Geopolitics
Highlights Biden’s first 100 days are characterized by a liberal spend-and-tax agenda unseen since the 1960s. It is not a “bait and switch,” however. Voters do not care about deficits and debt. At least not for now. The apparent outcome of the populist surge in the US and UK in 2016 is blowout fiscal spending. Yet the US and UK also invented and distributed vaccines faster than others. US growth and equities have outperformed while the US dollar experienced a countertrend bounce. While growth will rotate to other regions, China’s stimulus is on the wane. Of Biden’s three initial geopolitical risks, two are showing signs of subsiding: Russia and Iran. US-China tensions persist, however, and Biden has been hawkish so far. Our new Australia Geopolitical Risk Indicator confirms our other indicators in signaling that China risk, writ large, remains elevated. Cyclically we are optimistic about the Aussie and Australian stocks. Mexico’s midterm elections are likely to curb the ruling party’s majority but only marginally. The macro and geopolitical backdrop is favorable for Mexico. Feature US President Joe Biden gave his first address to the US Congress on April 28. Biden’s first hundred days are significant for his extravagant spending proposals, which will rank alongside those of Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society, if not Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, in their impact on US history, for better and worse. Chart 1Biden's First 100 Days - The Market's Appraisal The global financial market appraisal is that Biden’s proposals will turn out for the better. The market has responded to the US’s stimulus overshoot, successful vaccine rollout, and growth outperformance – notably in the pandemic-struck service sector – by bidding up US equities and the dollar (Chart 1). From a macro perspective we share the BCA House View in leaning against both of these trends, preferring international equities and commodity currencies. However, our geopolitical method has made it difficult for us to bet directly against the dollar and US equities. Geopolitics is about not only wars and trade but also the interaction of different countries’ domestic politics. America’s populist spending blowout is occurring alongside a sharp drop in China’s combined credit-and-fiscal impulse, which will eventually weigh on the global economy. This is true even though the rest of the world is beginning to catch up in vaccinations and economic normalization. As for traditional geopolitical risk – wars and alliances – Biden has not yet leaped over the three initial foreign policy hurdles that we have highlighted: China, Russia, and Iran. In this report we will update the view on all three, as there is tentative improvement on the Russian and Iranian fronts. In addition, we will introduce our newest geopolitical risk indicator – for Australia – and update our view on Mexico ahead of its June 6 midterm elections. Biden’s Fiscal Blowout From a macro point of view, Biden’s $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) was much larger than what Republicans would have passed if President Trump had won a second term. His proposed $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan (AJP) is also larger, though both candidates were likely to pass an infrastructure package. The difference lies in the parts of these packages that relate to social spending and other programs, beyond COVID relief and roads and bridges. The Republican proposal for COVID relief was $618 billion while the Republicans’ current proposal on infrastructure is $568 billion – marking a $3 trillion difference from Biden. In reality Republicans would have proposed larger spending if Trump had remained president – but not enough to close this gap. And Biden is also proposing a $1.8 trillion American Families Plan (AFP). Biden’s praise for handling the vaccinations must be qualified by the Trump administration’s successful preparations, which have been unfairly denigrated. Similarly, Biden’s blame for the migrant surge at the southern border must be qualified by the fact that the surge began last year.1 A comparison with the UK will put Biden’s administration into perspective. The only country comparable to the US in terms of the size of fiscal stimulus over 2019-21 so far – excluding Biden’s AJP and AFP, which are not yet law – is the United Kingdom. Thus the consequence of the flare-up of populism in the Anglo-Saxon world since 2016 is a budget deficit blowout as these countries strive to suppress domestic socio-political conflict by means of government largesse, particularly in industrial and social programs. However, populist dysfunction was also overrated. Both the US and UK retain their advantages in terms of innovation and dynamism, as revealed by the vaccine and its rollout (Chart 2). Chart 2Dysfunctional Anglo-Saxon Populism? No sharp leftward turn occurred in the UK, where Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his Conservatives had the benefit of a pre-COVID election in December 2019, which they won. By contrast, in the US, President Trump and the Republicans contended an election after the pandemic and recession had virtually doomed them to failure. There a sharp leftward turn is taking place. Going forward the US will reclaim the top rank in terms of fiscal stimulus, as Biden is likely to get his infrastructure plan (AJP) passed. Our updated US budget deficit projections appear in Chart 3. Our sister US Political Strategy gives the AJP an 80% chance of passing in some form and the AFP only a 50% chance of passing, depending on how quickly the AJP is passed. This means the blue dashed line is more likely to occur than the red dashed line. The difference is slight despite the mind-boggling headline numbers of the plans because the spending is spread out over eight-to-ten years and tax hikes over 15 years will partially offset the expenditures. Much will depend on whether Congress is willing to pay for the new spending. In Chart 3 we assume that Biden will get half of the proposed corporate tax hikes in the AJP scenario (and half of the individual tax hikes in the AFP scenario). If spending is watered down, and/or tax hikes surprise to the upside, both of which are possible, then the deficit scenarios will obviously tighten, assuming the economic recovery continues robustly as expected. But in the current political environment it is safest to plan for the most expansive budget deficit scenarios, as populism is the overriding force. Chart 3Biden’s Blowout Spending Biden’s campaign plan was even more visionary, so it is not true that Biden pulled a “bait and switch” on voters. Rather, the median voter is comfortable with greater deficits and a larger government role in American life. Bottom Line: The implication of Biden’s spending blowout is reflationary for the global economy, cyclically negative for the US dollar, and positive for global equities. But on a tactical time frame the rotation to other equities and currencies will also depend on China’s fiscal-and-credit deceleration and whether geopolitical risk continues to fall. Russia: Some Improvement But Coast Not Yet Clear US-Russia tensions appeared to fizzle over the past week but the coast is not yet clear. We remain short Russian currency and risk assets as well as European emerging market equities. Tensions fell after President Putin’s State of the Nation address on April 21 in which he warned the West against crossing Russia’s “red lines.” Biden’s sanctions on Russia were underwhelming – he did not insist on halting the final stages of the Nord Stream II pipeline to Germany. Russia declared it would withdraw its roughly 100,000 troops from the Ukrainian border by May 1. Russian dissident Alexei Navalny ended his hunger strike. Putin attended Biden’s Earth Day summit and the two are working on a bilateral summit in June. Chart 4Russia's Domestic Instability Will Continue De-escalation is not certain, however. First, some US officials have cast doubt on Russia’s withdrawal of troops and it is known that arms and equipment were left in place for a rapid mobilization and re-escalation if necessary. Second, Russian-backed Ukrainian separatists will be emboldened, which could increase fighting in Ukraine that could eventually provoke Russian intervention. Third, the US has until August or September to prevent Nord Stream from completion. Diplomacy between Russia and the US (and Russia and several eastern European states) has hit a low point on the withdrawal of ambassadors. Fourth, Russian domestic politics was always the chief reason to prepare for a worse geopolitical confrontation and it remains unsettled. Putin’s approval rating still lingers in the relatively low range of 65% and government approval at 49%. The economic recovery is weak and facing an increasingly negative fiscal thrust, along with Europe and China, Russia’s single-largest export destination (Chart 4). Putin’s handouts to households, in anticipation of the September Duma election, only amount to 0.2% of GDP. More measures will probably be announced but the lead-up to the election could still see an international adventure designed to distract the public from its socioeconomic woes. Russia’s geopolitical risk indicators ticked up as anticipated (Chart 5). They may subside if the military drawdown is confirmed and Biden and Putin lower the temperature. But we would not bet on it. Chart 5Russian Geopolitical Risk: Wait For 'All Clear' Signal Bottom Line: It is possible that Biden has passed his first foreign policy test with Russia but it is too soon to sound the “all clear.” We remain short Russian ruble and short EM Europe until de-escalation is confirmed. The Russian (and German) elections in September will mark a time for reassessing this view. Iran: Diplomacy On Track (Hence Jitters Will Rise) While Russia may or may not truly de-escalate tensions in Ukraine, the spring and summer are sure to see an increase in focus on US-Iran nuclear negotiations. Geopolitical risks will remain high prior to the conclusion of a deal and will materialize in kinetic attacks of various kinds. This thesis is confirmed by the alleged Israeli sabotage of Iran’s Natanz nuclear facility this month. The US Navy also fired warning shots at Iranian vessels staging provocations. Sporadic attacks in other parts of the region also continue to flare, most recently with an Iranian tanker getting hit by a drone at a Syrian oil terminal.2 The US and Iran are making progress in the Vienna talks toward rejoining the 2015 nuclear deal from which the US withdrew in 2018. Iran pledged to enrich uranium up to 60% but also said this move was reversible – like all its tentative violations of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA) so far (Table 1). Iran also offered a prisoner swap with the US. Saudi Arabia appears resigned to a resumption of the JCPA that it cannot prevent, with crown prince Mohammed bin Salman offering diplomatic overtures to both the US and Iran. Table 1Iran’s Nuclear Program And Compliance With JCPA 2015 Still, the closer the US and Iran get to a deal the more its opponents will need to either take action or make preparations for the aftermath. The allegation that former US Secretary of State John Kerry’s shared Israeli military plans with Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif is an example of the kind of political brouhaha that will occur as different elements try to support and oppose the normalization of US-Iran ties. More importantly Israel will underscore its red line against nuclear weaponization. Previously Iran was set to reach “breakout” capability of uranium enrichment – a point at which it has enough fissile material to produce a nuclear device – as early as May. Due to sabotage at the Natanz facility the breakout period may have been pushed back to July.3 This compounds the significance of this summer as a deadline for negotiating a reduction in tensions. While the US may be prepared to fudge on Iran’s breakout capabilities, Israel will not, which means a market-relevant showdown should occur this summer before Israel backs down for fear of alienating the United States. Tit-for-tat attacks in May and June could cause negative surprises for oil supply. Then there will be a mad dash by the negotiators to agree to deal before the de facto August deadline, when Iran inaugurates a new president and it becomes much harder to resolve outstanding issues. Chart 6Iran Deal Priced Into Oil Markets? Hence our argument that geopolitics adds upside risk to oil prices in the first half of the year but downside risk in the second half. The market’s expectations seem already to account for this, based on the forward curve for Brent crude oil. The marginal impact of a reconstituted Iran nuclear deal on oil prices is slightly negative over the long run since a deal is more likely to be concluded than not and will open up Iran’s economy and oil exports to the world. However, our Commodity & Energy Strategy expects the Brent price to exceed expectations in the coming years, judging by supply and demand balances and global macro fundamentals (Chart 6). If an Iran deal becomes a fait accompli in July and August the Saudis could abandon their commitment to OPEC 2.0’s production discipline. The Russians and Saudis are not eager to return to a market share war after what happened in March 2020 but we cannot rule it out in the face of Iranian production. Thus we expect oil to be volatile. Oil producers also face the threat of green energy and US shale production which gives them more than one reason to keep up production and prevent prices from getting too lofty. Throughout the post-2015 geopolitical saga between the US and Iran, major incidents have caused an increase in the oil-to-gold ratio. The risk of oil supply disruption affected the price more than the flight to gold due to geopolitical or war risk. The trend generally corresponds with that of the copper-to-gold ratio, though copper-to-gold rose higher when growth boomed and oil outperformed when US-Iran tensions spiked in 2019. Today the copper-to-gold ratio is vastly outperforming the oil-to-gold on the back of the global recovery (Chart 7). This makes sense from the point of view of the likelihood of a US-Iran deal this year. But tensions prior to a deal will push up oil-to-gold in the near term. Chart 7Biden Passes Iran Test? Likely But Not A Done Deal Bottom Line: The US-Iran diplomacy is on track. This means geopolitical risk will escalate in May and June before a short-term or interim deal is agreed in July or August. Geopolitical risk stemming from US-Iran relations will subside thereafter, unless the deadline is missed. The forward curve has largely priced in the oil price downside except for the risk that OPEC 2.0 becomes dysfunctional again. We expect upside price surprises in the near term. Biden, China, And Our Australia GeoRisk Indicator Ostensibly the US and Russia are avoiding a war over Ukraine and the US and Iran are negotiating a return to the 2015 nuclear deal. Only US-China relations utterly lack clarity, with military maneuvering in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea and tensions simmering over the gamut of other disputes. Chart 8Biden Still Faces China Test The latest data on global military spending show not only that the US and China continue to build up their militaries but also that all of the regional allies – including Japan! – are bulking up defense spending (Chart 8). This is a substantial confirmation of the secular growth of geopolitical risk, specifically in reaction to China’s rise and US-China competition. The first round of US-China talks under Biden went awry but since then a basis has been laid for cooperation on climate change, with President Xi Jinping attending Biden’s virtual climate change summit (albeit with no bilateral summit between the two). If John Kerry is removed as climate czar over his Iranian controversy it will not have an impact other than to undermine American negotiators’ reliability. The deeper point is that climate is a narrow basis for US-China cooperation and it cannot remotely salvage the relationship if a broader strategic de-escalation is not agreed. Carbon emissions are more likely to become a cudgel with which the US and West pressure China to reform its economy faster. The Department of Defense is not slated to finish its comprehensive review of China policy until June but most US government departments are undertaking their own reviews and some of the conclusions will trickle out in May, whether through Washington’s actions or leaks to the press. Beijing could also take actions that upend the Biden administration’s assessment, such as with the Microsoft hack exposed earlier this year. The Biden administration will soon reveal more about how it intends to handle export controls and sanctions on China. For example, by May 19 the administration is slated to release a licensing process for companies concerned about US export controls on tech trade with China due to the Commerce Department’s interim rule on info tech supply chains. The Biden administration looks to be generally hawkish on China, a view that is now consensus. Any loosening of punitive measures would be a positive surprise for Chinese stocks and financial markets in general. There are other indications that China’s relationship with the West is not about to improve substantially – namely Australia. Australia has become a bellwether of China’s relations with the world. While the US’s defense commitments might be questionable with regard to some of China’s neighbors – namely Taiwan (Province of China) but also possibly South Korea and the Philippines – there can be little doubt that Australia, like Japan, is the US’s red line in the Pacific. Australian politics have been roiled over the past several years by the revelation of Chinese influence operations, state- or military-linked investments in Australia, and propaganda campaigns. A trade war erupted last year when Australia called for an investigation into the origins of COVID-19 and China’s handling of it. Most recently, Victoria state severed ties with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Despite the rise in Sino-Australian tensions, the economic relationship remains intact. China’s stimulus overweighed the impact of its punitive trade measures against Australia, both by bidding up commodity prices and keeping the bulk of Australia’s exports flowing (Chart 9). As much as China might wish to decouple from Australia, it cannot do so as long as it needs to maintain minimum growth rates for the sake of social stability and these growth rates require resources that Australia provides. For example, global iron ore production excluding Australia only makes up 80% of China’s total iron ore imports, which necessitates an ongoing dependency here (Chart 10). Brazil cannot make up the difference. Chart 9China-Australia Trade Amid Tensions Chart 10China Cannot Replace Australia This resource dependency does not necessarily reduce geopolitical tension, however, because it increases China’s supply insecurity and vulnerability to the US alliance. The US under Biden explicitly aims to restore its alliances and confront autocratic regimes. This puts Australia at the front lines of an open-ended global conflict. Chart 11Introducing: Australia GeoRisk Indicator (Smoothed) Our newly devised Australia GeoRisk Indicator illustrates the point well, as it has continued surging since the trade war with China first broke out last year (Chart 11). This indicator is based on the Australian dollar and its deviation from underlying macro variables that should determine its course. These variables are described in Appendix 1. If the Aussie weakens relative to these variables, then an Australian-specific risk premium is apparent. We ascribe that premium to politics and geopolitics writ large. A close examination of the risk indicator’s performance shows that it tracks well with Australia’s recent political history (Chart 12). Previous peaks in risk occurred when President Trump rose to power and Australia, like Canada, found itself beset by negative pressures from both the US and China. In particular, Trump threatened tariffs and the Australian government banned China’s Huawei from its 5G network. Today the rise in geopolitical risk stems almost exclusively from China. There is potential for it to roll over if Biden negotiates a reduction in tensions but that is a risk to our view (an upside risk for Australian and global equities). Chart 12Australian GeoRisk Indicator (Unsmoothed) What does this indicator portend for tradable Australian assets? As one would expect, Australian geopolitical risk moves inversely to the country’s equities, currency, and relative equity performance (Chart 13). Australian equities have risen on the back of global growth and the commodity boom despite the rise in geopolitical risk. But any further spike in risk could jeopardize this uptrend. Chart 13Australia Geopolitical Risk And Tradable Assets An even clearer inverse relationship emerges with the AUD-JPY exchange rate, a standard measure of risk-on / risk-off sentiment in itself. If geopolitical risk rises any further it should cause a reversal in the currency pair. Finally, Australian equities have not outperformed other developed markets excluding the US, which may be due to this elevated risk premium. Bottom Line: China is the most important of Biden’s foreign policy hurdles and unlike Russia and Iran there is no sign of a reduction in tension yet. Our Australian GeoRisk Indicator supports the point that risk remains very elevated in the near term. Moreover China’s credit deceleration is also negative for Australia. Cyclically, however, assuming that China does not overtighten policy, we take a constructive view on the Aussie and Australian equities. Biden’s Border Troubles Distract From Bullish Mexico Story The biggest criticism of Biden’s first 100 days has been his reduction in a range of enforcement measures on the southern border which has encouraged an overflow of immigrants. Customs and Border Patrol have seen a spike in “encounters” from a low point of around 17,000 in 2020 to about 170,000 today. The trend started last year but accelerated sharply after the election and had surpassed the 2019 peak of 144,000. Vice President Kamala Harris has been put in charge of managing the border crisis, both with Mexico and Central American states. She does not have much experience with foreign policy so this is her opportunity to learn on the job. She will not be able to accomplish much given that the Biden administration is unwilling to use punitive measures or deterrence and will not have large fiscal resources available for subsidizing the nations to the south. With the US economy hyper-charged, especially relative to its southern neighbors, the pace of immigration is unlikely to slacken. From a macro point of view the relevance is that the US is not substantially curtailing immigration – quite the opposite – which means that labor force growth will not deviate from its trend. What about Mexico itself? It is not likely that Harris will be able to engage on a broader range of issues with Mexico beyond immigration. As usual Mexico is beset with corruption, lawlessness, and instability. To these can be added the difficulties of the pandemic and vaccine rollout. Tourism and remittances are yet to recover. Cooperation with US federal agents against the drug cartels is deteriorating. Cartels control an estimated 40% of Mexican territory.4 Nevertheless, despite Mexico’s perennial problems, we hold a positive view on Mexican currency and risk assets. The argument rests on five points: Strong macro fundamentals: With China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse slowing sharply, and US stimulus accelerating, Mexico stands to benefit. Mexico has also run orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. It has a demographic tailwind, low wages, and low public debt. The stars are beginning to align for the country’s economy, according to our Emerging Markets Strategy. US and Canadian stimulus: The US and Canada have the second- and third-largest fiscal stimulus of all the major countries over the 2019-21 period, at 9% and 8% of GDP respectively. Mexico, with the new USMCA free trade deal in hand, will benefit. US protectionism fizzled: Even Republican senators blocked President Trump’s attempted tariffs on Mexico. Trump’s aggression resulted in the USMCA, a revised NAFTA, which both US political parties endorsed. Mexico is inured to US protectionism, at least for the short and medium term. Diversification from China: Mexico suffered the greatest opportunity cost from China’s rise as an offshore manufacturer and entrance to the World Trade Organization. Now that the US and other western countries are diversifying away from China, amid geopolitical tensions, Mexico stands to benefit. The US cannot eliminate its trade deficit due to its internal savings/investment imbalance but it can redistribute that trade deficit to countries that cannot compete with it for global hegemony. AMLO faces constraints: A risk factor stemmed from politics where a sweeping left-wing victory in 2018 threatened to introduce anti-market policies. President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (known as AMLO) and his MORENA party gained a majority in both houses of the legislature. Their coalition has a two-thirds majority in the lower house (Chart 14). However, we pointed out that AMLO’s policies have not been radical and, more importantly, that the midterm election would likely constrain his power. Chart 14Mexico’s Midterm Election Looms These are all solid points but the last item faces a test in the upcoming midterm election. AMLO’s approval rating is strong, at 63%, putting him above all of his predecessors except one (Chart 15). AMLO’s approval has if anything benefited from the COVID-19 crisis despite Mexico’s inability to handle the medical challenge. He has promised to hold a referendum on his leadership in early 2022, more than halfway through his six-year term, and he is currently in good shape for that referendum. For now his popularity is helpful for his party, although he is not on the ballot in 2021 and MORENA’s support is well beneath his own. Chart 15AMLO’s Approval Fairly Strong MORENA’s support is holding at a 44% rate of popular support and its momentum has slightly improved since the pandemic began. However, MORENA’s lead over other parties is not nearly as strong as it was back in 2018 (Chart 16, top panel). The combined support of the two dominant center-right parties, the Institutional Revolutionary Party and the National Action Party, is almost equal to that of MORENA. And the two center-left parties, the Democratic Revolution Party and Citizen’s Movement, are part of the opposition coalition (Chart 16, bottom panel). The pandemic and economic crisis will motivate the opposition. Chart 16MORENA’s Support Holding Up Despite COVID Traditionally the president’s party loses seats in the midterm election (Table 2). Circumstances are different from the US, which also exhibits this trend, because Mexico has more political parties. A loss of seats from MORENA does not necessarily favor the establishment parties. Nevertheless opinion polling shows that about 45% of voters say they would rather see MORENA’s power “checked” compared to 41% who wish to see the party go on unopposed.5 Table 2Mexican President’s Party Tends To Lose Seats In Midterm Election While the ruling coalition may lose its super-majority, it is not a foregone conclusion that MORENA will lose its majority. Voters have decades of experience of the two dominant parties, both were discredited prior to 2018, and neither has recovered its reputation so quickly. The polling does not suggest that voters regret their decision to give the left wing a try. If anything recent polls slightly push against this idea. If MORENA surprises to the upside then AMLO’s capabilities would increase substantially in the second half of his term – he would have political capital and an improving economy. While the senate is not up for grabs in the midterm, MORENA has a narrow majority and controls a substantial 60% of seats when its allies are taken into account. In this scenario AMLO could pursue his attempts to increase the state’s role in key industries, like energy and power generation, at the expense of private investors. Even then the Supreme Court would continue to act as a check on the government. The 11-seat court is currently made up of five conservatives, two independents, and three liberal or left-leaning judges. A new member, Margarita Ríos Farjat, is close to the government, leaving the conservatives with a one-seat edge over the liberals and putting the two independents in the position of swing voters. Even if AMLO maintains control of the lower house, he will not be able to override the constitutional court, as he has threatened on occasion to do, without a super-majority in the senate. Bottom Line: AMLO will likely lose some ground in the lower house and thus suffer a check on his power. This will only confirm that Mexican political risk is not likely to derail positive underlying macro fundamentals. Continue to overweight Mexican equities relative to Brazilian. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Appendix 1 The market is the greatest machine ever created for gauging the wisdom of the crowd and as such our Geopolitical Risk Indicators were not designed to predict political risk but to answer the question of whether and to what extent markets have priced that risk. Our Australian GeoRisk Indicator (see Chart 11-12 above) uses the same simple methodology used in our other indicators, which avoid the pitfall of regression-based models. We begin with a financial asset that has a daily frequency in price, in this case the AUD, and compare its movement against several fundamental factors – in this case global energy and base metal prices, global metals and mining stock prices, and the Chilean peso. Australia is a commodity-exporting country. It is the largest producer of iron ore and is among the largest producers of coal and natural gas. It is also a major trading partner for China. Due to the nature of its economy the Australian dollar moves with global metal and energy prices and the global metals and mining equity prices. Chile, another major commodity producer also moves with global metal prices, hence our inclusion of the peso in this indicator. The AUD has a high correlation with all of these assets, and if the changes in the value of the AUD lag or lead the changes in the value of these assets, the implication is that geopolitical risk unique to Australia is not priced by the market. We included the peso as Chile is not as affected as Australia by any conflict in the South China Sea or Northeast Asia, which means that a deviation of the AUD from CLP represents a unique East Asia Pacific risk. Our indicator captures the involvement of Australia in a few regional and international conflicts. The indicator climbed as Australia got involved in the East Timor emergency and declined as it exited. It continued declining even as Australia joined the US in the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, which showed that investors were unperturbed by faraway wars, while showing measurable concern in the smaller but closer Timorese conflict. Risks went up again as the nation erupted in labor protests as the Howard government made changes to the labor code. We see the market pricing higher risk again during the 2008 financial crisis, although it was modest and Australia escaped the crisis unscathed due to massive Chinese stimulus. Since then, investors have been climbing a wall of worry as they priced in Northeast Asia-related geopolitical risks. These started with the South Korean Cheonan sinking and continued with the Sino-Japanese clash over the Senkaku islands. They culminated with the Chinese ADIZ declaration in late 2013. In 2016, Australia was shocked again when Donald Trump was elected, and investor fears were evident when the details of Trump-Turnbull spat were made public. The risk indicator reached another peak during the trade wars between the US and the rest of the world. Investors were not worried about COVID-19 as Australia largely contained the pandemic, but the recent Australian-Chinese trade war pushed the risk indicator up, giving investors another wall of worry. If the Biden administration forces Australia into a democratic alliance in confrontation with autocratic China then this risk will persist for some time. Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com We Read (And Liked) ... The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, And The Fate Of Liberty This book is a sweeping review of the conditions of liberty essential to steering the world away from the Hobbesian war of all against all. In this unofficial sequel to the 2012 hit, Why Nations Fail: The Origins Of Power, Prosperity, And Poverty, Daron Acemoglu (Professor of Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology) and James A. Robinson (Professor of Global Conflict Studies at the University of Chicago) further explore their thesis that the existence and effectiveness of democratic institutions account for a nation’s general success or failure. The Narrow Corridor6 examines how liberty works. It is not “natural,” not widespread, “is rare in history and is rare today.” Only in peculiar circumstances have states managed to produce free societies. States have to walk a thin line to achieve liberty, passing through what the authors describe as a “narrow corridor.” To encourage freedom, states must be strong enough to enforce laws and provide public services yet also restrained in their actions and checked by a well-organized civil society. For example, from classical history, the Athenian constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes “were helpful for strengthening the political power of Athenian citizens while also battling the cage of norms.” That cage of norms is the informal body of customs replaced by state institutions. Those norms in turn “constrained what the state could do and how far state building could go,” providing a set of checks. Though somewhat fluid in its definition, liberty, as Acemoglu and Robinson show, is expressed differently under various “leviathans,” or states. For starters, the “Shackled Leviathan” is a government dedicated to upholding the rule of law, protecting the weak against the strong, and creating the conditions for broad-based economic opportunity. Meanwhile, the “Paper Leviathan” is a bureaucratic machine favoring the privileged class, serving as both a political and economic brake on development and yielding “fear, violence, and dominance for most of its citizens.” Other examples include: The “American Leviathan” which fails to deal properly with inequality and racial oppression, two enemies of liberty; and a “Despotic Leviathan,” which commands the economy and coerces political conformity – an example from modern China. Although the book indulges in too much jargon, it is provocative and its argument is convincing. The authors say that in most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Importantly, many states believe that once liberty is achieved, it will remain the status quo. But the authors argue that to uphold liberty, state institutions have to evolve continuously as the nature of conflicts and needs of society change. Thus society's ability to keep state and rulers accountable must intensify in tandem with the capabilities of the state. This struggle between state and society becomes self-reinforcing, inducing both to develop a richer array of capacities just to keep moving forward along the corridor. Yet this struggle also underscores the fragile nature of liberty. It is built on a precarious balance between state and society; between economic, political, and social elites and common citizens; between institutions and norms. If one side of the balance gets too strong, as has often happened in history, liberty begins to wane. The authors central thesis is that the long-run success of states depends on the balance of power between state and society. If states are too strong, you end up with a “Despotic Leviathan” that is good for short-term economic growth but brittle and unstable over the long term. If society is too strong, the “Leviathan” is absent, and societies suffer under a pre-modern war of all against all. The ideal place to be is in the narrow corridor, under a shackled Leviathan that will grow state capacity and individual liberty simultaneously, thus leading to long-term economic growth. In the asset allocation process, investors should always consider the liberty of a state and its people, if a state’s institutions grossly favor the elite or the outright population, whether these institutions are weak or overbearing on society, and whether they signify a balance between interests across the population. Whether you are investing over a short or long horizon, returns can be significantly impacted in the absence of liberty or the excesses of liberty. There should be a preference among investors toward countries that exhibit a balance of power between state and society, setting up a better long-term investment environment, than if a balance of power did not exist. Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan – Province Of China Korea Turkey Brazil Australia Footnotes 1 "President Biden’s first 100 days as president fact-checked," BBC News, April 29, 2021, bbc.com. 2 "Oil tanker off Syrian coast hit in suspected drone attack," Al Jazeera, April 24, 2021, Aljazeera.com. 3 See Yaakov Lappin, "Natanz blast ‘likely took 5,000 centrifuges offline," Jewish News Syndicate, jns.org. 4 John Daniel Davidson, "Former US Ambassador To Mexico: Cartels Control Up To 40 Percent Of Mexican Territory," The Federalist, April 28, 2021, thefederalist.com. 5 See Alejandro Moreno, "Aprobación de AMLO se encuentra en 61% previo a campañas electorales," El Financiero, April 5, 2021, elfinanciero.com. 6 Penguin Press, New York, NY, 2019, 558 pages. Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
The Bank of Russia raised the benchmark interest rate by 50 basis points to 5.0% on Friday, 25 bps more than expected. The central bank also increased its 2021 inflation forecast to 4.7-5.2% and argued that inflationary risks called for “an earlier return to…
Global fiscal stimulus remains strong and will likely peak this year. Our Geopolitical Strategy service updated its long-running tally of global fiscal stimulus to bring it into line with the latest statistics from the IMF on net national borrowing and…
Highlights Geopolitical risk is rising once again after a big drop-off in risk during the pandemic and snapback. The Biden administration faces three critical foreign policy tests: China/Taiwan, Russia/Ukraine, and Israel/Iran. Russia could stage a military incursion into Ukraine that would cause a risk-off event. However, global markets would get over it relatively quickly since a total invasion of all Ukraine is unlikely. Iran is nearing the “breakout” threshold of uranium enrichment which will prompt more Israeli demonstrations of its red line against nuclear weaponization. Iran will retaliate. So far our view is on track that tensions will escalate prior to the resolution of a US-Iran deal by August. Taiwan is the most market relevant of all geopolitical risks – but the South China Sea is another scene of US-China saber-rattling. A crisis here is most important if connected to Taiwan. Go long CAD-RUB and CHF-GBP. Feature Chart 1Traffic In The World’s Most Dire Straits British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, quoting Sir Winston Churchill, once said, “Jaw-jaw is better than war-war.”1 President Joe Biden would undoubtedly prefer jaw-jaw as he faces three imminent foreign policy tests that raise tail-risks of war: Chinese military intimidation of Taiwan, a Russian military build-up on the Ukrainian border, and Iranian acceleration of its nuclear program. All of these areas are heating up simultaneously and a crisis incident could easily occur, causing a pullback in bond yields and equity markets. One way of illustrating the seriousness of these conflicts is to look at the volume of global trade that goes through the relevant geographic chokepoints: the Taiwan Strait, the Strait of Malacca, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Bosphorus Strait (Chart 1). Oil and petroleum products serve as a proxy for overall traffic. The recent, short-lived blockage of the Suez Canal provides an inkling of the magnitude of disruption that is possible if conflict erupts in one of these global bottlenecks. In this report we review recent developments in Biden’s foreign policy tests. Our views are mostly on track. Investors should prepare tactically for more geopolitical risk to be priced into global financial markets, motivating safe-haven flows and potentially a general equity pullback. Cyclically the bull market will continue, barring the worst-case scenarios. Biden’s Three Foreign Policy Tests Biden’s three foreign policy tests are all intensifying as we go to press: China/Taiwan: China is continuing a high-intensity pace of “combat drills” and live-fire drills around the island of Taiwan.2 The US is sending a diplomatic delegation to Taiwan against Beijing’s wishes and is set to deliver a relatively large arms sale to the island. Yet Washington has sent John Kerry, its “climate czar,” to Beijing to set up a bilateral summit between Presidents Biden and Xi Jinping for Earth Day, in a bid to find common ground. Biden’s overarching review of US China policy is due sometime in May. Russia/Ukraine: Russia has amassed more than 85,000 troops on its border with Ukraine and in Crimea, the largest build-up since it invaded Ukraine in 2014-15. Russia has withdrawn its ambassador to Washington and warned that it will retaliate if the US imposes any new sanctions. The US is doing just that, with new sanctions leveled in response to Russian cyberattacks and election interference, including a block on sales of Russian ruble-denominated sovereign bonds from June. Hence Russian retaliation is looming. Israel/Iran: Shortly after the March 23 election, Israel sabotaged the underground Natanz Fuel Enrichment Plant in Iran, prompting the Iranians to declare that they will retaliate on Israeli soil. They also claim they will now enrich uranium to a 60% level, which pushes them close to the 90%-plus levels needed to make a nuclear device. American and Israeli officials had previously signaled that Iran would reach “breakout” levels of weapons-grade uranium between April and August. Negotiations are underway but the process will be beset by attacks. We have written extensively on the Taiwan dynamic this year as it is the most relevant for global investors. In this report we will update the Russian and Iranian situations first and then proceed to China. Bottom Line: Geopolitical risk is back after a reprieve during the pandemic. The new US administration faces three serious foreign policy tests at once. Financial markets have mostly ignored the rise in tensions but we expect safe-haven assets to catch a bid in the near term. However, we have not yet altered our bullish cyclical view. So far we are still in the realm of “jaw-jaw” rather than “war-war,” as we explain in the rest of this report. Stay Short Russia And EM Europe The return of the Democratic Party to power in Washington has led to an immediate increase in US-Russian tensions. The Biden administration is eschewing a diplomatic reset and instead pursuing great power competition. The US is increasing its arms sales and NATO military drills with Ukraine. It is imposing sanctions over Russian cyberattacks and election interference, including taking a long-awaited step against the purchase of ruble bonds. Washington could also force Germany to cancel the Nord Stream II pipeline. However, there are also mitigating signs. President Biden has offered to hold a bilateral summit with President Vladimir Putin in a third country and the two may meet at his Earth Day summit. The US Navy also called back the USS Donald Cook and USS Roosevelt destroyers from going into the Black Sea, after Moscow warned that any American warships in that sea would be in danger, especially if they go near Crimea. Washington’s new volley of sanctions are not truly tantamount to Russian interference in American elections and they do not include new measures on Nord Stream II. An American move to insist that Germany cancel Nord Stream before construction ends would provoke Russia to retaliate. The purpose of Nord Stream is to bypass Ukraine and cement direct economic ties between Russia and Germany. Germany’s government continues to support the project despite Russia’s build-up on the border with Ukraine and suppression of political dissidents. If the US vetoes the pipeline then it is denying Russia access to legitimate trade and restricting Russia’s export options to the Ukrainian route. If the US simultaneously increases military cooperation with Ukraine then it is implicitly trying to control Russia’s energy access to Europe. Russia will likely retaliate by punishing Ukraine. Russia could take aggressive action in Ukraine or elsewhere regardless of what the US does on Nord Stream or in its Ukraine outreach. Russia is struggling with a weak domestic economy and social unrest. Moscow has a record of foreign adventurism when popular support wanes. Moreover legislative elections loom in September. Thus Russia may have an independent reason to stir up conflict in Ukraine, at least for the next half year, that cannot be deterred. Judging by capabilities, Russia has deployed enough troops to stage a military incursion into the breakaway Donbass region of Ukraine. The Russian army build-up on the border is the largest since 2014 – large enough to put most of Russian-speaking Ukraine at risk. A full-scale Russian invasion of all of Ukraine is unlikely but not impossible. It would be extremely costly both in blood and treasure – not only in occupying a hostile Ukraine but also in unifying the West against Russia, the opposite of what Moscow is trying to accomplish (Chart 2). Moscow will want to avoid this outcome unless the US shuts down Nord Stream or tries to bring Ukraine into NATO. Chart 2Russia’s Constraints Over Ukraine From the market’s point of view, intensified fighting in Ukraine between the government and Russian-backed rebels is status quo. This is inevitable and will not have a major impact on global equities. The invasion of Crimea in 2014 led to a maximum 2% drawdown in the S&P 500. It was the shooting down of Malaysian Airline 17, not Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, that shook up financial markets in 2014. Global equities fell by 2.7%, Eurostoxx 500 by 6.2% and Russian equities by 10.7%. Note that the Russian military did ultimately participate in the fighting in 2014-15, it was not only Russian-backed separatists, so global financial markets can stomach that kind of conflict fairly well as long as it is limited to Ukraine, especially disputed regions, and as long as the US and NATO do not get involved. They are disinclined to fight for Ukraine, leaving it vulnerable. A larger flight to safety would occur if Russia pursued the total conquest of all of Ukraine. This is small probability but high impact. It would cause a major global risk-off because it would raise the risk of a larger war on the continent for the first time since World War II. Russia is obsessed with Ukraine from the point of view of grand strategy and national security and will take at least some military action if it deems it necessary. Investors should be prepared for escalation – though neither Washington nor Moscow has yet taken a fatal step. It is important to watch for any aggressive Ukrainian actions but Ukraine is not the main driver of action. The current situation is reminiscent of that in the Republic of Georgia in 2008, when Russia provoked President Mikhail Saakashvili into taking action against separatists that Russia then used as a pretext for intervening and breaking away Abkhazia and South Ossetia. While Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy could be baited into a conflict, it is also true that fear of getting baited could result in hesitation that allows Russia to seize the initiative, as occurred in Ukraine in 2014. So for the Ukrainians it is “damned if you do, damned if you don’t.” Russia’s actions will largely depend on its own interests. So far Russian equities have lagged other emerging market equities and the commodity rally, which may partly reflect elevated political and geopolitical risk (Chart 3). The trend for Russian equities can easily get worse from here. Given Russia’s interest in conflict with the West ahead of the September elections, Russian-Ukrainian tensions could persist for most of this year. A major military campaign becomes more probable after mid-May when the weather improves. Russian currency and assets will remain under pressure. We recommend going long the Canadian dollar relative to the Russian ruble. The ruble will underperform commodity currencies as a whole, including the Mexican peso, if Russia intervenes militarily, judging by the Crimea conflict in 2014 (Chart 4). Meanwhile Canadian and Mexican currencies should benefit from the fact that the US economy is hyper-stimulated and rapidly vaccinating. Chart 3Russia Lagged Commodity Rally Chart 4Favor Loonie And Peso Over Ruble Chart 5Long DM Europe / Short EM Europe We continue to overweight developed Europe and underweight emerging Europe (Chart 5). Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Romania, and the Baltic states will see a risk premium due to current tensions. The Czech Republic faces considerable political uncertainty surrounding its legislative election in October, an opportunity for Russia to interfere or for anti-establishment (albeit pro-EU) parties to rise to power. What would it take for Biden and Putin to de-escalate? The US and NATO could diminish Ukraine relations, downgrade democracy promotion and psychological counter-warfare, and allow Nord Stream to be completed. Russia could reduce its troop presence on the border and lend a helping hand on the Iranian nuclear deal and Afghanistan withdrawal. This is a risk to our view. Bottom Line: Russia and emerging European markets are some of the few truly cheap markets in the emerging market equity universe (Table 1). Yet the current geopolitical context looks to keep them cheap. For now investors should be prepared for the West’s conflict with Russia to escalate in a major way. At minimum we need to know whether the US will halt Nord Stream II’s construction before taking a more bullish view on EM Europe. Table 1Geopolitical Risk Helps Keep Russia And EM Europe Cheap The worst-case scenario of a full-blown Russian conquest of Ukraine has a small probability but cannot be ruled out. Iran Negotiations: First Explosions, Then A Nuclear Deal Israel has not put together a government after its March 23 election, although Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has the opportunity to lead a government again which means no change in national policy so far. Moreover the Israeli public and political establishment are unified in their opposition to Iran’s regional and nuclear ambitions. Immediately after the Iranians inaugurated new centrifuges at the Natanz nuclear facility, on April 11, the Israelis allegedly sabotaged the facility underground facility in an attack that was supposedly not limited to cyber means and that deactivated a range of centrifuges. An Iranian scientist fell into a crater and hurt himself. The Iranians have vowed retaliation on Israeli soil. More fundamentally their politics are shifting in a hardline direction, to be confirmed with the election of a hawkish president in June, which will exacerbate the mutual antagonism. This power transition is a major reason we have identified the inauguration in August as a key deadline for the US to rejoin the 2015 nuclear deal (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action). If the Biden administration cannot get it done by that time then a much more dangerous, multi-year negotiation will get underway. The Israeli attack has not stopped negotiations in the short term, however. The second round of talks begins in Vienna as we go to press. The US has also confirmed it will withdraw from Afghanistan on September 11, which says to Iran that Biden is determined to reduce the US’s strategic footprint in the region, reinforcing the US desire for a deal. The Israelis will continue to underscore their red line against the Iranian nuclear and missile programs in the coming months through clandestine attacks. However, they were not able to stop the US from signing a nuclear deal with Iran in 2015 and they are not likely to stop the US today. They are still bound by a fundamental constraint. Israel needs to maintain its alliance with the United States, which ensures its long-term security against both Iran and the Middle East’s general instability (Chart 6). The Iranians will retaliate against Israel, making it likely that this summer will feature tit-for-tat attacks. These could include critical infrastructure. Iran may also continue its campaign against enemies in Iraq and Saudi Arabia, thus triggering unplanned oil outages and pushing up the oil price. A glance at Israeli, Saudi Arabian, and UAE stock markets suggests that global investors have largely ignored the geopolitical risks so far but may be starting to respond to the likely escalation in conflict prior to any US-Iran deal (Chart 7). Chart 6Israel’s Constraints Over Iran The US, Germany, France, Russia, and China are all officially on board with getting the Iranians back into compliance with the deal. A return to compliance would need to be phased with US sanctions relief. The Iranians demand that the US ease sanctions first, since it was the US that unilaterally walked away from the deal and re-imposed sanctions in 2018. Chart 7Saudi, UAE, Israeli Stocks Signal Danger Ultimately Biden is capable of making the first move since the American public shows very little concern about Iran. Biden himself is acting on behalf of a strong consensus in Washington that an Iranian deal is necessary to stabilize the region and enable the US to devote more strategic attention to Asia Pacific. Will Russia and China support the Iranian deal, given their simultaneous conflicts with the United States? As long as the US and Iran are satisfied with returning to the existing deal – which begins to expire in 2025 – there is little need for Russia or China to do anything. However, if Washington wants a better deal, then it will have to make major concessions to Moscow and Beijing. A new and better deal would require years to negotiate. Chart 8Russo-Chinese Cooperation Grows Russia and China supported the original nuclear deal because they saw an opportunity to limit the proliferation of nuclear weapons, which dilutes their own power. A Middle Eastern nuclear arms race is not in their interest. Iran is also a useful strategic partner for Russia and China in the Middle East and they are not averse to seeing Iran’s economy grow stronger in order to perpetuate its regime. They are wagering that liberalization of the Iranian economy will not result in liberalization of its politics – it certainly did not in the case of Russia or China – and therefore they will still have an ally but it will be more economically sound and influential. The Russo-Chinese strategic partnership has grown dramatically over the past decade. Both countries share an interest in undermining US global leadership and stoking American internal divisions. Both share an interest in reducing the US military presence near their borders, particularly in strategic territories and seas that they consider essential to their security and political legitimacy. Russia increasingly depends on Chinese demand for its exports and Chinese investment for developing its resources. Neither country trusts the other’s currency for trade but both have a shared interest in diversifying away from the US dollar (Chart 8). Chart 9China Offers Helping Hand On Iran? In cooperating with the US on Iran, Russia and China will expect the US to respect their demands on strategic areas much closer to their core interests. If the Biden administration continues to upgrade its trade and defense relations with Ukraine and Taiwan then Moscow and Beijing will push back aggressively and could at that point prevent or undermine any deal with Iran. China is at least officially enforce sanctions on Iran (Chart 9). Its strategic partnership with Iran is constantly in a state of negotiation – until the US clarifies its sanctions regime. Clearly China hopes to extract concessions from the Americans for cooperation on nuclear threats. This is also the case with North Korea, where a missile crisis would be useful for China’s purposes in creating the need for Chinese arbitration. China sees a chance to persuade Biden to remove restrictions imposed by President Trump. If the Biden administration’s hawkishness on China is confirmed in the coming months, then China’s willingness to cooperate will presumably change. Bottom Line: Israel is underscoring its red lines against Iranian nuclear weaponization and this will cause an increase in conflict this spring and summer. But it is not yet preventing the US and Iran from renegotiating the 2015 nuclear deal. We still expect Biden to agree to a deal by August. Taiwan And The South China Sea For global financial markets the most important test facing Biden lies in the US-China relationship and tensions over the Taiwan Strait. We will not rehash our recent research and arguments on this issue. Suffice it to say that we see a 60% chance of some kind of crisis over the next 12-24 months, including a 5% chance of full-scale war. The odds of total war can rise rapidly in the event of domestic Chinese instability, a game-changing US arms sale, or a Taiwanese declaration of independence. The greatest deterrent to a full Chinese attack on Taiwan – the reason for our current 5% odds – is that it would result in a devastating blowback against the Chinese economy. China’s trade with the developed world, in addition to Taiwan, makes up 63% of exports, or 11% of GDP (Chart 10). Beijing is ultimately willing to pay this price – or any price – to “unify” the country. But it will not do so frivolously. Each passing year gives China greater global economic leverage and greater military capability over Taiwan. Chart 10China’s Constraints Over Taiwan China is increasing its purchases of US treasuries, which waned during the trade war (Chart 11). China often increases purchases when interest rates rise and markets have seen a rapid increase in treasury yields since the vaccine discovery in November. There is no indication from this point of view that China is preparing for outright war with the United States, although this is admittedly a limited measure that could be misleading. What about a crisis other than war? What do we mean when we say “some kind of crisis” over Taiwan? A major gray zone would be economic sanctions or an economic embargo. While China cut back on tourism after Taiwan’s nominally pro-independence party won the election in 2016, and all tourism ground to a halt with COVID-19, there is no evidence of a broader embargo so far (Chart 12). This could change overnight. While US law forbids an embargo on Taiwan, this is precisely an area where Beijing might wish to test the US’s commitment. Chart 11China Buys More US Treasuries The current high pressure on Taiwan stems in large part from the confluence of new US export controls and the global semiconductor shortage. China cannot yet meet its domestic demand for semiconductors and it cannot develop advanced computer chips fast enough without the US and its allies (Chart 13). Chart 12No Embargo On Taiwan (Yet) If the Biden administration pursues a full technological blockade then China may be forced to take tougher action on Taiwan. But if Biden pursues a more defensive strategy then a new equilibrium will develop that spares China the risks of war. Chart 13China's Demand For Semiconductors The US and China are simultaneously escalating their naval confrontation in the South China Sea, particularly around the Philippines. US and Chinese aircraft carrier groups and other ships have been circling each other as Beijing attempts to intimidate the Philippines and shake its trust in the defense treaty with the US. China claims the South China Sea as its own – and its efforts to deny the US access will be met with US assertions of freedom of navigation, which could lead to sunken ships. The strategic importance of the South China Sea is similar to that of the Taiwan Strait: Chinese control of these bodies of water would threaten Taiwan’s, Japan’s, and South Korea’s supply security while weakening America’s strategic position in the region. We have long highlighted the elevated risks of proxy war for Vietnam and the Philippines but these are hardly issues of global concern compared with Northeast Asia’s security. While Taiwan is far more relevant to global investors, due to the semiconductor issue, there are ample opportunities for a crisis to erupt in the South China Sea. A crisis in this sea cannot be dismissed as marginal because it could involve direct US-China conflict or, worst case, it could be a prelude to action on Taiwan, as China would seek to control the approaches to the island. The final risk in this region is that North Korea has restarted ballistic missile tests. As stated above, a crisis would be well-timed from China’s point of view. For investors, however, North Korea is largely a distraction from the critical Taiwan Strait. It could feed into any risk-off sentiment. Bottom Line: US-China relations are still unsettled and a clash could emerge over the South China Sea and Korean peninsula just as it could emerge over the Taiwan Strait. The Taiwan Strait remains the most significant geography. A direct US-China clash in the South China Sea could cause a global selloff but the markets would recover quickly, unless it is linked to a conflict over Taiwan. Investment Takeaways Geopolitical risk is reviving after a reprieve during the COVID-19 pandemic. That does not mean that frictions will lead straight into war. Diplomacy is possible. If the US, China, Russia, and Iran choose “jaw-jaw” over “war-war” then the global equity rally will see another leg up. From a tactical point of view, however, our arguments above should demonstrate that at least one of Biden’s early foreign policy tests is likely to escalate into a geopolitical incident that prompts negative impacts either in regional or global equity markets. Markets are not prepared for these risks to materialize. Standard measures of global policy uncertainty have fallen sharply for most countries. It is notable that two of the few countries in the world seeing rising policy uncertainty are China and Russia. The latter is likely due to domestic instability – which is a major motivator for an aggressive foreign policy (Chart 14). Chart 14AGlobal Policy Uncertainty Will Revive Chart 14BGlobal Policy Uncertainty Will Revive Global fiscal stimulus remains exceedingly strong – it is likely to peak this year. Chart 15 shows the latest update in fiscal stimulus for select countries, comparing the COVID-19 crisis to the 2008 financial crisis. There are some notable changes to previous versions of this chart, mostly due to revisions in GDP after last year’s shock, revisions in tax revenues due to the rapid economic snapback, and revisions to the timing and size of stimulus packages. The Biden administration’s $2.3 trillion infrastructure plan is obviously not included. The second panel of Chart 15 shows the changes in the IMF’s estimates from October 2020 to April 2021. Essentially the fiscal stimulus in 2020 was overestimated, as many measures did not kick in and the economic snapback was better than expected, whereas the 2021 stimulus is larger than expected. Russia and China are notable for tightening policy sooner than others – leading to a reduction in IMF estimates of fiscal stimulus for both years. Chart 15Revising Our Global Fiscal Stimulus Chart Commodities have been a major beneficiary of the global recovery (Chart 16). Chinese growth is likely to decelerate this year which will spark a pullback, even aside from geopolitical crises. However, from a cyclical perspective commodities, especially industrial metals, should benefit from limited supply and surging demand. Geopolitical crises and even wars would first be negative but then positive for metals. Chart 16Commodities To Benefit From Geopolitical Conflict Notably the US is embracing industrial policy alongside China and the EU. In particular the US is joining the green energy race with Biden’s $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan containing about $370 billion in green initiatives and likely to pass Congress later this year. Symbolically Biden will emphasize the US’s attempt to catch up with Chinese and European green initiatives via his hosting of a global summit on April 22-23 for Earth Day. A brief word on the British pound. We took a tactical pause on our cyclically bullish view of the pound in February in anticipation of the Scottish parliamentary election on May 6. A strong showing by the Scottish National Party could lead to a second independence referendum. This party is flagging in the polls but independence sentiment has ticked back up, reinforcing our point that a nationalist surprise could take place at the ballot box (Chart 17). Once we have clarity on the prospect of a second referendum we will have a clearer view on the pound over the medium term. Chart 17Pound Sees Short-Term Risk From Scots Election Chart 18Long CHF-GBP For A Tactical Trade In the near term, we continue to pursue tactical safe-haven trades and hedges. Our tactical long Swiss franc trade was stopped out at 5% on March 25. But our Foreign Exchange Strategist Chester Ntonifor has since highlighted that the franc is excessively cheap (Chart 18). This time we recommend a tactical long CHF-GBP, which has an attractive profile in the context of geopolitical risk, taken together with the British political risk highlighted above. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 “Jaw-Jaw Is Best, Macmillan Finds,” New York Times, January 30, 1958, nytimes.com. 2 Taiwan – Province of China.
Highlights Stronger global growth in the wake of continued and expected fiscal and monetary stimulus, and progress against COVID-19 are boosting oil demand assumptions by the major data suppliers for this year. We lifted our 2021 global demand estimate by 640k b/d to 98.25mm b/d, and assume OPEC 2.0 will make the necessary adjustments to keep Brent prices closer to $60/bbl than not, so as not to disrupt a fragile recovery. We are maintaining our 2022 and 2023 Brent forecasts at $65/bbl and $75/bbl. Commodity markets are ignoring the rising odds of armed conflict involving the US, Russia and China and their clients and allies. Russia has massed troops on Ukraine’s border and warned the US not to interfere. China has massed warships off the coast of the Philippines, and continues its incursions in Taiwan’s air-defense zone, keeping US forces on alert. Intentional or accidental engagement would spike oil prices. Two-way price risk abounds. In addition to the risk of armed hostilities, faster distribution of vaccines would accelerate recovery and boost prices above our forecasts. Downside risk of a resurgence in COVID-19-induced lockdowns remains, as rising death and hospitalization rates in Brazil, India and Europe attest (Chart of the Week). Feature Oil-demand estimates – ours included – are reviving in the wake of measurable progress in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in major economies, and an abundance of fiscal and monetary stimulus, particularly out of the US.1 On the back of higher IMF GDP projections, we lifted our 2021 global demand estimate by 640k b/d to 98.25mm b/d in this month’s balances. In our modeling, we assume OPEC 2.0 will make the necessary adjustments to keep Brent prices closer to $60/bbl than not, so as not to disrupt a fragile recovery. In an unusual turn of events, the early stages of the recovery in oil demand will be led by DM markets, which we proxy using OECD oil consumption (Chart 2). Thereafter, EM economies, re-take the growth lead next year and into 2023. Chart of the WeekCOVID-19 Deaths, Hospitalizations Threaten Global Recovery Chart 2DM Demand Surges This Year Absorbing OPEC 2.0 Spare Capacity We continue to model OPEC 2.0, the producer coalition led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia, as the dominant producer in the market. The growth we are expecting this year will absorb a significant share of OPEC 2.0’s spare capacity, most of which – ~ 6mm b/d of the ~ 8mm b/d – is to be found in KSA (Chart 3). The core producers’ spare capacity allows them to meet recovering demand faster than the US shale producers can mobilize rigs and crews and get new supply into gathering lines and on to main lines. We model the US shale producers as a price-taking cohort, who will produce whatever the market allows them to produce. After falling to 9.22mm b/d in 2020, we expect US production to recover to 9.56mm b/d this year, 10.65mm b/d in 2022, and 11.18mm in 2023 (Chart 4). Lower 48 production growth in the US will be led by the shales, which will account for ~ 80% of total US output each year. Chart 3Core OPEC 2.0 Spare Capacity Will Respond First To Higher Demand Chart 4Shale Is The Marginal Barrel In The Price Taking Cohort OPEC 2.0’s dominant position on the supply side allows it to capture economic rents before non-coalition producers, which will remain a disincentive to them until the spare capacity is exhausted. Thereafter, the price-taking cohort likely will fund much of its E+P activities out of retained earnings, given their limited ability to attract capital. Equity investors will continue to demand dividends that can be maintained and grown, or return of capital via share buybacks. This will restrain production growth to those firms that are profitable. We expect the OPEC 2.0 coalition’s production discipline will keep supply levels just below demand so that inventories continue to fall, just as they have done during the COVID-19 pandemic, despite the demand destruction it caused (Chart 5). These modeling assumptions lead us to continue to expect supply and demand will continue to move toward balance into 2023 (Table 1). Chart 5Supply-Demand Balances in 2021 Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) We continue to expect this balancing to induce persistent physical deficits, which will keep inventories falling into 2023 (Chart 6). As inventories are drawn, OPEC 2.0’s dominant-producer position will allow it to will keep the Brent and WTI forward curves backwardated (Chart 7).2 We are maintaining our 2022 and 2023 Brent forecasts at $65/bbl and $75/bbl (Chart 8). Chart 6OPEC 2.0 Policy Continues To Keep Supply Below Demand... Chart 7OECD Inventories Fall to 2023 Chart 8Brent Forecasts Rise As Global Economy Recovers Two-Way Price Risk Abounds Risks to our views abound on the upside and the downside. To the upside, the example of the UK and the US in mobilizing its distribution of vaccines is instructive. Both states got off to a rough start, particularly the US, which did not seem to have a strategy in place as recently as January. After the US kicked its procurement and distribution into high gear its vaccination rates soared and now appear to be on track to deliver a “normal” Fourth of July holiday in the US. The UK has begun its reopening this week. Both states are expected to achieve herd immunity in 3Q21.3 The EU, which mishandled its procurement and distribution likely benefits from lessons learned in the UK and US and achieves herd immunity in 4Q21, according to McKinsey’s research. Any acceleration in this timetable likely would lead to stronger growth and higher oil prices. The next big task for the global community will be making vaccines available to EM economies, particularly those in which the pandemic is accelerating and providing the ideal setting for mutations and the spread of variants that could become difficult to contain. The risk of a resurgence in large-scale COVID-19-induced lockdowns remains, as rising death and hospitalization rates in Brazil, India and Europe attest. Cry Havoc The other big upside risk we see is armed conflict involving the US, Russia, China and their clients and allies. Commodity markets are ignoring these risks at present. Even though they do not rise to the level of war, the odds of kinetic engagement – planes being shot down or ships engaging in battle in the South China Sea – are rising on a daily basis. This is not unexpected, as our colleagues in BCA Research’s Geopolitical Strategy pointed out recently.4 Indeed, our GPS service, led by Matt Gertken, warned the Biden administration would be tested in this manner by Russia and China from the get-go. Russia has massed troops on Ukraine’s border and warned the US not to interfere. China has massed warships off the coast of the Philippines, and continues its incursions in Taiwan’s air-defense zone, keeping US forces on alert. Political dialogue between the US and Russia and the US and China is increasingly vitriolic, with no sign of any leavening in the near future. Intentional or accidental engagement could let slip the dogs of war and spike oil prices briefly. Finally, OPEC 2.0 is going to have to accommodate the “official” return of Iran as a bona fide oil exporter, if, as we expect, it is able to reinstate its nuclear deal – i.e., the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) – with Western states, which was abrogated by then-President Donald Trump in 2018. This may prove difficult, given our view that the oil-price collapse of 2014-16 was the result of the Saudis engineering a market-share war to tank prices, in an effort to deny Iran $100+ per-barrel prices that had prevailed between end-2010 and mid-2014. OPEC 2.0, particularly KSA, has not publicly involved itself in the US-Iran negotiations. However, it is worthwhile recalling that following the disastrous market-share war launched in 2014, KSA and the rest of OPEC 2.0 did accommodate Iran’s return to markets post-JCPOA. Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish Brent and WTI prices rallied sharply following the release of the EIA’s Weekly Petroleum Status Report showing a 9.1mm-barrel decline in US crude and product stocks for the week ended 9 April 2021. This was led by a huge draw in commercial crude and distillate inventories (5.9mm barrels and 2.1mm barrels, respectively). These draws came on the back of generally bullish global demand upgrades by the major data services (EIA, IEA and OPEC) over the past week. These assessments were supported by EIA data showing refined-product demand – i.e., “product supplied” – jumped 1.1mm b/d for the week ended 9 April. With vaccine distributions picking up steam, despite setbacks on the Johnson & Johnson jab, the storage draws and improved demand appear to have catalyze the move higher. Continued weakness in the USD also provided a tailwind, as did falling real interest rates in the US. Base Metals: Bullish Nickel prices fell earlier this week, as China’s official Xinhua news agency reported that Chinese Premier, Li Keqiang stressed the need to strengthen raw materials’ market regulation, amidst rising commodities prices, which been pressuring corporate financial performance (Chart 9). This statement came after China’s top economic advisor, Liu He also called for authorities to track commodities prices last week. Nickel prices fell by around $500/ ton earlier this week on this news, and were trading at $16,114.5/MT on the London Metals exchange as of Tuesday’s close. Other base metals were not affected by this news. Precious Metals: Bullish The US dollar and 10-year treasury yields fell after March US inflation data was released earlier this week. US consumer prices rose by the most in nearly nine years. The demand for an inflation hedge, coupled with the falling US dollar and treasury yields, which reduce the opportunity cost of purchasing gold, caused gold prices to rise (Chart 10). This uncertainty, coupled with the increasing inflationary pressures due to the US fiscal stimulus will increase demand for gold. Spot COMEX gold prices were trading at $1,746.20/oz as of Tuesday’s close. Ags/Softs: Neutral The USDA reported ending stocks of corn in the US stood at 1.35 billion bushels, well below market estimates of 1.39 billion and the 1.50 billion-bushel estimate by the Department last month, according to agriculture.com’s tally. Global corn stocks ended at 283.9mm MT vs a market estimate of 284.5mm MT and a Department estimate of 287.6mm MT. Chart 9Base Metals Are Being Bullish Chart 10Gold Prices To Rise Footnotes 1 Please see US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher, which we published on 8 April 2021 re the IMF’s latest forecast for global growth. Briefly, the Fund raised its growth expectations for this year and next to 6% and 4.4%, respectively, nearly a full percentage-point increase versus its January forecast update for 2021 2 A backwardated forward curve – prompt prices trading in excess of deferred prices – is the market’s way of signaling tightness. It means refiners of crude oil value crude availability right now over availability a year from now. This is exactly the same dynamic that drives an investor to pay $1 today for a dollar bill delivered tomorrow than for that same dollar bill delivered a year from now (that might only fetch 98 cents today, e.g.). 3 Please see When will the COVID-19 pandemic end?, published 26 March 2021 by McKinsey & Co. 4 Please see The Arsenal Of Democracy, a prescient analysis published 2 April 2021 by BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy. The report notes the Biden administration “still faces early stress-tests on China/Taiwan, Russia, Iran, and even North Korea. Game theory helps explain why financial markets cannot ignore the 60% chance of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait. A full-fledged war is still low-probability, but Taiwan remains the world’s preeminent geopolitical risk.” Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2021 Summary of Closed Trades
Highlights Biden will host a global summit for Earth Day on April 22-23, giving public attention to his climate change policy push. Investors should count on Biden’s green infrastructure package becoming the bulk of his climate push, given uncertainty over the 2022 midterm elections. However, over the long run, American public opinion is shifting in favor of renewables and the US will seek to maintain its technological edge via participating in the green tech race. Go long our “Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket” versus the Nasdaq 100. Feature The Biden administration’s $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan is often referred to as a “green infrastructure” package and in this report we take a look at what makes it green – and what are the investment implications. Biden will virtually host a global climate summit on April 22-23, Earth Day, which the Chinese President Xi Jinping is expected to attend, thus providing momentum to the green investment theme. The stock market anticipated Biden’s electoral victory last year and renewable energy stocks rallied exorbitantly, with ultra-easy monetary and fiscal policy as a fundamental support. The market’s reaction to Biden’s official outline of his plan last month suggests that investors are energized about Biden’s infrastructure package but already suffering from some green fatigue (Chart 1). However, this bill’s passage will initiate the US’s official entrance into the global green energy race and from that point of view renewable plays should recover. Once the American Jobs Plan passes, likely sometime this fall, Biden’s climate agenda will be virtually finished, from an investment perspective. Investors have little visibility beyond 2022 as the president’s party rarely hangs onto the House of Representatives in his first midterm election. However, over the long run, American public opinion is shifting in favor of renewable energy. And Biden also has regulatory tools to push the Democratic Party’s climate agenda from 2022-24 regardless. Chart 1Biden's AJP Already Priced Chart 2Biden’s First Budget: Boom In Non-Defense Discretionary Spending Biden’s first presidential budget, released on April 13, also highlights the US’s attempt to boost climate policy (the Environmental Protection Agency’s funding would go up by 21%). More broadly it highlights the US’s ongoing sea change in fiscal policy. Discretionary spending turned around under President Trump’s populism and will continue under Biden’s populism. The difference lies in social spending versus defense. Biden proposes a 15.2% increase in non-defense discretionary spending, with education, commerce, health, and environment while the departments of defense and justice see much smaller increases (Chart 2). But we doubt that even defense spending will be curtailed given the US’s global strategic challenges. The president’s budget proposals are drops in the bucket compared to the trillions in his economic stimulus packages. Biden’s American Family Plan will be outlined in detail later this month but it only has a 50/50 chance of passing by the 2022 midterm election. This leaves us with the American Jobs Plan as the real macro policy factor to watch. And in the case of green energy, in particular, the Democrats may not have another opportunity to pass major legislation for many years. The US’s Strategic Basis For Green Energy The American Jobs Plan is billed as a $2.3 trillion green infrastructure package but in reality the package should be broken into traditional infrastructure ($784 billion for roads and bridges), social welfare ($647 billion for elderly care, education, etc), green initiatives ($370 billion for electrical grid and retrofits, etc), tech initiatives ($280 billion for broadband, semiconductors, research and development), and small business support, in order of dollar value (Chart 3). The implication is that climate policy is important but not the top priority. Still, $370 billion is the biggest green package the US has ever launched. It consists of $150 billion for “hard” green infrastructure, such as new electricity grid and $220 billion for “soft” green infrastructure, such as tax credits for buying EVs (Chart 4). Chart 3Biden’s AJP: Green Initiatives Total $370 Billion Chart 4Biden’s AJP: Green Initiatives Mostly Rebates/Incentive The US has moved slowly on green energy policy – relative to Europe or China – because it does not face the same strategic necessity. China faces domestic social unrest if it does not reduce pollution, it faces American strategic containment if it does not reduce its dependency on the Middle East (35% of total oil consumption), and it faces the middle-income trap if it does not increase innovation and productivity. Europe is similarly dependent on a geopolitical enemy for its energy supply – Russia provides 35% of its oil consumption and 38% of its natural gas – and it must also increase productivity. Europe and China are net energy importers who have a great strategic interest in making energy supply a matter of manufacturing prowess rather than divine natural resource endowment (Chart 5). The US is late to the green energy game in part because it does not share the same degree of strategic necessity. Like the EU, the US took care of its most pressing pollution problems decades ago. But unlike the EU, the US is a net energy exporter thanks to the fracking revolution. However, the US is not truly energy independent – an Iranian closure of the Strait of Hormuz would cause global oil prices to spike and trigger a recession. And the US also has a powerful strategic interest in maintaining its global leadership and its edge in technology, innovation, and productivity (Chart 6). The US cannot afford to miss out on the green tech race even if starting from a more secure natural resource base. Chart 5US Green Focus Less Motivated By Energy Security Than China, EU US public opinion is also following European opinion regarding climate change and environmental protection. True, voters are more urgently concerned about the economy, jobs, and health care over the environment – as we showed in our Special Report on health care earlier this year. But the administration has decided not to rehash the health care battles of the Obama administration – having seen Republicans fail to repeal Obamacare – and instead to open up a new policy domain with climate change. Even if the environment is low priority for most voters, they do not oppose green projects in principle – in fact, they favor renewable energy over fossil fuels when it comes to the US’s energy future (Chart 7). And voters strongly favor infrastructure, which means they are more susceptible to green energy projects when presented as part of a broader infrastructure buildout – as opposed to a transformative “Green New Deal” designed to revolutionize every aspect of US life. Chart 6US Green Focus Motivated By Global Innovation/Tech Race Chart 7US Public Supports Renewable Energy The US shift to green energy is well underway, with renewables ready to surpass coal in the national energy mix (Chart 8). The natural gas boom of the past decade has worked wonders in reducing coal dependency and hence overall carbon emissions (Chart 9). Chart 8Shift To Renewables Well Underway Chart 9US Carbon Emissions To Fall Further Bottom Line: The US does not have the same energy security problems as China and the EU, which is one reason the US trails these competitors in green energy production and policy. But the US has a powerful interest in maintaining its technological edge and productivity growth. So policymakers will continue to push the green agenda even as the public follows Europe in becoming more favorable toward it over the long run. US Climate Policy Will Advance In Fits And Starts The fact that the US lacks the same strategic urgency as Europe and China suggests that the green energy push in the US will progress in fits and starts rather than in a straight line. Popular opinion cited above is supportive enough to allow a political party to push a green agenda if it has control of both the White House and Congress. The Biden administration has moderate-to-strong political capital based on our Political Capital Index (Appendix). But this could change with the next election, which would introduce a ruffle in the current narrative in which Biden saves planet earth. One factor that helps Biden is that his presidency is entirely about economic stimulus and recovery, which enables him to minimize the regulatory and punitive side of his party’s energy agenda. While the American Jobs Plan includes corporate tax hikes, his climate policy in itself is all about spending rather than taxation. There is no carbon pricing scheme anywhere to be seen. And Biden’s Transportation Secretary, Pete Buttigieg (“Mayor Pete,” a center-left politician from Indiana), immediately reversed his recent suggestion that the government levy a gasoline tax or vehicle mileage tax. Biden cannot get any revolutionary green measures passed through the Senate, given that moderate Democrats like Senators Joe Manchin of West Virginia and John Tester of Montana hail from coal-heavy states. The Democrats must also pay heed to the swing states for future elections. Biden only narrowly won his home state of Pennsylvania, after pledging to phase out oil and natural gas in the last presidential debate. True, Biden’s American Jobs Plan will remove subsidies for the oil and gas sector – but these subsidies are not very large. Notably, subsidies for renewables already overwhelm those for traditional infrastructure, even under the Trump administration (Chart 10). Chart 10Subsidy Reform Will Promote Renewables Chart 11Green Policy At Risk In 2022 Midterm These points underscore the fact that US climate policy is uncertain over the medium term, when the pandemic fades and the Democrats attempt more ambitious climate proposals. The Republican Party supports the traditional energy sector and is skeptical about climate change. The GOP could easily make a net gain of five seats in the 2022 midterm elections and take back control of the House of Representatives. They would not be able to repeal Biden’s laws or regulations, given his veto and likely Democratic majority in the Senate, but they would be able to pare back green funding. Republicans are not uniform on the issue of climate but more than half of Trump supporters in 2020 considered climate change unimportant. Young party members, moderates, and women were more split on the issue, with 60% of moderate Republicans viewing climate change as somewhat or very important (Chart 11). The takeaway is that Republicans would obstruct but not repeal future climate policy. Climate policy would be limited to Biden’s regulations until at least 2024. Hence investors can expect US climate policy to plow forward in the short run but to encounter resistance in the medium run. This is also likely to be the case as various other crises will emerge and soak up government attention and resources (most likely geopolitical conflicts). Chart 12Green Policy More Likely Over Long Term Over the long run climate policy will have more reliable support. Younger Republicans support federal environmental policy more than their elders, are increasingly favorable toward government regulation to that end, and prefer renewables to fossil fuels (Chart 12). The millennials and younger generations will make up more than half of the electorate by around 2028. Even then the government’s focus on climate will wax and wane given the other pressing matters of the day. Investment Takeaways A tsunami of money has been created, a lot of it is finding its way into the stock market, and a lot of it is finding its way into green and sustainable energy companies – companies that now have a privileged position in terms of both government support and conspicuous consumption. Combine this with a tidal wave of institutional funds pouring into anything and everything labeled ESG (environmental, social, and governance) – and the stigma attached to climate skepticism and denialism – and investors should fully expect irrational exuberance and stock bubbles. Consider the US’s premier EV maker, Tesla. The vertical run-up in Tesla stock has occurred alongside the run-up in US money supply. Tesla’s price trend conforms with the profile of a range of stock market bubbles of the past (Chart 13), as shown by our US Equity Strategy. Chart 13ALow Rates And Vast Money Growth... Chart 13B...Will Fuel Green Bubble That being said, renewables stocks surged throughout 2020 on the back of stimulus and Biden’s likely election – and have since fallen back. They have underperformed cyclical and defensive sectors alike this year to date (Chart 14). As highlighted above, the Democrats’ climate ambitions could yet be pared back in the Senate. However, given the argument in this report, there is sufficient political capital for the climate provisions of the American Jobs Plan to pass. Renewable plays should recover, at least on a tactical, “buy the rumor, sell the news” basis. To play Biden’s American Jobs Plan, our US Equity Strategist Anastasios Avgeriou constructed a “Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket” comprising eight ETFs and one stock, all equal weighted (Chart 15, top panel). Instead of buying specific stocks, Anastasios opted for ETFs so as to diversify away company-specific risk. Chart 14Renewables Corrected But Will Recover Chart 15Introducing The Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket The goal was to filter for ETFs that hold mostly US companies and that offered the highest possible liquidity. From a portfolio construction perspective, he aimed to match the different spending segments of Biden’s White House proposal with an ETF. The ticker symbols included in the basket are: PAVE, PHO, QCLN, TAN, WOOD, SOXX, HAIL, GRID and SU. We choose SU as there is no pure play Canadian oil sands ETF trading in USD. Granted there is some replication of stocks included in these ETFs. In certain ETFs there is also a sizable international stock exposure, including EM and Chinese stocks. One final caveat is that these ETFs have a high concentration of technology stocks. Our sense is that this basket should outperform the S&P500 on a cyclical and structural basis albeit not tactically (Chart 15, middle panel). However, given the high-tech exposure, our preferred way to express this trade is via a long/short pair trade versus the QQQ high-tech ETF, which tracks the largest 100 companies on the Nasdaq stock exchange (Chart 15, bottom panel). Table 1 shows a number of related ETFs that did not make the cut but that readers may find intriguing and that deserve further research. Later this month we will publish a joint special report with our US Equity Strategy service, updating our views on Biden’s proposals and elaborating on this equity basket. Table 1Infrastructure and Renewables Related ETFs More broadly, US equities are still enjoying a positive cyclical backdrop, whereas the passage of the American Jobs Plan later this year has a 50% chance of marking peak stimulus (the American Families Plan may not pass). Tactically, however, we are more cautious. There are also several pronounced foreign policy stress tests facing the Biden administration imminently, including serious Russia/Ukraine, Israel/Iran, and China/Taiwan saber-rattling that we fully expect to engender volatility and safe-haven flows. At least one FOMC member, Saint Louis Fed President Jim Bullard, is now openly thinking about thinking about the Fed’s tapering asset purchases – that is, once the US vaccination rate reaches 75%. Our US Investment Strategy recently showed that this rate of vaccination could be reached as early as September. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Anastasios Avgeriou US Equity Strategist anastasios@bcaresearch.com Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Table A2Political Capital Index Table A3APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Table A3BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Table A3CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Table A4Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments
The Global Economic Policy Uncertainty Index’s sharp descent has stopped for now. Market instruments that are sensitive to geopolitical risk corroborate the signal from the global uncertainty index. For example, gold has been outperforming industrial…