Brazil
Highlights China and Brazil are two extremes in regard to investment and savings - the former saves and invests a lot, the latter very little. The key difference between Brazil and China is neither the existing amount of deposits nor their propensity to save. Rather, it is their real economies' capacity to produce goods and services. Regardless of how capital expenditures are financed, when inputs for capital spending are procured domestically it is recorded as national "savings," but when they are imported there is no change in the level of national "savings." In China, policymakers are currently being forced to walk a very thin line between inflation and deflation. Brazilian consumers do not need to save more for companies to get financing for their investments. Instead, businesses - along with facilitation from the government - should build the supply side. Banks can finance the latter by originating loans "out of thin air." However, the natural consequence of this adjustment in Brazil will be considerable currency deprecation. Feature The Fallacy This is the fifth report in our series on money, credit, savings and investment. Its objective is to show that financing of investments is not constrained by national and foreign savings. This report argues against a postulate in mainstream economic literature which holds that in order to invest, nations with low savings rates need to either reduce consumption and boost national savings or to borrow foreign savings. Some examples of this economic thesis can be seen here: As Lindner neatly summarizes: "Many economists hold the position that "saving finances investment." They argue that saving - a reduction of consumption relative to income - is necessary for the provision of loans and the financing of investment." (Lindner 2015).1 Linder also provides other examples suggesting that this thesis is well entrenched in the economic theory and analysis. For example, he cites Gregory Mankiw's influential introductory macroeconomics textbook that upholds: "Saving is the supply of loans - individuals lend their saving to investors, or they deposit their saving in a bank that makes the loan for them. [. . . ] At the equilibrium interest rate, saving equals investment, and the supply of loans equals the demand." (1997, p. 63) (Lindner 2015).2 This mainstream economic thesis - that financing is constrained by savings - is intuitive, and not surprisingly many investors take it for granted. Yet this is a false proposition. This thesis is correct for barter economies but is not pertinent to modern economies with their own banking systems and national currencies. Further, Lindner (2015)3 argues: "The fallacies loanable funds theory commits might be explainable by the mis-application of some ideas and concepts of neoclassical growth models - especially the Ramsey (1928), Solow (1956) and Diamond (1965) models - to the sphere of money and finance... The Ramsey and Solow models are models of real investment only. Financial markets, financial assets and financial saving do not play any role in those models. There is only one good which, for simplicity, will be called "corn". Corn has three functions: it can be consumed, invested and used as a means of payment since wages and interest payments are made with it..." Clearly, modern economies with their fiat money systems are much more complicated than a barter economies with no banks and money. The Veracity: Financing Is Different From "Savings" This and previous reports4 clarify and elaborate on the following aspects of banking, money creation and financing as well as savings and investments: 1. Attributing the lack of investment in many emerging market (EM) economies to their low savings is a major fallacy. Borio (2015)5 argues: "Crucially, the provision of financing does not require someone to abstain from consuming. It is purely a financial transaction and hence distinct from saving... The equality of saving and investment is an accounting identity that always holds ex post and reveals nothing about financing patterns. In ex post terms, being simply the outcome of expenditures, saving does not represent a constraint on how much agents are able to spend ex ante. If we step back from comparative statics and consider the underlying dynamics, it is only once expenditures take place that income and investment, and hence saving, are generated." 2. Banks do not need deposits or "savings" to lend. They create money/deposits when they originate loans or buy assets from non-banks. To settle payments with their peers as well as the central bank, they require reserves at the central bank. Reserves at the central bank - not client deposits - constitute true liquidity for banks. For a more detailed discussion on loan origination and money creation in absence of new deposits entering into the banking system, please refer to Appendix 1 and 2 on pages 14 and 18. Certainly, there are several factors such as regulations and shareholder preferences that can curtail banks' ability to expand their balance sheets. However, households' or nations' "savings" do not constrain banks' ability to originate new loans/create deposits. 3. In an economy where banks exist, "savings" and financing are very different things. Many investors use the term "savings" to refer to bank deposits. Yet, in macroeconomics, national and household "savings" are not related to deposits or money in the banking system at all. Chart I-1 demonstrates that there is no relationship between the savings and changes in the amount of money in the banking system. The confusion between national "savings" and financing creation is dealt with nicely again by Fabian Lindner. Having modelled it, Lindner argues: "... the aggregate economy's saving is equal to the newly produced tangible assets and inventories. That total saving is equal to just the increase in tangible assets ... (because) all changes in net financial assets in the economy add up to zero... Thus, for every economic agent increasing her net financial assets, there is a corresponding decrease in net financial assets of all other economic agents in the economy (Lindner 2015).6 Put in more general terms: An economic agent can only save financially if other agents dis-save financially by the same amount... That is why in the entire economy (that is the world economy or a closed economy) only the increase in tangible assets, thus investment, is saving...." In another paper, Lindner asserts: "Investment is the production of any non-financial asset in an economy and thus is always directly and unambiguously savings: it increases the economy's net worth... The economy as a whole cannot change its net financial wealth since it always equals zero. The aggregate economy can only save in the form of non-financial assets...The only way an economy can save is by increasing its non-financial wealth, i.e., its physical capital stock" (Lindner 2012).7 On the whole, deposits are a monetary concept; they represent money savings. Deposits are created by banks "out of thin air," as illustrated in Appendix 1 on page 14. Meanwhile, "savings" are a net addition to capital stock. Not surprisingly, there is no relationship between "real savings" and money savings, as illustrated in Chart I-1. In a nutshell, "savings" is an addition to the capital stock of a nation, which is the same as investment. Hence, the Savings = Investment identity for a closed economy is nothing other than a tautology as it de-facto means Investment = Investment. That is why in this report we use "savings" in quotations whenever we refer to it in the traditional sense of economic theory. 4. Households' (or businesses') propensity to save alters the velocity of money, not the amount of deposits/money in the banking system. A decision by a household to spend more rather than save does not change the amount of deposits in the banking system and does not affect the banking system's ability to provide more financing. When households or companies decide to spend their deposits, the velocity of money rises. Conversely, when households and companies decide to save (retain) their deposits, the velocity of money drops. The amount of deposits in the banking system stays constant. In turn, the amount of deposits and hence broad money supply in any banking system equals the cumulative net money creation by banks and the central bank over the course of their history. This has nothing to do with household and national "savings," which form the country's capital stock. 5. In a country with its own national currency, the true macro constraint on commercial banks' ability to expand financing infinitely are inflation and currency depreciation - not "savings." This is of course apart from demand for loans, regulations and shareholder preferences that can limit commercial banks' capacity to expand their balance sheets. Bottom Line: In an economy with banks, one does not need to save in the form of a deposit in a bank for the latter to lend money to another entity. Tales Of Brazil And China We use China and Brazil solely for illustrative purposes. One can use any country with a low savings rate instead of Brazil or a high savings rate economy such as Korea, Taiwan or Singapore in place of China. China has enjoyed a very high national savings rate and has been investing substantially (Chart I-2). In contrast, both the national savings rate and the investment-to-GDP ratio in Brazil have been depressed. It is very tempting to argue that Brazil has been experiencing very low investment because it saves so little. The narrative goes like this: Brazil's national savings rate is low because households save so little and the public sector dis-saves a lot - i.e., the government runs enormous fiscal deficits. This constrains the pool of available "savings" to finance private capital expenditures. This typical analysis concludes that Brazil needs to boost its "savings" - i.e., reduce its spending. This will allegedly enlarge the pool of available "savings" for investment and allow the country to invest, and consequently boost productivity and its potential growth rate. This narrative is misplaced in our view, because as we have shown in the past and in this report, banks do not need households, businesses or the government to save in order to provide financing. Banks can provide financing by simply expanding the money multiplier, among other things (see a more detailed discussion about the money multiplier below). So what is the true difference between Brazil and China? How has the latter achieved such high savings and investment rates, while the former has failed to finance its capital spending? Why have Brazilian banks not expanded their balance sheets more rapidly to finance investment (Chart I-3)? Let's consider a hypothetical example. For simplicity and illustrative purposes, we assume there are two economies of equal size and have the same level of investment: savings and net exports. In short, they have identical starting points. We refer to these economies as Brazil and China. Now, commercial banks in both countries provide new financing of $50 - or equal to 5% of their respective GDP - to businesses for infrastructure building. This is new purchasing power created by commercial banks "out of thin air" in both economies. We assume that the only difference between these two countries is that in China, 100% of inputs for infrastructure (materials, machinery/equipment and so on) are produced/purchased domestically. In contrast, in Brazil, 100% of the inputs for infrastructure construction are imported, because this economy lacks production capacity. Table I-1 illustrates this hypothetical numerical example. As this infrastructure project is implemented, Brazil's imports will surge, and its net exports will deteriorate. Chart I-4 shows that this indeed is the case in Brazil - when capital spending expands, its current accounts deficit widens, entailing that Brazil imports a considerable portion of inputs for its investments. If there is no matching rise in foreign investor demand for Brazilian assets, the nation's currency will depreciate. Consequently, to support the plunging currency, Brazilian interest rates would have to rise. As a result, higher borrowing costs short-circuit the credit cycle. In China, because inputs for infrastructure are sourced and procured locally, there is no impact on its exchange rate or interest rates. If there is excess capacity in China to produce these inputs for infrastructure building, this new purchasing power will not lift inflation. A caveat is in order: Similar dynamics in trade balance deterioration, currency depreciation and inflation will prevail if there is a rise in consumer spending instead of capital expenditures. Importantly, the outcome will be the same in both economies if investment spending is done using existing money savings (deposits), not new credit. This example illustrates that a similar amount of capital expenditures financing via money creation "out of thin air" in both economies has increased national savings in China from $250 to $300, yet Brazilian savings stayed at $250 (Table I-1). In terms of savings rate, China will record a rise in its national savings rate from 25% to 28.6% of GDP (Table I-1). In Brazil, however, the national savings rate will remain at 25% of GDP, even though its banks, like Chinese ones, originated money "out of thin air" to finance infrastructure spending. The starting-point difference between China and Brazil is neither their banking systems' ability to expand their balance sheets nor the existing amount of deposits and assets. Rather, it is their real economies' capacity to produce goods and services. Therefore, we conclude: Regardless of how capital expenditures are financed - via new borrowing from banks or non-banks or using the investing company's own financial resources - when inputs for capital spending are procured domestically it is recorded as an increase in national "savings" level, but when they are imported there is no change in the level of national "savings." Over the decades, China, Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Japan have all aggressively expanded their capacity to produce goods and services. They funded this capacity build-up via both money creation "out of thin air" and by attracting foreign capital. In the meantime, their large exports shielded their currencies from abrupt depreciation - as and when local bank financing was used to acquire foreign inputs. In the past decade, in China, loans - which banks have originated to build infrastructure - were largely spent on domestic inputs: cement, steel, chemicals, machinery and equipment all produced in the mainland. Even though some of that money/loans was used to purchase foreign inputs (commodities and equipment), China had large U.S. dollar revenues from exports that acted as an offset in its balance of payments. In short, Brazil and other low "savings" rate nations do not need to raise interest rates to curtail consumption and boost savings in order to release funds for financing capital expenditures. Chart I-5 demonstrates that there has been no positive relationship between real interest rates and the national savings rate in Brazil. Remarkably, real interest rates in this nation were often very high but that still did not lead to high "savings." What Brazil and other low "savings" rate economies need is to build efficient and competitive productive capacity - i.e., they need changes in the supply side of their economies. Only then can their banks expand their balance sheets and provide financing similar to how banks in high "savings" countries do. However, to shield the exchange rate from depreciation, these nations need to boost their exports first. This can be done by depreciating the currency and developing their global competitiveness. This is in effect what China has done in the past 25-30 years. Bottom Line: The key difference between Brazil and China is not their propensity to consume versus save, but their ability to produce goods and services domestically. So long as a nation builds and maintains excess productive capacity, its banks can originate loans "out of thin air" and finance capital and consumer expenditures. Money Multiplier Versus "Savings" Redundancy of the mainstream economic view that a pool of "savings" represents a constraint on financing investments becomes apparent when one applies the money multiplier concept, which is in fact accepted by mainstream economic theory. The money multiplier is the ratio of broad money relative to excess reserves. A rise in the money multiplier will lead to more money creation and financing in an economy per one unit of excess reserves (liquidity provided by the central bank), everything else held constant. In brief, money supply/the amount of deposits in the banking system will change regardless of the level of national or household "savings." Let's assume two countries with the same level of income per capita and GDP have identical national savings and investment rates as well as money supply and excess reserves. In short, they have indistinguishable macro parameters. Now suppose their banking systems in the past year had different money multipliers. The monetary authorities in both countries maintain the banking system's excess reserves at 10 units. If the money multiplier were to remain constant, say at 15, the money supply/deposits in both banking systems would remain at 150 units (10x15). Let's assume the money multiplier increased to 20 in Country A while held constant at 15 in Country B. In such a case, broad money supply would have risen to 200 units (10x20) in Country A and would stay at 150 (10x15) units in Country B. This entails that banks in Country A increased their funding yet those in Country B did not. That is despite the fact that the savings rates (and amount of savings) were identical before the change in the money multipliers occurred. This is one way to prove that a nation does not need to cut consumption for its banks to provide financing. The reason why the money multipliers could vary in these two countries with otherwise similar macro-economic parameters is due to animal spirits: In Country A, banks may have felt increasingly confident to lend more per one unit of their excess reserves, and there was demand for credit from borrowers. In the meantime, the money multiplier remained the same in Country B. In China, the money multiplier - the ratio of broad money to excess reserves - has risen dramatically since 2013 (Chart I-6). Interestingly, the amount of excess reserves at the People's Bank of China has been broadly the same over the past five years, yet broad money has grown by an enormous 75% (Chart I-6, middle and bottom panel). The exponential money/credit creation in China since 2009 has to a large extent been due to the rising money multiplier - wild animal spirits among bankers and borrowers - rather than high national "savings." Bottom Line: In any country, banks can provide more financing simply by expanding the money multiplier. This can happen regardless of the country's savings rate. Investment Relevance Why is this analysis pertinent to investors? First, this issue is critical to assess whether China's excessive credit expansion is an outcome of the nation's high savings - like many economists and investors claim - or due to the enormous amount of money/deposits and credit originated by the mainland's banks "out of thin air." If it is the former, investors have no need to worry about China's money and credit dynamics. If it is the latter, we are facing a typical banking and money/credit bubble. This report corroborates that it is the latter. Chart I-7 shows that China's broad money has grown 4-fold since January 2009 and has reached RMB 200 trillion, or the equivalent of $30 trillion. Does this enormous quantity of RMBs pose an inflation and/or currency depreciation risk? Or will the ongoing policy tightening cause another deflationary slump in China? It is clear that Chinese policymakers are currently being forced to walk a very thin line: On the one hand, the immense amount of money created "out of thin air" could stoke inflation or currency depreciation. It may not take much of a rise in the velocity of money for inflation to become a problem. On the other, tightening policy amid high leverage in an economy that is addicted to money and credit could push it into a growth slump and deflation. There is always a chance that policymakers will get it right and manage it perfectly so that neither inflation/currency depreciation nor a growth slump transpire. We would assign a 25-30% probability to this benign outcome. Hence, in our opinion there are 70-75% odds of either inflation or deflation in China in the next 12-24 months. Given these odds, we have been and remain reluctant to chase the rally in EM and China-related plays. In particular, the Chinese authorities have been tightening liquidity and banking/shadow banking regulation as well as projecting the ongoing anti-corruption campaign into the financial industry. This poses a meaningful risk given the existing macro imbalances. Second, this analysis re-shapes how investors should think about economic development and understand how nations with low savings can grow without relying on foreign funding. This provides us with a framework to assess the developmental path and the sustainability of growth in various developing economies. These include but are not limited to nations with low national savings rates such as Brazil, South Africa, Turkey, Russia, Colombia and many others. Finally, this analysis leads us to argue that Brazil does not need to maintain high real interest rates as a way to force consumers to cut spending and boost savings. In fact, this is the wrong prescription for Brazil. The most optimal macro adjustment path for Brazil is to reduce interest rates much further and encourage banks to finance private investment. Brazil needs to build an efficient supply side, and banks can provide funding by originating loans "out of thin air." Brazilian consumers do not need to save more for companies to get financing for their projects and invest. The natural causality of this adjustment will be considerable currency deprecation. However, Brazil is currently suffering from low inflation and high real interest rates (Chart I-8). Hence, reflationary policies are the right policy prescription. Foreign investors are therefore at risk due to potential currency depreciation. The new leaders to be elected in the October presidential elections may well adopt such a macro policy mix. Markets will front run this by pushing the real down and this will be negative for foreign investors. However, there will be a buying opportunity after the currency finds a floor. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Appendix 1: Loan Origination, Deposits/Money Creation And Settlement The amount of deposits is not a constraint on a banking system's ability to make loans and buy assets from non-banks. Figure I-1 and I-2 present stylized cases of how commercial banks can originate new loans without requiring a new deposit or extra excess reserves entering the banking system. Specifically Figure I-1 illustrates how commercial banks can originate loans with the subsequent net settlements among themselves taking place via inter-bank borrowing/lending. In this stylized example, the banking system is comprised of three commercial banks. These commercial banks hold all deposits in the system. Cash does not exist and all payments are done via wire transfers. 1. Loan Origination/Money Creation In the morning, Bank 1 originates a new loan worth $100 for Client 1. This transaction creates a new asset and, for the balance sheet to balance, Bank 1 should also increase the liabilities side of its balance sheet. Therefore, it simultaneously credits Client 1's chequing account by $100. Bank 1 does not transfer other depositors' money to Client 1's chequing account; it creates a new $100 deposit. The rest of the bank's depositors still have their full deposits, which they can draw on. In a nutshell, both assets and liabilities of Bank 1 rose by $100 - this was done "out of thin air" by just pressing the enter button on the computer. That also means that a $100 of new money was created by Bank 1 which increases the overall money stock in the banking system. Meanwhile, Bank 2 lends $200 to Client 2 and Bank 3 lends $300 to Client 3. Let's assume these were the only lending transactions during that day. In aggregate, the three banks originated $600 of new loans, and consequent new deposits/money "out of thin air." 2. Money Transfer / Payments Debtors do not borrow money and leave it sitting idle. They borrow money to pay their suppliers and others they owe. Even though Clients 1, 2 and 3 wire their payments to their respective suppliers on the same day, the total amount of deposits in the banking system does not change: Deposits simply move from one bank to another or from one bank client to another. In Figure I-1, Client 1 wires its $100 from Bank 1 to Supplier B that has an account at Bank 2; Client 2 pays its $200 invoice to Supplier C which in turn has an account at Bank 3; and finally Client 3 transfers $300 to Supplier A, who holds an account at Bank 1. The amount of money/deposits in the overall banking system has not changed as a result of these wire transfers. 3. Multilateral Net Settlement At the end of the day, banks should settle with other banks. Many countries employ a multilateral net settlement system typically operated by the central bank. In a multilateral net settlement system, at the end of the day, each bank pays (receives from) the system only the net amount they are due to pay to (receive from) other banks combined. Importantly, banks settle their payments with other banks using their excess reserves (herein called reserves) at the central bank, not the deposits of their clients. This entails that banks do not need deposits to pay their dues to other banks or the central bank. Figure I-1 illustrates the impacts on the banks' reserves under the multilateral net settlement system: Bank 1's reserves at the central bank change as follows: -$100 (Client 1's wire transfer out) + $300 (this is the amount that Supplier A with an account in Bank 1 gets from Client 3) = $200. The impact on Bank 2's reserves is as follows: -$200 (Client 2's wire transfer out) + $100 (this is the amount that Supplier B with an account in Bank 2 gets from Client 1) = -$100. The net change in Bank 3's reserves is: -$300 (Client 3's wire transfer out) + $200 (this is the amount that Supplier C with an account in Bank 3 gets from Client 2) = -$100. If we assume that all banks had no excess reserves before this day, then how do they settle their accounts? There are various alternatives, but we highlight two: Figure I-1 demonstrates the case of interbank lending. As a result of the settlements, Bank 1 has $200 in extra reserves, while Bank 2 and Bank 3 each have a $100 deficit in reserves. As such, Bank 1 lends $100 to each of Bank 2 and Bank 3. Why does it lend to other banks rather than keeping these reserves at the central bank? Because interbank rates are typically slightly above the central bank's rate - the rate Bank 1 would get if it were to lend the $200 to the central bank. Figure I-2 portends the same transactions with the sole difference being the reserves flow. Unlike Figure I-1, here banks do not lend to/borrow from each other. Banks lend excess reserves to the central bank as well as borrow deficient reserves from the central bank. This is done to settle their payments with other banks. Bank 1 lends its free reserves of $200 to the central bank. Bank 2 and Bank 3 each borrow $100 reserves from the central bank to settle with the system at the end of the day. As a result, the aggregate amount of reserves at the central bank does not change. On the whole, banks created $600 of new deposits/money/loans during the day without requiring savings from households, companies, the government or foreigners. Thereby, the money supply was expanded and new financing in the amount of $600 was provided "out of thin air." Appendix 2: Deposits Versus Liquidity Below are additional questions that we seek to answer to provide further elaboration on the issues of banks creating money and the difference between deposits and liquidity: 1. Why would central banks provide reserves to banks? When a central bank targets interest rates, which is nowadays the most common policy framework in both advanced and developing countries, it must provide liquidity to banks: the latter is required to preclude interbank rates from deviating from the policy rate. Under an interest rate targeting regime, the central bank does not have complete control over banks' reserves nor broad money supply. A central bank can control either the quantity of money or the price of money (interest rates), but not both simultaneously. The following two quotes from the New York Federal Reserve Chairman William Dudley and the European Central Bank confirm that central banks nowadays provide banks with reserves on demand - i.e., the amount of reserves is determined by demand from banks. "The Federal Reserve has committed itself to supply sufficient reserves to keep the fed funds rate at its target. If banks want to expand credit and that drives up the demand for reserves, the Fed automatically meets that demand in its conduct of monetary policy. In terms of the ability to expand credit rapidly, it makes no difference whether the banks have lots of excess reserves or not." (Dudley, 2009) European Central Bank (2012), May 2012 Monthly Bulletin: "The Eurosystem ... always provides the banking system with the liquidity required to meet the aggregate reserve requirement. In fact, the ECB's reserve requirements are backward-looking, i.e. they depend on the stock of deposits (and other liabilities of credit institutions) subject to reserve requirements as it stood in the previous period, and thus after banks have extended the credit demanded by their customers." 2. Why do banks compete for deposits if they create deposits themselves? The true reason banks compete for deposits is not that they require more deposits, but because they require more reserves. When a bank attracts a deposit from another bank, the latter must transmit to the former reserves equal to the amount of the deposit transferred. When a bank is experiencing a liquidity shortage, more deposits are of no help. Banks can always create more deposits themselves, but they cannot create reserves at the central bank. The true liquidity for banks is their reserves at the central bank - not deposits. Reserves are solely created by central banks "out of thin air." A central bank may decide not to provide funding to certain banks in some cases when the authorities deem these banks insolvent and/or in breach of regulations. Otherwise, if the central bank wants to keep policy rates stable, it must provide all liquidity (reserves) banks require. 3. Why do banks attract deposits if the central bank provides liquidity on demand? The primary reason why banks seek to attract deposits instead of borrowing from the central bank is due to the cost of funding and duration of liabilities as well as regulatory requirements. Deposits may be cheaper and have longer duration than short-term funding from the central bank. 1 Lindner, F. (2015), "Does Savings Increase the Supply of Credit? A Critique of Loanable Funds Theory", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, World Economic Review 4, 2015. 2 Lindner, F. (2015), "Did Scarce Global Savings Finance the US Real Estate Bubble? The Global Saving Glut thesis from a stock flow Consistent Perspective", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, Working Paper 155, July 2015. 3 Lindner, F. (2015), "Does Savings Increase the Supply of Credit? A Critique of Loanable Funds Theory", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, World Economic Review 4, 2015. 4 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Special Reports from October 26, 2016, November 23, 2016, January 18, 2017 and December 20, 2017; available on ems.bcaresearch.com 5 Borio, C. and Disyatat, P. (2015), "Capital flows and the current account: Taking financing (more) seriously", BIS Working Papers, No. 525, October 2015. 6 Lindner, F. (2015), "Did Scarce Global Savings Finance the US Real Estate Bubble? The Global Saving Glut thesis from a stock flow Consistent Perspective", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, Working Paper 155, July 2015. 7 Lindner, F. (2012), "Savings does not finance Investment: Accounting as an indispensable guide to economic theory", Macroeconomic Policy Institute, Working Paper 100, October 2012.
Highlights The call on EM local bonds boils down to the outlook for EM exchange rates. Forthcoming EM currency depreciation will halt the rally in local bonds. EM currencies positively correlate with commodities prices but not with domestic real interest rates. Widening U.S. twin deficits are not a reason to be long EM currencies. There has historically been no consistent relationship between the U.S. exchange rate and America's twin deficits in general, or its fiscal balance, in particular. For investors who have to be invested in EM domestic bonds, our recommended overweights are Russia, Argentina, Poland, the Czech Republic, Korea, India and Thailand. Feature The stampede into EM local currency bonds has persisted even amid recent jitters in global equity markets. Notably, surging U.S./DM bond yields have failed to cause a spike in EM local yields, despite past positive correlations (Chart I-1). Chart I-1Will EM Domestic Bond Yields Continue Defying Rising U.S. Treasury Yields? The main reason is the resilience of EM currencies. The latter have not sold off even during the recent correction in global share prices. In high-yielding EM domestic bond markets, total returns are substantially affected by exchange rates. Not only do U.S. dollar total returns on local bonds suffer when EM currencies depreciate, but also weaker EM exchange rates cause spikes in domestic bond yields (Chart I-2). Consequently, the call on EM local bonds, especially in high-yielding markets, boils down to the outlook for EM exchange rates. Chart I-2EM Currencies Drive EM Local Yields We are negative on EM currencies versus the U.S. dollar and the euro. The basis for our view is two-fold: Strong growth in the U.S. and higher U.S. bond yields should be supportive of the greenback vis-à-vis EM currencies; the same applies to euro area growth and the euro against EM exchange rates; Weaker growth in China should weigh on commodities prices and, in turn, on EM currencies. So far, this view has not played out. In fact, negative sentiment on the U.S. dollar has recently been amplified by concerns about America's widening fiscal and current account deficits. In fact, one might argue that EM local bonds stand to benefit from the potential widening in U.S. twin deficits and the flight out of the U.S. dollar. We address the issue of U.S. twin deficits first. Twin Deficits And The U.S. Dollar... The recent narrative that the dollar typically depreciates during periods of widening twin deficits is not supported by historical evidence. We are not suggesting that twin deficits lead to currency appreciation. Our argument is that twin deficits have historically coincided with both appreciation and depreciation of the U.S. dollar. Chart I-3 exhibits the relationship between the U.S. dollar and the fiscal and current account balances. It appears that there is no consistent relationship between the fiscal and current account balances and the exchange rate. Chart I-3No Stable Relationship Between U.S. Twin Deficits And Dollar To produce a quantitative measure of the twin deficits, we sum up both the fiscal and current account balances. Chart I-4 demonstrates the relationship between the latter measure and the trade-weighted U.S. dollar. This analysis encompasses the entire history of the floating U.S. dollar since 1971. Chart I-4Combination Of U.S. Twin Deficits And Real Bond Yields Better Explain Dollar The vertical lines denote the tax cuts under former U.S. President Ronald Reagan in 1981 and 1986, and under former U.S. President George W. Bush in 2001 and 2003. As can be seen from Chart I-4, there is no stable relationship between the twin deficits and the greenback. In the 1970s, there was no consistent relationship at all; In the first half of the 1980s, the twin deficits widened substantially, but the dollar rallied dramatically. The tailwind behind the rally was tightening monetary policy and rising/high real U.S. interest rates; From 1985 through 1993, there was no consistent relationship between America's twin deficits and the currency; From 1994 until 2001, the greenback appreciated as the twin deficits narrowed, particularly the fiscal deficit; From 2001 through 2011, the dollar was in a bear market as the twin deficits expanded; From 2011 until 2016, the shrinking-to-stable twin deficits were accompanied by a U.S. dollar rally. Bottom Line: We infer from these charts that there has historically been no stable relationship between the U.S. exchange rate and America's twin deficits in general, or its fiscal balance, in particular. ... And A Missing Variable: Interest Rates Twin deficits are often associated with rising inflation. In fact, a widening current account deficit can mask hidden price pressures. In particular, an economy that over-consumes - consumes more than it produces - can satisfy its demand via imports without exerting pressure on the economy's domestic productive capacity. Booming imports will lead to a widening trade deficit rather than higher consumer price inflation. Hence, in an open economy, over-consumption can lead to a widening current account deficit, rather than rising inflation. A currency is likely to plunge amid widening twin deficits if the central bank is behind the inflation curve. In such a case, the low real interest rates would undermine the value of the exchange rate. If the central bank, however, embarks on monetary tightening that is adequate, the currency can in fact strengthen amid growing twin deficits. In this scenario, rising real interest rates would support the currency. With respect to the U.S. dollar today, its future trajectory depends on the Fed, and the market's perception of its policy stance. If the market discerns that the Fed is behind the curve, the greenback will plummet. By contrast, if the market reckons that the Fed policy response is appropriate, and U.S. real interest rates are sufficiently high/rising, the dollar could in fact appreciate amid widening twin deficits. Specifically, the U.S. dollar was in a major bull market in the early 1980s, with Reagan's tax cuts in 1981 and the ensuing widening of the country's twin deficits doing little to thwart the dollar bull market (Chart I-4). In turn, the Bush tax cuts in 2001 and 2003 were followed by a major dollar bear market. The main culprit between these two and other episodes was probably real interest rates. U.S. real interest rates/bond yields rose between 1981 and 1985, generating an enormous dollar rally. In the decade of the 2000s, by contrast, U.S. real interest rates fell and that coincided with a major bear market in the greenback (Chart I-4). Overall, the combination of U.S. twin deficits and real bond yields together, help better explain U.S. dollar dynamics than twin deficits alone. We agree that America's twin deficits will widen materially. That said, odds are that the Fed commits to further rate hikes and that U.S. bond yields continue to rise. In fact, not only are U.S. inflation breakeven yields climbing, but TIPS (real) yields have also spiked significantly. Rising real yields, which in our opinion have more upside, should support the U.S. dollar. As a final point, if the Fed falls behind the curve and the dollar continues to tumble, the markets could begin to fear a material rise in U.S. inflationary pressures. That scenario would actually resemble market dynamics that prevailed before the 1987 stock market crash. Although this is a negative scenario for the U.S. currency and is, by default, bullish for EM exchange rates and their local bonds, this is not ultimately an optimistic scenario for global risk assets. Bottom Line: Twin deficits are not solely sufficient to produce a currency bear market. Twin deficits accompanied by a central bank that is behind the inflation curve - i.e., combined with low/falling real interest rates - are what generate sufficient conditions for currency depreciation. EM Currencies And Commodities Many EM exchange rates - such as those in Latin America, as well as South African, Russian, Malaysian and Indonesian currencies - are primarily driven by commodities prices. Not surprisingly, the underlying currency index of the EM local bond benchmark index (the JPM GBI index) - which excludes China, India, Korea and Taiwan - positively correlates with commodities prices (Chart I-5). Hence, getting commodities prices right is of paramount importance to the majority of high-yielding EM local bonds. We have the following observations: First, investors' net long positions in both oil and copper are extremely elevated (Chart I-6). The last datapoint is as of February 16. Any rebound in the U.S. dollar or mounting concerns about China's growth could produce a meaningful drop in commodities prices as investors rush to close their long positions. Second, we maintain that China's intake of commodities is bound to decelerate, as decelerating credit growth and local governments' budget constraints lead to curtailment of infrastructure and property investment (Chart I-7). Chart I-5EM Currencies Positively Correlate ##br##With Commodities Prices Chart I-6Investors Are Very Long##br## Copper And Oil Chart I-7Slowdown In ##br##China's Capex Strong growth in the U.S. and EU will not offset the decline in China's intake of raw materials (excluding oil). China accounts for 50% of global demand for industrial metals. America's consumption of industrial metals is about 6-7 times smaller. For crude oil, China's share of global consumption is 14% compared with 20% and 15% for the U.S. and EU, respectively. We do not expect outright contraction in China's crude imports or consumption. The point is that when financial markets begin to price in weaker mainland growth or the U.S. dollar rebounds, oil prices will retreat as investors reduce their record high net long positions. Finally, even though EM twin deficits have ameliorated in recent years, they remain wide (Chart I-8). In turn, the majority of these countries have been financing their deficits by volatile foreign portfolio flows, as FDIs into EM remain largely depressed. If commodities prices relapse and EM currencies depreciate, there will be a period of reversal in foreign portfolio inflows into EM. While EM real local bonds yields are reasonably high, they are unlikely to prevent outflows if the U.S. dollar rallies. In the past, neither high absolute EM real yields nor their wide spreads over U.S. TIPS prevented EM currency depreciation (Chart I-9). Chart I-8AEM Twin Deficits Have Ameliorated ##br##But Are Still Wide Chart I-8BEM Twin Deficits Have Ameliorated ##br##But Are Still Wide Chart I-9EM Local Real Yields Do Not ##br##Drive Their Currencies EM Local Bonds: Country Allocation Strategy Chart I-10 attempts to identify pockets of value in EM domestic bonds. It exhibits the sum of current account and fiscal balances on the X axis, and domestic bond yields deflated by headline inflation on the Y axis. Chart I-10Identifying Pockets Of Value In EM Domestic Bonds Markets in the upper-right corner should be favored as they offer high real yields and maintain healthy fiscal and current account balances. Bond markets in the lower-left corner should be underweighted. They have low inflation-adjusted yields and large current account and fiscal deficits. Based on these metrics as well as fundamental analysis, our recommended country allocation for EM domestic bond portfolios has been and remains: Overweights: Russia, Argentina, Poland, the Czech Republic, Korea, India and Thailand. Neutral: Brazil, Mexico, Indonesia, Hungary, Chile and Colombia. Underweights: Turkey, South Africa and Malaysia. The below elaborates on Brazil, Russia and South Africa. Russia Fiscal and monetary policies are extremely tight. While they are curtailing the economic recovery, they are very friendly for creditors. Interest rates deflated by both headline and core consumer price inflation are at their highest on record, government spending is lackluster, and the new fiscal rule has replenished the country's foreign currency reserves (Chart I-11). Besides, the government's budget assumption for oil prices is very conservative - in the low-$40s per barrel for this year and 2019. Commercial banks have been increasing provisions, even though the NPL ratio is falling. In fact, Russia is well advanced in terms of both corporate and household deleveraging as well as banking system adjustment. On the whole, having experienced two large recessions in the past 10 years and having pursued extremely orthodox fiscal and monetary policies, Russian markets have become much more insulated from negative external shocks than many of their peers. In brief, Russian financial markets have become low-beta markets,1 and they will outperform their EM peers in a selloff even if oil prices slide. Brazil Brazilian local bonds offer the highest inflation-adjusted yields. However, unlike Russia, Brazil has untenable public debt dynamics, and its politics remain a wild card. The public debt-to-GDP ratio is 16% in Russia and 80% in Brazil. The fiscal deficit in Brazil stands at a whopping 8% of GDP, and interest payments on public debt are equal to 6% of GDP. Without major fiscal reforms, Brazil's public debt will continue to surge and will likely reach almost 100% of GDP by the end of 2020. High real interest rates are not only holding back the recovery but are also making public debt dynamics unsustainable. Chart I-12 illustrates that nominal GDP growth is well below local government bond yields. Chart I-11Continue Favoring ##br##Russian Local Bonds Chart I-12Brazil: Borrowing Costs Are Dreadful ##br##For Public Debt Dynamics Brazil needs either much higher nominal growth or major fiscal tightening to stem the surge in the public debt-to-GDP ratio. The necessary fiscal reforms - social security restructuring or primary budget surpluses - are not politically feasible right now. Meanwhile, materially higher nominal growth can be achieved only if interest rates are brought down quickly and drastically and the currency is devalued meaningfully. Hence, the primary risk to Brazilian local bonds is the exchange rate. The currency is at risk from potentially lower commodities prices on the external side, and continuous public debt deterioration, debt monetization or drastic interest rate cuts on the domestic side. Remarkably, Chart I-13 demonstrates that historically real interest rates in Brazil do not explain fluctuations in the real. The currency, rather, positively correlates with commodities prices (Chart I-14). Chart I-13Brazil: No Relationship Between##br## Real Yields And Currency Chart I-14The Brazilian Real And ##br##Commodities Prices It is possible that policymakers find an optimal balance between these adjustment paths, and financial markets continue to rally. However, with the current government lacking any political capital and great uncertainty surrounding the October presidential elections; the outlook is very risky, We recommend a neutral allocation to Brazilian local bonds for EM domestic bond portfolios. South Africa The South African rand and fixed-income markets have surged in the wake of Cyril Ramaphosa's win of the ANC leadership elections and his taking over of the presidency from Jacob Zuma. This has been devastating to our short rand and underweight local bonds positions. Chart I-15The South African Rand And Metals Prices There is no doubt that President Ramaphosa will adopt some market-friendly policies. This will constitute a major change from Zuma's handling of the economy in the past nine years. Yet the outlook for the rand is also contingent on global markets. If commodities prices do not relapse and EM risk assets generally perform well, the rand will continue strengthening, and local bond yields will decline further. However, if metals prices begin to drop and EM currencies sell off, it will be hard for the South African currency to rally further (Chart I-15). While we acknowledge the potential for positive political announcements and actions from the new political leadership, the main drivers of the rand, in our opinion, remain the trends in the U.S. dollar and commodities prices. Some investors might be tempted to compare South Africa to Brazil in terms of political headwinds turning into tailwinds. From a political vantage point, it is a fair comparison. Nevertheless, investors should put Brazil's rally into perspective. If commodities prices did not rise in 2016-2017, the Brazilian real would not have rallied. In brief, external tailwinds are as - if not more - important for EM high-yielding currencies than domestic political developments. Positive political developments are magnified amid a benign external backdrop. Conversely, in a negative external environment, positive political transformations can have limited impact on the direction of financial markets. To reflect the potential for a positive political change and forthcoming orthodox macro policies, we are closing our bet on yield curve steepening in South Africa. This position was stipulated by unorthodox macro policies of the previous government. This trade has been flat since its initiation on June 28, 2017. Weighing pros and cons, we are reluctant to upgrade the South African rand and its fixed-income market at the moment because of our negative view on metals prices and EM currencies versus the U.S. dollar. Investment Conclusions The broad trade-weighted U.S. dollar is at record oversold levels (Chart I-16). Given the forthcoming U.S. fiscal stimulus, the Fed will likely lift its dots and the greenback will rebound. This is bearish for EM currencies, especially if China's growth slows and commodities prices roll over, as we expect. EM exchange rate depreciation will halt the rally in local bonds, especially in high-yielding markets. Foreign holdings of EM local bonds are elevated (Table I-1). Hence, risks of unwinding of some positions are not trivial. Chart I-16The U.S. Dollar Is Due For A Rally Table I-1Foreign Ownership Of EM Local Bonds Is High Nevertheless, as we have argued in the past, EM local bonds offer great diversification benefits to all type of portfolios, as their correlations with many asset classes are low. For domestic bond investors who have to be invested, our recommended overweights are Russia, Argentina, Poland, the Czech Republic, Korea, India and Thailand. As to the sovereign and corporate credit markets, asset allocators should compare these with U.S. corporate credit. Consistent with our negative view on EM currencies and equities vis-à-vis their U.S. counterparts, we recommend favoring U.S. corporates versus EM sovereign and corporate credit. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, titled "Russia: Entering A Lower-Beta Paradigm," dated March 8, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Highlights Breadth within EM equity markets has been deteriorating both in absolute terms and relative to DM equities. This points to a major top in EM share prices. In Brazil, falling inflation has led to a relapse in nominal GDP growth. This has endangered the already-bad public debt dynamics. Without the social security reforms, the country needs to boost nominal growth to stabilize public debt dynamics. Currency depreciation will likely be required to achieve this. When the Brazilian currency sells off, the nation's financial markets perform poorly. Feature Deteriorating EM Equity Breadth Breadth within EM equity markets has been deteriorating, especially in relative terms, versus DM stock markets. This heralds a major downleg in EM versus DM relative share prices, at a minimum, and a relapse in EM share prices in absolute terms as well. Chart I-1 demonstrates that the relative performance of EM equal-weighted stock index versus the DM equal-weighted share price index has decoupled from the relative performance of EM versus DM market cap-weighted equity benchmarks. Such a gap has emerged for the first time since 1999, when MSCI's equal-weighted equity data became available. Chart I-1EM Equity Outperformance Narrowly Based Versus DM... Each stock has the same weight in the equal-weighted index, while the regular indexes are market-cap weighted. Hence, an equal-weighted index reflects performance of an average stock while the market cap-weighted ones are skewed by the performances of large-cap stocks. This confirms what many investors already know: that in 2017, EM outperformance versus DM has been largely due to the surge in four large-cap technology stocks in Asia. Comparing EM against the U.S. only on similar measures, the message is identical (Chart I-2). Chart I-3 illustrates the absolute performance of MSCI EM market cap-weighted and MSCI EM equal-weighted equity indexes. It appears that the EM equal-weighted stock index has failed to make new cyclical highs lately. Thereby, it has not confirmed the new high in the EM market-cap weighted equity benchmark (Chart I-3). Chart I-2...And U.S. Chart I-3EM Equal-Weighted Index Did Not ##br##Confirm EM Market-Cap Recent Highs Similarly, the rally in share prices of EM banks - an important macro-driven sector of the EM equity universe - has lately paused. As such, it has also not confirmed the new high in the overall EM equity benchmark (Chart I-4). Given EM tech stocks (29% of MSCI benchmark index) are extremely overbought, the EM equity rally can be sustained if leadership rotates to EM financials and commodities stocks, which account for 23% and 14% of market cap, respectively. The failure of both EM financials and commodities stocks to make new cyclical highs of late suggests the EM equity rally is wearing off. The advance-decline line for EM stocks has lately dropped below the 50 line (Chart I-5, top panel). By contrast, the DM measure is still above 50 (Chart I-5, bottom panel). This signals a major bout of EM underperformance versus DM, as well as downside risks to EM's absolute performance. Chart I-4EM Banks Also Did Not Confirm ##br##EM Market-Cap Recent Highs Chart I-5Poor Advance-Decline Line In EM Equities The weak technical profile for EM equities is consistent with our fundamental assessment that the main risks to global growth and share prices stem from EM/China rather than DM economies. Therefore, EM/China plays will be the first to roll over, while DM stocks will lag. Investors looking for signs of reversal in the rally in global risk assets should monitor EM/China plays. Finally, EM small cap stocks' relative performance against their DM counterparts has not confirmed the EM outperformance based on an aggregate index (Chart I-6). This is a negative signal as well, and heralds new lows in relative performance. This also corroborates that, outside those EM large-cap tech stocks that have gone exponential, the EM equity rally has been much less exuberant and vigorous. More importantly, the EM rally has recently shown signs of fatigue. Bottom Line: Breadth within EM equity markets has been deteriorating both in absolute terms and relative to DM equities. This implies that a major downturn in EM share prices as well as EM risk assets generally is approaching. Investors should stay put/underweight EM risk assets. Brazil: A Political Economy Dilemma The Nominal Impediment We are aware that the pace of economic activity in Brazil is presently gathering speed. Manufacturing, retail sales and hiring are all recovering (Chart I-7). Even capital spending that has been shrinking until recently is now starting to show signs of life. Chart I-6EM Small Caps Have Not Confirmed ##br##EM Large Cap Outperformance Chart I-7Brazil: Economic Activity Is Recovering Nevertheless, Brazil's public debt dynamics remain unsustainable. Nominal GDP growth has declined to its 2015 low - as falling inflation has more than offset the revival in real output (Chart I-8). Besides, real interest rates remain elevated and nominal GDP growth is well below the government's borrowing costs (Chart I-9). Chart I-8Brazil: Real Growth Is Recovering ##br##While Nominal Growth Is Relapsing Chart I-9Brazil: Borrowing Costs Are Still High Therefore, without full-fledged social security reforms and/or lowering ex-ante real interest rates substantially, the public debt trajectory will likely spin out of control. Interest rates in real terms are also elevated for the private sector. This suggests that credit stress among companies and households might not recede quickly, and high real interest rates might cap the recovery in loan growth (Chart I-10). Interestingly, Chart I-11 demonstrates that private banks' NPLs (non-performing loans) inversely correlate with nominal GDP growth (nominal GDP is inverted on the chart). This entails that the amelioration in Brazil's NPL cycle is at least due for a pause. Chart I-10Brazil: Bank Loan Growth Is Stabilizing Chart I-11Brazil: Nominal GDP & Bank NPLs In short, to stabilize public and private debt dynamics, higher nominal GDP growth and much lower borrowing costs in real terms are vital. The latter means an unexpected rise in inflation is required. Chart I-12Brazil In the Late 1990s To boost nominal growth considerably and finance government at lower real interest rates, a combination of quantitative easing (QE) and currency depreciation will be needed. This is not a forecast that the Brazilian central bank will certainly implement QE. Rather, our point is that without extensive social security reforms - which are politically unfeasible now (more on this below) - a meaningful currency depreciation and/or public debt monetization by the central bank will be necessary to stabilize public debt dynamics and put the economy on a sustainable expansion path. Remarkably, in the late 1990s, faced with low inflation and weak nominal growth, the Brazilian government opted for large currency devaluation, which boosted nominal GDP growth (Chart I-12). Notably, the currency was devalued despite the large share of public foreign currency debt. This ratio is now very low. Hence, currency depreciation will be less painful now than it was in 1998. A Political Economy Dilemma: Growth Versus Creditors Brazil's elected politicians (congressmen and senators) are facing a political economy dilemma: (a) Should they satisfy interests of government creditors (including foreign investors) - i.e., pursue painful fiscal reforms to make public debt sustainable? Or (b) Should they gratify the electorate - i.e., avoid austerity and stimulate the still-beleaguered economy? To put this in perspective, the economy is just exiting one of the worst recessions of the past century, and the unemployment rate is still at a decade high. Over the next several months, the government of President Michel Temer will try to pass a diluted version of the pension reform bill. The government is desperate to enact this bill to keep financial markets buoyant and preserve the ongoing economic recovery heading into the elections. Being already very unpopular, government officials realize this is the only way their candidate has a chance to get elected in the presidential elections next year. However, the diluted version will not be enough to ensure debt sustainability. Chart I-13Brazil's Median Voter Favors ##br##Anti-Government Candidates Moreover, many of the government's coalition partners have different incentives. Going into the general elections in October 2018, odds favor that the majority of congressmen and senators will likely vote for avoiding austerity. As a result, the pension reforms draft - even in its diluted form - will likely fail. The median voter in Brazil remains on the left. Chart I-13 reveals that according to the latest polls, 60% of voters support anti-market candidates. Hence, any politician who wants to be elected needs to heed to the electorate. Worsening Fiscal Dynamics Public debt sustainability has been worsening: The primary and overall deficits have lately widened to 2.9% and 9.3% of GDP, respectively (Chart I-14). Public debt sustainability necessitates that the primary fiscal balance swings into a surplus, and borrowing costs drop below nominal GDP. None of these requirements have been satisfied or are likely to be anytime soon. Meanwhile, central government total revenue growth has dwindled (Chart I-15, top panel). In turn, central government net revenue - i.e. excluding transfers to local governments - are mildly contracting due to the increase in revenue transfers to the latter (Chart I-15, bottom panel). Chart I-14Brazil: Fiscal Deficit Has Not Improved Chart I-15Central Government Revenues Are Very Weak Furthermore, the overall fiscal deficit excluding social security is at 6% of GDP and has widened over the past year (Chart I-14, bottom panel). Interest payments account for 32% of government spending and 6.4% of GDP. On the whole, without a large fiscal retrenchment and with real interest rates close to current levels, the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio will likely reach 85% by the end of 2018 and 92% in two years' time - even if nominal GDP growth recovers to 6-6.5%. This puts the impetus solely on the central bank to reflate nominal growth aggressively and/or bring down real interest rates. This can be achieved via currency depreciation or public debt monetization. The outcome of the latter will necessarily be a major drop in the currency's value. This, along with our negative view on commodities prices in general and iron ore prices in particular, prompts us to retain our bearish stance on the Brazilian real. Chart I-16 demonstrates that the currency is highly correlated with iron ore prices, and has no correlation with the level of and changes in the interest rate differential between Brazil and the U.S. Investment Implications The path of least resistance for the Brazilian real is down - it will depreciate more than 2% and 4% that are implied by 6- and 12-month forwards, respectively. Stay short. When the Brazilian currency sells off, the nation's financial markets perform poorly. In particular, Brazil's sovereign and corporate credit spreads are very narrow, and will widen as investors begin doubting public debt sustainability. In turn, currency depreciation will raise the cost of foreign currency debt for the private sector. Dedicated EM investors should underweight Brazilian sovereign and corporate credit relative to their benchmarks. The relapse in narrow money (M1) growth presages downside risk in share prices (Chart I-17). Chart I-16Driver Of BRL: Commodities Not Interest Rates Chart I-17Brazil: M1 Growth And Share Prices The broad stock market is not particularly cheap, given the magnitude of the rally that has considerably exceeded the EPS recovery. Finally, in the local fixed-income market we continue recommending a bet on yield curve flattening that typically happens when the currency sells off. Foreign investors should wait for currency depreciation to play out before going long local currency government bonds. Local investors should overweight local bonds versus stocks. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Andrija Vesic, Research Assistant andrijav@bcaresearch.com Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Highlights Geopolitical risks were overstated in 2017, but have now become understated; If Donald Trump becomes an early "lame duck" president, he will seek relevance abroad; This could mean a protectionist White House, or increased geopolitical tensions with Iran and North Korea; North Korean internal stability could come into question as economic sanctions begin to bite; Political risks in the U.K. and Italy could rise with markets overly complacent on both; Emerging markets, particularly Brazil and Mexico, will see renewed political risk. Feature Buoyant global growth, political stability in Europe, and steady policymakers' hands in China have fueled risk assets in 2017. As the year draws to a close, investors also have tax cuts in the U.S. to celebrate. Our high conviction view that tax cuts would happen - and that they would be fiscally profligate - is near the finish line.1 In making this call, we ignored the failure to repeal Obamacare, the "wisdom" of old "D.C. hands," and direct intelligence from a source inside the White House circle who swore tax reform would be revenue neutral. Throughout the year, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy remained confident that the GOP would ignore its fiscal conservative credentials and focus on the midterm elections.2 That election is increasingly looking like a bloodbath-in-the-making for the Republican Party (Chart 1). What of the latest opinion polls showing that the tax cuts are unpopular with half of all Americans? The polls also show that a solid one-third of all Americans remain in support of the Republican plan (Chart 2). We suspect - as do Republican strategists - that those are the Republicans who vote in midterm elections. Given the atrociously low turnout in midterm elections - just 36.4% of Americans voted in 2014 - Republicans need their base to turn out in November. The tax cuts are not about the wider American public but the Republican base. Chart 1Midterm Election: A Bloodbath? Chart 2Republican Base Supports Tax Cuts As we close the book on 2017, we look with trepidation towards 2018. Our main theme for next year is that the combination of economic stimulus from the tax cuts in the U.S. and structural reforms in China will create a U.S.-dollar-bullish policy mix that will combine into a headwind for global risk assets, particularly emerging market equities.3 However, in this report, we focus on some of the more exotic risks that investors may have to deal with. In particular we focus on five potential "black swans" - low probability, high market-impact events - that are neither on the market's radar nor the media's. To qualify for our list, the events must be: Unlikely: There must be less than a 20% probability that the event will occur in the next 12 months. Out of sight: The scenario we present should not be receiving media coverage, at least not as a serious market risk. Geopolitical: We must be able to identify the risk scenario through the lens of our geopolitical methodology. Genuinely unpredictable events - such as meteor strikes, pandemics, crippling cyber-attacks, solar flares, alien invasions, and failures in the computer program running the simulation that we call the universe - do not make the cut. Black Swan 1: Lame Duck Trump "Lame duck" presidents - leaders whose popularity late in their term has sunk so low that they can no longer affect policy - are said to be particularly adventurous in the foreign arena. While this adage has a spotty empirical record, there are several notable examples in recent memory.4 American presidents have few constitutional constraints when it comes to foreign policy. Therefore, when domestic constraints rise, U.S. presidents seek relevance abroad. Chart 3The Day After The Midterms, Trump's Overall Popularity Will Matter More Than That Among Republicans President Trump may become the earliest, and lamest, lame duck president in recent U.S. history. While his Republican support remains healthy, his overall popularity is well below the average presidential approval rating at this point in the political cycle (Chart 3). Based on these poll numbers, his party is likely to underperform in the upcoming midterm election (Chart 4). A Democrat-led House of Representatives would have the votes to begin impeachment, which we would then consider likely in 2019. As we have argued in our "impeachment handbook," the market impact of such a crisis would ultimately depend on market fundamentals and the global context, not political intrigue.5 Chart 4Trump Is Becoming A Liability For The GOP President Trump's political capital ahead of the midterm elections is based on his ability to influence Republican legislators. Despite low overall poll numbers, President Trump can use the threat of endorsing primary challengers against conservative peers in Congress to move his agenda in the legislature. He has effectively done this with tax cuts. However, the day after the midterm elections, President Trump's own numbers will matter for the GOP. Given that President Trump will be on the ballot in the 2020 general election, his low approval numbers with non-Republican voters will hang like an albatross around the party's neck. This is a serious issue, particularly given that 22 of the 33 Senators up for reelection in 2020 will be Republican.6 Robust economic growth and a roaring stock market have not boosted Trump's popularity so far. At the same time, a strong economy ready to translate into higher wages is about to be "pump-primed" by stimulative tax cuts (Chart 5). We would expect the result to be a stronger dollar, which should keep the U.S. trade deficit widening well into Trump's second year in office. At some point, this will become a sore political point, given Trump's protectionist rhetoric and his administration's focus on the trade balance as a key measure of U.S. power. Chart 5Wage Pressures Are Building What kind of adventures would we expect to see President Trump embark on in 2018? There are three prime candidates: China-U.S. trade war: The Trump administration started off with threats against China and then proceeded to negotiations. However, neither the North Korean situation nor the trade deficit has seen substantial improvement, and a lame duck Trump administration would be more likely to resort to serious punitive actions. Even improvements on the Korean peninsula would not necessarily prevent Washington from getting tougher on Beijing over trade, as the Trump administration will be driven by domestic politics. Investors should carefully watch whether the World Trade Organization deems China a "market economy," which could trigger a U.S. backlash, and whether the various investigations by U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer and Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross result in anti-dumping and countervailing duties being imposed more frequently on specific Chinese exports. Thus far, the empirical evidence suggests that the Trump administration has picked up the pace of protectionist rulings (Chart 6). Notably, the Trump administration claims that the Comprehensive Economic Dialogue has "stalled," and it is reviving deeper, structural demands on Chinese policymakers.7 Iran Jingoism: Rumors that Secretary of State Rex Tillerson may be replaced by CIA Director Mike Pompeo - who would be replaced at the CIA by Senator Tom Cotton - can only mean one thing: the White House has Iran in its sights. Both Pompeo and Cotton are hawks on Iran. The administration may be preparing to shift its focus from North Korea, where American allies in the region are urging caution, to the Middle East, where American allies in the region are urging aggression. Investors should watch whether Tillerson is removed and especially how Congress reacts to President Trump's decision on October 15 to decertify the Iran nuclear agreement (also called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA). The Republican-controlled Congress has until December 15 to reimpose sanctions on Iran that were suspended as part of the deal, with merely a simple majority needed in both chambers. However, President Trump will also have an opportunity, as early as January, to end waivers on a slew of sanctions that were not covered under the JCPOA. North Korea: It would be natural to slot North Korea as first on our list of potential foreign policy adventures for President Trump. However, it does not really fit our qualification of a black swan. North Korea is not "out of sight." Additionally, President Trump has already broken with the tradition of previous administrations by upping the pressure on Pyongyang. In fact, a North Korean black swan would be if President Trump succeeded in breaking the regime in Pyongyang. To that scenario we turn next. Chart 6Trump: Game Changer In U.S. Trade Policy? Bottom Line: Geopolitics has not affected the markets in 2017, with risk assets reaching record highs and the VIX reaching record lows (Chart 7). This was our view throughout the year and we called for investors to "buy in May and have a nice day" as a result of our analysis.8 We do not see this as likely in 2018. The Trump administration has no credible legislative agenda after tax cuts. We expect Congress to stall as we enter the summer primary season and for the GOP to lose the House to the Democrats. President Trump is an astute political analyst and will sense these developments before they happen. There is a good chance that he will attempt to sway the election and pre-empt his lame duck status with an aggressive foreign policy. Chart 72017 Goldilocks: S&P 500 Up, VIX Down Investment implications are twofold. First, we continue to recommend an equally weighted basket of Swiss 10-year bonds and gold as a portfolio hedge.9 Second, risk premium for oil prices should rise in 2018. Not only is the supply-demand balance favorable for oil prices, but geopolitical risks are likely to rise as well. Black Swan 2: A Coup In Pyongyang Our colleague Peter Berezin, BCA's Chief Global Strategist, has suggested that a coup d'état against Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un could be a black swan trigger that spooks the markets.10 While Peter used the scenario as a tongue-in-cheek way to weave Kim into a narrative that tells of a late 2019 recession, we have long raised North Korean domestic politics as the true Korean black swan.11 Here we entertain Peter's idea for three reasons.12 First, China has upped the economic pressure on Pyongyang. Under Kim Jong-un, the North Korean state has attempted some limited economic "opening up," namely to China. But the attempt to finalize the nuclear deterrent has delayed an already precarious process. There has now been a $617 million drop in Chinese imports from the country since the beginning of the year (Chart 8), with coal imports particularly affected (Chart 9). China has also pulled back on tourism. Meanwhile, North Korea's imports of Chinese goods have risen, which suggests that the country's current account balance may be widening. At some point, if these trends continue, Pyongyang will run out of foreign currency with which to purchase Chinese and Russian imports. Chart 8China Is Turning The Screws On Pyongyang... Chart 9...Particularly On Coal Imports Second, Pyongyang is well aware of pressures against the regime. The assassination of Kim Jong-nam - the older half-brother of Kim Jong-un - in February of this year sent a message to the world, but especially to China, which kept Kim Jong-nam around as an alternative to the current Kim. That Pyongyang went to the extreme lengths of poisoning Kim Jong-nam with VX nerve agent in a foreign airport suggests that Kim Jong-un is still worried about threats to his rule.13 If Beijing's economic sanctions continue to tighten in 2018, the military could conceivably see the Supreme Leader's aggressive foreign policy as a risk to regime survival. Third, Pyongyang could miscalculate and create a crisis from which it cannot deescalate. A provocation that disrupts international infrastructure and commerce or kills civilians from the U.S. or Japan could trigger a downward spiral. For instance, an attack against international shipping in the Yellow Sea or Sea of Japan by North Korean submarines would be an unprecedented act that the U.S. and Japan would likely retaliate against.14 We could see the U.S. following the script from Operation Praying Mantis in the Persian Gulf in 1988 - the largest surface engagement by the U.S. Navy since the Second World War. In that incident, the U.S. sunk half of Iran's navy in retaliation for the mining of the guided missile frigate USS Samuel B. Roberts. In the case of North Korea, this would primarily mean taking out its approximately 20 Romeo-class submarines and an unknown number of domestically-produced - Yugoslav-designed - newly built submarines. Such a conflict is not our baseline case, but we assign much higher probability to it than an all-out war on the Korean Peninsula. How would Pyongyang react to the sinking of its submarines? Our best case is that the regime would do nothing. The leadership in Pyongyang is massively constrained by its quantifiable military inferiority. True, North Korea has around 6 million military personnel - about 25% of the total population is under arms - but unfortunately for Pyongyang, this large army is arrayed against one of the most sophisticated defenses ever constructed by man: the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). To support its ground forces, North Korea would have at its disposal only about 20-30 Mig-29s. Countering two dozen jets would be South Korea's combined 177 F-15s and F-16s, plus American forces that would vary in size depending on how many aircraft carriers were deployed in the vicinity. Given that a single American aircraft carrier holds up to 48 fighter jets, North Koreans would quickly find themselves fighting a losing battle. Which is why they may never initiate one. If Kim Jong-un insists on retaliation, the military could remove and replace him with, for instance, his 30-year old sister, who has recently risen in party ranks, or his 36-year old brother Kim Jong-chul, who is apparently not entirely uninvolved in the regime despite living an unassuming life in Pyongyang. What would a regime change mean for the markets? It depends on whether it is successful or not. An unsuccessful coup could lead to a massive purge and likely a total break in Pyongyang's relations with the outside world, including China. This would seriously destabilize North Korea's decision-making. The global community would have to begin contemplating a total war on the Korean peninsula. Alternatively, a successful coup could lead to temporary volatility, yet long-term stability. The military regime in the North may even be open to reunification over the long term, depending on how U.S.-China relations evolve. Bottom Line: China does not want to cripple North Korea or throw a coup. But it is cooperating with sanctions and could therefore trigger one by mistake. At least two regimes have collapsed in the past when facing the pincer movement of economic sanctions and American military pressure - South Africa's apartheid regime in 1991 and Slobodan Miloševic's Yugoslavia in 1999. Kim Jong-un could face a similar fate, particularly if China applies excessive economic pressure. Black Swan 3: Prime Minister Jeremy Corbyn There is no election scheduled in the U.K. for 2018, but if one were to be held the ruling Tories would be in trouble (Chart 10). In fact, the combined anti-Brexit forces are currently in a solid lead over the pro-Brexit parties, Conservatives and the U.K. Independence Party (UKIP) (Chart 11). Chart 10Labour Is In The Lead... Chart 11...As Are Anti-Brexit Forces Writ-Large What could trigger such an election? Ultimately, the final exit deal may prompt a new election. More immediately, the ongoing negotiations over the status of the Irish border would be a prime candidate. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi, head of BCA's European Investment Strategy noted recently, Prime Minister Theresa May's government is propped up by the Northern Irish Unionists to whom May has promised that there will be no hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. This will likely create a crisis as the EU negotiations may inadvertently threaten the Good Friday peace agreement. The Northern Ireland Unionists will not tolerate the border moving to the Irish Sea. This would effectively take Northern Ireland into the EU customs union and single market, and out of the U.K.'s domestic trading zone. It would also embolden Scotland's push for single market access. In essence, the Tory government may collapse because of differences within the U.K.'s "three kingdoms" before it even has the chance to collapse over differences with the EU.15 The market may cheer a Labour-Scottish National Party (SNP) coalition government, a potential winner of an early election, as it would mean that a new referendum on the U.K. leaving the EU could be held. The latest polls suggest that "Bremorse" (remorse for Brexit) has set in, as a clear majority in the U.K. thinks that Brexit was a bad idea (Chart 12). However, we suspect that it would take Prime Minister Jeremy Corbyn several months, if not over a year, before he called such a referendum. First, Corbyn is on record supporting a soft Brexit, not a new referendum, and he has only just begun to adjust this position. Second, a soft Brexit is far more difficult to achieve than the hard Brexit of Prime Minister Theresa May since it requires the U.K. to subvert its sovereignty in significant ways (i.e., accepting EU regulation) in order to access the EU Common Market. Third, the most politically palatable way to re-do the referendum is to put a U.K.-EU deal up to the people to decide, which means that Corbyn first has to spend a long time negotiating that deal. Chart 12Bremorse Sets In The market may be disappointed to find out that PM Corbyn is not willing or able to put the question of the U.K.'s EU exit up to a vote right away. Instead, the market would have to deal with Corbyn's economic policies, which are markedly left-wing. Corbyn harkens back to the 110 Propositions pour la France of French President François Mitterrand, if not exactly to the ghastly 1970s of the U.K.'s own history. A brief sample platter of Labour's proposals under Corbyn includes: Increasing the U.K. corporate tax rate to 26% from 20%; Increasing the minimum wage; Forcing companies not to out-source operations; Nationalizing public infrastructure companies. How should investors play a Corbyn victory? We think that the U.K. pound would likely rally on a higher probability of reversing Brexit. However, this "no Brexit" rally would quickly dissipate as PM Corbyn reiterated his promise to fulfill the democratic desire of the population to exit the EU. While Corbyn's negotiating team set to work on getting a better Brexit deal out of Brussels, the market would quickly turn its attention to the reality that Corbyn is not kidding about socialism.16 The result would be a selloff in the pound. Bottom Line: BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy has pointed out that the pound remains well below its fair value (Chart 13). However, as BCA's chief FX strategist Mathieu Savary points out, the valuation technicals may be misleading as the currency has entered a new economic, trade, and political paradigm. A Corbyn premiership is not clearly positive for Brexit, while opening up a completely different question: is the U.K. also exiting the free-market, laissez-faire paradigm that it has helped lead since May 1979? Black Swan 4: Italy Is A Black Swan Hiding In Plain Sight The spread between Italian and German 10-year government bonds has narrowed 72 basis points since April, suggesting that investors have grown comfortable with the risks associated with the Italian election due by May (Chart 14). There are three reasons why we agree with the market: Chart 13Pound Valuation Reflects Post-Brexit Paradigm Chart 14Investors Not Worried About Italy New electoral rules passed in October make it highly likely that a center-right alliance will take shape between the Forza Italia of former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and the mildly Eurosketpic Lega Nord. These two could form a government alone, or in a grand coalition with the center-left Democratic Party (PD) (Chart 15). Both Lega Nord and the anti-establishment Five Star Movement (M5S) have moved to the center on the questions of European integration and membership in the currency union; The European migration crisis is over and its supposedly constant impact on Italy is waning (Chart 16). Meanwhile, Italy's economy is on the mend, with its banking sector finally following the Spanish trajectory with a drop in non-performing loans (Chart 17). Chart 15Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Chart 16Migration Crisis Is Over (Yes, Even In Italy) Chart 17Italian Recovery Is Just Starting That said, we continue to warn clients that the underlying support for the common currency is lagging in Italy. The support level is just above 55%, despite a strong rally in the rest of the Euro Area (Chart 18). Similarly, over 40% of Italians appear confident in the country's future outside of the EU (Chart 19). Chart 18Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Chart 19Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Our baseline case is that Italian elections will produce a weak and ineffective government, though crucially not a Euroskeptic one. How could we be wrong? Easy: one of the three reasons why we agree with the market could shift. For example, M5S could alter its pledge to remain in the Euro Area and surprisingly win on a Euroskeptic platform. Why would the party do something like that? Because it makes sense! Polls are already showing that M5S's recent moderation on the euro is not paying political dividends, with its support sharply sliding since the summer. With power quickly slipping out of reach for the party, why wouldn't they put a down-payment on the next election by trusting the underlying trend in opinion polling and investing in a Euroskeptic platform that might pay political dividends in the future? If we think that this strategy makes sense based on the data, then the M5S leadership might as well. Chart 20Can MIB Keep Outperforming? Another scenario is a major terror attack perpetrated by recent migrants from North Africa. Italy has been spared from radical Islamic terror. As such, the country may not be as desensitized to it as other European nations. A strong showing by Lega Nord and the far-right Fratelli d'Italia could force Forza Italia to move to the right as well. On our travels, we have noticed that few investors want to talk about Italy. There is wide acknowledgement of the structural trends pointing to a rise of Euroskepticism in the country, but also an appearance of consensus that this is a problem for a later date. We agree with this consensus, but our conviction is low. Bottom Line: Italian election risk is completely unappreciated by the markets. The country's equity market is one of the best performing this year (Chart 20), while government bonds are pricing in no political risk as the election approaches. We believe that shorting both would present a good hedging opportunity. Black Swan 5: Bloodbath In Latin America Our last black swan risk is not really a black swan to us but a forecast we believe will happen. As we outlined last month, we fear that Chinese policy-induced credit contraction will be negative for emerging markets, as BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy data asserts (Chart 21). BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy has pointed out in its latest missive that its "Carry Canary Indicator" - performance of EM/JPY crosses - is signaling that a sharp deceleration in global growth is coming in Q1 2018 (Chart 22).17 Latin America (especially Chile, Peru, and Brazil) is the region most exposed to the combination of a slowing China and a China-induced drop in commodity prices. Chart 21When China Sneezes, EM Gets The Flu Chart 22Ominous Signal From EM/JPY From a political perspective, this is most negative for Brazil and Mexico. Both countries hold elections in 2018, with the Mexican election further complicated by the ongoing NAFTA renegotiations. We believe that the future of NAFTA hangs in the balance, with a high probability that the Trump administration will decide to abrogate the deal.18 Currently, anti-market political forces are in the lead in both countries. In Brazil, no pro-market candidate is leading in the polls (Chart 23). In fact, anti-market options have a 48% lead on the centrists. Granted, there are ten months until the election, but we are skeptical that the Brazilian population will change its mind and support reformers. If the "median voter" in Brazil supported reforms, the current Temer administration would have passed them already. In Mexico, anti-establishment candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador (also known as AMLO) is leading in the polls (Chart 24), as is his new party Morena (Chart 25). If Morena wins the most seats in the Mexican Congress, it will be more difficult for the opposition parties to combine to counter it.19 Chart 23There Is No Pro-Market Option In Brazil Chart 24AMLO Is In The Lead ... Chart 25...As Is Morena In 2017, we argued that politics were not a tailwind for EM asset performance. Instead, investors chased yield in the favorable economic context of Chinese economic stimulus, low developed market yields, and a weak U.S. dollar. In reality, politics was just as dire in much of EM as it was in prior years of asset underperformance, but the surge of global liquidity in 2018 masked the problems. We do not think the EM rally is sustainable in 2018. As the global economic and market context shifts, investors will start paying attention. Suddenly, political problems will enter into focus. Here we argue that Brazil and Mexico are likely to be the main targets of portfolio outflows, but a strong case could be made for South Africa and Turkey as well.20 Bottom Line: Political risk in Latin America will return. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications," dated November 9, 2016, and "Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Reconciliation And The Markets - Warning: This Report May Put You To Sleep," dated May 31, 2017, "How Long Can The 'Trump Put' Last?" dated June 14, 2017, and "Is King Dollar Back?" dated October 4, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks," dated November 22, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 President Clinton launched the largest NATO military operation against Yugoslavia amidst impeachment proceedings against him while President George H. W. Bush ordered U.S. troops to Somalia a month after losing the 1992 election. Ironically, President George H. W. Bush intervened in Somalia in order to lock in the supposedly isolationist Bill Clinton, who had defeated him three weeks earlier, into an internationalist foreign policy. President George W. Bush ordered the "surge" of troops into Iraq in 2007 after losing both houses of Congress in 2006; President Obama arranged the Iranian nuclear deal after losing the Senate (and hence Congress) to the Republicans in 2014. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Break Glass In Case Of Impeachment," dated May 17, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Particularly vulnerable, in our view, will be Cory Gardner (R, Colorado), Joni Ernst (R, Iowa), Susan Collins (R, Maine), and Thom Tillis (R, North Carolina). 7 U.S. Treasury Under Secretary for International Affairs David Malpass recently claimed that high-level talks had "stalled" and re-emphasized the U.S.'s structural complaints: "We are concerned that China's economic liberalization seems to have slowed or reversed, with the role of the state increasing ... State-owned enterprises have not faced hard budget constraints and China's industrial policy has become more and more problematic for foreign firms. Huge export credits are flowing in non-economic ways that distort markets." The growing presence of Communist Party cells within corporations is another important structural concern that puts the administration at loggerheads with China's leaders. Please see Andrew Mayeda and Saleha Mohsin, "US Rebukes China For Backing Off Market Embrace," Bloomberg, November 30, 2017, available at www.bloomberg.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day!" dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Can Pyongyang Derail The Bull Market?" dated August 16, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy, "A Timeline For The Next Five Years: Part II," dated December 1, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see "North Korea: From Overstated To Understated" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2016: Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. A notable coup attempt occurred in 1995-96 in North Hamgyong; something like a coup attempt may have occurred in 2013; and defectors from North Korea have reported various stories of plots and conspiracies against the regime. 12 After all, Peter predicted that Donald Trump would be a serious candidate for the U.S. presidency back in September 2015! 13 Still worried, that is, even after Kim Jong-un's supposed "consolidation of power" in 2013-14 when he executed his influential and China-aligned uncle, Jang Song Thaek, and purged the latter's faction. There were reports of rogue military operations at that time. With low troop morale reported by North Korean defectors, the possibility of insubordination cannot be ruled out. 14 A North Korean submarine sank the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010, and North Korean artillery shelled two islands killing South Korean civilians later that year, but these attacks were still within the norm of North Korean provocations. The two countries are still technically at war and have contested maritime as well as land borders. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 To help investors get ready for a Corbyn premiership, we thought his appearance on President Nicolás Maduro's weekly radio show would be a good place to start: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7eL8_wtS-0I 17 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy, "Canaries In The Coal Mine Alert: EM/JPY Carry Trades," dated December 1, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy, "NAFTA - Populism Vs. Pluto-Populism," dated November 10, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy "Update On Emerging Markets: Malaysia, Mexico, And The United States Of America," dated August 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "South Africa: Crisis Of Expectations," dated June 28, 2017, and "Turkey: Military Adventurism And Capital Controls," dated December 7, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Geopolitical Calendar
Highlights Agricultural markets are informationally efficient for the most part, which is to say that at any given time, prices already reflect most public information available to traders, and a lot of private information as well. Even so, we believe markets are underestimating the Fed's resolve in normalizing interest-rate policy next year - particularly when it comes to the number of rate hikes we are likely to see - and thus are underestimating the likelihood of lower grain prices in 2018. Energy: Overweight. Oil markets will emerge from their suspended animation following OPEC 2.0's Vienna meeting today. Our Brent and WTI call spreads in May, July and December 2018 - long $55/bbl calls vs. short $60/bbl calls - are up an average 50.2%. Our long Jul/18 WTI vs. short Dec/18 WTI trade anticipating steepening backwardation is up 13.3%. Base Metals: Neutral. China's refined zinc imports were up 145% yoy to 61,355 MT in October, based on customs data. Metal Bulletin noted tight domestic supplies accounted for the increase. Precious Metals: Neutral. Gold is breaking away from its attachment to $1,280/oz., as the USD weakens. Our long gold portfolio hedge is up 5.2% since inception May 4, 2017. Ags/Softs: Neutral. Global financial conditions will become increasingly important to grain prices going forward, a trend we explore below. Feature Record output and ending stocks will ensure that ag markets remain well supplied globally next year. While we see risks as balanced in the upcoming year, and remain neutral ags generally, we believe markets are underestimating the Fed's resolve when it comes to normalizing interest rates, and thus underestimate upside USD potential. This means the likelihood of lower grain prices also is being underestimated. Weather will add volatility to the mix, as well. We believe the fundamentals supporting the assessment of record output and season-ending stocks-to-use ratios are fully reflected in prices. However, financial conditions - particularly USD strength next year - are not being fully priced by markets. This makes grains, in particular, vulnerable to the downside. Financial conditions driving ag markets: Fed policy & real rates: we expect U.S. financial conditions to tighten, and for the Fed to hike rates once more this year, and up to three more times in 2018.1 FX rates: With higher U.S. policy rates next year, the USD is likely to strengthen. This will weaken grain prices generally. Wheat, in particular, is most vulnerable to a strengthening USD and a weakening of the currencies of some of the commodity's top exporters - the European Union, Russia, and Australia. We've narrowed down the fundamental factors to look out for in 2018 as follows: Strong demand amid an extension of supply cuts by the OPEC 2.0 coalition will support oil prices in 2018. Higher energy prices will increase profit-margin pressure in ag markets through input and shipping costs. Weather risks from La Nina threaten to curb yields this winter, especially in Argentina and Brazil, which will add volatility to prices. Policy shifts in Argentina, China, and Brazil will influence farmers' planting decisions in the upcoming crop year. A Look Back At 2017 Chart of the WeekGrains Outperformed Softs This Year As predicted in our 2017 outlook, grains reversed their 2016 underperformance vis-à-vis softs this year, and outperformed them.2 While prices for sugar, coffee, and cotton were up 28%, 8%, and 12% in 2016, they have since declined by 21%, 8%, and 2%, respectively. In fact, sugar - our top ag in 2016 - took the biggest hit this year (Chart of the Week). On the other hand, as a complex, grains currently stand at largely the same level as the beginning of last year. However, there are some idiosyncrasies within the class. The two worst performing grains last year - rice and wheat - have been the strongest performers so far this year. Rice rallied 30% year-to-date (ytd) on the back of tighter supplies, completely reversing its 19% decline in 2016. Similarly, wheat, which lost 13% of its value last year, is up a modest 3% ytd. On the other hand, soybeans surrendered its title as the most profitable grain in 2016. After gaining 14% last year, its fate turned and it fell 3% ytd. Finally, out of the lot, corn is the only ag we cover that has fallen in both years consecutively, by a minor 1.9% in 2016, and an additional 4.4% so far this year. A Recap Of Long Term Trends According to the International Grains Council's November estimates, grains production is projected to come down this crop year. With an increase in consumption, this will ultimately lead to a 5.2% decline in ending stocks - the first drawdown in five years. Despite the year-on-year (y-o-y) decline, grain inventories are expected to stand at their second highest level on record (Table 1). Table 1Grain Production Down While Consumption Inches Higher The decline in expected grain ending stocks is mainly driven by corn, which - despite a large upwards revision to U.S. yields in the most recent WASDE - is expected to experience a 3.6% decline in production. This, together with a boost in consumption, leads to a 13.6% fall in ending stocks - the first drawdown since the 2010/11 crop year. The decline in corn expectations reflects a shift in the planting preferences of some of the major producers. The U.S., Brazil, Argentina, and China are the top soybean and corn exporters - accounting for 78% and 49% of global soybean and corn area harvested in the 2016/17 crop year, respectively. What is significant in the current cycle is that farmers in these countries are moving away from planting corn and towards more soybeans (Chart 2). China, which accounted for 19% of global corn area harvested and 6% of global soybean area harvested in 2016/17, is leading this change. While corn area harvested fell by an average 4.2% in the 2015 and 2016 crop years, soybean area harvested gained 9.8% during that period. Similarly, in Brazil, which accounted for 10% and 28% of global corn and soybean area harvested in 2016/17, respectively, corn area harvested by farmers has been growing at a much slower rate than soybean area harvested, with the former expanding by 16.4% and the latter by 39.6% since 2010/11. Likewise, harvested area in the U.S., which accounted for 18% and 29% of global corn and soybean area harvested, respectively, shrunk by 0.9% in the case of corn, and expanded by 21.3% in the case of soybeans since 2010/11. The exception to this rule is Argentina. Argentine farmland accounted for 3% and 15% of global corn and soybean area harvested in 2016/17, respectively. Since 2010/11, both corn area harvested as well as soybean area harvested increased by roughly the same level - 1.6 Mn Ha for the former and 1.5 Mn Ha for the latter - representing a 44.4% and 8.6% increase in area harvested for corn and soybeans, respectively. However, this is due to export policies, which in effect, encourage corn production over soybeans. As we discuss below, soybean export tariffs will be phased out in the coming years, likely changing the incentives structure for Argentine farmers. This trend is mirrored in production data, with global soybean output gaining 32% since 2010/11, compared to a 25% increase in global corn production. However, this shift is in large part due to demand patterns which also favor soybeans to corn. Over the same period, global soybean consumption increased by 36%, compared to 24% in the case of corn (Chart 3). Chart 2Farmers Favor Soybeans Over Corn... Chart 3...As Do Consumers In fact, at 28%, global soybean stock-to-use ratios are significantly more elevated than that of corn, which stand at 19%. Furthermore, while soybeans are expected to record a 3.9mm MT surplus by the end of the current crop year, corn is projected to experience a 17.7mm MT deficit. Powell's Fed And Dollar Movements Our modelling of ags reveals that U.S. financial factors are important determinants of agriculture commodity price developments.3 Fed policy decisions and their impact on real rates have a direct effect on ag commodity prices, as well as an indirect effect through the exchange rate channel (Chart 4). Chart 4Fed Policy Drives Ag Markets While U.S. inflation has remained stubbornly low, forcing the Fed to slow down their interest rate normalization process, the anticipation - and eventual acceleration - of the Fed tightening cycle will weigh on ag prices. However, thanks in part to softer-than-expected inflation readings coming out of the U.S. this year, the USD broad trade-weighted index (TWIB) has weakened by 6.8% since the beginning of the year. In terms of the impact of real rates, monetary policy impacts agriculture markets through the following channels: The Fed's interest-rate normalization process will, all else equal, increase borrowing costs for farmers, and discourage investments in general - impacting both agricultural investments as well as outlays in research and development. Tighter credit also leads to a slowdown in growth which - ceteris paribus - depresses consumption and demand for goods and services generally, and agricultural commodities specifically. Finally, real rates have an indirect effect on agricultural commodity prices through its effect on the U.S. dollar. Higher U.S. rates encourage investment in U.S. bonds and entail a strengthening of the U.S. dollar making U.S. exports less competitive vis-à-vis those of its international competitors. Since commodities are priced in U.S. dollars while costs are priced in local currencies, a weakening of the domestic currency vis-à-vis the dollar would increase profitability for farmers selling in international markets. This can incentivize farmers to plant more, despite depressed global ag prices, which increases supply. As our modelling reveals, the net effect is an inverse relationship, whereby easier monetary policy is generally more favorable for agriculture markets. The Fed Will Remain Behind The Inflation Curve Our U.S. Bond Strategy team expects the Fed to remain behind inflation, in which case the USD will remain weak in the beginning of next year. The 2/10 Treasury curve is flat highlighting the market's belief that the Fed will continue with interest rate normalization despite below target levels of inflation.4 Since this would be a huge error on the part of new Chairman Powell, our U.S. bond strategists believe that the Fed will avoid such a policy mistake. Consequently, if inflation does not pick up soon, the Fed will be forced to turn dovish. In any case, U.S. monetary policy will "fall behind the curve." This means that the U.S. dollar will remain weak until inflation starts to tick higher, and the Fed can resume its interest rate normalization process. In fact, our bond strategists find that there is a resemblance between the current cycle and that of the late 1990s where the unemployment rate significantly undershot its natural level before inflation started to accelerate. Thus, they find it significant that most of the indicators that predicted the 1999 increase in inflation are now positive. This reinforces our faith that inflation will soon rebound, allowing the Fed to fall behind the curve and simultaneously hike rates at a pace of one more hike this year, and three more in 2018.5 In terms of the future path of the U.S. dollar, our foreign exchange strategists argue interest rate differentials will be a more significant determinant of dollar dynamics going forward. They expect inflation will start its ascent sometime before the end of 1H2018, which would lift the interest rate curve and the dollar. Our expectation is that inflation will bottom towards the end of this year/beginning of next, giving room for the Fed to proceed with its anticipated rate-hiking cycle, resulting in two to three hikes next year. Markets are pricing one to two rate hikes next year, which means our out-of-consensus rates call could cause the USD to rally far more than what markets have priced in to the USD TWIB. Following a 4.4% appreciation in trade weighted terms in 2016, the U.S. dollar has depreciated by 6.8% so far this year. The U.S. accounts for a larger share of global exports of corn and soybeans than rice and wheat, which means a strengthening of the USD TWIB will likely have a bigger impact on wheat and rice, in which the U.S. faces greater international competition for market share (Table 2). Table 2Wheat & Rice Vulnerable To USD Dynamics This is, in fact, in line with the price behavior that we have observed. Wheat and rice prices fell the most in 2016 as the U.S. dollar appreciated, and have outperformed soybeans and corn so far this year, as the U.S. dollar depreciated. Thus, in the absence of supply shocks that affect a particular grain, changes in the U.S. dollar going forward will have a greater impact on rice and wheat than on corn and soybeans. Keep An Eye On The Brazilian Real Of the major ag exporters, Brazil is most vulnerable to USD depreciation risk. Poor productivity trends have made our foreign exchange strategists single out the Brazilian Real (BRL) as one of the most expensive currencies they track. While they expect the BRL to depreciate over a one- to two-year horizon, the current strength in EM asset prices means that the BRL is likely to remain at its current level in the near term. However, given that the BRL provides an high carry, it will likely move sideways until U.S. interest rate expectations adjust to a rebound in inflation - which we expect toward the end of this year, or beginning of next. Brazil is a major ag producer - making up 45%, 44%, 27%, 23% and 12% share of the global export pies for soybeans, sugar, coffee, corn and cotton, respectively. Thus, a weaker BRL vis-à-vis the USD is a major downside risk to these commodity prices. Downside FX Risks Will Keep Wheat Prices Depressed Chart 5Downside FX Risks For Wheat Exporters In addition to the risks from an overvalued BRL, our foreign exchange strategists have highlighted the EUR, RUB, and AUD as currencies that are at risk of falling back to their fair value in the near term. Given that these regions are major wheat exporters, this would weigh on the grain's price as exports increase (Chart 5).6 On the back of expectations that the European Central Bank will adopt a significantly less aggressive monetary policy than the Fed, our foreign exchange strategists expect the EUR to weaken toward the end of the year and beginning of next. Given that Europe is a major wheat exporter - making up ~20% of global exports - a weaker EUR would make European wheat more attractive, weighing on prices in 2018. The currencies of other major exporters could be drawn in different directions in the near term. Our FX strategists see the Russian Rouble (RUB) as overvalued and at risk of weakening when U.S. inflation starts accelerating late this year or early next. However, higher oil prices would push up the ruble's fair value, correcting some of its overvaluation. As with the EUR, the wheat market is most vulnerable to a weaker RUB since Russia accounts for 14% of global wheat exports. Likewise, Australia - another major wheat exporter which accounts for 10% of world exports - has been identified as having an expensive currency. It is at risk of a depreciation over the next 24 months, but could rally if iron ore markets turn higher. Some Additional (Potential) Fundamental Forces Among the news and noise in the ags sphere, we see higher oil prices and La Nina as the most significant near-term risks to current supply/demand dynamics. Longer term, shifting policies in China, Argentina, and Brazil will become more relevant in determining the trajectory of ag markets. Our Out-Of-Consensus Call On Oil Is Bullish For Ags Chart 6Higher Energy Prices Upside Risk We expect oil prices will tread higher next year - averaging $65/bbl for Brent and $63/bbl for WTI - on the back of stronger demand and an extension of the OPEC 2.0 coalition's supply restrictions.7 This will support ag commodity prices. Higher oil prices affect ags by increasing input costs and global shipping prices. In addition, the supply of ocean-going transport for grains is tight. The Baltic Dry index, a measure of the global cost of shipping dry goods, and has been on the uptrend this year, as freight costs have more than doubled since mid-February, mostly on the back of a slowdown in shipping transportation supply (Chart 6). La Nina: A Literal Tailwind? Against a backdrop of falling stocks-to-use ratios in the corn and soybean markets, weather will add volatility to prices into 1H2018. In the near term La Nina, which is predicted to continue through the 2017-18 Northern Hemisphere winter, threatens to curb agricultural output. This phenomenon affects weather and rainfall, causing floods and droughts, by cooling the Pacific Ocean. Australia's Bureau of Meteorology recently pegged the chance of a La Nina at 70%, expecting it to last from December to at least February. However, this season's La Nina is forecast to be weak and weather conditions are expected to neutralize in 1Q2018.8 In the case of ags, the greatest threat from La Nina is the risk of droughts in Brazil and Argentina which could hurt the regions soybean, corn, sugar, and cotton harvests. Furthermore, excess rainfall in Australia and Colombia threaten wheat, cotton, and sugar yields in the former and coffee output in the latter. Furthermore, the weather phenomenon raises chances of a potential drought in the U.S. Midwest.9 However, it is noteworthy that by the time La Nina hits, much of the harvest in the Northern Hemisphere will have been completed. So the main risk will be to harvests in the Southern Hemisphere. Gradualismo In Argentina, Stockpiling In China, And Ethanol In Brazil 1. Since taking office late 2015, Argentine President Mauricio Macri has reversed his predecessor's unfavorable agricultural policies - allowing the Argentine peso to float, and eliminating export taxes on wheat and corn. Marci's Gradualismo reforms have been successful - incentivizing plantings and leading to record harvests (Chart 7). While a 30% export tax remains on soybeans - Argentina's main cash crop - it is down from 35% under the presidency of Macri's predecessor. Further cuts to soybean export taxes have been delayed in order to finance the country's fiscal deficit, however they are expected to resume next year with a 0.5pp reduction/month for the next two years. This would stimulate soybean plantings, if it materializes. Argentine farmers produce 18% of global soybean output, and account for 9% of global soybean exports. The change in export policy, as it unfolds, will thus weigh on soybean prices as Argentine farmers increase their soybean acreage in the coming crop years. 2. Although we will likely get more clarity regarding Chinese ag policies with the release of China's Number 1 Central document - which for the past 14 years has focused on agriculture - in February, we expect Beijing to continue incentivizing soybean farming over corn. China's soybean inventory levels stand significantly lower than its notoriously massive stocks of corn, wheat, and cotton (Chart 8). Chart 7Argentine Reforms Will Raise Soybean Exports Chart 8China's Soybean Stocks Are Relatively Low As such, China's top corn producing province - Heilongjian - cut the subsidy for corn farmers by 13 percent this year. Farmers there now receive 8.90 yuan/hectare of corn, down from the 10.26 yuan/hectare they received last year. This compares with subsidies for soybean farmers which at 11.56 yuan/hectare is much higher. According to the China National Grain and Oils Information Center, corn acreage in Heilongjiang is down 9.3 percent in 2016/17. However, with corn prices in China increasing, the higher subsidy for soybeans may not be sufficient. Nonetheless, according to a report by the Brazilian state Mato Grosso's official news agency, over the next five years the Chinese commodities trader COFCO intends to almost double its soybean imports from the Brazilian grains state. This means that China's demand for soybeans will drive the market in the near term as they look to buildup soybean reserves and bring down their corn stocks.10 Chart 9Higher Oil Prices Incentivize Ethanol Over Sugar 3. Ethanol Demand will raise the opportunity costs of bringing sugar and corn to market. In addition to the direct effect of higher oil prices on ag commodities in general, our forecast of increasing prices will pressure sugar prices indirectly through the ethanol channel in Brazil. Since July, Brazil's state-controlled oil company, Petrobras, has shifted its pricing policy allowing gasoline and diesel prices to follow those of international oil markets. As a result, the gasoline-ethanol price gap is widening.11 This will revive demand for the biofuel, which will cause mills to divert sugarcane away from the sweetener in favor of producing more ethanol (Chart 9). In fact, according to UNICA - the Brazilian sugarcane industry association - mills in the country's center-south region - from which 90% of Brazil's sugar output is derived - are favoring ethanol production over sugar. Data for the first half of October shows that 46.5% of sugarcane was diverted to producing sugar, down from 49.6% in the same period last year. However, in the near term, increased production from the EU amid their scrapping of domestic sugar production quotas will likely keep the global market in balance.12 Global sugar supply is forecast to remain strong on the back of supplies from Thailand, Europe and India. There are reports that ethanol producers in Brazil are evaluating the adoption of "corn-cane flex" ethanol plants.13 However this is a longer run risk which would increase demand for corn, and reduce demand for sugar. Bottom Line: Financial conditions will drive ag prices in 2018. The Fed's resolve to normalize interest rates - more so than markets expect - will keep a lid on prices. This will offset risks from higher energy prices. Nonetheless, some weather induced volatility is likely into 1Q2018. Roukaya Ibrahim, Associate Editor Commodity & Energy Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com 1 In fact, our Global Investment Strategists expect the Fed to hike rates in December 2017, and again four more times in 2018. Please see BCA Research's Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report titled "A Timeline For the Next Five Years: Part I," dated November 24, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report titled "2017 Commodity Outlook: Grains & Softs," dated December 22, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 A 1% move in the USD TWI is associated with a 1.4% change in the CCI Grains & Oilseed Index, in the opposite direction. Similarly, a 1pp move in 5-year real rates is associated with a 18% change in the CCI Grains & Oilseed Index, in the opposite direction. The adjusted R2 is 0.84. 4 Please see BCA Research's U.S. Bond Strategy Portfolio Allocation Summary titled "Into The Fire," dated November 7, 2017, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Research's U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report titled "The Fed Will Fall Behind The Curve," dated October 24, 2017, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Research's Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report titled "Updating Our Long-Term Fair Value Models," dated September 15, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report titled "Oil Balances Continue To Point To Higher Prices," dated November 23, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 8 El Nino/Southern Oscillation (ENSO) alternates between warm ("El Nino") and cool ("La Nina") phases, impacting global precipitation and temperatures. These episodes are identified by looking at temperatures in the "Nino region 3.4" whereby readings of at least 0.5 degrees Celsius above or below seasonal average for several months would qualify as an El Nino or La Nina. 9 La Nina is often associated with wet conditions in eastern Australia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and South Asia. It usually leads to increased rainfall in northeastern Brazil, Colombia, and other northern parts of South America, and drier than normal conditions in Uruguay, parts of Argentina, coastal Ecuador and northwestern Peru. The effect on the U.S. and Canada tends to be milder since they are located further away from the heart of ENSO, on the other hand it has the greatest impact on countries around the Pacific and Indian Oceans. 10 Please see BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report titled "Ags in 2017/18: Move To Neutral," dated October 5, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 11 Flex-fuel vehicles in Brazil means that ethanol demand is not constrained by a "blending wall". Thus ethanol is a substitute for gasoline- rather than a complement to, as in the U.S. 12 France, Belgium, Germany and Poland reportedly have the capacity to ramp up sugar beet production. 13 Please see "Brazil mills eye corn-cane flex plant to extend production cycle," dated November 7, 2017, available at reuters.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trade Recommendation Performance In 3Q17 Trades Closed in 2017 Summary of Trades Closed in 2016
Feature The Brazilian economy is finally improving following a devastating depression of about 3 years, where real GDP dropped by a whopping 7.4%. Does the current economic revival warrant a bullish stance on its financial markets? If the global risk-on trade persists among EM risk assets and commodities and there are no domestic political blunders in Brazil, the country's financial markets will continue to rally as economic growth improves. If the EM and commodities rallies wane and an EM risk-off cycle develops, Brazilian risk assets will sell off, regardless of domestic economic recovery. Provided economies around the world have become interconnected, it is often difficult to separate global economic and financial market impact from domestic economic dynamics. Yet, it is possible to do so in Brazil in the latest cycle. Chart I-1 demonstrates that the Brazilian real bottomed with iron ore prices on December 21, 2015 - not with the bottom in the Brazilian economy in early Q1 2017 (Chart I-1, bottom panel). In turn, the currency's rally amid the collapse in domestic demand has led to a material drop in inflation and allowed the central bank to cut interest rates aggressively. The exchange rate is the main variable driving financial markets in many developing countries, including Brazil. In these countries, it is the exchange rate that causes swings in interest rate expectations, not the other way around. Furthermore, other important variables that led to the bottom in iron ore prices and the BRL were the Chinese manufacturing PMI and money growth, both of which bottomed in the second half of 2015 (Chart I-2). Chart 1BRL Correlates With Commodities ##br##Not Domestic Demand Chart 2Chinese Data Led##br## The Bottom In BRL In short, economic recovery arrived much later in Brazil, and so far it has been exceptionally tame and tentative (Chart I-3). Brazil's domestic demand performance has in no way justified the rally in its financial markets since January 2016. If anything, it is the opposite: the domestic economic recovery emerged too late, and has been extremely subdued compared with the sizable gains in share prices. For example, banks' EPS bottomed only in May 2017, while their share prices troughed in January 2016 (Chart I-4). Similarly, Brazil's fiscal outlook and debt profile has continued to deteriorate, even though the country's sovereign spreads have tightened substantially (Chart I-5). Chart 3Brazil: Economic Recovery Is Exceptionally Tame Chart 4Brazil: Bank Share Prices And EPS Chart 5Brazil's Fiscal And Debt Profiles Have Deteriorated Hence, one can safely argue that economic growth and domestic fundamentals were not the basis behind why Brazilian financial markets found a bottom and rallied starting January 2016. Rather, the critical driving force has been commodities prices, China, the U.S. dollar and global risk appetite. This is consistent with the defining features of bull and bear markets: In a bull market, liquidity lifts all boats, and all flaws are overlooked or discharged while minor positives are magnified by the market. In a bear market, even marginal negatives are overblown, and the market punishes severely for minor missteps. In short, global risk assets have been in a genuine bull market since early 2016, and that has overridden Brazil's poor domestic fundamentals. Going forward, we recommend avoiding Brazilian risk assets - not because we do not expect an economic recovery in Brazil to progress, but because our view on China's impact on commodities and the potential U.S. dollar rebound will curb overall risk appetite toward EM. We discussed this EM/China/commodities outlook at length in last week's report.1 Timing a shift in financial market regimes is always a difficult task, but our sense is that a top in EM risk assets will likely occur between now and the end of October, as China's Communist party Congress reiterates its focus on containing financial risk and leverage, as well as the authorities' marginal tolerance for slightly slower growth. Furthermore, our broad money (M3) impulse for China suggests an imminent relapse in Goldman Sach's current economic activity indicator for the mainland economy (Chart I-6). Our assumption is that commodities prices will drop due to potential weakness in China, and that the U.S. dollar and U.S. bond yields are oversold and will recover, respectively. Altogether, these views warrant a cautious stance on EM currencies. The real has historically been correlated with commodities prices, and this positive correlation will likely continue. As and when the Brazilian currency resumes its depreciation, the risk-on trade in Brazilian equities and credit markets will end. As for Brazilian financial markets, a few relationships are worth highlighting: Since early this year, iron ore prices have been inversely correlated with Chinese money market rates (Chart I-7). A possible explanation is that iron ore and other commodities prices trading on Chinese exchanges have been driven by meaningful speculative buying that negatively correlates with borrowing costs on the mainland. Chart 6China's Growth Is Set To Slow Chart 7Iron Ore Prices Are Vulnerable Given the latest relapse in Brazil's nominal GDP growth, the pace of amelioration in private banks' NPL and NPL provisions could stall (Chart I-8). In turn, Brazilian banks' share prices seem to move inversely with the rate of change in private banks' NPL and NPL provisions (Chart I-9A & Chart I-9B). If these relationships hold, we might be close to a peak in Brazilian bank share prices. Chart 8Brazil: Is The Improvement In NPL Cycle Over? Chart 9ABrazil: NPL Cycles and Bank Stocks Chart 9BBrazil: Provisions Cycles And Bank Stocks Finally, the pace of economic recovery will likely disappoint because the Brazilian economy is facing numerous headwinds: High borrowing costs - the real prime lending rate is 12.5% and the policy rate in the real terms is 6.8%, while public banks' lending rates are set to rise due to the TJLP reform that will remove the government budget's subsidy for borrowers. With 50% of outstanding credit being earmarked credit (previously subsidized by the government and provided by public banks), the impact on economic activity will be non-trivial; Lower government spending, as 2018 government expenditure growth cannot exceed the 2017 June headline inflation rate of 3%. Besides, the fiscal balance is so disastrous that risks to taxes are to the upside, not downside. Furthermore, the recently augmented 2017 year-end fiscal primary deficit target of BRL 159 billion is smaller than the deficit of BRL 182 billion for the past 12 months. This entails government spending cuts are likely this year, which will weigh on growth. The Brazilian exchange rate is not cheap. The nation needs a cheaper currency to reflate its economy. Lingering political uncertainty amid the corruption scandals and upcoming presidential elections in fall 2018 will continue to weigh on capital spending and employment, which have not yet recovered. Bottom Line: Our overarching negative view on EM, China and commodities heralds staying cautious on Brazil's financial markets despite the early signs of domestic economic recovery. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Andrija Vesic, Research Assistant andrijav@bcaresearch.com 1 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, titled "Copper Versus Money/Credit In China - Which One Is Right?", dated September 6,. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Highlights Chart I-1The Economy Has Stabilized##br## But Has Not Recovered Brazil desperately needs to boost nominal growth to avoid public debt spiraling out of control1. We do not think it is possible without resorting to meaningful currency depreciation and much lower interest rates. The Brazilian economy has stabilized, but it has not yet recovered (Chart I-1). To stage a sustainable recovery, much easier monetary conditions and fiscal stance are required. However, monetary conditions remain tight and fiscal policy is tightening: Feature Real interest rates are about 5.5-6% - as high as they were before the current rate-cut cycle commenced (Chart I-2). The Brazilian central bank's aggressive rate cuts have largely matched the drop in the inflation rate, keeping real borrowing costs elevated. Besides, household debt servicing costs (interest payments and principal) are high, above 20% of disposable income (Chart I-3) and employment conditions remain extremely poor. In this environment, households will not be inclined to expand leverage considerably. The Brazilian real is not cheap. In fact, the real effective exchange rate is slightly above its fair value (Chart I-4). Nominal GDP growth is currently running close to 4%, while the government's budget assumption for nominal GDP growth in 2017 is 5-5.5%. Not surprisingly, government revenues are disappointing and the budget deficit is above its target (Chart I-5). Furthermore, the improvement in government revenues in the past 12 months has been due to one-off measures such as non-recurring privatization revenue, repayment by the national development bank (BNDES) of 100 billion BRL and tax amnesty/capital repatriation programs that will not be repeated. In brief, more tax hikes are needed to achieve revenue targets but higher taxes will in turn jeopardize the economic revival. Taxes on fuel have been raised in recent weeks. Chart I-2Interest Rates Are##br## Still Very High Chart I-3Household Debt Servicing##br## Ratio Has Not Yet Declined Chart I-4The Real Is Not Cheap Chart I-5Brazil: No Improvement In Fiscal Accounts Given that fiscal policy is straightjacketed by high and rapidly rising public debt levels, the onus of boosting nominal growth is squarely on the central bank. Not only have the monetary authorities cut interest rates, they have also been monetizing government debt. Chart I-6 shows that the central bank's holdings of government securities have skyrocketed, i.e., the central bank has bought BRL531 billion of government paper since January 2015. While it has partially sterilized its debt monetization by using these securities as reverse repos with banks, the amount of high-powered money/liquidity withdrawal via repos has been much smaller than the central bank's liquidity injections. Chart I-6aBrazil: Central Bank Has##br## Been Monetizing Public Debt... Chart I-6b...And Sterilizing It ##br##Only Partially This has helped liquidity in the banking system considerably, and smoothed the banking system adjustment at a time of surging non-performing loans. However, it has not generated enough purchasing power in the economy to boost nominal growth. Notably, broad money growth is slowing (Chart I-7). Even though bank loan growth may have troughed (Chart I-7, bottom panel), it is unlikely to recover strongly due to high real rates. Broad money captures the stance of credit and fiscal policies because broad money reflects purchasing power created by commercial banks and central bank when lending to and buying government bonds from non-banks. Remarkably, the broad money impulse - which is the second derivative of outstanding broad money - points to weakness in nominal GDP growth (Chart I-8). Chart I-7Brazil: Broad Money##br## And Bank Loans Chart I-8Broad Money And Terms Of Trade Point ##br## To Weaker Nominal Growth In addition, nominal GDP growth correlates with terms of trade, and the latter has also relapsed (Chart I-8, bottom panel). Furthermore, high-frequency data reveal that manufacturing PMI and consumer confidence have also rolled over lately, pointing to stalling improvement in both the manufacturing sector and consumer spending (Chart I-9). All in all, policymakers are behind the curve. The central bank could continue cutting interest rates, increase its purchases of government bonds, and also use other measures to inject more money – both high-powered money and broad money – into circulation. If they do so, it will eventually help the economy recover and boost inflation, yet it is bearish for the exchange rate. However, if the exchange rate relapses on its own (due to other factors), that will limit the authorities' ability to reduce interest rates further. This is on top of heightened political uncertainty that does not bode well for Brazilian financial markets. In a nutshell, Brazil needs to engineer currency depreciation to boost nominal growth and make public debt sustainable. This is true especially as Argentina is opting to keep its currency competitive, and it will be even more critical if commodities prices relapse, as we expect (Chart I-10). Provided the share of foreign currency public debt is low, reflating via currency depreciation is the least painful way out for Brazil. Bottom Line: Policymakers are desperate to boost nominal growth to stabilize public debt. Yet, in our opinion, nominal growth will not improve without further sizable rate cuts and meaningful currency depreciation. Eventually, policymakers will allow the BRL to depreciate 20%-plus, which will hurt foreign investments in local asset markets. We remain negative on/underweight Brazil equities, currency and sovereign debt. That said, we recommend fixed-income investors to bet on the 3/1-year yield curve flattening: receive 3-year / pay 1-year swap rate (Chart I-11). Chart I-9High-Frequency Indicators:##br## Improvement Has Stalled Chart I-10Other Headwinds##br## For BRL Chart I-11A New Trade: ##br## Bet On 3/1-Year Yield Curve Flattening Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Andrija Vesic, Research Assistant andrijav@bcaresearch.com 1 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report titled, "Has Brazil Achieved Escape Velocity?", dated February 8, 2017, link available on page 11 - we argued that Brazil's public debt dynamics is unsustainable without strong nominal growth and/or social security reforms. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations