual scores. Turkey: A Shambles On Europe’s Doorstep Turkey is the most likely to face mass discontent in the near future. It has all the ingredients for unrest: poor standing across all factors and the weakest governance score. From an economic standpoint, its foreign currency reserves are critically low while its foreign debt obligations are relatively elevated (Chart 2). This spells trouble for the lira, which will only further add to the grievances of households already burdened by a high misery index. Chart 2AEmerging Markets Face Debt Troubles Even With The Fed’s Help Chart 2BEmerging Markets Face Debt Troubles Even With The Fed’s Help President Erdogan has rejected suggestions of aid from the IMF. Fearing a revival of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), especially in the wake of his party’s losses in the 2019 municipal elections, he has banned cities that are run by the CHP from raising funds toward virus response efforts. This right is reserved only for cities run by his Justice and Development Party (AKP). Given that Erdogan does not face reelection until 2023, the move to suppress the opposition reflects general weakness and portends a long period of suppression and political conflict. Erdogan’s handling of the outbreak has also seen its share of failures. While he has opted for only a partial lockdown, a 48-hour full lockdown was announced on April 10 only hours in advance, resulting in crowds of people rushing to purchase necessities. Interior minister Suleyman Soylu tried to resign, but was prevented by Erdogan, breeding speculation about Soylu’s motives. Soylu may have sought to distance himself from the president’s handling of the crisis to preserve his image as a potential successor to the president, rivaling Erdogan’s son-in-law, Finance Minister Berat Albayrak. The point is that Erdogan is already facing greater political competition. Former ally and minister of foreign affairs and economy Ali Babacan recently launched a new party, the Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA). He has criticized the government’s stimulus package and decision to hold back on requesting IMF aid. Erdogan is also challenged by his former prime minister Ahmet Davutoglu, who broke away from the AKP to form his own Future Party late last year. The obvious risk to Erdogan is that these opposition groups create a viable political alternative that voters can flock to – and they could form a united front amid national economic collapse. Brazil and South Africa have large twin deficits. Erdogan’s response, repeatedly, has been to harden his stance and double down on populist and unorthodox policies. These have not helped his popular standing, as we have chronicled over the past several years. At home his policies are generating excessive money supply and a large budget deficit (Chart 3). Abroad he has gotten the military more deeply involved in Syria, Libya, and maritime conflicts. The result is stagflation with the potential for negative political surprises both at home and abroad. Chart 3Twin Deficits Flash Red For Emerging Markets Chart 4Turkish Political Risk Has Room To Rise Our GeoRisk Indicator for Turkey shows that risks are rising as the lira falls relative to its underlying economic fundamentals (Chart 4). But it will fall further from here. Positive signs would be accepting IMF aid, cutting off the foreign adventures, selling off government assets, and restoring fiscal and monetary orthodoxy. But it is just as likely that Erdogan resorts to even more desperate moves, including a greater confrontation with Greece and Europe by encouraging more refugee flow-through into Europe. Erdogan has always been more popular than his Justice and Development Party, but after ruling since 2003, and now facing a nationwide crisis, his rule is increasingly in jeopardy. His scramble to survive the election in 2023 will be all the more dangerous to governance. Bottom Line: We booked gains on our short lira trade earlier this year but the fundamental case for the short remains intact, so we include it in our short “EM Strongmen” currency basket discussed at the end of this report. The Philippines: Yes, Governance Matters The Philippines is next at risk of instability. It is particularly vulnerable to a pandemic recession due to its dependence on remittance inflows and tourism for foreign currency (Chart 5) as well as its poor health infrastructure (Chart 6). While it is not in a vulnerable position in terms of foreign currency obligations, its double deficit (see Chart 3) means that significant stimulus will come at the expense of the currency. Chart 5Pandemics Hurt Tourism, Recessions Hurt Remittances Chart 6AEmerging Markets Face COVID-19 Without Developed Market Health Systems Chart 6BEmerging Markets Face COVID-19 Without Developed Market Health Systems President Rodrigo Duterte remains extremely popular even though the Philippines is suffering one of the worst outbreaks in Asia. Socioeconomic Planning Secretary Ernesto Pernia has resigned from his post due to disagreement over containment measures. Pernia’s vision of a partial lockdown contrasted with Duterte’s militarized containment approach – which includes the granting of extraordinary emergency powers.1 Meanwhile the lockdowns imposed on the capital and southern Luzon provinces will remain in place until at least May 15 after which Duterte indicated it will be gradually lifted. While Duterte will in all likelihood remain in power until the end of his term in 2022, he is using his popularity to secure a preferred successor. He is less capable of getting through a constitutional amendment that extends presidential term limits – he has the votes in Congress, but a popular referendum is not a sure bet given the economic crisis. He is widely believed to be grooming his daughter Sara or former aide Senator Bong Go for the presidential post, with speculation that he may run as vice president on the same ticket. Turkey and the Philippines have poor governance, putting them alongside international rogue states. Any hit to his popularity that upends his succession plan poses existential risks to Duterte as he has racked up many influential enemies and could face criminal charges if an opposing administration succeeds him. This risk will likely induce him to tighten control further in an attempt to maintain order and crack down on dissent. Autocratic moves will weigh on the Philippines’ governance score which is already among the poorest in our pool of emerging countries (Chart 7). Chart 7Governance Matters For Investors Over The Long Run Chart 8Duterte Signaled Top In Philippine Equity Outperformance Does governance matter? Yes, at least in the case of strongmen in regimes with weak institutions. Look at Philippine equities relative to emerging market equities since Duterte first rose onto the scene, prompting us to go short (Chart 8). Duterte obliterated the country’s current account surplus just as we expected and its currency has suffered as a result. For now, the Philippines’ misery index is not yet at a level that strongly implies widespread unrest (Chart 9), but the general context does, especially if constitutional maneuvers backfire. At 4% of GDP, the proposed COVID-19 stimulus package comes on top of the fact that Duterte’s “build, build, build” infrastructure plan already required massive fiscal spending. But the weak currency and higher unemployment will increase the misery index and chip away at the president’s popularity. If the people turn against Duterte, they will remove him in a “people power” movement, as with previous leaders. Chart 9Inequality, Unemployment, And Inflation Are A Deadly Brew The Philippines is also highly vulnerable to the emerging cold war between the US and China. Administrations are now flagrantly aligned with one great power or the other. This means that foreign meddling should be expected. Duterte could get Chinese assistance, which erodes Philippine sovereignty and its security alliance with the United States, or he could eventually suffer from anti-Chinese sentiment, which invites Chinese pressure tactics. Either course will inject a risk premium over the long run. The US is popular in the Philippines, especially with the military, and overt Chinese sponsorship will eventually trigger a backlash. Bottom Line: The lack of legislative or popular constraints on Duterte makes it more likely that he will undertake autocratic moves to stay in power – economic orthodoxy will suffer as a result. The Philippines will also see a sharp increase in policy uncertainty directly as a consequence of the secular rise in US-China tensions in the coming months and years. Brazil: Will Bolsonaro Become A Kamikaze Reformer? Chart 10Bolsonaro’s Handling Of Pandemic Gets Panned In Brazil, President Jair Bolsonaro’s “economy first” approach and dismissal of the pandemic as a “little flu” has not improved his popularity (Chart 10). His approval rating is languishing in the 30% range, lower than all modern presidents save the interim government of Michel Temer in the previous episode of the country’s ongoing national political crisis. The pandemic, and Bolsonaro’s response, have fractured his cabinet and precipitated a new episode in the crisis. The clash between the president and the country’s state governors and national health officials, who enjoy popular support, has led to the dismissal of Health Minister Luiz Henrique Mandetta and the resignation of the popular Justice Minister Sergio Moro. We have highlighted Moro as a linchpin of Bolsonaro’s anti-corruption credibility and hence one of the three pillars of his political capital. This pillar is now cracking, making Bolsonaro’s administration less capable going forward. Bolsonaro’s firing of the head of the federal police, Mauricio Valeixo, the catalyst for Moro’s resignation, has led to a Supreme Court authorization for an investigation into whether Valeixo’s dismissal can be attributed to corruption or obstruction of justice. A guilty verdict could force Congress to take up impeachment, an issue on which Brazilians are split. Earlier this week the president was forced to withdraw the appointment of Alexandre Ramagem – a Bolsonaro family friend – as the new head of the federal police after a minister of the supreme federal court blocked the appointment due to his close personal relationship with the president. Brazil’s structural reform and fiscal discipline are on the backburner given the need for massive emergency spending to shore up GDP growth. Reforms are giving way to the “Pro-Brazil Plan,” which seeks to restore the economy through investments in infrastructure. The absence of the economy minister, Paulo Guedes, from the unveiling of this plan has led to speculation over Guedes’ future. Guedes is the key reformer in Bolsonaro’s cabinet and as important for the administration’s economic credibility as Moro was for its anti-corruption credibility. Brazil’s macro context is egregious. Its large public debt load – mostly denominated in local currency – raises the odds that the central bank will monetize the debt at the expense of the exchange rate, which has already weakened since the beginning of the year. Moreover, Brazil’s ability to pay near term debt service obligations is in a precarious position as the pullback in export revenues will weigh on its ability to service debt (see Chart 2). Our Emerging Markets Strategy estimates that Brazil is spending 16% of GDP on fiscal measures that will push gross public debt-to-GDP ratio well above 100% by the end of 2020 (Chart 11). Chart 11Highly Indebted Emerging Markets Have Limited Fiscal Room For Maneuver Given that Brazil already suffers from a relatively elevated misery index (see Chart 9), these macro challenges will translate into greater pain for Brazilian households and hence a political backlash down the road. The three pillars of Bolsonaro’s political capital have cracked: order, anti-corruption, and structural reform. The hope for investors interested in Brazil now rests on Bolsonaro becoming a kamikaze reformer. That is, after the immediate crisis subsides, his low popularity may force him to try painful structural reforms that no leader with political aspirations would attempt. So far he is taking the populist route of short-term measures to try to stay in power. Chart 12Bolsonaro's Meltdown Portends Melt-Up In Brazilian Political Risk Another sign of worsening governance is that military influence in civilian politics is partially reviving. This element of the country’s recent political turmoil has flown under the radar but will become more prominent if the administration falls apart and the only officials with sufficient credibility to fill the vacuum are military officials such as Vice President Hamilton Mourão. Financial markets may force leaders to make tough decisions to stave off a debt crisis, but risk assets will sell in the meantime as the lid on the country’s political risk has blown off and currency depreciation is the most readiest way to boost nominal GDP growth. Our political risk gauge will continue spiking – this reflects currency weakness relative to fundamentals (Chart 12). Bottom Line: Last fall we argued that Brazil was “just above stall speed” and that we would give the Bolsonaro administration the benefit of the doubt if it maintained three pillars of political capital: civil order, corruption crackdown, and structural reform. All three are collapsing amid the current crisis. As yet there is no sign that Bolsonaro is taking the “kamikaze reform” approach – that may be a positive catalyst but would require his administration to break down further. South Africa: Quantitative Easing Comes To EM South Africa faces an 8%-10% contraction in growth for 2020 and President Cyril Ramaphosa has overseen a large monetary and fiscal stimulus. The South African Reserve Bank has committed to quantitative easing in a bid to boost liquidity in the local financial market. South Africa’s highly leveraged households and those who mostly participate in the formal economy will find relief in lower debt-servicing costs and better access to credit. However, the large informal economy, and the rising number of unemployed, will not reap the same benefit from accommodative measures. This last group will benefit more from fiscal policy measures, such as social grants to low-income households. Ramaphosa recently announced a fiscal spending package totaling R500 billion, or 10% of GDP. Social grants to the poor and unemployed are all set to increase, which should help reduce the economic burden low-income households will face over the short term. The problem is that South Africa is extremely vulnerable to this crisis. Well before COVID the country suffered from low growth, persistently high unemployment, rising debt levels, and an increasing cost of social grants. The pandemic has increased dependency on these grants. South Africa is the most unequal society in the world (Chart 9 above) and runs large twin deficits on its fiscal and current accounts (see Chart 3). As the government’s financing needs rise, its ability to keep providing to low-income households will diminish. Yet the ruling African National Congress (ANC) is required to keep up social payments to stave off discontent and maintain its voter base – which consists of poor, mostly rural voters. The ANC must decide whether to implement stricter austerity measures after the immediate crisis to contain the fiscal fallout, which will bring unrest forward, or continue on an unsustainable path and face a market revolt. The latter option is clear from the decision to embrace quantitative easing, which further undermines the currency. Political pressure is mostly stemming from the left-wing – the Economic Freedom Fighters – which prevents Ramaphosa from taking a hard line on economic and fiscal policy. Bottom Line: There have been isolated protests across the country against the government’s draconian lockdown, and social grievances have the potential to boil over in the coming years given the long rule of the ANC and the country’s dire economic straits. Investment Implications It is too soon to buy into risky emerging market assets at a time when a deep recession is spreading across the world, extreme uncertainty persists over the COVID-19 pandemic, and the political and geopolitical fallout is transparently negative for major emerging markets. Remain overweight developed market equities relative to emerging market equities, at least over a tactical (three-to-six month) time horizon. Emerging market losers are countries with poor macro fundamentals, weak health care systems, specific competitive disadvantages during a global pandemic, high levels of inflation and unemployment, and ineffective social and political institutions. Turkey, the Philippines, and Brazil rank high on our list both because of their problems and because they are major markets. Chart 13Short Our 'EM Strongman' Currency Basket Not coincidentally these countries each have “strongman” leaders who have pursued unorthodox polices and ridden roughshod over institutional checks and balances. In each case, the leader is doubling down on populism while exacerbating structural weaknesses that already existed. Apparently greater financial punishment is necessary before policies are adjusted and buying opportunities emerge. Thus we recommend investors short our “EM Strongman Basket” consisting of the Turkish lira, the Brazilian real, and the Philippine peso, relative to the EM currency benchmark, over a tactical horizon. These currencies outperformed the EM benchmark until 2016 when they began to underperform – a trend that looks to continue (Chart 13). These leaders could get away with a lot more during a global bull market than during a bear market. It will take time for Chinese and global growth to revive this year. And their policies suggest bad news will precede good news. We would also recommend tactically shorting the South African rand on the same basis. While Russia, China, and Thailand also have strongman leaders, their countries have much better fundamentals, as our COVID Unrest Index shows. However, we do not have a bright outlook for these countries’ political stability over the long run. Russia, like all oil producers, stands to suffer in this crisis, despite its positive score on our index. In a previous report, “Drowning In Oil,” we highlighted how the petro-states face serious risks of government change, regime failure, and international conflict. This is clear with Iran and Venezuela in the above charts, and also includes Iraq, Algeria, Angola, and Nigeria. Our preferred emerging markets – from the point of view of political risk as well as macro fundamentals – are Thailand, Malaysia, South Korea, and Mexico. We warn against Taiwan due to geopolitical risk, although its fundamentals are positive. We are generally constructive on India, but it is susceptible to unrest, which we will assess in future reports. Roukaya Ibrahim Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy roukayai@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 On April 16, Duterte ordered quarantine violators be arrested without warning. According to the UN, over one hundred thousand people have been arrested for violating curfew orders. The Philippines along with China, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and El Salvador were singled out by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights are using unnecessary force to enforce the lockdowns and committing human rights violations in the veil of coronavirus restrictions. Duterte’s greenlight on a “shoot to kill” order against those participating in protests in violation of lockdown followed small-scale demonstrations in protest of Duterte’s handling of COVID-19.

We believe risks to Brazilian assets remain to the downside. Chart III-1Brazil: Recurring Crises Political infighting among various branches of power and state institutions will depress consumer and business confidence, lengthening the recession (Chart III-1). Political turmoil also reduces the probability of structural reforms. This combined with a delayed economic recovery will further strain the already precarious public debt dynamics.  First, the country is in a full-blown political crisis. The Supreme Court's decision to reject Bolsonaro's nomination for Director of the Federal Police manifests broad-based political infighting among Brazilian institutions. Further, the Supreme Court has started an investigation into the President as calls for impeachment intensify among both the public and the Congress. The rift between President Bolsonaro and Congressional President Maia is especially worrisome. Given Maia’s future political ambitions, we do not expect a truce between the two. On the contrary, they will continue to stand off in order to assert control over the fragmented Congress. As a result, structural reforms such as the national tax program and privatizations will be delayed. Second, Bolsonaro’s popularity is also plunging due to his slow and controversial response to the COVID-19 outbreak. This week, Bolsonaro’s disapproval ratings jumped above those of former president Lula da Silva, and public support for impeachment is now over 54%. Third, Congress has allowed the government to go over the limit of fiscal spending this year, which has resulted in almost 1.2 trillion reais in emergency fiscal spending, or about 16% of GDP. This will push the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio to well above 100% by the end of 2020. Chart III-2This Large Gap Makes Public Debt Dynamics Untenable In order to stabilize its public debt-to-GDP ratio, a government’s borrowing costs should be below nominal GDP growth. Brazil fails to meet this condition. Local currency interest rates at 5.5% are well above nominal GDP growth, which will likely be negative in 2020 (Chart III-2). This assures unsustainable debt dynamics. Finally, in terms of monetary policy, the central bank’s policy rate cuts have not been efficiently transmitted to the real economy, as discussed in our March 31st Special Report. Borrowing costs for companies and households remain elevated relative to their nominal income growth. Overall, the sole feasible way for Brazil to stabilize its public debt-to-GDP ratio is to push nominal GDP growth above interest rates. Further, this is only possible with falling interest rates and further material currency depreciation. The continued currency devaluation represents a risk to foreign investors holding local assets. Investment Recommendations Continue to underweight Brazil within EM equity and credit portfolios. We reiterate our trade to short the BRL versus the US dollar. Even though the BRL is moderately cheap (Chart III-3), there is still considerable downward pressure on the currency. The BRL is tightly correlated with commodities prices (Chart III-4). Until these do not bottom out, the real will continue depreciating. Critically, the real needs to depreciate to lift nominal GDP growth above borrowing costs. The latter is essential to stabilize public debt dynamics. Chart III-3The BRL Is Only Modestly Cheap Chart III-4The BRL Correlates With Commodities Prices   Finally, we are underweight both local currency and US$ denominated bonds in Brazil due to worrisome public debt dynamics and high foreign currency stress.   Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com ​​​​​​​

Analyses on Chinese autos and Brazil are available below. Highlights The Fed’s aggressive monetization of public and some private debt has inspired investors to allocate cash to risk assets However, a number of cyclical indicators continue to flash red or amber, suggesting this rally is not about a cyclical economic recovery.  Continue underweighting EM equities and credit markets versus their DM counterparts. We will wait for a correction to assess whether to maintain or close our shorts on EM currencies. Feature Neither the ongoing plunge in corporate profits nor a great deal of uncertainty about the economic outlook justify this rally. It seems the sole driver of the rally from March’s lows has been the Federal Reserve’s enormous purchases of various securities. These unprecedented actions are crowding out investors into riskier parts of fixed-income markets and persuading them to purchase equities. Neither the ongoing plunge in corporate profits nor a great deal of uncertainty about the economic outlook justify this rally. It Has Not Been About Profits And Valuations In the past two months, the S&P 500 index has experienced not only the fastest and steepest crash on record, but also the speediest rebound (Chart I-1). Investors have had to make swift investment decisions amid extremely low economic visibility. Chart I-1The S&P 500: The Fastest Crash And Speediest Recovery Indeed, it is fair to say that during the mayhem and carnage many investors operated on a “sell now, think later” principle, and on the subsequent rebound with a “buy now, ask questions later” framework. Remarkably, the plunge and subsequent recovery in global share prices has been so rapid that even equity analysts’ forward earnings estimates cannot keep up. The top panel of Chart I-2 illustrates that the global forward EPS usually tracks the world equity index. When share prices rally, analysts upgrade their earning expectations; when equities sell off, analysts’ downgrade their earnings outlooks. In the past month, analysts have continued to slash forward EPS estimates despite the strong equity rebound. As a result, the 12-month forward P/E ratio for global stocks is back to its post-2008 highs (Chart I-2, bottom panel). Chart I-2Rising Share Prices Amid Collapsing Forward Earnings Chart I-3China: A Decoupling Between Economy And Equities Elsewhere, Chart I-3 illustrates China’s domestic orders for 5000 industrial enterprises historically correlated with the Shanghai Composite equity index. Since early this year, domestic orders have plummeted due to the country-wide lockdown. Yet equity prices in China have not fallen enough to reflect the downfall in economic activity and corporate profits. This underscores that investors’ purchases of global and Chinese stocks in the past month have been driven by factors other than the corporate profit outlook.   This leaves two rationales for justifying roaring equity purchases in recent weeks: (1) liquidity overflows due to central banks’ balance sheet expansion, and (2) valuations. We examine the first argument in this report and will revisit the topic of equity valuations in forthcoming publications. In a nutshell, although equity valuations may be cheap in EM, Europe and Japan, they are expensive in the US. Nevertheless, the US stock market has been substantially outperforming EM and DM ex-US equities. Further, the most expensive stocks in the US – FAANGM – have by far outperformed the rest. Chart I-4China: A Decoupling Between New And Old Economy Stocks In China, the ChiNext index – a Nasdaq proxy of the onshore market – has massively outperformed the Shanghai Composite index, which is dominated by “old” economy stocks (Chart I-4). The trailing P/E ratios on the ChiNext and Shanghai Composite indexes are 62 and 14, respectively. In short, the fact that most expensive equity segments/sectors have outperformed suggests that cheap valuation have not been the key driver of this rally. Bottom Line: Neither profits nor considerations of equity valuations have been the driving factor behind the recent equity rally.  The Sole Driver Of This Rally The Fed’s aggressive monetization of public and some private debt has inspired investors to allocate cash to risk assets. The US broad money supply is surging at a record pace, both in nominal and real terms (Chart I-5). Is there too much money relative to the size of financial assets? Chart I-5US Broad Money Supply Is Booming Today we explore how the level of US broad money supply (M2) relates to the market cap of all bonds and stocks denominated in US dollars. US broad money (M2) supply encompasses all deposits and cash of residents and non-residents in and outside the US. Chart I-6 exhibits the ratio of US broad money supply (M2) relative to the sum of: Chart I-6The US: Broad Money Supply Relative To Equity And Bond Market Capitalization the US equity market capitalisation (the Wilshire 5000); the market cap values of all US-dollar bonds, including government, corporate, mortgage-backed securities, asset-backed securities and commercial mortgage backed securities (the Bloomberg Barclays US Aggregate Index); the market cap value of US dollar-denominated bonds issued by EM governments and corporations; minus the Fed’s and US commercial banks’ holdings of all types of securities. The higher this ratio is, the more US dollar deposits (liquidity) is available per one dollar of outstanding securities – excluding those held by the Fed and US commercial banks. Based on the past 25 years, the US M2-to-market value of securities ratio is somewhat elevated. This means liquidity is relatively abundant. However, this may not preclude the ratio from drifting higher like it did in 2008. This scenario would be consistent with a renewed selloff in equity and credit markets. Interestingly, back in January, the ratio was almost at a 20-year low – i.e., money supply (liquidity) was tight relative to the market value of outstanding US dollar-denominated securities. This was contrary to the prevalent perception in the global investment community that in 2019 the advances in share prices and credit markets were liquidity-driven. We discussed what constitutes pertinent liquidity for financial assets in our January 16 report titled, A Primer On Liquidity. The key takeaways of the report were: Money supply – not central bank assets – is the ultimate liquidity available to economic agents to purchase goods and services as well as invest in both real and financial assets. Changes in the velocity of money are as important as those in money supply. Yet forecasting changes in the velocity of money is a near-impossible task, as it entails foreseeing the behavior of economic agents. A large and expanding stock of money in and of itself does not guarantee greater liquidity for asset markets. Gauging liquidity flows to asset markets boils down to predicting investor behavior. Liquidity flows into financial assets when “animal spirits” among investors improve, and vice versa. Bottom Line: Even though the US money supply is expanding at a record pace, the key to financial asset price fluctuations is willingness among investors to purchase those assets. In turn, willingness to allocate cash to securities is generally driven by (1) the potential income and cash flow generation by securities issuers; (2) uncertainty related to future income (the risk premium); and (3) the opportunity cost of holding cash. Presently, the opportunity cost of holding cash is the sole reason to buy risky securities. Cash flow/income generation is currently impaired for the majority of equities and credit instruments. Further, there is a great deal of uncertainty about issuers’ ability to generate cash/income for investors – i.e., the required risk premium should be very high. All of these circumstances make the risk-reward profile of this rally poor. Reasons To Fade This Rally There are several market-based indicators that do not corroborate a further run-up in EM and DM equity prices. Our Risk-On / Safe-Haven Currency Ratio has struggled to gain traction (Chart I-7, top panel). It is not confirming the rebound in EM share prices. It is essential to emphasize that this indicator is agnostic to the direction of the US dollar, as it is calculated as the ratio of cyclical commodities currencies (AUD, NZD, CAD, ZAR, BRL, MXN, CLP, RUB, and IDR) versus safe-haven currencies such as the Swiss franc and Japanese yen on a total-return basis – i.e., all exchange rates include the cost of carry. Chart I-7Various Reflation Indicators Have Been Slugish Our Reflation Confirming Indicator has not been sending a strong bullish reflation signal either (Chart I-7, bottom panel). This indicator is composed of an equally-weighted average of industrial metals, platinum and US lumber prices. The Global Cyclical-to-Defensive Equity Sectors Ratio has formed a classic head-and-shoulders pattern, and has broken down (Chart I-8, top panel). The latest rebound has not altered this pattern. Therefore, the path of least resistance for this ratio is still down, which entails underperformance of the global cyclical equity sector versus global defensives. The latter often occurs in selloffs. Similarly, the relative performance of Swedish versus Swiss non-financial stocks has failed to rebound, having experienced a major breakdown in March (Chart I-8, bottom panel). Swedish non-financial stocks are much more cyclical than Swiss ones. Finally, the global business cycle is experiencing its deepest recession in the post-World War II period, with the pace and nature of the recovery remaining highly uncertain. Chart I-9 portends global EPS in SDR, which is the proper measure given the greenback’s weight in SDR is 58%, the euro’s 39%, the yen’s 11%, and the yuan’s 1%. Chart I-8Global Cyclical Stocks Have Not Outperformed Chart I-9Global Corporate EPS In Perspective Global EPS shrank by 28% in 2001-2002 and by 40% in the 2008 recession. Given the current recession will be deeper, global EPS will likely shrink by about 50%. We do not think equity markets are discounting such a dire outcome after the recent rally. Bottom Line: A number of cyclical indicators continue to flash red or amber, suggesting this rally is not about a cyclical economic recovery.     Investment Strategy We closed our short position in EM equities on March 19, and on the March 26 report we argued that it was too late to sell but still too early to buy. Given the rally in global equities is overstretched from a short-term perspective, we will wait for a correction to assess whether to maintain or close our shorts on EM currencies. Chart I-10EM Currencies And S&P 500 That said, we maintained our underweights in both EM stocks and credit versus their DM peers. Also, we have continued to short EM currencies versus the US dollar. Chart I-10 demonstrates that EM currencies have failed to rally despite the strong rebound in the S&P 500.   Given the rally in global equities is overstretched from a short-term perspective, we will wait for a correction to assess whether to maintain or close our shorts on EM currencies. For dedicated EM equity managers, our recommended overweights are Korea, Thailand, Vietnam, Russia, central Europe, Mexico and Peru. Our underweights are Brazil, South Africa, Turkey, Indonesia, India and the Philippines. We are neutral on other bourses. Last week we published two reports for fixed-income investors: EM: Foreign Currency Debt Strains and EM Domestic Bonds And Currencies. In the first report we assessed individual EM countries' vulnerabilities to foreign debt and discussed strategies for EM sovereign and corporate credits. In the second report, we upgraded our stance on EM local markets from underweight to neutral. Before upgrading to a bullish stance, we would first need to upgrade our stance on EM currencies.   Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Chinese Auto Sales: Disappointments Ahead Chinese automobile sales plunged 42% year-on-year over the first quarter of this year, due to the Covid-19 lockdowns (Chart II-1). We still expect auto sales in China to be flat or very mildly negative year-on-year over the period of April-December of this year. First, official data shows the growth rate for nominal disposable income was falling toward zero, but realistically it was probably negative in the first quarter (Chart II-2, top panel). Very sluggish household income growth – in combination with the still-elevated uncertainty of the job market (Chart II-2, bottom panel) – will restrain Chinese auto demand. Chart II-1Auto Sales In China: A Rate Of Change Recovery Ahead Chart II-2Sluggish Household Income Growth Will Constrain Chinese Auto Demand While household income growth will recover from current level later this year, it will likely remain much lower than the previous years’ 8-9% growth. Second, Chinese households are already quite leveraged. Their debt levels reached over 94% of annual disposable income, almost as high as in the US (Chart II-3). Third, peer-to-peer lending – an important source of auto loans in recent years – has shrunk considerably and is unlikely to pick up this year (Chart II-4). Chart II-3Chinese Household Debt Burden Is High Chart II-4Auto Financing Has Become More Scarce Bank lending rates for household consumption loans and peer-to-peer lending rates are currently about 5% and 10%, respectively. Such borrowing costs are restrictive given the tame growth of household income. Finally, the stimulus packages intended to boost automobile demand this year are no greater than they were last year. This entails that the net stimulus is close to zero. The focus of this year’s stimulus remains on the demand for new energy vehicles (NEV), which is in line with the central government’s strategic goal. Given that NEVs account for only 5% of auto sales, any boost to NEV demand is unlikely to make a huge difference in aggregate auto sales.  Another boost to auto sales is the relaxation of license controls in the first-tier cities. The extent of these measures is so far considerably smaller than it was last year. About 60,0001 additional new license plates have so far been added, accounting for only 0.2% of Chinese auto sales. This number was 180,000 last year.2  This year local governments in 16 cities announced cash subsidies for auto buyers.3 Despite larger geographic coverage, the amount of cash subsidies is similar to what it was last year – at about 3% of the retail price. This is too small to make any meaningful impact on auto sales. Investment Implications The lack of considerable new stimulus for auto purchases and lower household income growth will make the recovery in passenger car sales halting and hesitant. The lack of considerable new stimulus for auto purchases and lower household income growth will make the recovery in passenger car sales halting and hesitant. Chinese auto stock prices in the domestic A-share market are breaking down (Chart II-5). Lingering demand contraction as well as possible price cuts will further curtail auto producers’ profits. Disappointing Chinese auto sales will lead to sluggish auto production and, consequently, to weak demand for metals like steel, aluminum and zinc. Chinese auto exports will outpace its imports (Chart II-6). As China accounts for about 30% of global auto sales and production, rising net exports of automobiles from China may diminish other global producers’ margins. Chart II-5Avoid Chinese Auto Stocks For Now Chart II-6Rising Chinese Auto Net Exports Are Negative To Other Global Auto Producers   Ellen JingYuan He Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com   Brazil: Not Out Of The Woods Yet We believe risks to Brazilian assets remain to the downside. Political infighting among various branches of power and state institutions will depress consumer and business confidence, lengthening the recession. Chart III-1Brazil: Recurring Crises Political infighting among various branches of power and state institutions will depress consumer and business confidence, lengthening the recession (Chart III-1). Political turmoil also reduces the probability of structural reforms. This combined with a delayed economic recovery will further strain the already precarious public debt dynamics.  First, the country is in a full-blown political crisis. The Supreme Court's decision to reject Bolsonaro's nomination for Director of the Federal Police manifests broad-based political infighting among Brazilian institutions. Further, the Supreme Court has started an investigation into the President as calls for impeachment intensify among both the public and the Congress. The rift between President Bolsonaro and Congressional President Maia is especially worrisome. Given Maia’s future political ambitions, we do not expect a truce between the two. On the contrary, they will continue to stand off in order to assert control over the fragmented Congress. As a result, structural reforms such as the national tax program and privatizations will be delayed. Second, Bolsonaro’s popularity is also plunging due to his slow and controversial response to the COVID-19 outbreak. This week, Bolsonaro’s disapproval ratings jumped above those of former president Lula da Silva, and public support for impeachment is now over 54%. Third, Congress has allowed the government to go over the limit of fiscal spending this year, which has resulted in almost 1.2 trillion reais in emergency fiscal spending, or about 16% of GDP. This will push the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio to well above 100% by the end of 2020. Chart III-2This Large Gap Makes Public Debt Dynamics Untenable In order to stabilize its public debt-to-GDP ratio, a government’s borrowing costs should be below nominal GDP growth. Brazil fails to meet this condition. Local currency interest rates at 5.5% are well above nominal GDP growth, which will likely be negative in 2020 (Chart III-2). This assures unsustainable debt dynamics. Finally, in terms of monetary policy, the central bank’s policy rate cuts have not been efficiently transmitted to the real economy, as discussed in our March 31st Special Report. Borrowing costs for companies and households remain elevated relative to their nominal income growth. Overall, the sole feasible way for Brazil to stabilize its public debt-to-GDP ratio is to push nominal GDP growth above interest rates. Further, this is only possible with falling interest rates and further material currency depreciation. The continued currency devaluation represents a risk to foreign investors holding local assets. Investment Recommendations Continue to underweight Brazil within EM equity and credit portfolios. We reiterate our trade to short the BRL versus the US dollar. Even though the BRL is moderately cheap (Chart III-3), there is still considerable downward pressure on the currency. The BRL is tightly correlated with commodities prices (Chart III-4). Until these do not bottom out, the real will continue depreciating. Critically, the real needs to depreciate to lift nominal GDP growth above borrowing costs. The latter is essential to stabilize public debt dynamics. Chart III-3The BRL Is Only Modestly Cheap Chart III-4The BRL Correlates With Commodities Prices Finally, we are underweight both local currency and US$ denominated bonds in Brazil due to worrisome public debt dynamics and high foreign currency stress.   Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1    Shanghai announced to add 40,000 new license plates this year while Hangzhou increased 20,000 new license plates. 2   There were 100,000 additional license plates approved by Guangzhou province and an additional 80,000 by Shenzhen in 2019. 3   The cash subsidies are about RMB1000-3000 for buying regular cars, RMB3000-5000 for car replacement (e.g., scrapping their autos with Emission Standard 3 and buying autos with new Emission Standard 6), and RMB5000-10,000 for NEV purchases. Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations