Developed Countries

Overweight We recently upgraded the S&P materials index to overweight via boosting the steel index to an above benchmark allocation and subsequently we also put on a market-neutral trade: long materials / short utilities; we reiterate all three recent moves. The top panel of the chart shows that Chinese stocks are capturing the reflationary policy trifecta (credit, monetary and fiscal) that the Chinese authorities are instituting and deep cyclical materials stocks will likely be the primary beneficiaries of such efforts. Importantly, Chinese construction materials industrial production (IP) is expanding at an accelerating pace (bottom panel), and is the mirror image of still decelerating overall Chinese IP growth prints. Recovering Chinese demand for construction materials on the back of increasing infrastructure spending underpins the recent firming commodity price backdrop and suggests that S&P materials profits are on a solid footing. Bottom Line: Stay overweight the S&P materials index.

Highlights A no-deal Brexit which did not cause pain pour encourager les autres would be the much graver existential threat for the EU. A U.K. parliamentary vote to extend Article 50 by a few months would not be a game changer in itself, because it just delays the day of judgement. The real denouement will only happen when a workable route to a benign Brexit option commands a majority in the U.K. parliament. This is the point at which U.K. exposed risk-assets would outperform sustainably. Investors should then buy: the pound, the FTSE250, FTSE Small Cap, and U.K. homebuilders. Feature Chart of the WeekU.K. Homebuilders Is The Best Equity Sector To Play Brexit The Article 50 process that governs Brexit is fast approaching its two-year time limit, and the question naturally arises as to what will happen when the clock strikes midnight on March 29.1  To answer this question, it is worth stepping back to ask something even more fundamental: what was the purpose of the two-year time limit in the first place? The EU Must Protect The Integrity Of The Union The two-year time limit in Article 50 was designed to disadvantage the exiting country relative to the EU, and this disadvantage has now become abundantly clear. After the two years have run down, a no-deal or ‘cliff edge’ exit would be bad for the EU27, but it would be far worse for the U.K. This balance of power has put the EU27 very much in the driving seat of the Brexit process, and there is no reason to presume that the EU27 will do anything other than prioritise and protect its own interests. For the EU27, the priority right now is to protect the unity and integrity of the Union in the face of a growing existential threat from populists and nationalists. Unfortunately, much of this has been overlooked in the Brexiteer rhetoric, with arguments like "they need to sell us their BMWs and Prosecco". Clearly, frictionless and barrier-less trade is in the economic interests of both parties, but the economic reality is that less than a tenth of EU27 exports go to the U.K. while something approaching half of U.K. exports go to the EU27 (Chart I-2 and Chart I-3). Chart I-2Less Than A Tenth Of EU27 Exports Go To The U.K. ... Chart I-3...While Almost Half Of U.K. Exports Go To the EU27 Brexit is essentially a huge economic gamble in the name of an overarching political aim to ‘take back control’ (Chart I-4). Remember that the case for Brexit largely hinged on the desire to regain political sovereignty: specifically, controlling migration and ending the supremacy of the European Court of Justice. That’s fine, we have no qualms about that. But if the case for Brexit was largely political, it’s a bit rich to presume that the EU27 will not also prioritise its own overarching political aims – even if these political aims come at the cost of a short-term setback to the European economy. Chart I-4U.K. House Prices Have Stagnated Since The Brexit Negotiations Started Brexit Is The Litmus Test For Optimality Of The EU A catastrophic no-deal Brexit would undoubtedly hurt the EU27, and be particularly painful for the member states most exposed to U.K. trade, notably Ireland and the Netherlands. But here’s the paradox: a no-deal Brexit which did not cause pain pour encourager les autres would be the much graver existential threat for the EU. If membership of the EU and its institutions is supposedly an optimal economic and political structure for European states, then Brexit is the litmus test for the sub-optimality of exiting, and especially the heavy cost of exiting abruptly. If, after the two-year notice of Article 50, the U.K. abruptly left the EU with negligible disruption and then quickly thrived outside the EU, it would galvanize the European nationalists and populists to emulate a newly confident and resurgent U.K.’s quick and painless divorce. As this could be the death knell of the European project, the paradox is highlighted in our mischievous title: why a catastrophic no-deal might be good… for the EU. Brexit can take three ultimate shapes: The U.K. revokes its intention to withdraw the EU and remains a full member of the Union. A long transition to a new and negotiated trading relationship between the U.K. and the EU27. A sharp cliff-edge in which the U.K. abruptly becomes a third country to the EU27. The U.K. population now clearly favours option 1 – remain – over the two alternatives (Chart I-5). Meanwhile, the U.K. parliament has expressed its opposition, albeit not yet legally binding opposition, to option 3 – the no-deal Brexit. As for the EU27, the best outcome is for the U.K. to revoke its intention to withdraw and thrive within the club; the next best outcome is a long transition to Brexit, during which and after which the U.K. economy underperforms its European peers to illustrate the sub-optimality of exiting. But if Brexit is a cliff-edge, it has to be demonstrably painful. Hence, the EU27 will want to put off the day it has to confront this paradox if there is any chance of avoiding it. Article 50 does allow for this delay. The specific wording of paragraph 3 states: The Treaties shall cease to apply to the State in question from the date of entry into force of the withdrawal agreement or, failing that, two years after the notification referred to in paragraph 2, unless the European Council, in agreement with the Member State concerned, unanimously decides to extend this period. But a close reading suggests that if there is still a real possibility of finalising a withdrawal agreement, or if withdrawal is an outcome that the State no longer desires, then this would not represent ‘failing’. Meaning that the period of negotiation of a withdrawal agreement could be extended beyond March 29, or indeed Article 50 could be entirely revoked. A Short Delay Is Not A Game Changer, But A Second Referendum Would Be Looking at the desired outcomes of the U.K. population, the U.K. parliament, and the EU27, Brexit should rationally end up as benign options 1 or 2. The trouble is that rational outcomes can be thwarted if there is no mechanism to implement them. Although the U.K. parliament has expressed its desire to avoid a no-deal, it has not yet coalesced a majority around how exactly to avoid the cliff-edge outcome. A parliamentary vote to extend Article 50 by a few months would not be a game changer in itself because it just delays the day of judgement, though a longer extension would be more significant. But if the extension facilitated a second referendum or a general election, then that would be a game changer – as there would be the potential for the U.K. population to overturn the decision to leave.    It follows that the real denouement will only happen when a workable route to either of the benign Brexit options 1 or 2 above commands a majority in the U.K. parliament. From the perspective of investors, what this way forward turns out to be – permanent customs union, Common Market 2.0, second referendum, or general election – does not really matter. What matters is that a parliamentary majority exists for a positive course of action that eliminates no-deal rather than just delays it. This would be the point at which the BoE is finally liberated from its emergency policy (Chart I-6 and Chart I-7), pushing up U.K. gilt yields relative to other government bond yields (Chart I-8), and allowing a sustained rally in the pound (Chart I-9). Chart I-6Brexit Has Subdued The BoE... Chart I-7...Despite A Tight U.K. Labour Market Chart I-8Were It Not For Brexit, U.K. Interest Rates Would Be 1 Percent Higher... Chart I-9…And The Pound Would Be At $1.50 In this event, U.K. exposed risk-assets would also outperform. Note that the FTSE100 is not one of these investments. Whenever the pound strengthens, the weaker translation of the FTSE100 companies’ dollar-denominated earnings tends to weigh down this large-cap index (Chart I-10). Instead, investors should focus on: the FTSE250 (Chart I-11) and the FTSE Small Cap, but the best play is the U.K. homebuilders (Chart of the Week). Chart I-10When The Pound Rallies, The FTSE100 Underperforms... Chart I-11...So Prefer The FTSE250 Fractal Trading System* We are pleased to report that long Italy’s MIB versus Eurostoxx600 reached the end of its 3-month holding period very comfortably in profit which is now crystallised. This week, we note that the sharp underperformance of aluminium versus tin is at the limit of tight liquidity which has previously signalled a trend-reversal. Hence, the recommended trade is long aluminium versus tin. Set a profit target of 6.5 percent with a symmetrical stop-loss. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment’s fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-12 The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. *  For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnote 1 Midnight British Summer Time Fractal Trading System Recommendations Asset Allocation Equity Regional and Country Allocation Equity Sector Allocation Bond and Interest Rate Allocation Currency and Other Allocation Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations

Underweight (High-Conviction) Home Depot, the S&P home improvement retail (HIR) index heavyweight, reported earnings yesterday that missed expectations as same store sales fell well short of estimates. The company also added guidance that this key figure would moderate in the coming year from 2018 levels. While a slower rate of top line growth this quarter was fairly predictable, given the Q4 collapse in lumber prices (recall that HIR earns a markup on lumber), the outlook does not bode well. This tough operating environment is captured by our model that, even with a modest recovery in lumber prices, still points to a significant decline in the S&P HIR index (third panel). Still, the HIR index trades at a premium to the broad index despite the headwinds facing the sector (bottom panel). A premium valuation seems misplaced and we accordingly reiterate our high-conviction underweight recommendation on the sector. We further point investors to our market neutral trade going long homebuilders/short HIR.1 The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index is BLBG: S5HOMI – HD and LOW.   1       Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Report, “Dissecting 2019 Earnings,” dated January 22, 2019, available at uses.bcaresearch.com.

Special Report

Highlights So What? The yellow vest movement has not soured our optimistic view on France – if anything, it tells us it is time to turn more bullish. Why? The constraints on Macron pursuing reforms are overstated; he has no choice but to double-down.  France has multiple tailwinds: strong demographic trends, comparative advantages in exports, and an increasingly pro-business market environment.  Also … The roadmap for the European Union to change structurally is set, though it will need political will to materialize. Feature “La réforme oui, la chienlit non!” Charles De Gaulle, May 1968 “France is only herself when she leads fights that are bigger than herself.” Emmanuel Macron, August 2018 “When France sneezes the rest of Europe catches cold.” Prince Clemens von Metternich, 1848   In May 2017, the election of 39-year-old Emmanuel Macron brought an end to the seemingly unstoppable tide of populist nationalism in the developed world. As it turned out, the median voter in France was not as angry as the median voter in the U.K. and the U.S.  The reforms implemented since the French election have hardly made headlines outside of domestic media. The struggles of Italy, akin to la commedia dell’arte, and the jousting between London and Brussels, have drawn more attention. More recently, the yellow vest protests have reaffirmed the usual stereotypes about France. Behind the headlines, however, one cannot ignore the market relevance of what is happening in France. Thought to be condemned to stagnation by the rigidity of its labor market and the size of its state, the country is now looking to undo the malaise of the past two decades. The only surprise about the protests is that they did not occur sooner in Macron’s term. In this Special Report, we assess the ongoing yellow vest protests, review the reforms conducted since 2017, and give Macron favorable chances of reforming France further. We also highlight structural tailwinds that will support the French economy in the long run. Finally, we briefly go over the European Union’s roadmap for reforms. How Relevant Are The Yellow Vest Protests? Where there are reforms, there are protests. Or, as an astute client once told us: Buy when blood is in the streets. Had there been no protest against President Macron’s reforms, it would have signaled they lacked teeth. Protests were inevitable as soon as Macron set in motion his ambitious pro-growth and pro-business reform agenda. The yellow vest movement is not a coherent force led by a clear leadership. The demands of the group are many: lower taxes, better services, less of the current reforms (specifically in education), and more of other reforms. But despite this lack of clarity, the protesters have convinced most of the public that the reform agenda should pause, or at least slow down (Chart 1). What started on social media as a protest against the fuel tax in rural areas has evolved into a movement against President Macron. This transition occurred in part because a large segment of the population believes that Macron’s reforms have mainly benefited the wealthy. In fact, 77% of respondents in a recent poll view him as the “president of the rich.” The modification of the “wealth tax” – which mostly shifts the focus toward real estate assets instead of financial assets – was highly criticized for favoring the wealthiest households. It resonated strongly with the perception that past governments helped the wealthiest households to accumulate more wealth at the expense of the middle class. But it is not clear how intense or durable this popular sentiment will be, given that this type of inequality is not extreme in France and has not been rising (Chart 2). Chart 2What Income Inequality? Public support for the protests has hovered around 70% for several weeks since they started in November 2018, but is now coming down (Chart 3). There are now more respondents who think that the protests should stop than those who believe they should continue (Chart 4). As a sign of things to come, a demonstration against the yellow vests and in support of Macron and his government – held by the “red scarves” – managed to gather more people on the streets of Paris than the regionally based yellow vests have done in the capital city.1 Who are the yellow vests? The profile is shown in Diagram 1. They are mostly rural, mostly hold a high school degree (or less), and overwhelmingly support anti-establishment political leaders Marine Le Pen (right-wing leader of the National Rally) or Jean-Luc Mélenchon (left-wing leader of La France Insoumise). This suggests that the movement has failed to cross the ideological aisle and win converts from the center. Diagram 1The Profile Of A 'Yellow Vest' Protester How many French people are actually protesting? Although there was a slight pickup in protests at the beginning of January, nationwide numbers are not high. In fact, they are far from what they were back in November and therefore would have to get much larger for markets to become concerned anew (Chart 5). If we are to compare these protests to those in 1995 or 2010, the numbers pale in comparison (Table 1). For instance, the protest of December 1995 brought a million people onto the streets while the demonstrations against the Woerth pension reform in 2010 lasted for seven months and gathered close to nine million protesters across eight different events (Chart 6).   Table 1In A Glorious History Of Protests, 'Yellow Vests' Are A Footnote   Instead we would compare the yellow vest protests to the 15-month long Spanish Indignados in 2011, which gathered between six and eight million protesters overall, and the U.S. Occupy Wall Street protests that same year. The two movements were similarly disorganized and combined disparate and often contradictory demands. In both cases, the governments largely ignored the protesters. In the Spanish case, the right-of-center government of Mariano Rajoy plowed ahead with painful, pro-market reforms that have significantly improved Spain’s competitiveness. Thus the yellow vests should not have a major impact on Macron’s reform agenda. Although they have dragged his approval rating to historic lows (Chart 7), there is no constitutional procedure for the French president to lose power. The president’s mandate runs until 2022 and he has a solid 53% of the seats in the Assemblée Nationale. In other words, despite the consensus view – including among voters (Chart 8) – that he will not be able to implement the reforms he had planned, he still has the political power to push forward new initiatives. Chart 7...Although Macron Wishes He Was Sarkozy! Nevertheless, Macron will certainly have to adjust course to calm the protesters. For example, the recent increase in the minimum wage that the government announced in response to the demonstrations was not supposed to be implemented until later in the presidential term. The reforms brought forward in response to the protest are highlighted in Table 2. This should help reduce the movement’s fervor or otherwise its support. Table 2Macron’s Reforms: The Scorecard More importantly, Table 2 provides a list of the main reforms that have been implemented, proposed, or are yet to be completed since the election. The pace and breadth of these reforms come close to a revolution by the standards of the past forty years.2 What really matters is how these reforms tackle the following three key issues: the size of the state, the cost of financing such a large state, and the inflexible labor market. Macron is making progress on the latter two.  Labor reforms, effective since the beginning of 2018, simplify a complex labor code to allow for more negotiations at the company level, leaving unions outside the process. They also establish ceilings on damages awarded by labor courts, which represent a real burden on small and medium-sized French companies. The objective is to better align firm-level wage and productivity developments and encourage hiring on open-ended contracts. Education and vocational reforms aim at reducing the slack in the economy by reallocating skills. The youth unemployment rate, and the percentage of the youth population not in education, employment, or training, are both high (Chart 9). This is very relevant for the labor market given that the lack of skilled labor is the most important barrier to hiring (Chart 10), more so than regulation or employment costs. Chart 9Stagnant Youth Employment Figures... Chart 10...Are A Product Of Skill Deficiencies And Economic Uncertainty The administration’s weak spot is the large size of the state, which is undeniably at the root of the French malaise. At 55% of GDP, total government spending makes the French state the largest amongst developed economies (Chart 11). Although cutbacks have been announced, they have not materialized yet. These would include bringing the defense budget back to 2% of GDP, decreasing the number of deputies in the National Assembly by 30%, and cutting 120,000 jobs in the public sector. On the bright side, polls show that the French people understand the need to pare back the state. Indeed, 71% are in favor of the announced 100 billion euro cuts in government spending by 2022. Even Marine Le Pen campaigned on the promise of cutting the size of the public sector. Despite having a relatively good opinion of government employees, the majority of respondents approve of increasing work hours and job cuts for redundant government employees (Chart 12). The fundamental problem of a large public sector is that it has to be financed by taxing the private sector. This has fallen on the shoulders of businesses. However, under Macron, the corporate tax rate is set to decline progressively from 33.33% to 25% by 2022 – a cut of 8.3% in the corporate tax rate over four years (Chart 13). Chart 13Respite Coming For The Private Sector Bottom Line: The yellow vest protests were to be expected – they are the natural consequence of Emmanuel Macron’s push to reform the French economy and state. However, when compared to previous efforts to derail government reforms, the numbers simply do not stack up. Their disunited and broad objectives are likely to limit the effectiveness of the movement going forward. The global media’s focus on the protests ignores the structural reforms that Paris has already passed. This is a mistake as the reforms have been significant thus far, though much remains to be done. What To Expect Going Forward? Macron stands in what we call the “danger zone” of the J-Curve of structural reform (Diagram 2). Cutting the size of the state might be what he needs to get out of that zone over the course of his term. Diagram 2In The Danger Zone Of The J-Curve Unlike the last two presidents, Macron’s term has begun with a whirlwind. If he stops now, it is highly unlikely that he will recover his support levels. As such, there is no strategic reason why he would reverse course. His popularity is already in the doldrums. His only chance at another term is to plow ahead and campaign in 2022 on his accomplishments. He just needs to ensure that he will not plow into a rock. As expected, Macron has not made any mention of changing course on his most business-friendly reforms, which we see as a signal to investors that despite the recent chaos, the plan remains the same. Pension reforms, however, will likely be postponed given the ongoing protests. Macron hoped to introduce a universal, unified pension system by the middle of 2019 to replace an overly complex and fragmented system in which 42 different types of pension coexist, each one with its own calculation rules. Though protests (both yellow vest and otherwise) have been unimpressive by historical standards (Table 1), it might be too risky for the government to push the pension reform so close to these events. Bottom Line: Macron has turned France into one of the fastest-reforming countries in Europe. Do not read too much into the lows in approval rating and the protests. Macron has no choice but to own the reform agenda and try to campaign on it in 2022. France Is Not Hopelessly Condemned To Stagnation No country elicits investor doom and gloom like France. It is like the adage that Brazil has been turned on its head: France is the country of the past and always will be. However, we think that such pessimism ignores three important structural tailwinds.  Demographics From 2015 to 2050, the age distribution will remain broadly unchanged (Chart 14). The same cannot be said of Italy or Germany, where low fertility rates and ageing populations will permanently shift the demographic picture. Indeed, France has the highest fertility rate amongst advanced economies and less than 20% of the population is older than 65 (Chart 15). And France is far from relying on net migration to keep its population growing; migration represented only 27% of total population growth between 2013 and 2017, lower than in the U.S., the U.K. and Germany even if we were to exclude the migration crisis (Chart 16).   Chart 15France Has Healthy Demographics… Whenever one mentions France’s positive demographics, criticism emerges that the high fertility rate is merely the result of migrants having lots of kids. This is not entirely correct. While data is scarce due to nineteenth century laws prohibiting censuses based on race or religious belief, data from neighboring European states shows that the birth rate among migrants and citizens of migrant descent essentially declines to that of the native population by the second generation, which in France remains at the replacement level.3 Solid population growth will be a boon to the French economy. A stable dependency ratio – the ratio of working-age to very old or very young people – should limit the burden on government budgets. Further, France will avoid the downward pressure on aggregate household savings associated with an ageing population, the negative implications of a smaller pool of funds available to the private sector, and the resulting inflationary pressures. We also expect the structural rise in European elderly labor force participation to finally take effect in France. The aftermath of the Great Recession and the burden of having to provide for unemployed youth should spur French retirees to work longer. At 3.1%, France is still some way behind Germany at 7% and the average of 6% for European countries (Chart 17). Chart 17Time For Pépère To Get Back To Work Together, these forces imply a higher long-term French potential growth. Based on demographic divergence alone, the European Commission expects French nominal GDP to overtake German nominal GDP by 2040. The French Savoir-Faire France has lost competitiveness in the global marketplace. French export performance has suffered from decades of rigidities and high unit-labor costs while some of France’s peers, such as Germany, benefited greatly from an early implementation of labor reforms (Chart 18). While pro-growth and pro-market reforms ought to reverse some of these trends, France can still rely on a manufacturing savoir-faire that gives it a strong foothold in high value-added sectors of manufacturing, such as in transportation, defense, and aeronautics. Chart 18The Hartz Reforms Gap Table 3 lists the 10 largest export sectors as a share of total exports for France and Germany. These two economies share five similar categories of exports amongst their largest exports, representing respectively 23.8% and 24.3% of their total exports. However, France displays a substantially higher revealed comparative advantage (RCA) in its flagship sectors.4 In other words, the level of specialization of these sectors relative to the world average is higher in France than in Germany. Going forward, it is precisely this level of specialization in the high value-added sectors that will support the French manufacturing industry. Table 3France Vs. Germany: Closer Than You Think We also view the bullish trends for defense spending and arms trade, and the burgeoning EM demand for transportation goods, as important tailwinds for French manufacturing. France is the world’s fourth-largest global defense exporter and will benefit from shifting geopolitical equilibriums caused by multipolarity. France is also well positioned in the transportation sector where its exports to EM countries represent 20% of its overall transportation exports – a share that more than doubled in the past 15 years (Chart 19). While this trend is currently declining with the end of Chinese industrialization, we expect that it will resume over the next several decades as more EM and FM economies grow. Chart 19EM: A Growth Market For France France Is Much More Business-Friendly Than You Think A surge in the number of businesses created followed the election of the French president. Last year, more than 520,000 new businesses were created (Chart 20). Chart 20The New 'Start-Up Nation' The ease of doing business has improved on various metrics and the economy-wide regulatory and market environment should continue on this trend, as measured by the OECD product market regulation indicator (Chart 21). For instance, it takes only three and a half days to set up a business in France and no more than five steps, which is much easier than in most European countries. France also ranks 10th on the Global Entrepreneurship Index – a measure of the health of entrepreneurship ecosystems in 137 countries. It appears prepared for more tech start-ups as it ranks amongst the top countries on the Technological Readiness Index. Overall, France is now a much more attractive destination for investments (Chart 22). It appears that Brexit uncertainty is also driving some long-term capital investments. Between 2016 and 2017, the number of FDI projects in France jumped by 31% and Paris has become the most attractive European city for foreign direct investments (Chart 23). Chart 23Paris: The City Of (Love) FDI Cyclical View Despite the end of QE, markets do not expect the ECB to start hiking rates in the next 12 months – the expected change in ECB policy rate as discounted by the Overnight Index Swap curve is only 7 bps. This means the private sector will keep benefiting from extremely low lending rates, nearing 2%. Bank loans to the private sector will continue growing at a solid pace (Chart 24). Chart 24Banks Are Itching To Lend A lower unemployment rate and accelerating wage growth are positive for both consumer spending and residential investment. Average monthly earnings have strongly rebounded in the past five quarters (Chart 25). These two trends could put a floor under deteriorating household confidence and support consumer spending (Chart 26). Should household confidence rebound, consumers might spend more and stimulate the economy given their high savings rate. Chart 25Consumers Are Primed To Consume Chart 26But Protests Have Dented Confidence How does this dynamic translate in economic growth? Despite the setback experienced by the euro area – due to weaker external demand, or “vulnerabilities in emerging markets” to use the European Central Bank’s (ECB) own words – and the negative economic impact of the yellow vests, French real GDP grew by 1% (annualized) in the fourth quarter. The concessions made by Macron to answer the protests will bring the budget deficit close to 3.2% of GDP – from an earlier projection of 2.8%. The fiscal thrust will contribute positively to GDP growth (Chart 27), though 2020 may witness a larger fiscal drag.  Chart 27Macron Has Given Up On Austerity Bottom Line: The overall fundamentals of the economy are not as bad as the pessimists say. Cyclical and structural tailwinds will support the French economy going forward and should be reinforced by reforms. Can Europe Be Set En Marche Too? Macron’s presidency offers the European Union a window of opportunity to change structurally. He is already perceived as the “default leader” of Europe and might be the answer to the EU’s desperate need for strong leadership. What we have so far looks like a roadmap for a roadmap, but some progress could materialize this year. The European Stability Mechanism (ESM) – the European instrument for economic crisis prevention – is supposed to be granted new powers. At the Euro Summit in December, the ministers agreed on the terms of reference of the common backstop to the euro zone bank resolution fund (SRF), which would allow the ESM to lend to the SRF should a crisis or number of crises suck away all its funds. It would be ready from 2024 to come up with loans for bank resolution. While this may appear to be too late to make a difference in the next recession, we would remind clients that all dates are malleable in the European context. The possibility of the ESM playing a role in a potential sovereign debt restructuring in the future, like a sort of “European IMF,” was also discussed. However, some – including the ESM’s leadership – argue that such an expanded role will necessitate a greater injection of capital, which obviously Berlin must accept. Second, the stalled Banking Union project requires Berlin’s intimate involvement. In fact, Germany remains practically the only member state against the European Deposit Insurance Scheme (EDIS). This deposit insurance union would go a long way toward stabilizing the Euro Area amid future financial crises. However, a high-level working group should report by June 2019. As such, with Merkel sidelined and Macron taking leadership of the reform process, there could be movement on the EDIS by mid-year. Bottom Line: As Merkel exits the stage, France is likely to seize the opportunity to take the leading role from the Germans. By delivering the reforms he promised during his campaign and thus performing effectively at home, Macron hopes to obtain the legitimacy to set the EU en marche as well. Some material progress could be achieved as early as June this year. Stay tuned.   Jeremie Peloso, Research Analyst jeremiep@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      According to the government, 10,500 “red scarves” marched in Paris on January 27, 2018. 2      Sans the guillotine! 3      Rojas, Bernardi, and Schmid, “First and second births among immigrants and their descendants in Switzerland,” Demographic Research 38:11 (2018), pp. 247-286, available at https://www.demographic-research.org/Volumes/Vol38/11/Ariane Pailhé, “The convergence of second-generation immigrants’ fertility patterns in France: The role of sociocultural distance between parents’ and host country,” Demographic Research 36:45 (2017), pp. 1361-1398, available at https://www.demographic-research.org/Volumes/Vol36/45/Kulu et al., “Fertility by Birth Order among the Descendants of Immigrants in Selected European Countries,” Population And Development Review 43:1 (2017), pp. 31-60, available at https://doi.org/10.1111/padr.12037  4      A country displays a revealed comparative advantage in a given product if it exports more than its “fair” share, that is, a share that is equal to the share of total world trade that the product represents.