Economy

Highlights An Iran crisis is imminent. We still think a US-Iran détente is possible but our conviction is lower until Biden makes a successful show of force. Oil prices will be volatile. Fiscal drag is a risk to the cyclical global macro view. But developed markets are more fiscally proactive than they were after the global financial crisis. Elections will reinforce that, starting in Germany, Canada, and Japan. The Chinese and Russian spheres are still brimming with political and geopolitical risk. But China will ease monetary and fiscal policy on the margin over the coming 12 months. Afghanistan will not upset our outlook on the German and French elections, which is positive for the euro and European stocks. Feature Chart 1Bull Market In Iran Tensions Iran is now the most pressing geopolitical risk in the short term (Chart 1). The Biden administration has been chastened by the messy withdrawal from Afghanistan and will be exceedingly reactive if it is provoked by foreign powers. Nuclear weapons improve regime survivability. Survival is what the Islamic Republic wants. Iran is surrounded by enemies in its region and under constant pressure from the United States. Hence Iran will never ultimately give up its nuclear program, as we have maintained. Chart 2Biden Unlikely To Lift Iran Sanctions Unilaterally However, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei could still agree to a deal in which the US reduces economic sanctions while Iran allows some restrictions on uranium enrichment for a limited period of time (the 2015 nuclear deal’s key provisions expire from 2023 through 2030). This would be a stopgap measure to delay the march into war. The problem is that rejoining the 2015 deal requires the US to ease sanctions first, since the US walked away from the deal in 2018. Iran would need domestic political cover to rejoin it. Biden has the executive authority to ease sanctions unilaterally but after Afghanistan he lacks the political capital to do so (Chart 2). So Biden cannot ease sanctions until Iran pares back its nuclear activities. But Iran has no reason to pare back if the US does not ease sanctions. Iran is now enriching some uranium to a purity of 60%. Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz says it will reach “nuclear breakout” capability – enough fissile material to build a bomb – within 10 weeks, i.e. mid-October. Anonymous officials from the Biden administration told the Associated Press it will be “months or less,” which could mean September, October, or November (Table 1). Table 1Iran Nearing "Breakout" Nuclear Capability Meanwhile the new Iranian government of President Ebrahim Raisi, a hardliner who is tipped to take over as Supreme Leader once Ali Khamenei steps down, is implying that it will not rejoin negotiations until November. All of these timelines are blurry but the implication is that Iran will not resume talks until it has achieved nuclear breakout. Israel will continue its campaign of sabotage against the regime. It may be pressed to the point of launching air strikes, as it did against nuclear facilities in Iraq in 1981 and Syria in 2007 under what is known as the “Begin Doctrine.” Chart 3Israel Cannot Risk Losing US Security Guarantee The constraint on Israel is that it cannot afford to lose America’s public support and defense alliance since it would find itself isolated and vulnerable in its region (Chart 3). But if Israeli intelligence concludes that the Iranians truly stand on the verge of achieving a deliverable nuclear weapon, the country will likely be driven to launch air strikes. Once the Iranians test and display a viable nuclear deterrent it will be too late. Four US presidents, including Biden, have declared that Iran will not be allowed to get nuclear weapons. Biden and the Democrats favor diplomacy, as Biden made clear in his bilateral summit with Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett last week. But Biden also admitted that if diplomacy fails there are “other options.” The Israelis currently have a weak government but it is unified against a nuclear-armed Iran. At very least Bennett will underscore red lines to indicate that Israel’s vigilance has not declined despite hawkish Benjamin Netanyahu’s fall from power. Still, Iran may decide it has an historic opportunity to make a dash for the bomb if it thinks that the US will fail to support an Israeli attack. The US has lost leverage in negotiations since 2015. It no longer has troops stationed on Iran’s east and west flanks. It no longer has the same degree of Chinese and Russian cooperation. It is even more internally divided. Iran has no guarantee that the US will not undergo another paroxysm of nationalism in 2024 and try to attack it. The faction that opposed the deal all along is now in power and may believe it has the best chance in its lifetime to achieve nuclear breakout. The only reason a short-term deal is possible is because Khamenei may believe the Israelis will attack with full American support. He agreed to the 2015 deal. He also fears that the combination of economic sanctions and simmering social unrest will create a rift when he dies or passes the leadership to his successor. Iran has survived the Trump administration’s “maximum pressure” sanctions but it is still vulnerable (Chart 4). Chart 4Supreme Leader Focuses On Regime Survival Moreover Biden is offering Khamenei a deal that does not require abandoning the nuclear program and does not prevent Iran from enhancing its missile capabilities. By taking the deal he might prevent his enemies from unifying, forestall immediate war, and pave the way for a smooth succession, while still pursuing the ultimate goal of nuclear weaponization. Bringing it all together, the world today stands at a critical juncture with regard to Iran and the unfinished business of the US wars in the Middle East. Unless the US and Israel stage a unified and convincing show of force, whether preemptively or in response to Iranian provocations, the Iranians will be justified in concluding that they have a once-in-a-generation opportunity to pursue the bomb. They could sneak past the global powers and obtain a nuclear deterrent and regime security, like North Korea did. This could easily precipitate a war. Biden will probably continue to be reactive rather than proactive. If the Iranians are silent then it will be clear that Khamenei still sees the value in a short-term deal. But if they continue their march toward nuclear breakout, as is the case as we go to press, then Biden will have to make a massive show of force. The goal would be to underscore the US’s red lines and drive Iran back to negotiating table. If Biden blinks, he will incentivize Iran to make a dash for the bomb. Either way a crisis is imminent. Israel will continue to use sabotage and underscore red lines while the Iranians will continue to escalate their attacks on Israel via militant proxies and attacks on tankers (Map 1). Map 1Secret War Escalates In Middle East Bottom Line: After a crisis, either diplomacy will be restored, or the Middle East will be on a new war path. The war path points to a drastically different geopolitical backdrop for the global economy. If the US and Iran strike a short-term deal, Iranian oil will flow and the US will shift its strategic focus to pressuring China, which is negative for global growth and positive for the dollar. If the US and Iran start down the war path, oil supply disruptions will rise and the dollar will fall. Implications For Oil Prices And OPEC 2.0 The probability of a near-term conflict is clear from our decision tree, which remains the same as in June 2019 (Diagram 1). Diagram 1US-Iran Conflict: Critical Juncture In Our Decision Tree Shows of force and an escalation in the secret war will cause temporary but possibly sharp spikes in oil prices in the short term. OPEC 2.0 remains intact so far this year, as expected. The likelihood that the global economic recovery will continue should encourage the Saudis, Russians, Emiratis and others to maintain production discipline to drain inventories and keep Brent crude prices above $60 per barrel. OPEC 2.0 is a weak link in oil prices, however, because Russians are less oil-dependent than the Gulf Arab states and do not need as high of oil prices for their government budget to break even (Chart 5). Periodically this dynamic leads the cartel to break down. None of the petro-states want to push oil prices up so high that they hasten the global green energy transition. Chart 5OPEC 2.0 Keeps Price Within Fiscal Breakeven Oil Price Chart 6Oil Price Risks Lie To Upside Until US-Iran Deal Occurs As long as OPEC 2.0 remains disciplined, average Brent crude oil prices will gradually rise to $80 barrels per day by the end of 2024, according to our Commodity & Energy Strategy (Chart 6). Imminent firefights will cause prices to spike at least temporarily when large amounts of capacity are taken offline. Global spare capacity is probably sufficient to handle one-off disruptions but an open-ended military conflict in the Persian Gulf or Strait of Hormuz would be a different story. After the next crisis, everything depends on whether the US and Israel establish a credible threat and thus restore diplomacy. Any US-Iran strategic détente would unleash Iranian production and could well motivate the Gulf Arabs to pump more oil and deny Iran market share. Bottom Line: Given that any US-Iran deal would also be short-term in nature, and may not even stabilize the region, some of the downside risks are fading at the moment. The US and China are also sucking in more commodities as they gear up for great power struggle. The geopolitical outlook is positive for oil prices in these respects. But OPEC 2.0 is the weak link in this expectation so we expect volatility. Global Fiscal Taps Will Stay Open Markets have wavered in recent months over softness in the global economic recovery, COVID-19 variants, and China’s policy tightening. The world faces a substantial fiscal drag in the coming years as government budgets correct from the giant deficits witnessed during the crisis. Nevertheless policymakers are still able to deliver some positive fiscal surprises on the margin. Developed markets have turned fiscally proactive over the past decade. They rejected austerity because it was seen as fueling populist political outcomes that threatened the established parties. Note that this change began with conservative governments (e.g. Japan, UK, US, Germany), implying that left-leaning governments will open the fiscal taps further whenever they come to power (e.g. Canada, the US, Italy, and likely Germany next). Chart 7Global Fiscal Taps Will Stay Open Chart 7 updates the pandemic-era fiscal stimulus of major economies, with light-shaded bars highlighting new fiscal measures that are in development but have not yet been included in the IMF’s data set. The US remains at the top followed by Italy, which also saw populist electoral outcomes over the past decade. Chart 8US Fiscal Taps Open At Least Until 2023 The Biden administration is on the verge of passing a $550 billion bipartisan infrastructure bill. We maintain 80% subjective odds of passage – despite the messy pullout from Afghanistan. Assuming it passes, Democrats will proceed to their $3.5 trillion social welfare bill. This bill will inevitably be watered down – we expect a net deficit impact of around $1-$1.5 trillion for both bills – but it can pass via the partisan “budget reconciliation” process. We give 50% subjective odds today but will upgrade to 65% after infrastructure passes. The need to suspend the debt ceiling will raise volatility this fall but ultimately neither party has an interest in a national debt default. The US is expanding social spending even as geopolitical challenges prevent it from cutting defense spending, which might otherwise be expected after Afghanistan and Iraq. The US budget balance will contract after the crisis but then it will remain elevated, having taken a permanent step up as a result of populism. The impact should be a flat or falling dollar on a cyclical basis, even though we think geopolitical conflict will sustain the dollar as the leading reserve currency over the long run (Chart 8). So the dollar view remains neutral for now. Bottom Line: The US is facing a 5.9% contraction in the budget deficit in 2022 but the blow will be cushioned somewhat by two large spending bills, which will put budget deficits on a rising trajectory over the course of the decade. Big government is back. Developed Market Fiscal Moves (Outside The US) Chart 9German Opinion Favors New Left-Wing Coalition Fiscal drag is also a risk for other developed markets – but here too a substantial shift away from prudence has taken place, which is likely to be signaled to investors by the outperformance of left-wing parties in Germany’s upcoming election. Germany is only scheduled to add EUR 2.4 billion to the 25.6 billion it will receive under the EU’s pandemic recovery fund, but Berlin is likely to bring positive fiscal surprises due to the federal election on September 26. Germany will likely see a left-wing coalition replace Chancellor Angela Merkel and her long-ruling Christian Democrats (Chart 9). The platforms of the different parties can be viewed in Table 2. Our GeoRisk Indicator for Germany confirms that political risk is elevated but in this case the risk brings upside to risk assets (Appendix). Table 2German Party Platforms While we expected the Greens to perform better than they are in current polling, the point is the high probability of a shift to a new left-wing government. The Social Democrats are reviving under the leadership of Olaf Scholz (Chart 10). Tellingly, Scholz led the charge for Germany to loosen its fiscal belt back in 2019, prior to the global pandemic. Chart 10Germany: Online Markets Betting On Scholz Chart 11Canada: Trudeau Takes A Calculated Risk In June, the cabinet approved a draft 2022 budget plan supported by Scholz that would contain new borrowing worth EUR 99.7 bn ($119 billion). This amount is not included in the chart above but it should be seen as the minimum to be passed under the new government. If a left-wing coalition is formed, as we expect, the amount will be larger, given that both the Social Democrats and the Greens have been restrained by Merkel’s party. Canada turned fiscally proactive in 2015, when the institutional ruling party, the Liberals, outflanked the more progressive New Democrats by calling for budget deficits instead of a balanced budget. The Liberals saw a drop in support in 2019 but are now calling a snap election. Prime Minister Trudeau is not as popular in general opinion as he is in the news media but his party still leads the polls (Chart 11). The Conservatives are geographically isolated and, more importantly, are out of step with the median voter on the key issues (Table 3). Table 3Canada: Liberal Agenda Lines Up With Top Voter Priorities Nevertheless it is a risky time to call an election – our GeoRisk Indicator for Canada is soaring (Appendix). Granting that the Liberals are very unlikely to fall from power, whatever their strength in parliament, the key point is that parliament already approved of CAD 100 billion in new spending over the coming three years. Any upside surprise would give Trudeau the ability to push for still more deficit spending, likely focused on climate change. Chart 12Japan: Suga Will Go, LDP Will Stimulate Japanese politics are heating up ahead of the Liberal Democrats’ leadership election on September 29 and the general election, due by November 28. Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga’s sole purpose in life was to stand in for Shinzo Abe in overseeing the Tokyo Olympics. Now they are done and Suga will likely be axed – if he somehow survives the election, he will not last long after, as his approval rating is in freefall. The Liberal Democrats are still the only game in town. They will try to minimize the downside risks they face in the general election by passing a new stimulus package (Chart 12). Rumor has it that the new package will nominally be worth JPY 10-15 trillion, though we expect the party to go bigger, and LDP heavyweight Toshihiro Nikai has proposed a 30 trillion headline number. It is extremely unlikely that the election will cause a hung parliament or any political shift that jeopardizes passage of the bill. Abenomics remains the policy setting – and consumption tax hikes are no longer on the horizon to impede the second arrow of Abenomics: fiscal policy. Not all countries are projecting new spending. A stronger-than-expected showing by the Christian Democrats would result in gridlock in Germany. Meanwhile the UK may signal belt-tightening in October. Bottom Line: Germany, Canada, and Japan are likely to take some of the edge off of expected fiscal drag next year. Emerging Market Fiscal Moves (And China Regulatory Update) Among the emerging markets, Russia and China are notable in Chart 7 above for having such a small fiscal stimulus during this crisis. Russia has announced some fiscal measures ahead of the September 19 Duma election but they are small: $5.2 billion in social spending, $10 billion in strategic goals over three years, and a possible $6.8 billion increase in payments to pensioners. Fiscal austerity in Russia is one reason we expect domestic political risk to remain elevated and hence for President Putin to stoke conflicts in his near abroad (see our Russian risk indicator in the Appendix). There are plenty of signs that Belarussian tensions with the Baltic states and Poland can escalate in the near term, as can fighting in Ukraine in the wake of Biden’s new defense agreement and second package of military aid. China’s actual stimulus was much larger than shown in Chart 7 above because it mostly consisted of a surge in state-controlled bank lending. China is likely to ease monetary and fiscal policy on the margin over the coming 12 months to secure the recovery in time for the national party congress in 2022. But China’s regulatory crackdown will continue during that time and our GeoRisk Indicator clearly shows the uptick in risk this year (Appendix). Chart 13China Expands Unionization? The regulatory crackdown is part of a cyclical consolidation of Xi Jinping’s power as well as a broader, secular trend of reasserting Communist Party and centralization in China. The latest developments underscore our view that investors should not play any technical rebound in Chinese equities. The increase in censorship of financial media is especially troubling. Just as the government struggles to deal with systemic financial problems (e.g. the failing property giant Evergrande, a possible “Lehman moment”), the lack of transparency and information asymmetry will get worse. The media is focusing on the government’s interventions into public morality, setting a “correct beauty standard” for entertainers and limiting kids to three hours of video games per week. But for investors what matters is that the regulatory crackdown is proceeding to the medical sector. High health costs (like high housing and education costs) are another target of the Xi administration in trying to increase popular support and legitimacy. Central government-mandated unionization in tech companies will hurt the tech sector without promoting social stability. Chinese unions do not operate like those in the West and are unlikely ever to do so. If they did, it would compound the preexisting structural problem of rising wages (Chart 13). Wages are forcing an economic transition onto Beijing, which raises systemic risks permanently across all sectors. Bottom Line: Political and geopolitical risk are still elevated in China and Russia. China will ease monetary and fiscal policy gradually over the coming year but the regulatory crackdown will persist at least until the 2022 political reshuffle. Afghanistan: The Refugee Fallout September 2021 will officially mark the beginning of Taliban’s second bout of power in Afghanistan. Will Afghanistan be the only country to spawn an outflux of refugees? Will the Taliban wresting power in Afghanistan trigger another refugee crisis for Europe? How is the rise of the Taliban likely to affect geopolitics in South Asia? Will Afghanistan Be The Last Major Country To Spawn Refugees? Absolutely not. We expect regime failures to affect the global economy over the next few years. The global growth engine functions asymmetrically and is powered only by a fistful of countries. As economic growth in poor countries fails to keep pace with that of top performers, institutional turmoil is bound to follow. This trend will only add to the growing problem of refugees that the world has seen in the post-WWII era. History suggests that the number of refugees in the world at any point in time is a function of economic prosperity (or the lack thereof) in poorer continents (Chart 14). For instance, the periods spanning 1980-90 and 2015-20 saw the world’s poorer continents lose their share in global GDP. Unsurprisingly these phases also saw a marked increase in the number of refugees. With the world’s poorer continents expected to lose share in global GDP again going forward, the number of refugees in the world will only rise. Chart 14Refugee Flows Rise When Growth Weak In Poor Continents Citizens of Syria, Venezuela, Afghanistan, South Sudan, and Myanmar today account for two-thirds of all refugees globally. To start with, these five countries’ share in global GDP was low at 0.8% in the 1980s. Now their share in global GDP is set to fall to 0.2% over the next five years (Chart 15). Chart 15Refugee Exporters Hit All-Time Low In Global GDP Share Per capita incomes in top refugee source countries tend to be very low. Whilst regime fractures appear to be the proximate cause of refugee outflux, an economic collapse is probably the root cause of the civil strife and waves of refugee movement seen out of the top refugee source countries. Another factor that could have a bearing is the rise of multipolarity. Shifting power structures in the global economy affect the stability of regimes with weak institutions. Instability in Afghanistan has been a direct result of the rise and the fall of the British and Russian empires. American imperial overreach is just the latest episode. If another Middle Eastern war erupts, the implications are obvious. But so too are the implications of US-China proxy wars in Southeast Asia or Russia-West proxy wars in eastern Europe. Bottom Line: With poorer continents’ economic prospects likely to remain weak and with multipolarity here to stay, the world’s refugee problem is here to stay too. Is A Repeat Of 2015 Refugee Crisis Likely In 2021? No. 2021 will not be a replica of 2015. This is owing to two key reasons. First, Afghanistan has long witnessed a steady outflow of refugees – especially at the end of the twentieth century but also throughout the US’s 20-year war there. The magnitude of the refugee problem in 2021 will be significantly smaller than that in 2015. Secondly, voters are now differentiating between immigrants and refugees with the latter entity gaining greater acceptance (Chart 16). Chart 16DM Attitudes Permissive Toward Refugees Chart 17Refugees Will Not Change Game In German/French Elections Concerns about refugees will gain some political traction but it will reinforce rather than upset the current trajectory in the most important upcoming elections, in Germany in September and France next April. True, these countries feature in the list of top countries to which Afghan refugees flee and will see some political backlash (Chart 17). But the outcome may be counterintuitive. In the German election, any boost to the far-right will underscore the likely underperformance of the ruling Christian Democrats. So the German elections will produce a left-wing surprise – and yet, even if the Greens won the chancellorship (the true surprise scenario, looking much less likely now), investors will cheer the pro-Europe and pro-fiscal result. The French election is overcrowded with right-wing candidates, both center-right and far-right, giving President Macron the ability to pivot to the left to reinforce his incumbent advantage next spring. Again, the euro and the equity market will rise on the status quo despite the political risk shown in our indicator (Appendix). Of course, immigration and refugees will cause shocks to European politics in future, especially as more regime failures in the third world take place to add to Afghanistan and Ethiopia. But in the short run they are likely to reinforce the fact that European politics are an oasis of stability given what is happening in the US, China, Brazil, and even Russia and India. Bottom Line: 2021 will not see a repeat of the 2015 refugee crisis. Ironically Afghan refugees could reinforce European integration in both German and French elections. The magnitude of the Afghan crisis is smaller than in the past and most Afghan refugees are likely to migrate to Pakistan and Iran (Chart 17). But more regime failures will ensure that the flow of people becomes a political risk again sometime in the future. What Does The Rise Of Taliban Mean For India? The Taliban first held power in Afghanistan from 1996-2001. This was one of the most fraught geopolitical periods in South Asia since the 1970s. Now optimists argue that Taliban 2.0 is different. Taliban leaders are engaging in discussions with an ex-president who was backed by America and making positive overtures towards India. So, will this time be different? It is worth noting that Taliban 2.0 will have to function within two major constraints. First, Afghanistan is deeply divided and diverse. Afghanistan’s national anthem refers to fourteen ethnic groups. Running a stable government is inherently challenging in this mountainous country. With Taliban being dominated by one ethnic group and with limited financial resources at hand, the Taliban will continue to use brute force to keep competing political groups at bay. Chart 18Taliban In Line With Afghanis On Sharia At the same time, to maintain legitimacy and power, the Taliban will have to support aligned political groups operating in Afghanistan and neighboring Pakistan. Second, an overwhelming majority of Afghani citizens want Sharia law, i.e. a legal code based on Islamic scripture as the official law of the land (Chart 18). Hence if the Taliban enforces a Sharia-based legal system in Afghanistan then it will fall in line with what the broader population demands. It is against this backdrop that Taliban 2.0 is bound to have several similarities with the version that ruled from 1996-2001. Additionally, US withdrawal from Afghanistan will revive a range of latent terrorist movements in the region. This poses risks for outside countries, not least India, which has a long history of being targeted by Afghani terrorist groups. The US will remain engaged in counter-terrorism operations. To complicate matters, India’s North has an even more unfavorable view of Pakistan than the rest of India. With the northern voter’s importance rising, India’s administration may be forced to respond more aggressively to a terrorist event than would have been the case about a decade ago. It is also possible that terrorism will strike at China over time given its treatment of Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang. China’s economic footprint in Afghanistan could precipitate such a shift. Bottom Line: US withdrawal from Afghanistan is bound to add to geopolitical risks as latent terrorist forces will be activated. India has a long history of being targeted by Afghani terrorist movements. Incidentally, it will take time for transnational terrorism based in Afghanistan to mount successful attacks at the West once again, given that western intelligence services are more aware of the problem than they were in 2000. But non-state actors may regain the element of surprise over time, given that the western powers are increasingly focused on state-to-state struggle in a new era of great power competition.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com   Section II: GeoRisk Indicator China Russia United Kingdom Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan Korea Turkey Brazil Australia Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights Regulatory changes affecting Chinese platform companies are structural – rather than transitory – in nature. These companies might become quasi-SOEs and could be used by the government to achieve its national and geopolitical objectives. China’s regulatory clampdown will produce structurally lower corporate profitability and, thereby, reduce equity valuations for Chinese TMT companies. Chinese policymakers have begun easing monetary and fiscal policies. Money and credit growth will likely bottom in December or so. However, as in H2 2018 and H1 2019, policy will be eased only gradually. During this period EM ex-TMT stocks and industrial metal prices performed poorly. Mainstream EM (countries outside North Asia) will continue suffering from weak growth and rising political volatility, warranting a higher risk premium. The risk-reward tradeoff for EM financial markets is poor. Feature Over the past several days, I have held calls and roundtables with clients located in the EMEA region. In this report, we will share our answers to the most common client questions. Many clients were asking if the selloff in Chinese platform companies is nearing its end or whether much more weakness is to be expected. It is not surprising that with the Hang Seng Tech index down 35% from its February highs, there is great temptation to engage in bottom fishing. So, we start with questions relating to this topic. Chart 1Is This Time Different For Chinese TMT Stocks? Question: In 2018, the regulatory clampdown on Tencent and other video game companies lasted several months and created a major pullback in their share prices (Chart 1). However, authorities ultimately removed restrictions and these stocks rallied to new highs. Do you expect the same dynamics to emerge this time around? And if not, why? We are witnessing a structural regime shift in the Chinese government’s approach toward platform companies. These changes are much more profound and long lasting than those in 2018. They herald structurally lower corporate profitability and equity multiples for Chinese TMT companies. For these stocks, a bounce from oversold levels is possible over the near term and it could be sharp. However, the rebound will be short-lived, i.e., a cyclical or secular rally is unlikely. Investors – who have not sold – should use this rebound to pare back exposure to Chinese TMT stocks. Chart 2Chinese SOEs: Lackluster Share Price Performance Going forward, these platform companies will be managed in a similar fashion to Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs): with the interest of the entire nation in mind, and shareholder interests will take a back seat. China’s SOEs trade at very low multiples and their share prices have been treading water since 2009 (Chart 2). The secular bull market in Chinese TMT share prices is over and more de-rating is likely for the following reasons: Chinese platform/new economy companies possess unique big data that are important to the country’s development. Protecting big data becomes a priority in an era of US-China geopolitical confrontation and amid the elevated risk of cyber attacks. As a result, it is essential for the Chinese government to control companies that possesses big data. Limiting foreign shareholders’ access and decision making in regard to big data is also imperative. We do not believe that Chinese authorities will ever allow these new economy companies to operate as freely as they have in the past. Given platform company importance to both the domestic economy and geopolitical confrontation with the US, we will not be surprised if the government eventually establishes effective control over these platform companies – probably via its affiliated entities. Many of these platform companies are natural monopolies or oligopolies and their profitability should be regulated by authorities according to free market economic textbooks. We discussed this point in the recent report titled Chinese TMT Stocks: A Bad Dream Or A New Reality? Please click on the link to open the report. Going forward, return on equity will be lower than in the past for these stocks, heralding lower valuation multiples. Stocks of many Chinese platform companies trade in the US and are largely owned by US/international (non-Chinese) investors. Neither US nor Chinese authorities want to see shares of Chinese TMT companies trade in the US, albeit for completely different reasons. Chinese authorities want these companies to release little information to their foreign shareholders, especially regarding big data. In turn, the US securities regulator is keen for US investors not to be exposed to the risks of owning Chinese stocks for two main reasons: (1) these companies do not disclose full information and (2) China’s government meddles with the management of these enterprises. Given that authorities from both countries do not support the trading of Chinese stocks in the US, odds are high that the trading of Chinese TMT companies will move from the US to Hong Kong. Moreover, US authorities may recommend US funds avoid owing Chinese stocks. In short, increased government control over Chinese TMT companies and rising geopolitical tensions between the US and the Middle Kingdom may prompt many foreign investors to reduce their exposure to these stocks. This will have negative ramifications on their share prices. Chart 3Little Volatility Spillover From Offshore Into China's Onshore Markets Question: Don’t you think Chinese authorities may reverse their regulatory clampdown given that Chinese share prices have already dropped a great deal and further weakness could hurt investor and business sentiment? Chinese authorities will not reverse regulatory tightening on platform companies. If investor and business confidence on the mainland is hurt materially, regulators will reduce the intensity of their reforms but will not reverse them. Importantly, the carnage has so far been limited to Chinese offshore financial markets (Chart 3). Neither the onshore equity indexes, nor onshore corporate bonds have sold off much (Chart 3). The majority of platform companies are listed offshore and plunging share prices hurt foreign shareholders more than domestic retail and institutional investors. There is little reason for Chinese policymakers to worry about losses among foreign investors so long as the carnage does not spread to onshore markets. Question: Why would Chinese authorities damage their largest and most successful companies in the new economy sectors? Are they not critical amidst the US-China confrontation? Chinese policymakers understand the importance of platform companies to the country’s domestic growth outlook as well as its geopolitical ambitions. This explains why Chinese authorities seek to establish effective control over decision making in these companies. We elaborated on the strategic importance of big data above. Also, the largest platform companies, such as Alibaba, Tencent and Meituan, have in recent years been acquiring stakes in numerous businesses in Southeast Asia. Beijing might be thinking of using these platform companies to raise its geopolitical influence over other Asian nations and beyond. Many Asian nations will play a prominent role in the US-China confrontation. Whether they side with China or the US will affect the balance of geopolitical power in the region. In this context, having control over soft infrastructure (payment and data systems, among others) in these Asian economies will give Beijing a chance to influence their geopolitical choices, thereby giving China an advantage over the US. Therefore, the Chinese central government might be aiming to establish an effective control over these companies’ strategic decisions. In such a case, shareholder interests will take a back seat in these companies. Question: What about common prosperity initiatives and policies that the Chinese leadership has unveiled in recent weeks? Why now? President Xi will be elected for his third term in the fall of 2022. This constitutes a major political precedent in the Middle Kingdom’s modern history. President Xi wants to secure his support from the bulk of the population. Common prosperity policies entail income and wealth distribution from high-income to middle- and low-income households. Chart 4 and Chart 5 illustrate that there has so far been no equalization of income and wealth distribution. Chart 4China: Income Disparity Has Not Been Narrowing Chart 5Wealth Concentration Remains High In China   It is imperative for President Xi to achieve a meaningful change in income and wealth distribution in the next 12 months before his third term. President Xi’s power stems not from the top 10% of the population but from the remaining (and less wealthy) 90%. Hence, there will be little easing in the push toward common prosperity. If anything, the pace of these initiatives could escalate going forward. As a part of the common prosperity initiatives, companies with excess profitability will be compelled to perform a national duty in the form of financing social programs or providing donations. Large platform companies have already begun making large donations. This trend will intensify in the months ahead. In brief, profits will be distributed away from shareholders of these companies in favor of the general well-being of society. The positive is that low- and middle-income consumer spending in China will be supported by income transfer from companies and wealthy individuals. As a result, investors should favor the companies that sell to low- and middle-income households. Chart 6Chinese Growth Stocks Are Not Yet Cheap Going forward, the model of SOEs in China or Russia will be applicable to Chinese platform companies. SOEs in China, Russia and other EM countries often perform national duties at the expense of shareholders. Not surprisingly, their stocks have been trading at much lower multiples than private companies. Presently, Chinese TMT/growth stocks trade at a trailing P/E ratio of 33.5 (Chart 6). We do not expect platform companies’ P/E ratio to drop to the level of SOEs. However, a trailing P/E ratio of 33.5 for China’s TMT companies is still high given: the uncertainty around future business models; a lack of clarity around (still evolving) new regulation; government involvement in their management; the prioritization of national and geopolitical objectives over shareholder interest. Chart 7Mind These Gaps Question: Isn’t the slowdown in China’s business cycle already well known and priced in related financial markets? Yes, it is well known but we do not think it has been priced in China-exposed plays. There are several market relationships and indicators that lead us to believe so. Both panels in Chart 7 illustrate that industrial metals prices have diverged from the Chinese manufacturing PMI and onshore government bond yields. The latter two variables project the Chinese business cycle. Such a decoupling is unsustainable given that China accounts for 55% of global industrial metal consumption. We continue to expect meaningful downside in industrial metals prices which would hurt EM countries exporting commodities. China’s credit and fiscal spending impulse leads its business cycle by nine months and suggests that economic data will be weakening until Q2 2022 (Chart 8). Finally, net EPS revisions for EM-listed companies remain elevated (Chart 9). Chart 8China's Business Cycle Will Continue Decelerating Well Into Q1 2022 Chart 9EM EPS Growth Expectations Have Not Yet Been Downgraded   That said, one sentiment indicator that has dropped significantly and is now near its level during previous EM equity lows is the Sentix European investor sentiment index on EM equities (Chart 10). Chart 10European Investor Sentiment On EM Stocks Is Back To Its Previous Lows Net-net, the risk-reward tradeoff for EM equities and credit markets is not yet attractive. Chinese TMT stocks are vulnerable for reasons discussed above while EM financial markets exposed to China’s old economy are at risk due to decelerating Chinese economic growth. Question: When will authorities in China ease policy? What does it imply for Chinese and EM financial markets? Shouldn’t investors buy China/EM assets now in anticipation of macro policy easing in China? Yes, China has already started easing credit and fiscal policy and will ease more in the coming months. Chart 11 reveals that banks’ excess reserves at the PBOC have turned up and they lead the credit impulse by six months. In turn, the Chinese credit impulse in turn leads EM share price cycles by nine months (Chart 12). Chart 11China's Credit Impulse Will Bottom In Late 2021 Chart 12EM Equities Are Not Yet Out Of The Woods   All in all, even though Chinese policymakers have begun easing credit and fiscal policy, financial markets leveraged to the mainland’s old economy could still suffer as growth continues to disappoint in the months to come. Chart 13Chinese Easing In H2 2018 And H1 2019 Did Not Help Much EM Stocks And Metal Prices Importantly, policy easing will be implemented gradually, as in H2 2018 and H1 2019. During this period EM ex-TMT stocks and industrial metal prices performed poorly despite policy easing in China (Chart 13). Question: Given improvements in vaccine availability worldwide, will EM countries close their vaccination gap with developed countries in the coming months? If yes, wouldn’t it allow their economies to catch up, and their financial markets to outperform their DM peers? EM vaccination rates will rise as vaccines become available to developing countries. However, mainstream EM vaccination rates will still remain below those of advanced economies. This gap is due to higher levels of mistrust toward governments in developing countries than in advanced ones. Therefore, the pandemic will continue capping economic activity in mainstream EM. Importantly, the lack of fiscal stimulus, monetary policy tightening and weak banking systems in mainstream EM (i.e., excluding China, Korea and Taiwan) herald weak income and domestic demand growth in these economies. Years of poor income growth and lasting pandemic damage have caused political volatility to flare-up in some countries such as Colombia, Peru, Brazil, South Africa and Malaysia. This trend will likely continue foreshowing a higher risk premium in EM financial markets. Question: What is your inflation outlook for mainstream EM (excluding North Asia)? Will inflation continue to surprise to the upside and will their central banks hike rates enough so that their currencies do not depreciate? We discussed the inflation dynamics and the outlook for local rates for EM in the August 12 report. While commodity price inflation will subside, renewed currency deprecation is the key risk to the inflation outlook in mainstream EM. EM currencies will depreciate because China’s continued slowdown is bearish for EM currencies but bullish for the greenback. The basis is that the US sells little to China while EM are exposed to the Chinese business cycle. Also, domestic demand in mainstream EM will disappoint. That, along with rising political volatility, is negative for their currencies. Finally, high local rates in mainstream EM have often coincided with currency depreciation rather than appreciation. Question: What is the biggest risk in your view? The biggest risk to our view has been and remains TINA (There Is No Alternative). We have strong conviction on fundamentals but very little conviction on fund flows. Given that DM equity and credit markets are expensive and their government bond yields are very depressed, portfolio capital can go into EM financial markets that offer lower valuation than their DM counterparts even though they are not cheap in absolute terms. Our methodology is that fundamentals drive flows in the medium- to-long term. However, with the global financial system flush with liquidity, the importance of fundamentals has declined in recent years. Therefore, we are cognizant that EM markets might not sell off a lot and could bottom at a higher level than warranted by fundamentals. Still, we expect more downside in the coming months because fundamentals are much worse than most investors realize. Chart 14EM Credit Will Continue Underperforming Their US Peers Question: What is your recommended strategy across EM equities, currencies, and fixed-income markets? Global equity portfolios should continue underweighting EM, a recommendation from March 25, 2021. Within the EM equity universe, our overweights are Korea, India, China (preferring onshore to offshore equities), Mexico and Chile. Our underweights are Brazil, Colombia, Peru, South Africa, Turkey, the Philippines and Indonesia.  The risk-reward tradeoff for EM currencies remains poor. We continue shorting a basket of BRL, CLP, COP, PEN, ZAR, TRY, PHP, THB and KRW versus the US dollar. Within local markets we overweight Mexico, Russia, Korea, Malaysia, India, China and Chile. Regarding sovereign and corporate credit, we have downgraded EM credit versus US credit on March 25 and this strategy remains intact (Chart 14). The lists of our overweights, underweights and the ones warranting neutral allocation in EM equity, domestic bonds and credit portfolios are presented below and can always be found on the EMS website. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Highlights Our willingness to spend money depends on which ‘mental account’ it occupies. Once windfall income enters our ‘savings mental account’, we will not spend it. Hence, the pandemic’s windfall income receipts will have no sustained impact on spending, or on inflation. This means that US monetary tightening will be later and shallower than the market is pricing. As we learn to live with the pandemic, the massive displacement in spending patterns is normalising. This means that the abnormally high spending on durable goods has a long way to fall. Hence, today we are recommending a new 6-month position: underweight consumer discretionary plays. One easy way of expressing this is to underweight XLY (US consumer discretionary) versus XLP (US consumer staples). Fractal analysis: The US dollar, and base metals versus precious metals. Feature Chart of the WeekNo Tsunami Of Spending Despite Excess Income Many people claimed that the war chest of savings that global households accumulated during the pandemic would unleash a tsunami of spending. Well, it didn’t. For example, US consumer spending remains precisely on its pre-pandemic trend (Chart I-1 and Chart I-2). This, despite stimulus checks and other so-called ‘transfer payments’ which boosted aggregate household incomes by trillions of dollars. Indeed, paste over 2020, and you would be forgiven for thinking that there was no pandemic! Chart I-2No Tsunami Of Spending Despite Excess Income Of course, households that lost their livelihoods during the pandemic, and thus became ‘liquidity constrained’, did spend the lifeline stimulus payments that they received. Yet in aggregate, households did not spend the excess income received during the pandemic. Moreover, the phenomenon is global – the savings rate in the UK has surged near identically to that in the US (Chart I-3). Chart I-3The Savings Rate Has Surged Everywhere The excess income built up during the pandemic did not unleash a tsunami of spending. Neither will it unleash a tsunami of future spending. We can say this with high conviction because we have seen the same movie many times before. Previous tranches of stimulus and transfer payments that boosted incomes in 2004, 2008, and 2012 (though admittedly by less than in 2020) had no lasting impact on spending. Whether We Spend Or Save Money Depends On Which ‘Mental Account’ It Occupies Why do windfall income receipts not trigger a tsunami in spending? (Chart I-4) Chart I-4Stimulus Checks Had No Meaningful Impact On Spending One putative answer comes from Milton Friedman’s Permanent Income Hypothesis. Contrary to the Keynesian belief that absolute income drives spending, Friedman postulated that income comprises a permanent (expected) component and a transitory (unexpected) component. And only the permanent income component drives spending. In the permanent income hypothesis, spending is the result of estimated permanent income rather than a transitory current component. Therefore, for households that are not liquidity constrained, a windfall receipt – like a stimulus payment – will not boost spending if it does not boost estimated permanent income. Nevertheless, this theory does require households to estimate their future permanent incomes, and it is debatable if households can do this. Stimulus and transfer payments that boosted incomes in 2004, 2008, 2012, and 2020 had no lasting impact on spending. We believe that a more real-world answer to how we deal with windfalls comes not from Economics but from the field of Psychology, and the theory known as Mental Accounting Bias. Mental accounting bias states that we segment our money into different accounts, which are sometimes physical, sometimes only mental, and that our willingness to spend money depends on which mental account it occupies. This contrasts with standard economic theory which assumes that money is perfectly fungible, so that a dollar in a current (checking) account is no different to a dollar in a savings account. In practice, money is not fungible, because we attach different emotions to our different mental accounts. A dollar in our current account we will gladly spend, but a dollar in our savings or investment accounts we will not spend. Hence, the moment we move the dollar from our current account into our savings or investment account, our willingness to spend it collapses. This explains why consumption trends have no connection with windfall income receipts once those income receipts end up in our savings mental account. Pulling all of this together, the war chest of savings accumulated during the pandemic is unlikely to change the overall trend in spending. More likely, it will be used to reduce household debt, and thereby constrain the broad money supply. In effect, part of the recent increase in public debt will just end up decreasing private debt, as happened in Japan during the 1990s (Chart I-5). Chart I-5In Japan, Public Debt Ended Up Paying Down Private Debt With no permanent boost to spending, the pandemic’s windfall income receipts will have no sustained impact on inflation. As Spending Patterns Normalise, Consumer Discretionary Plays Are Vulnerable While consumer spending remains precisely on its pre-pandemic trend, the sub-components of this spending do not. Specifically, spending on durable goods stands way above its pre-pandemic trend, while spending on services languishes below trend (Chart I-6). Chart I-6The Pandemic Distorted Spending Patterns This makes perfect sense. Pandemic restrictions on socialising, interacting, and movement meant that leisure, hospitality, in-person shopping, and travel services were unavailable. Therefore, consumers just shifted their firepower to items that could be enjoyed within the pandemic’s confines; namely, durable goods. But now that shift is reversing. In turn, these massive and unprecedented shifts in spending patterns explain the recent evolution of inflation. As booming demand for durable goods created supply bottlenecks, durables prices skyrocketed (Chart I-7). Chart I-7The Pandemic Distorted Prices Remarkably though, the 10 percent spike in US durable good price through 2020-21 was the first increase in an otherwise persistently deflationary trend through this millennium (Chart I-8). As such, it was a huge aberration and as Jay Powell pointed out last week in Jackson Hole: Chart I-8The Increase In Durables Prices Was A Huge Aberration “It seems unlikely that durables inflation will continue to contribute importantly over time to overall inflation.” Meanwhile, with services simply unavailable, their prices did not fall, given that the price of something that cannot be bought is a meaningless concept. Moreover, unlike for an unbought durable good, which adds to tomorrow’s supply, an unbought service such as a theatre ticket – whose consumption is time-sensitive – does not add to tomorrow’s supply. Hence, when unavailable services suddenly became available, the initial euphoric demand for limited supply caused these service prices also to surge. But excluding such short-lived euphoria in airfares, car hire, and lodging way from home, services prices remain well-contained. This reinforces our conclusion from the first section. The pandemic’s windfall income receipts will have no sustained impact on inflation. As Jay Powell went on to say: “We have much ground to cover to reach maximum employment, and time will tell whether we have reached 2 percent inflation on a sustainable basis.” All of which means that US monetary tightening will be later and shallower than the market is pricing. Another important investment conclusion is that as we learn to live with the pandemic, the massive displacement in spending patterns is normalising. This means that the abnormally high spending on durable goods has a long way to fall. The abnormally high spending on durables has a long way to fall. Given the very tight connection between spending on durables and the relative performance of the goods dominated consumer discretionary plays in the stock market, this will weigh on consumer discretionary sectors (Chart I-9). Chart I-9As Spending Patterns Normalise, Consumer Discretionary Plays Are Vulnerable Hence, today we are recommending a new 6-month position: underweight consumer discretionary plays. One easy way of expressing this is to underweight XLY (US consumer discretionary) versus XLP (US consumer staples) (Chart I-10). Chart I-10Underweight XLY Versus XLP Fractal Analysis Update Fractal analysis suggests that the dollar’s rally since late-Spring could meet near-term resistance, given the incipient fragility on its 65-day fractal structure (Chart I-11). Chart I-11The Dollar's Rally Could Meet Near-Term Resistance A bigger vulnerability is for the strong and sustained rally in base metals versus precious metals, which is now extremely fragile on its 260-day fractal structure (Chart I-12). We are already successfully playing this through short tin versus platinum, but are adding a new expression: short aluminium versus gold. The profit target and symmetrical stop-loss are set at 13.5 percent. Chart I-12The Massive Rally In Base Metals Versus Precious Metals Is Vulnerable   Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Equity Market Performance   Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Euro Area Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Europe Ex Euro Area Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Asia Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Other Developed   Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations