Geopolitics

Political economy – i.e., the interplay between critical nation states’ policies and markets – often trumps straightforward supply-demand analysis in oil. This is because policy decisions affect production and consumption, along with global trade. These decisions, in turn, determine constraints states – central and tangential – confront in pursuit of their interests. Presently, U.S. policies toward Venezuela and Iran dominate oil supply considerations, while Sino – U.S. trade tensions and their effect on EM consumption dominate the demand side. In this month’s balances assessment, we revised some of our supply-side assumptions to include the high probability U.S. waivers on Iranian export sanctions will have to be extended until Venezuela stabilizes. OPEC 2.0 appears to be flexible -- positioning for either an extension of waivers, or sanctions. This keeps our baseline oil-supply assumptions fairly steady this year as the coalition adjusts to changes in Venezuela’s output. Adjustments could be volatile, however. On the demand side, we continue to expect growth of 1.49mm b/d this year and 1.57mm b/d in 2020. Steadier production and unchanged demand assumptions lower our price forecasts slightly to $75/bbl and $80/bbl this year and next for Brent, with WTI trading $7.0/bbl and $3.25/bbl below those levels, respectively (Chart of the Week). Chart of the WeekExpect OPEC 2.0 To Smooth Venezuelan Production Losses In 2019 Highlights Energy: Overweight. Nigeria’s elections, scheduled for this past weekend, were unexpectedly postponed until Saturday. Political leaders urged Nigerians to “refrain from civil disorder and remain peaceful, patriotic and united to ensure that no force or conspiracy derail our democratic development.”1 Nigeria produces ~ 1.7mm b/d of oil. Base Metals/Bulks: Neutral. Estimated LMEX, CME, SHFE and bonded Chinese warehouse copper inventories are down 29.8% y/y, which will continue to be supportive of prices. Precious Metals: Neutral. Palladium is trading ~ $111/oz over gold, as concerns over supply deficits persist. The last time this occurred was on November, 2002. Ags/Softs: Underweight. Chinese buyers are believed to have cancelled as much as 1.25mm bushels of soybean purchases last week, according to feedandgrain.com. Feature The analytical framework informing global political economy provides a useful augmentation to our standard supply-demand analysis, particularly now, when U.S. policy continues to play a pivotal role in the evolution of oil fundamentals. In particular, we believe the near-term evolution of oil prices hinges on how events in Venezuela play out, following the imposition of U.S. trade and financial sanctions directed against the state-owned PDVSA oil company and the Maduro regime. The evolution of the U.S.’s PDVSA sanctions will directly determine whether waivers on Iranian export sanctions granted by the Trump administration in November are extended when they expire in May.2 These tightly linked evolutions, in turn, will drive OPEC 2.0 production policy, and whether its production-cutting agreement is extended beyond its June 2019 termination. As we discussed recently, we see OPEC 2.0 building its flexibility to adjust quickly to either an extension of the waivers on Iranian sanctions, or to accommodate the termination of these sanctions at the end of May. Given the state of the market, which we discuss below, we believe waivers on Iranian export sanctions almost surely will be extended when they expire in May. Global Oil Markets Are Tightening Our supply assumptions are driven by our assessment that global spare capacity of just over 2.5mm b/d could accommodate the loss of Venezuelan oil exports with little difficulty (in a matter of months), aside from a further tightening at the margin in the heavy-sour crude oil market (Chart of the Week and Table 1). In fact, the loss of up to 1mm b/d or more of Iranian exports – versus the ~ 800k b/d we now expect if waivers are extended until December – could also be accommodated by OPEC 2.0’s spare capacity, given the rebuilding of this potential output on the back of OPEC production cuts, which have the effect of increasing spare capacity (Chart 2).3 Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply – Demand Balances (MMb/d) (Base Case Balances) However, should this combination of events be realized, an unplanned outage similar to the one that removed ~ 1mm b/d of Canadian production due to wildfires in the summer of 2016, with Venezuela production falling toward 650k b/d and Iranian exports even partially constrained, could move the oil market perilously close to the limits of global spare capacity, which now stands just over 2.5mm b/d, based on the EIA’s reckoning. This would increase the risk of dramatically higher prices, simply because the flex in the system would approach zero. Iranian Waivers Hinge On Venezuela The manner in which U.S. sanctions against PDVSA and the Maduro regime evolve – in particular, whether regime change is affected – will determine whether waivers on the oil-export sanctions the U.S. re-imposed on Iran last November are extended beyond their end-May terminal point. In turn, this will affect OPEC 2.0’s production policies, particularly after its production-cutting agreement expires in June. In our current model of OPEC 2.0 production, we now expect its 2019 production to continue to decline in 1H19, to drain the overhang resulting from the ramp-up member states undertook in preparation for U.S. sanctions against Iran. This policy was substantially reversed with the last-minute granting of waivers to eight importing countries by the Trump administration prior to sanctions kicking in in November. This led to a sharp sell-off in crude oil prices in 4Q18, as market participants re-calibrated the supply side of global balances. In 2H19, our base case assumes OPEC 2.0’s production rises by ~ 900mm b/d (December vs. July 2019 level), to smooth out the loss of Venezuelan output as it falls to 650k b/d by the end of this year from just under 1.1mm b/d now. The goal of this policy is to quickly drain global inventories to levels comfortably below the five-year average (in 1H19), and then to keep Brent prices in the $75/bbl to $80/bbl range over 2H19 – end-2020 (Chart 3). We expect core OPEC 2.0 countries, led by KSA, core GCC states and Russia production to rise by more than 500k b/d in 2H19 (vs. 1H19 levels), to maintain inventories at desired levels and prices in the $75/bbl to $80/bbl range. Chart 3Core OPEC And Non-OPEC Output Will Rise To Offset Venezuelan Losses To this end, we assume core OPEC 2.0’s production rises in 2020 to 33.52mm b/d from 32.98mm b/d in 2019, led by a ~ 200k b/d increase from KSA – which takes its output to ~ 10.4mm b/d from ~ 10.2mm b/d in 2019. We expect Russian production to rise to 11.7mm b/d from ~ 11.5mm b/d in 2019. Additional output hikes come from core OPEC and other non-OPEC producers (Chart 4, Table 1). Chart 4OPEC 2.0's Goal: Quickly Reduce Inventories In 1H19 We do not try to forecast how the sanctions against PDVSA and the Maduro government play out – i.e., whether the incumbent government survives, or whether a peaceful or violent regime change occurs. If Venezuela were to descend into civil war, or were to experience a violent revolution, the outcome would be unpredictable and the rebuilding of that economy – regardless of who emerges to take control of the state – would require years. Likewise, if President Maduro and the military leaders supporting him were to quietly decamp, it still would require years to rebuild that country’s oil industry and economy.4 We view the odds of a confrontation between the U.S. and Venezuela’s benefactors/creditors as extremely low. We believe the U.S. would revive the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, and that Russia and China most likely would concede Venezuela is within the U.S.’s sphere of influence, as neither intend to project the force and maintain the supply lines such a confrontation would require.5 Because the resolution of the political uncertainty in Venezuela is unsure and the outcome unknowable – particularly when unplanned outages represent such a non-trivial risk to global supply at the margin – we strongly believe waivers granted on U.S. sanctions against Iranian oil exports will be extended at least by 90 to 180 days when they expire at the end of May. As we discuss above, global spare capacity is insufficient to cover the loss of Venezuelan and Iranian output, and still have the flexibility required to meet a large unplanned outage over the course of this year or next. For this reason, Iranian sanctions will not be immediately re-imposed following the termination of U.S. waivers on exports from that state; importers most likely will be increasing their liftings of Iranian crude, in line with the extension of the waivers we expect over the course of 2H19 (Chart 5). Oil Demand Continues To Hold Up We continue to expect global oil demand to grow by 1.49mm b/d this year and 1.57mm b/d in 2020, led as always by strong EM demand growth, with China and India at the forefront (Table 1). DM demand growth is expected to slow this year, but put in a respectable performance, as well. EM commodity demand growth generally has been trending down at a slow and constant pace since the beginning of 2018, as we discussed last week when we presented our new Global Industrial Activity (GIA) index. The index indicates demand is not as stellar as it was during the synchronized global upturn of 2017, but that it also is not as bad as sentiment and expectations would indicate.6 Pulling It All Together On balance, we expect the combination of stronger OPEC 2.0 output, plus an 800k b/d increase in U.S. shale-oil production, which lifts total U.S. crude-oil output from 12.42mm b/d to 13.49mm b/d next year, is enough to keep Brent prices close to $80/bbl next year, vs. the $75/bbl we expect this year (Chart 6). We revised our expectation for WTI slightly, and now expect it to trade ~ $7.0/bbl under Brent this year and at a $3.75/bbl discount next year. Chart 6Balanced Oil Market Expected This Year and Next ... The OPEC 2.0 production discipline and lower U.S. shale-oil output, coupled with strong – not stellar – demand growth combine to allow OECD commercial oil inventories (crude and products) to resume drawing and to fall comfortably below OPEC 2.0’s 2010 – 2014 five-year average target (Chart 7). This will be supportive of the Brent backwardation trade we recommended on January 3, 2019 which now is up 265.5%, as of Tuesday’s close. Chart 7... And Oil Inventories Resume Falling Bottom Line: We revised our supply estimates, and now expect OPEC 2.0 to cover lost Venezuelan output arising from the imposition of U.S. sanctions on PDVSA and the continued deterioration of that state’s oil industry. Because global spare capacity cannot handle the loss of Venezuelan and Iranian oil exports at the same time and still cover a large unplanned outage, we expect the waivers on U.S. sanctions of Iranian oil exports to be extended for up to 180 days following their termination at the end of May. We expect Brent crude oil prices to average $75/bbl this year and $80/bbl next year as oil markets balance. We expect WTI to trade ~ $7.0/bbl below Brent this year, and $3.25/bbl under in 2020.   Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President Commodity & Energy Strategy rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger, Senior Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see “Nigeria Election 2019: Appeal For Calm After Shock Delay,” published February 16, 2019, by bbc.com. 2 OPEC 2.0 is the name we coined for the producer coalition of OPEC states, led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), and non-OPEC states led by Russia, which recently agreed to cut production by ~ 1.2mm b/d to drain commercial oil inventories and re-balance markets globally. OPEC 2.0’s market monitoring committee meets in April to assess the production-cutting deal it reached in November, which is set to expire in June. The full coalition meets in May to set policy going forward. This is just ahead of the expiration of U.S. waivers on Iranian oil exports. For a discussion of OPEC 2.0’s production optionality, please see “OPEC Starts Cutting Oil Output; Demand Fears Are Overdone,” published by BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy Strategy January 24, 2019.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 We are watching the evolution of the partial closure of the offshore Safaniya field in KSA about two weeks ago closely. With 1mm b/d capacity, this is the world’s largest offshore producing field; no updates have been provided by KSA this week. 4 Please see “What Next For Venezuela,” by Anne Kreuger published by project-syndicate.org on February 15, 2019 for a discussion. 5 We note here that Gazprombank, the Russian bank, froze PDVSA’s accounts over the weekend to avoid running afoul of U.S. sanctions against the company. Please see “Russia’s Gazprombank decided to freeze PDVSA accounts – source,” published by reuters.com February 17, 2019. See also “What Comes Next For Venezuela’s Oil Industry,” published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies February 12, 2019, which details how U.S. sanctions amount to the equivalent of a full-on embargo by forcing payment for Venezuelan oil to be deposited in accounts that cannot be accessed by the government or PDVSA. 6 We discuss our global demand outlook in last week’s Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, in an article entitled “Oil, Copper Demand Worries Are Overdone.” It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Trade Recommendation Performance In 4Q18 Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2019 Summary of Trades Closed in

Special Report

Highlights So What? India is overcoming the economic constraints to its strategic rise.  Why? India faces rising political risk once again as public opinion puts Modi’s tenure in power at risk. However, India will continue to improve its economy, as outside pressures will force it to act coherently as a nation. Stay on the sidelines for now but remain constructive over the long run. Feature “An enemy of my enemy is my friend.” This is to paraphrase Kautilya, a philosopher of the Mauryan Empire, circa 200 BC. Kautilya was the Indian Machiavelli and wrote the Arthashastra to give hard-nosed political advice to rulers who wanted to know how kingdoms and states really behave rather than how they ought to behave.1   The quotation is no less true today than it was in ancient times. It explains why risks are rising to our view that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will remain in power after the election in April or May. This reinforces our underweight position on Indian risk assets over a 12-month time horizon. The quotation also explains why China’s growing influence in South Asia will drive India to continue reforming its economy and befriend the United States, thus supporting an optimistic view of India’s economic and investment potential in the long run (Chart 1). What Is India’s Grand Strategy? India’s geopolitical predicament stems from the fact that it is a relatively rational geographic unit, but one whose political unity is extremely difficult to maintain. Almost every side of the subcontinent is demarcated by forbidding geology: the Himalayas, the Bay of Bengal, the Arabian Sea, the thick jungles of Burma. Even the northwest, the traditional route of invaders, hosts vast obstacles like the Hindu Kush and Thar Desert. Any kingdom that takes shape can soon dream of expanding its borders to a natural stopping place (Map 1). Yet formidable obstacles stand between the cradles of Indian civilization – the Indus and Ganges Rivers – and the river ways and coastal outlets of the south. The Vindhya-Satpura mountains, the Deccan plateau, and the eastern and western Ghats make it extremely difficult for a northern power to govern the various cultures of the southern cone.  This geography ensures that empires are always trying and failing to unify the subcontinent into a coherent whole. As a result, India rarely projects power beyond it. When it does, the projection is short-lived.2    Historically India has seen the rise of five major empires that dominated the subcontinent: the Mauryans, the Guptas, the Mughals, the British, and the modern Republic of India (Chart 2). The Mughals and many other invaders periodically streamed in from the northwest – most often from modern-day Afghanistan and northern Pakistan, but also from Iran and southern Pakistan. Meanwhile several European empires invaded from the sea and established coastal settlements. The British East India Company settled in Bengal and then drove west and south, cutting off the French who had settled on the southeastern shores.   The modern Republic of India, founded in 1947 after Mahatma Gandhi and his followers harassed the British into leaving, feared that the United States would follow in Britain’s footsteps, being the world’s preeminent naval power. The Indians also distrusted the U.S.’s constructive relations with China and Pakistan that aimed to “contain” the Soviet Union. The Soviets, by contrast, could apply great pressure on Pakistan’s flank in Afghanistan and thus proved useful to India. They could also sell India weapons and capital goods as founding Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru pursued a socialist path of economic development.  The collapse of the Soviet Union coincided with a balance-of-payments crisis in India in 1991 that resulted in the abandonment of the old command-style economy and the adoption of modern capitalism under the reforms of Narasimha Rao. India also supported the U.S.’s intervention in the region after September 11, 2001 as a way of maintaining pressure on Pakistan’s back door. From this brief history we can glean a few solid points about India’s grand strategy: An Indian empire must establish control along the Indus or Ganges rivers, or both; An Indian empire must assimilate or drive out foreign rulers and unify the north and south; An Indian empire must strive to become the kingmaker across the subcontinent, through influence if not conquest; An Indian empire must fend off an invasion from the sea. The result of Rao’s reforms, India’s achievement of nuclear status in 1998, and nearly three decades of economic growth have been an India that is clearly an emerging “great power.” According to our Geopolitical Power Index, India is today on the cusp of supplanting Russia as the world’s third most powerful state (Chart 3). It surpassed the U.K., its former colonial master, in 1993. Chart 3India On Cusp Of Overtaking Russia In Comprehensive National Power Like China in East Asia, India is modernizing its vast army, developing a blue-water navy, and carving out a sphere of influence in South Asia (Chart 4). Also like China, India’s ambitions of regional hegemony are frustrated by its neighbors. India’s rivalry with Pakistan is foundational and existential – it is as if China faced Taiwan with nuclear weapons. Chart 4India's Military Clout Quietly Rising Today the fragile world order that prevailed in the wake of the Cold War is under severe strain. China’s grand regional ambitions are provoking a harsh reaction from the United States, which is setting up a new “containment policy” to limit China’s technological advance. The U.S. is withdrawing military forces from the Middle East and South Asia as it becomes energy self-sufficient and looking to counter-balance China with its free hand. Meanwhile China’s influence on the subcontinent is growing – already it is a rival to India as a trade partner for India’s South Asian neighbors (Chart 5). The Sino-Indian rivalry has often been overstated – the Himalayas are more than a hindrance. But China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) means that this logic is increasingly out of date. Historically, India faced overland invasions from the northwest and maritime invasions from the northeast. The Belt and Road – of which Pakistan is probably the most comprehensive beneficiary – potentially threatens India from both directions sometime in the future. Chart 5China Encroaching In India's Sphere Of Influence Of course the U.S. and India still face tensions between each other – foremost being the impending withdrawal from Afghanistan and the U.S. “maximum pressure” policy towards Iran (Chart 6). There are also trade tensions with the Trump administration and a broader problem of inconsistent U.S. outreach to India. Nevertheless the logic of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” suggests that over the long run the U.S. will grow warmer with India as a regional counterweight to China, while India will wish to become less isolationist and cultivate its relationship with the U.S. as a counter both to Pakistan and China. Simply put, China is making historic advances into India’s neighborhood in South Asia and the Indian Ocean basin. Chart 6A Good Sign For U.S.-India Ties: Cooperation On Iran This logic also suggests that India will be driven to continue reforming its economic structure so as to preserve internal unity and South Asian influence. If its economy languishes, it will lose preponderance within its neighborhood and become vulnerable to foreign aggression. Bottom Line: India and the U.S. are likely to see an ever-strengthening strategic partnership. They will overcome hurdles to the relationship because of their mutual need to counter China’s regional ascendancy. India’s Economic Hang-Up India has been ineffective in establishing an international presence because it has only reluctantly and haltingly reformed its economy. Today India’s middle class – measured by the share of adults with total wealth from  $10,000 to $100,000 – is less than 10%, comparable to the Philippines and Thailand. China’s is now above 50%, according to Credit Suisse’s Global Wealth Report (Chart 7).    This weakness stems in great part from policy decisions, namely the dogged pursuit of socialism through the latter stages of the Cold War. The same ruling ideology that prized independence also prized self-sufficiency, doubling down on import-substitution and thus missing the chance to industrialize with the export-oriented Asian Tigers in the 1970s or China in the 1980s. The result of insufficient measures to limit the state, curtail monopolies, contain inflation, and promote trade and private enterprise has been a chronic shortfall of national savings (Chart 8), which are needed to invest in capital projects and boost productivity (Chart 9).3   Chart 8India Lacks National Savings Chart 9India's Lagging Productivity Many of these historic hang-ups have begun to change, however, first under the reforms of the 1990s-2000s and more recently under the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi since 2014. As a result, there are a number of “truisms” about India’s economy that are no longer true. For instance, while India’s government is said to be small and weak due to its federal structure – which empowers the states – the truth is that its government is not notably smaller than that of other comparable emerging markets (Chart 10). There is no doubt that it is harder for India’s leaders to drive their agenda than it is for Russia’s and China’s leaders, but this is due to the type of government rather than the size. India inherited liberal democracy and rule of law from the British and its own revolutionary leaders built on this foundation, providing relative stability despite its patchwork of languages, ethnicities, and castes. Democratic checks and balances have led to better governance. Chart 10India's Government Neither Small Nor Weak The contrast has had clear effects on demography. India has a strong demographic foundation and hence a large internal market and robust labor force growth. China, by contrast, is suffering from the distortive effects of the “One Child Policy” on its working age population. As a result India’s population will increasingly provide the global labor force as China’s workers become scarcer and rise in cost (Chart 11) and as trade conflicts between China and the West drive investors to relocate supply chains. This is also a risk to India, of course, if job creation lags. But that is where other economic improvements come in. Cumulatively, Modi’s policies have improved the trajectory of a capital formation relative to consumption, which will increase productivity, potential growth, and job creation (Chart 12). Chart 12Modi Corrected India's Investment Trajectory On openness to trade, India has largely closed the gap with China and other comparable EMs like Indonesia (Chart 13). And while India has long been highly restrictive toward foreign investment, it is much less so than China (Chart 14), and a slew of policies to ease restrictions has resulted in a surge in foreign direct investment that only recently came off the boil (Chart 15). Chart 13India Not So Closed To Trade Anymore Chart 15Modi Opened India To Foreign Investment Further, while India remains broadly under-invested and has not managed to rebalance its overall economy toward manufacturing, it has created some bright spots within the manufacturing sector, such as autos (Chart 16).4 Modi’s government has significantly improved other conditions that will encourage private investment: the ease of doing business, global competitiveness, infrastructure effectiveness, and human capital (Chart 17). Chart 16Cars A Bright Spot In Indian Manufacturing Bottom Line: India’s grand strategy has historically suffered because internal unity and regional influence could not be achieved with a floundering economy. Over recent decades, however, India’s reforms have accumulated into substantial improvements – and the Modi administration has made some key improvements. But Will Modi Survive? Our baseline case for the general election due in April or May is that Modi and his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), along with their allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), will remain in power, if narrowly. However, in recent weeks the public opinion polling has taken a turn for the worse for Modi (Chart 18), raising the odds of a hung parliament or opposition victory. Modi still remains well ahead of Rahul Gandhi, the dynastic leader of the opposition Indian National Congress and its United Progressive Alliance (UPA), in terms of popularity (Chart 19). But in some polling he is barely holding onto a double-digit lead. Meanwhile Gandhi’s sudden viability as a candidate is a significant change from only a year ago. Nevertheless the range of seat projections for the lower house of parliament, the Lok Sabha, is very wide and suggests that Modi’s coalition could still win a majority, as long as the opposition’s current rally breaks (Chart 20).   A critical election dynamic points back to Kautilya’s ancient advice. Recently, two major parties in Uttar Pradesh – the key bellwether state – have joined forces to avoid stealing each other’s votes and thus help the opposition take seats. If this scheme works, then the NDA could be outmatched at the polls.5 For investors, however, the key takeaway is that Modi’s reform agenda is past its peak and policy uncertainty can only rise from here: Modi’s seats will certainly shrink from the landslide of 2014 – the BJP is likely to lose its single-party majority, weakening Modi and his party members on their reform agenda. The support of their NDA allies will have to be bought with favorable policy tradeoffs (Chart 21); The high tide of Modi’s movement has already come and gone in the state governments, where the BJP recently lost Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh, among others (Map 2). It is possible to lose these states and still win the general election, as largely occurred in 2004 and 2009, but state governments are a decisive factor in implementing federal policies and Modi’s influence is now clearly on the wane; Estimates of the NDA’s future gains in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house, suggest that even if Modi stays in power, he will never obtain a majority there (Diagram 1) – meaning that lower house bills other than supply bills will be subject to a veto; Diagram 1Modi Unlikely To Gain Majority In Upper House … Ever Modi is unlikely to have enough seats in the two houses to have the option of driving key legislation through a joint session of parliament. This is a rare occurrence but it would be a valuable ace up the sleeve. Modi’s reform movement has already seen high tide. He will struggle to institute reforms if he is weakened in parliament and the states. This is even truer if a hung parliament occurs, or if the UPA ekes out a slim majority. In essence, the next Indian government will likely be hobbled if Modi’s polling and performance do not recover from here – and even then he will not reclaim the political capital of his first term in office. It would be a mistake, however, to believe that reforms cannot get done without Modi. Prime Minister Rao came from the Congress Party, after all. Moreover, it is possible for India to undertake major reforms with a weak coalition or minority government. This was the backdrop of the critical pro-market reforms of the 1990s. But this implies that there would need to be a market riot to induce additional reform momentum, as was the case at that time, and India is not at a comparable crisis point today.  Bottom Line: Modi’s reform momentum is over. The next government will be weaker and less able to drive major pro-productivity reforms. But eventually reform momentum will recover, driven by the geopolitical forces outlined above. Does Modi Matter? What is the basis for Modi’s loss of momentum? The gist of the problem is that Modi’s reforms were structural and therefore entailed substantial economic and social costs. As a result, Modi has lost support. The good news is that Modi’s achievements thus far will continue to yield benefits for India. To highlight a few: The creation of a single market by means of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) is a significant reform that will ensure a strong legacy for Modi in the long run. However, the new tax obviously does not get voters enthused. The new Bankruptcy Law has helped to cleanse economic inefficiencies. But it has resulted in layoffs and financial deleveraging, weighing on credit growth and the broader economy. Demonetization, the sudden replacement of key denominations of money in circulation, has helped to formalize gray and black parts of the economy. But it was executed in a hugely disruptive manner and various scandals have arisen in the wake of it, hurting the ruling party. Controlling the fiscal deficit has been a federal government objective that has had some success. However, Modi and the state governments are more recently boosting spending ahead of the election to avoid what otherwise would be a negative fiscal thrust this year. This is a factor that should play to Modi’s advantage, although it has not so far. It also highlights the difficulty of fiscal consolidation over the long run (Chart 22). Chart 22Election Cycle Fiscal Easing Is The Norm More concerning, both for Modi and for India, is the unemployment rate. Even the official unemployment rate is rising despite the fast clip of economic growth and the pro-growth reforms (Chart 23). A leaked government statistical report suggests that unemployment has indeed gone up and labor participation has fallen more than the government is willing to admit. Chart 23Even Official Unemployment Is Rising The jury is still out on the extent of the current growth slowdown. Some estimates suggest that the output gap is closed, others say slightly negative. While there has been a soft patch in wage growth – particularly among the important 40% of the population that still works on the farm (Chart 24) – the latest data show improvement. Unit labor costs are ebullient and suggest that employee compensation is rising (Chart 25). The reality could make all the difference for Modi’s coalition at the ballot box. Chart 24Rural Wages Improving... But Is It Enough? Chart 25Will Workers Reward Modi? More importantly, if India cannot keep unemployment down amidst significant labor force growth, then Modi will only become the near-term casualty of a more profound problematic trend. Another long-term concern is Modi’s political pressure on the Reserve Bank of India. This has resulted in the replacement of two orthodox and credible central bankers under Modi’s watch. The result is a noticeably dovish policy shift, as confirmed by the cut of the repo rate to 6.25% (from 6.5%) on February 7. This cut and later cuts may be supported by global growth fears but will raise suspicions of political influence. Any damage to the central bank’s credibility will have lasting negative effects since the election result cannot reverse it (at least not fully). It will feed inflation expectations marginally and insofar as it does it will worsen the conditions for sustainable private sector capital investment. However, inflation is currently low and other reforms – such as the RBI’s adoption of inflation-targeting and ample domestic grain production – will help to offset any new monetary policy risk. Bottom Line: Modi’s reform legacy is mostly positive for India structurally, although the erosion of central bank independence is a critical exception. Investment Implications In the short run, cooperation among Modi’s political opponents poses a risk of removing him from power and short-circuiting his reform agenda. In the long run, cooperation between China and India’s South Asian neighbors poses a risk of undermining India’s grand strategy, driving it into the arms of the United States. In both cases Kautilya’s ancient wisdom is on display.   In the first case, a Modi defeat would be negative for India’s policy continuity, currency, and risk assets. The upside to our baseline view of a Modi victory is not high, however, unless Modi and the BJP surprise to the upside and win a substantial majority. This is unlikely unless the polling changes. In the second case, the geopolitical environment will pressure India to continue reforming and improving its economy so as to maintain internal stability, influence its neighbors, and ward off unwanted foreign influence. With China’s Belt and Road putting pressure on India’s strategic interests, leaders in New Delhi will have a continual motivation to focus on improving the economy as well as seeking alliances. This is the only way to ensure India retains its influence within its neighborhood.  For now, investors should steer clear of the Indian currency and risk assets in absolute terms because Modi’s reforms are priced in; election cycle dynamics are undermining monetary and fiscal policy; and the risk of sharp policy discontinuity is rising. On a relative basis, India may also underperform EM in the short term while oil prices rise: oil prices and India’s equity performance relative to EM are negatively correlated.6 Beyond that, however, India is a structural opportunity. Capital investment in China, which has powered much of the structural bull market in commodities and EM assets over the past two decades, is declining, while India’s is improving (Chart 26). Capex is the key to improving India’s productivity and keeping inflation in check even as the demographic dividend pushes up growth rates. Although many EM economies will suffer from a slowdown in Chinese capex, India is not overly exposed to China or global trade, and it is further along than other EMs in its process of bank deleveraging, which opens the prospect of a new credit cycle that will improve its investment outlook (Chart 27).    Chart 26China Capex Down, India Capex Up Chart 27Deleveraging Enables A New Credit Cycle   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Kajari Kamal, “Kautilya’s Arthashastra: Indian Strategic Culture and Grand Strategic Preferences,” Journal of Defence Studies 12:3 (2018), pp. 27-54, available at idsa.in 2      The medieval Chola Kingdom sailed across the Bay of Bengal and as far as Malacca in 1025. Please see  Manjeet Singh Pardesi, “Deducing India’s Grand Strategy of Regional Hegemony from Historical and Conceptual Perspectives,” Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Working Paper 76 (April 2005), available at www.rsis.edu. For an in-depth study of India’s strategic history, see Graham P. Chapman, The Geopolitics of South Asia: From Early Empires to the Nuclear Age (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009). 3      Please see BCA Emerging Market Strategy Special Report, “Capital Rationing Is Deterring Growth,” February 28, 2012, and “India’s Inflation: How Serious Is The Problem?” January 26, 2010, available at www.bcaresearch.com. 4      Please see BCA Commodity and Energy Strategy Weekly Report, “India’s Commodity Demand, With Or Without Modi,” February 7, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 5      Please see Milan Vaishnav and Jamie Hintson, “As Uttar Pradesh Goes, So Goes India,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, February 5, 2019, available at carnegieendowment.org. 6      Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, “EM: Sustained Decoupling, Or Domino Effect?”June 14, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com.  

Highlights So What? The late-cycle rally faces non-trivial political hurdles. Why? The rally is based on a too-sanguine view of the Fed, China, and the trade war. Other issues – like Brexit and the U.S. border showdown – are also problematic. Venezuela still has the potential to push oil prices sharply upwards. Feature All is well. Global equities are on the path of recovery, as should be the case at the end of an economic cycle. The U.S. S&P 500 has gained 16% since the bottom on December 24, with healthy technicals suggesting a breakout is ahead (Chart 1). The S&P 500 may be entering one of its typical late-cycle rallies, which tend to be the second best-performing decile of a bull market (Chart 2).1 Meanwhile, emerging market equities and currencies are outperforming developed market peers (Chart 3), a reversal from 2018 Chart 1Late Cycle Rally Ahead?   Chart 3...As Does Current Global Outperformance Typically, global risk assets outperform American risk assets at the end of an economic cycle. While institutional investors can use these rallies to lighten the load ahead of a recession, most investors cannot afford to miss such a rally. As such, BCA (and others) are calling for investors to play what is expected to be a yearlong rally in global risk assets and the S&P 500. Our view at BCA Geopolitical Strategy is more cautious, perhaps because it is informed by a methodological bias rooted in geopolitics. We believe that the reversal in U.S. outperformance relative to global risk assets rests on three pillars: The Federal Reserve remains dovish throughout 2019; China begins a major reflationary effort;  The U.S.-China tariff truce results in a trade deal. In addition, a consensus is emerging that a “no deal” Brexit will not occur, that U.S. polarization cannot get worse, and that President Trump eschews foreign interventionism. While we hold a nuanced view on each of these assertions, the mix is far less bullish than investors may think. We see a witches’ brew of factors that is murky at best and bearish at worst. The Three Pillars Of The Bullish View Before we turn to geopolitics, let us examine the three pillars underpinning the bullish view. Our colleague Peter Berezin, BCA’s Chief Global Strategist, remains bullish on the U.S. economy and expects the Fed to resume hiking rates by mid-year.2 The Conference Board’s Leading Credit Index remains in expansionary territory (Chart 4). While business capex intention surveys have come off their highs, they still point to robust spending plans over the next few quarters (Chart 5). Chart 4Little Sign Of A Looming Credit Crunch Chart 5Capex Plans Still Solid It is no surprise that the BCA Fed Monitor continues to suggest that “tighter monetary policy is required” (Chart 6). This is a far cry from 2016, when our indicator was in deeply “tightening” territory and the Fed paused for 12 months. If we compare 2019 to 2016, it is difficult to see how the market expectation of 4.72 bps of rate cuts will occur over the next 12 months (Chart 7). Of the three components that make up the BCA Fed Monitor, only the financial conditions have fallen into “easing required” territory (Chart 8), and they are already shifting back to “tightening required” territory with the stock market rally underway (Chart 9). Chart 6A Hawkish Fed Is Needed Chart 8BCA Fed Monitor Calls For Tighter Policy Chart 9Financial Conditions Starting To Ease In addition, in 2016 the Fed was not contracting its balance sheet. Today it is doing so, although the pace has moderated. As such, the Fed’s rate hike pause is occurring amidst an ongoing effort to normalize monetary policy and to transfer rate risks back to the private sector. By chance, this is also occurring at a time when the Treasury Department must issue more debt to cover a larger deficit, a process that could significantly pull U.S. rates higher and, by extension, yields on assets further down the risk curve. This would be a particular problem for global risk assets given the exposure of several EM economies to dollar-denominated debt.  The bottom line for investors is that a rate hike pause is not a pause in the overall hawkish policy of the U.S. Fed, which acts as a global central bank. The fall in the amount of dollars available for the international financial system acts as a brake on growth. Over the past 10 years, each time money supply growth fell below the loan uptake of the U.S. corporate sector, BCA’s Global Industrial Activity Nowcast, BCA’s Global Leading Economic Indicator, Korean exports, and global export prices all deteriorated considerably (Chart 10). Chart 10Deteriorating Excess Liquidity Hurts Global Growth Our muted view on Chinese reflation is unnecessary to repeat here. There is no doubt that Chinese policymakers are stimulating the economy, but the question is whether they are willing to pull the credit lever as aggressively as they have done in the past (Chart 11).So far, all of the evidence we have reviewed point to a cautious effort to stabilize growth, not reflate the entire planetary economy as Beijing did in 2016. If our BCA House View on the Fed is correct, a tepid Chinese effort to stimulate the domestic economy will fall short of lighting the flame of a global risk rally in 2019. Chart 11Compare Any Stimulus To Previous Efforts The BCA China Play Index, which in the past has tracked EM vs. DM equity outperformance, is sending mixed signals today (Chart 12). Enthusiasm for global risk assets has not been confirmed by the most China-sensitive plays. Chart 12Mixed Signals From China-Sensitive Plays Finally, there is the trade truce that should produce a trade deal. The logic is clear: President Trump sets aside the political constraints working against a deal and focuses on ensuring that he wins 2020 by avoiding a recession. The near bear market in the S&P 500 was a game changer that focused the White House on averting any further downside to markets and the economy from the trade war. But if the current rally proves that the selloff in December was a temporary pullback, the White House may be emboldened to play hard-to-get with China. After all, the electorate is generally supportive of getting tough on China (Chart 13) and there is no demand from either Trump voters or Democrats for a quick deal. The Fed pause and lower oil prices also give Trump some space to push negotiations a bit harder. Already there are leaks from the negotiations that the U.S. is asking for a lot from China, which could prolong the talks. This includes genuine structural changes to the economic relationship that would address long-standing U.S. concerns of forced technology transfers, intellectual property theft, and foreign investor access to the Chinese domestic market. It also includes U.S. demands that these changes be verifiable and enforceable. China is likely to balk at some of the U.S. demands, particularly if the U.S. is indeed pushing for regular reviews of China’s progress, a condition that implicitly creates a hierarchy between the two economies and would thus represent a loss of face for Beijing.3 Table 1 presents our latest expectations of where the U.S. and China will be on March 1. We assign only 10% each to “black and white” outcomes, a “Grand Compromise” and “No deal, with major escalation.” The remaining 80% is divided between “mushy” outcomes, including a 25% probability that negotiations simply continue. Table 1Updated U.S.-China Trade War Probabilities How would the market react to such uncertain outcomes? We think that almost anything other than a “Grand Compromise” would be greeted with limited relief, if not outright market correction. A vaguely positive meeting between Presidents Trump and Xi, and a memorandum of understanding, would not remove long-term risks in the relationship, especially if the parallel “tech war” is not resolved. On top of the ongoing U.S.-China negotiations, there is one remaining trade issue that investors should keep in mind: auto tariffs. The Section 232 investigation into whether auto imports are a national security threat is ongoing and U.S. authorities are expected to present their conclusions on February 17. We fear that the Trump administration could still stage a surprise and impose tariffs on auto imports. This is because the just-concluded NAFTA deal likely raised the cost of vehicle production within the trade bloc, necessitating import tariffs in order for the deal to make sense from President Trump’s set of political priorities. An extended truce with China could provide the opportunity. The Trump administration may not have the stomach for a long-term trade war with Europe, but the timing of this decision could upset the market’s perception of Trump’s commitment to free trade once again. Bottom Line: The conventional narrative is that global markets are experiencing a late-cycle rally, one that is worth playing given its usual duration and amplitude. This view rests on three pillars: that the Fed has backed off from tightening, that China is stimulating in earnest, and that the trade deal will produce a definitive outcome. We fear that all three pillars are shaky. First, the Fed is not easing. Its balance sheet contraction process, which is ongoing, is a form of tightening. And the U.S. economy remains healthy. As such, the expectation of a 12-month Fed pause is overly optimistic. Second, China is stimulating, but only tepidly. Third, “black and white,” definitive outcomes are unlikely in the U.S.-China negotiations. In fact, more protectionism could be around the corner if U.S.-China tech issues continue to flare or if the U.S. announces the conclusion of its investigation into auto imports. Geopolitical Factors To Monitor Aside from shaky pillars, markets will also have to contend with several uncertain geopolitical processes this year. While we are not necessarily bearish on each one, we are concerned that the collective investment community is overly bullish. Take Brexit. We agree with the conventional view that the chances of a no-deal Brexit outcome are below 10%. Political betting markets have only priced in an actual exit on March 29, which is in ink in British legislation, at just above 30% (Chart 14). Chart 14Online Betters Expect A Brexit Delay The problem is not with the conventional view but with its timing. While Prime Minister Theresa May will ultimately be forced to extend the Article 50 deadline, it may take a lot of brinkmanship and eleventh hour negotiations to do so. Getting from here – collective bullishness – to there – an actual extension of Article 50 – may require a downturn in GBP/USD or other U.K. assets. Furthermore, several scenarios could produce a downturn in GBP/USD (Diagram 1). For example, the Labour Party remains neck-and-neck with the Tories in the polls, despite being led by the most left-leaning leader since the 1970s. Although a new election that produces a Labour government would likely reduce the odds of Brexit eventually occurring, it would raise the odds of Corbyn pursuing unorthodox economic policy while also trying to negotiate his own version of Brexit with the EU. Diagram 1Brexit: The Path To Salvation Remains Fraught With Dangers The point is that it is tough to recommend that investors close their eyes and buy GBP/USD, no matter how cheap the currency may look, unless one has a very long time horizon and a high threshold for pain. The second issue where we take a more nuanced position is the ongoing U.S. executive-legislative standoff over the border. The government shutdown is only on pause until February 15. The House Democrats are demanding that a solution be found by Friday, February 8 if it is to be voted on in time. Meanwhile President Trump’s popularity is in the doldrums (Chart 15). His supporters note that President Reagan was even less popular at this point in his term, but that is because unemployment hit 10.4% in January 1983 (Chart 16). The grave risk for President Trump is that he is as unpopular as Reagan, even though unemployment is at 4% and the U.S. economy is on fire. Chart 15President Trump Is Unpopular... Chart 16...And It Can't Be Blamed On Unemployment As such, the real risk is not another shutdown, but rather political dysfunction in Congress that imperils the legislative process. The current two-year budget deal, which raised spending levels in January 2018, is set to expire when the FY2019 ends. Democrats and Trump have to come to an agreement to avert the “stimulus cliff” expected in 2020 (Chart 17). If they cannot conclude the border issue and the FY2019 appropriations, then Trump may declare a national emergency (or act unilaterally in other ways) and spark a new conflict with the courts. He could also threaten not to raise the debt ceiling in spring or summer. This is not an atmosphere in which a FY2020 deal looks very easy. Chart 17Stimulus Cliff Ahead Ultimately, we expect Democrats to succumb to the pressure from their voters for more spending. But a total failure to cooperate is a risk. Furthermore, the greatest political risk in the U.S. is that the 2020 election will not be contested on the same issues as in 2016: trade and immigration. Instead, income inequality is rearing its head, as Democratic candidates jostle for attention and as they test various messages on focus groups. If income inequality catches fire as the issue of 2020, we will know it soon. And it may begin to impact the markets as Democrats begin to campaign on, for instance, reversing President Trump’s income tax cuts. While the market may ignore headline election risks for some time, we do not think that non-financial corporates can do the same. Any hint that President Trump’s pro-business policies will be reversed could send shivers down the spines of CEOs and negatively impact capex intentions, hurting the real economy well before the next election. Finally, there is the issue of foreign policy. President Trump has abandoned his maximum pressure tactic on Iran and has begun withdrawing the remaining troops in the Middle East. These trends are likely to continue in 2019 as President Trump focuses on China and lesser issues like Venezuela. There is one important area of alignment between him and the defense and intelligence community, notwithstanding recent scuffles: less focus on the Middle East means more focus on Asia and specifically China. However, President Trump is facing a dilemma. Despite an extraordinary economic performance, his popularity remains in the doldrums. When faced with similar situations in the past, presidents far more orthodox than Trump have sought relevance abroad, by means of military interventions. A convenient opportunity has presented itself in Venezuela, where a revolution against Chavismo could give the U.S. an opening to intervene. On paper, we see how such a scenario could look appealing for a quick, and relatively painless, intervention. The problem is that it could also get messy and, in the analysis of BCA’s Commodity & Energy Strategy, raise oil prices to nearly $100 per barrel by mid-year if a total loss of Venezuelan production ensues (Chart 18). This is a non-negligible risk. Chart 18A Venezuela Collapse Could Send Brent Crude Prices Toward $100/Bbl Bottom Line: Geopolitical risks still abound. We are not alarmist. However, there is little reason to believe that Brexit, U.S. polarization, U.S.-China tensions, or a potential U.S. intervention in Venezuela will end painlessly for the market. An unpopular U.S. president is seeking to remain relevant and a global populist wave is continuing to create unorthodox and anti-establishment policy prescriptions. Given that the current rally is supported by three shaky pillars, any one of these geopolitical risks could catalyze a relapse, the history of late-cycle rallies be damned.   Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Please see BCA U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Late-Cycle Blues,” dated October 29, 2018, available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 2      Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Patient Jay,” dated January 18, 2019, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 3      Please see Reuters, “Exclusive: U.S. demands regular review of China trade reform,” dated January 18, 2019, available at reuters.com.   Geopolitical Calendar

Special Report

Highlights After rising for thousands of years, human intelligence has begun to decline in developed economies. This can be seen in falling IQ scores and a decline in math and science test scores. Environmental factors appear to account for the bulk of this decline, but no one knows what these factors are. If left unchecked, falling intelligence will severely undermine productivity growth. This could lead to lower equity multiples, larger budget deficits, and ultimately, much higher government bond yields. Technological advances, particularly in the genetic realm, promise to radically raise IQs. In a complete abandonment of its one-child policy, China will combine these controversial technologies with pro-natal measures in order to boost sagging birth rates. The coming Eugenic Wars will be one of the most important economic and geopolitical developments of the 21st century. Feature Part 1: What The Tame Fox Says In 1959, a Soviet scientist named Dmitry Belyaev embarked on an ambitious experiment: to domesticate the silver fox. A geneticist by training, Belyaev wanted to replicate the process by which animals such as cats and dogs came to live side-by-side with humans. It was a risky endeavor. The Soviets had essentially banned the study of Mendelian genetics in favor of the blank slate ideology that is popular in progressive circles today. Belyaev persevered. Working under the guise of studying vulpine physiology, he selected foxes based on only one trait – tamability. Less than 10% of foxes made it to the subsequent generation, with the other 90% being sent off to fur farms. By the fourth generation, the changes were undeniable. Rather than fleeing humans, the foxes sought out their attention with no prompting whatsoever. They even wagged their tails and whined and whimpered like dogs do. The tame foxes also displayed physical changes. Their ears flopped over. Their snouts became shorter and their tails stood upright. “By intense selective breeding, we have compressed into a few decades an ancient process that originally unfolded over thousands of years,” wrote Lyudmila Trut, who began as Belyaev’s assistant and took over the project when her boss died in 1985.  Genetically Capitalist? Evolution can broadly proceed in two ways. The first way is through random mutations. This form of evolution, which scientists sometimes refer to as genetic drift, can take thousands of years to yield any discernable changes. The second way is through natural selection, a process that exploits existing variations in genetic traits. As the Russian fox experiment illustrates, evolution driven by selective pressures (either natural or artificial) can occur fairly quickly. Did selective pressures manifest themselves in human evolution in the lead up to the Industrial Revolution? Did humans, in some sense, domesticate themselves? In his book, A Farewell To Alms, economic historian Gregory Clark argued in the affirmative. Clark documented that members of skilled professions in Medieval England had twice as many surviving children as unskilled workers (Chart 1). Indeed, the fledgling middle class of the time had even more surviving children than the aristocracy, who were often out fighting wars. As a result, the wages of craftsmen declined by a third relative to laborers between 1200 and 1800, implying that the supply of skilled labor was growing more quickly than the demand for skilled workers over this period. In subsequent work, Clark and Cummins argued that the spread of bourgeois values across pre-industrial England was more consistent with a model of genetic transmission than a cultural one (see Box 1 for details). Similar developments occurred in other parts of the world. For example, in China, the gateway into the bureaucracy for a thousand years was the highly competitive imperial exam. Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee showed that high-status men had more surviving children during the eighteenth- and nineteenth-centuries (Chart 2).1 The 10,000 Year Explosion Stephen Jay Gould famously said that “There’s been no biological change in humans in 40,000 or 50,000 years. Everything we call culture and civilization we’ve built with the same body and brain.” Gould was wrong. Data from the International HapMap Project show that human evolution accelerated by 100-fold starting around 10,000 years ago (Chart 3). In their book The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution, Gregory Cochran and the late Henry Harpending explained why evolution sped up so rapidly.2 The advent of agriculture led to a surge in population levels. This, in turn, increased the absolute number of potentially beneficial genetic mutations that could be subject to selection effects. Farming and the rise of city states also completely reshaped the environment in which people lived. Basic biology teaches us that environmental dislocations of this kind tend to generate selective pressures that cause evolution to accelerate. John Hawks, professor of anthropology and genetics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, put it best: “We are more different genetically from people living 5,000 years ago than they were different from Neanderthals.” Many of the changes to our genomes relate to diet and diseases. The various genetic resistances that people have built up to malaria are all less than 10,000 years old. Mutations to the LCT gene, which confers lactose tolerance into adulthood, occurred independently in three different geographical locations: one in East Asia, one in the Middle East, and one in Africa. The Middle Eastern variant was probably responsible for the rapid enlargement of the Indo-European language group, which now stretches from India to Ireland. The African variant likely facilitated the Bantu expansion, which started near the present-day border of Nigeria and Cameroon, and then spread out across almost all of sub-Saharan Africa. Evolution Of The Human Brain About half of the genes in the human genome regulate some aspect of brain function. Given the rapid acceleration in evolution, it would be rather surprising if our own brains had not been affected. And indeed, there is plenty of evidence that they were. The frontal lobe of the brain has increased in size over the past 10,000 years. This is the part of the brain that regulates such things as language, memory, and long-term planning. Testosterone levels have also declined. That may explain the steady reduction in violent crime rates (Chart 4). We know that certain genes that are associated with higher intelligence have been under recent selective pressure. For example, the gene that leads to torsion dystonia – a debilitating movement disorder – appears to have increased in frequency. Why would a gene that causes a known disease become more widespread? The answer is that individuals who have this particular mutation tend to have IQs that are around 10-to 20-points above the population average. Why IQ Matters IQ has a long and contentious history. Yet, despite numerous efforts to jettison the concept, it has endured for one simple reason: It has more predictive power than virtually anything else in the psychological realm. A simple 30-minute IQ test can help predict future educational attainment, job performance, income, health, criminality, and fertility choices (Table 1 and Chart 5). IQ even predicts trader performance!3 Table 1What IQ Predicts (Results From Meta-Analyses)   Like most physiological traits, IQ is highly heritable.4 The genetic contribution to IQ increases from 20% in early childhood to as high as 80% by one’s late teens and remains at that level well into adulthood.5 This makes IQ almost as heritable as height (Chart 6). Although there is a great deal of variation among individuals, on average, more intelligent people earn higher incomes (Chart 7). If the same relationship existed in the pre-industrial era, as seems likely, then human intelligence probably increased in a way that facilitated the economic explosion that we associate with the Industrial Revolution. The stunning implication is that the emergence of the modern era was a question of “when, not if.” Part 2: The Flynn Effect By the late-19th century, it had become clear that the rich were no longer having as many children as the poor. This realization, together with the growing popularity of Darwin’s theories, helped galvanize the eugenics movement. Contrary to popular belief, this movement was not a product of the far-right. In fact, the most vocal proponents of eugenics were among the progressive left. John Maynard Keynes, for example, served as the Director of the British Eugenics Society between 1937 and 1944. Yet, a funny thing happened on the road to idiocracy: The concerns of eugenicists did not come to pass. Rather than becoming dimmer, people became smarter. This phenomenon is now known as the Flynn Effect, named after James Flynn, a psychologist who was among the first to document it. Chart 8 shows the evolution of IQ scores in a sample of countries between 1940 and 1990. The average country recorded IQ gains of three points per decade over this period, a remarkably large increase over such a relatively short period of time. Explaining The Flynn Effect The Flynn Effect must have been entirely driven by environmental factors since genetic factors – namely the tendency of less-educated people to have more children, and to have them at an earlier age – would have reduced average IQs over the past two hundred years. But how could environmental factors have played the dominant role in light of the strong role of genes discussed above? The answer was proposed by geneticist Richard Lewontin in the 1970s. Lewontin suggested imagining a genetically-diverse sack of seed corn randomly distributed between two large identical fields. One field had fertilizer added to it while the other did not. Genetic variation would explain all of the differences in the height of corn stalks within each field, while environmental factors (the addition of fertilizer) would explain all of the difference in the average height of corn stalks between the two fields. This logic explains why genes can account for the bulk of the variation in IQs within any demographic group, while environmental effects may explain most of the variation across groups, as well as why average scores have changed over time. And what environmental effects are these? The truth is that no one really knows. Plenty of theories have been advanced, but so far there is still little consensus on the matter. Bigger, Healthier Brains It has long been known that learning increases the amount of grey matter in the brain. For example, a recent study showed that the hippocampi of London taxi drivers tend to be larger due to the need for drivers to memorize and navigate complex routes.6 The emergence of modern societies likely kicked off a virtuous circle where the need to solve increasingly complex tasks forced people to hone their learning skills, leading to higher IQs and further technological progress. The introduction of universal primary education amplified this virtuous circle. Better health undoubtedly helped as well. Early childhood diseases reduce IQ by diverting the body’s resources away from mental development towards fighting off infections. There is a strong correlation between measured IQ and disease burden across countries (Chart 9). A number of studies have documented a strong relationship between the timing of malaria eradication in the U.S. and other parts of the world and subsequent observed gains in childhood IQs.7 Brain size and IQ are positively correlated. Forensic evidence from the U.S. suggests that the average volume of adult human skulls has increased by 7% since the late 1800s, or roughly the size of a tennis ball.8 Part 3: The End Of A 10,000 Year Trend The problem with environmental effects is that they eventually run into diminishing returns. This appears to have happened with the Flynn Effect. In fact, not only does the recent evidence suggest that the Flynn Effect has ended, but the data suggest that IQs are starting to decline. Chart 10 shows that average math and science test scores fell in the OECD’s Program For International Scholastic Achievement (PISA) between 2009 and 2015, the latest year of the examination. The drop in math and science test scores has been mirrored in falling IQ scores. Flynn observed a decade ago that IQs of British teenagers were slipping.9 Similar results have been documented in France, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, and most recently, Norway. The Norwegian results, published last year, are particularly noteworthy.10 Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg examined three-decades worth of data on IQ tests of Norwegian military conscripts. Military duty has been mandatory for almost all men in Norway since 1814, which means that the study’s authors were able to collect comprehensive data on most Norwegian men and their fathers.  Their paper clearly shows that IQ peaked with the generation born in the mid-1970s and declined by about five points, or one-third of a standard deviation, for the one born in 1990 (Chart 11). For the first time in recorded history, Norwegian kids today are not scoring as well as their parents. A Mystery What caused the sudden reversal of the Flynn Effect in Norway and most other developed economies? Nobody knows. We can, however, offer three possible theories: New Technologies For much of human history, rising intelligence and technological innovation were complementary processes, meaning that the smartest people were the ones who could best exploit the new technologies that were coming their way. Moreover, as noted above, even those who were less gifted benefited from the mental stimulation that a technologically advanced society provided. It remains to be seen how future technological advances such as generalized AI will affect human intelligence, but recent technological advances seem to have had a dumbing down effect.11 For example, the GPS has obviated the need for people to navigate unfamiliar locations, thus blunting the development of their visuospatial skills. Modern word processors have made spelling skills less important. Having all the information in the world just a click away is a wonderful thing, but it has reduced the need for our brains to retain and codify what we learn. Meanwhile, the constant bombardment of information to which we are subject has made it difficult to concentrate on anything for long. How many youth today can read a report of this length without checking their Facebook feed multiple times? My guess is not many. Diminishing Returns To Education The ability to take young bright minds, who would have otherwise spent their lives doing menial labor, and provide them with an education was probably the greatest tailwind to growth that the 20th century enjoyed. There is undoubtedly still scope to continue this process, but the low-hanging fruit have been picked. Educational attainment has slowed dramatically in most of the world (Chart 12). Economist James Heckman estimates that U.S. high-school graduation rates, properly measured, peaked over 40 years ago.12 Despite billions of dollars spent, efforts to improve school performance have generally fallen flat. A recent high-level report by the U.S. Department of Education concluded that “The panel did not find any empirical studies that reached the rigor necessary to determine that specific turnaround practices produce significantly better academic outcomes.”13 This gets to a point that most parents already know, which is that when people talk about “bad schools,” they are really talking about “bad students.” Deteriorating Health Better health probably contributed to the Flynn Effect. But is it possible to have too much of a good thing? More calories are welcome when people are starving, but today’s calorie-rich, nutrient-poor diets have led to a surge in obesity rates. A clean environment reduces the spread of germs, but it also makes children hypersensitive to foreign substances. Following German reunification, researchers observed that allergies were much more common among West German children than their Eastern peers, presumably because of the West’s more salubrious environment.14 All sorts of weird and concerning physiological changes are occurring. Sperm counts have fallen by nearly 60% since the early 1970s.15 Testosterone levels in young men are dropping. Among girls, the age of first menarche has declined by two years over the past century.16 Are chemical agents in the environment responsible? If they are, what impact are they having on cognitive development? Nobody knows. Reported mental illness is also on the rise. The share of U.S. teenagers with a reported major depressive episode over the prior year surged by over 60% between 2010 and 2017 (Chart 13). The fraction of young adults that made suicide plans nearly doubled.17 More than 20% of U.S. women over the age of 40 are on antidepressants.18 Five percent of U.S. children are receiving ADHD medication.19 Implications For Economic Growth And Asset Markets So far, the reversal of the Flynn Effect has been largely confined to the developed economies. Test scores are still rising in the developing world, albeit from fairly low levels. For example, two recent studies have documented significant IQ gains in Kenya and Brazil.20 In the poorest countries, opportunities for improving health abound. Even small steps such as fortifying salt with iodine (which costs about five cents per person per year) have been shown to boost IQ by nearly one standard deviation.21 Measures to reduce inbreeding are also likely to boost IQ scores.22 Yet, we should not underestimate the importance of falling cognitive skills in developed economies. Chart 14 shows that there is a clear positive correlation between student score on math and science and per capita incomes. Most technological innovation still takes place in developed economies. There is an extremely tight relationship between visuospatial IQ and the likelihood of becoming an inventor (Chart 15). Since IQ is distributed along a bell curve, a 0.1 standard deviation drop in IQs across the entire distribution will result in an 8% decline in the share of people with IQs over 100, a 14% decline in those with IQs over 115, and a 21% decline in those with an IQ over 130 (by convention, each standard deviation on an IQ test is worth 15 points). Falling IQs could result in slower productivity growth, which could further strain fiscal balances. Lower IQs are also associated with decreased future orientation.23 People who live for the moment tend to save less. A decline in savings would push up real rates, leading to less capital accumulation. History suggests that a deceleration in productivity growth and higher real rates will put downward pressure on equity multiples (Chart 16). Chart 16Equity Multiples Tend To Fall When Real Rates Rise And Productivity Growth Declines Part 4: Generation E For 200 years, the environmentally-driven Flynn Effect disguised the underlying genetically-driven decline in IQs that began not long after the dawn of the Industrial Revolution. Flynn has acknowledged this himself, noting at the 2017 International Society For Intelligence Research Conference that “I have no doubt that there has been some deterioration of genetic quality for intelligence since the late Victorian times.”24 Now that the Flynn Effect has reversed, both genes and the environment are working together to reduce cognitive abilities in developed economies. This means that the most important trend in the world – a trend that allowed the human population to increase during the Malthusian era and later allowed output-per-worker to soar following the Industrial Revolution – has broken down. Yet, there may be another twist in the story – one that began just a few months ago: the first members of Generation E were born. E Is For Edited ... Or Eugenics Lulu and Nana will be like most other children, but with one key difference: They will be the first humans ever to have their genomes edited through a procedure know as CRISPR-Cas9. Rogue Chinese scientist He Jiankui deactivated their CCR5 gene, which the HIV virus uses as a gateway into the body. His actions were rightfully condemned around the world for endangering the twins’ health by using a procedure that has not yet been fully vetted in animal studies, let alone in human trials (Lulu and Nana’s father is HIV+ but it is debatable whether the children were at an elevated risk of infection). He Jiankui remains under house arrest at the university where he worked. But whatever his fate, the dam has been broken. For better or for worse, the era of personal eugenics has arrived. The Return Of The Silver Fox It is easier to delete a gene than to add one. It is even more difficult to swap out a large number of genes in a way that achieves a predictable outcome. Thus, the successful manipulation of highly polygenic traits such as intelligence – traits that are linked to hundreds of different genes – may still be decades away.25 Predicting a trait is much simpler than modifying it, however. The cost of sequencing a human genome has fallen by more than 99% since 2001 (Chart 17). Start-up company Genomic Prediction has already developed a test for fertilized embryos for IVF users that predicts height within a few centimetres and IQ with a correlation of 0.3-to-0.4, roughly as accurate as standardized tests such as the SAT or ACT.26 Other companies are following suit.27 Some will recoil in horror at the prospect of selecting prospective children in this manner. They will argue that such technologies, beyond being simply immoral, will widen social inequality between those who can afford them and those who cannot. Others will counter that screening embryos for certain traits is not that dissimilar to what people already do with prospective romantic partners. They will also point out that mass usage of these technologies will drive down prices to the point that even poor people will be able to access them, thus giving low IQ parents the chance to have high IQ kids. They might also note that such technologies may be the only way to reverse the ongoing accumulation of deleterious mutations within the human germline that has been the unintended by-product of the proliferation of life-saving medicines.28 We will not wade into this thorny debate, other than to note that there will be huge incentives for people to avail themselves of these technologies. The Coming Eugenic Wars And not just individuals either – governments too. While the initial impact of eugenic technologies will be small, the effects will compound over time. Carl Shulman and Nick Bostrom estimate that genetic screening could boost average IQs by up to 65 points in five generations (Table 2). Table 2A Poisoned Chalice? Genetic Screening Can Raise IQ China has been investing heavily in genetic technologies. As Geoffrey Miller has argued, China’s infatuation with eugenics spans into the modern day.29 Like most other countries, fertility in China is negatively correlated with IQ. Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren estimate that China is currently losing nearly one-third of a point in generalized intelligence per decade, with the loss having accelerated rapidly between the 1960s and mid-1980s.30 The decline in the genetic component of Chinese IQs is coming at a time when the population itself is about to shrink. According to the UN’s baseline forecast, China will lose 450 million working-age people by the end of the century (Chart 18). Meanwhile, the country is saddled with debt, the result of an economic model that has, for decades, recycled copious household savings into debt-financed fixed-investment spending in an effort to shore up domestic demand. The authorities may be tempted to tackle all three problems simultaneously by adopting generous pro-natal measures – call it the “at least one-child policy”– which increasingly harnesses emerging eugenic technologies. The resulting baby boom would strengthen domestic demand, thus making the economy less dependent on exports, while ensuring China’s long-term geopolitical viability. The Eugenic Wars are coming, and they will be unlike anything the world has seen before.   Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy  peterb@bcaresearch.com     Box 1  The Diffusion Of Bourgeois Values: Culture Or Genes? Higher-income people had more surviving children in the centuries leading up to the Industrial Revolution. Real per capita income was broadly stable during this period. This implies that there must have been downward social mobility, with sons, on average, being less wealthy than their fathers. This downward mobility, in turn, spread the characteristics of higher-income people across the broad swathe of society. What were these characteristics? Cultural values that emphasized thrift, diligence, and literacy were undoubtedly part of what was passed on to future generations. But surprisingly, it also appears that genetic transmission played an important, and perhaps pivotal, role.  Models of genetic transmission make very concrete predictions about the correlations in economic status that one would expect to see among relatives. Biological brothers share 50% of their genes, as do fathers and sons. Likewise, first cousins share 25% of their genes, the same as grandfathers and sons. These facts yield two testable predictions: The first is that the correlation coefficient on status measures such as wealth, occupation, and education should be the same for relatives that share the same fraction of genes such as sibling pairs and father-son pairs. Box Chart 1 shows that this is borne out by the data. The second prediction is that the correlation between status and genetic distance should follow a linear trend so that, for example, the correlation in wealth among brothers is twice that of first cousins and four times that of second cousins. Box Chart 2 shows that this is also borne out by the data. Other evidence supports the importance of genes in the transmission of status across generations. The correlation in measures such as wealth, education, and occupation is much higher among identical twins than fraternal twins. Adopted children turn out to be more similar to their biological parents on these measures when they reach adulthood than their adopted parents, even when the children have never met their biological parents. The parent-child correlation also remains the same regardless of family size, suggesting that spreading the same resources over more children may not harm life outcomes to any discernible degree, at least on the measures listed above.   Source: Gregory Clark and Neil Cummins, "Nature Versus Nurture in Social Outcomes. A Lineage Study of 263,000 English Individuals, 1750-2017," Luxembourg Institute of Socio-Economic Research.   Footnotes 1      Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee, "Descent Line Growth and Extinction From A Multigenerational Perspective, Extended Abstract," American Sociological Review 80:3, (April 21, 2015): 574-602. 2      Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending, "The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution," Basic Books, (2009). 3      Mark Grinblatt, Matti Keloharju, and Juhani T. Linnainmaa, “IQ, Trading Behavior, and Performance,” Journal of Financial Economics, 104:2, (May 2012): 339-362. 4      Thomas Bouchard, “Genetic Influence On Human Psychological Traits - A Survey,” Current Directions in Psychological Science 13:4, (August 2004): 148-151. 5      The tendency for the genetic contribution to IQ to increase until early adulthood and then to remain at high levels until old age is known as the Wilson Effect. There is no consensus on what causes it, but it probably reflects a number of factors: 1) It may take some children longer than normal to reach full intellectual maturity. Testing their IQs at a young age will result in scores that are lower than those expected based on their parents’ IQs. The opposite is true for children whose IQs increase relatively quickly in young age, but possibly top out earlier; 2) Environmental effects are probably more important in young age when a child’s brain is still quite malleable; 3) Self-reinforcing gene-environment interactions tend to increase with age. Children do not have much control over their environment, but as they get older, they will seek out activities that are more in keeping with their genetic predispositions. For example, a studious child may pursue a career that reinforces their love of learning. 6       "Cache Cab: Taxi Drivers' Brains Grow to Navigate London's Streets," Scientific American, (December 2011). 7       Atheendar Venkataramani, “Early Life Exposure to Malaria and Cognition in Adulthood: Evidence from Mexico,” Journal of Health Economics 31:5, (July 2012): 767-780; Hoyt Bleakley, “Health, Human Capital and Development,” Annual Review of Economics 2, (March 2010): 283-310; Hoyt Bleakley, “Malaria Eradication in the Americas: A Retrospective Analysis of Childhood Exposure,” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2, (April 2010): 1-45. 8       “Anthropologists Find American Heads Are Getting Larger,” ScienceDaily, (May 2012). 9       “British Teenagers Have Lower IQs Than Their Counterparts Did 30 Years Ago,” The Telegraph, (February 2009). 10     Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg, “Flynn Effect And Its Reversal Are Both Environmentally Caused,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115:26, (June 2018): 6674-6678. 11     On the face of it, artificial intelligence would appear to be a substitute for human intelligence. Many applications of AI would undoubtedly have this feature, especially those that allow computers to perform complex mental tasks that humans now must do. However, there are several ways that AI may eventually come to complement human intelligence. First, and most obviously, AI could be used to augment human capabilities either directly by hardwiring it into our brains, or indirectly through the development of drugs or genetic techniques which improve cognition. Second, looking further out, the benefits of highly intelligent AI systems would be limited if humans did not possess the requisite intelligence to understand certain concepts that are currently beyond our mental reach. No matter how well intentioned, trying to explain string theory to a mouse is not going to succeed. There are probably a multitude of ideas that AI could reveal that we simply cannot comprehend at current levels of human intelligence. 12     James Heckman and Paul La Fontaine, “The American High School Graduation Rate: Trends and Levels,” The Review of Economics and Statistics 92:2, (May 2010): 244–262. 13     “Turning Around Chronically Low-Performing Schools,” The Institute of Education Sciences (IES), (May 2008). 14     E. von Mutius, F.D. Martinez, C. Fritzsch, T. Nicolai, G. Roell, and H. H. Thiemann, "Prevalence Of Asthma And Atopy In Two Areas Of West Germany And East Germany," American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine 149:2, (February 1994): 358-64. 15     "Sperm Counts In The West Plunge By 60% In 40 Years As ‘Modern Life’ Damages Men’s Health," Independent, (July 2017). 16     Kaspar Sørensen, Annette Mouritsen, Lise Aksglaede, Casper P. Hagen, Signe Sloth Mogensen, and Anders Juul, "Recent Secular Trends in Pubertal Timing: Implications for Evaluation and Diagnosis of Precocious Puberty," Hormone Research in Paediatrics 77:3, (May 2012): 137-145. 17     “Results from the 2017 National Survey On Drug Use And Health: Detailed Tables,” Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality, Rockville (Maryland), (September, 2018). 18     Laura A. Pratt, Debra J. Brody, and Qiuping Gu, “Antidepressant Use Among Persons Aged 12 and Over: United States, 2011–2014,” NCHS Data Brief No. 283, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (August 2017). 19     Some, but not all, of the increase in reported rates of mental illness may be due to more aggressive diagnosis by health practitioners. For example, a recent study revealed that children born in August were 30% more likely to receive an ADHD diagnosis than those born in September, simply because they were less mature compared to other kids in the first few years of elementary school. See: Timothy J. Layton, Michael L. Barnett, Tanner R. Hicks, and Anupam B. Jena, “Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity Disorder and Month of School Enrollment,” New England Journal of Medicine 379:22, (November 2018): 2122-2130. 20     Tamara C. Daley, Shannon E. Whaley, Marian D. Sigman, Michael P. Espinosa, and Charlotte Neumann, “IQ On The Rise: The Flynn Effect In Rural Kenyan Children,” Psychological Science 14:3, (June 2003): 215-9; Jakob Pietschnig and Martin Voracek, “One Century of Global IQ Gains: A Formal Meta-Analysis of the Flynn Effect (1909-2013),” Perspectives on Psychological Science 10:3, (May 2015): 282-306. 21     N. Bleichrodt and M. P. Born, “Meta-Analysis of Research on Iodine and Its Relationship to Cognitive Development,” In: ed. J. B. Stanbury, “The Damaged Brain of Iodine Deficiency,” Cognizant Communication Corporation, New York, (1994): 195-200; “Iodine status worldwide: WHO Global Database on Iodine Deficiency,” World Health Organization, Geneva, (2004). 22     Mohd Fareed and Mohammad Afzal, “Estimating the Inbreeding Depression on Cognitive Behavior: A Population Based Study of Child Cohort,” PLOS ONE 9:12, (October 2015): e109585. 23     H. de Wit, J. D. Flory, A. Acheson, M. McCloskey, and S. B. Manuck, “IQ And Nonplanning Impulsivity Are Independently Associated With Delay Discounting In Middle-Aged Adults,” Personality and Individual Differences 42:1, (January 2007): 111-121; W. Mischel and R. Metzner, “Preference For Delayed Reward As A Function Of Age, Intelligence, And Length Of Delay Interval,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 64:6, (July 1962): 425-31. 24     James Flynn, “IQ decline and Piaget: Does the rot start at the top?” Lifetime Achievement Award Address, 18th Annual meeting of ISIR, (July 2017). 25     For a good discussion of these issues, please see Richard J. Haier, “The Neuroscience of Intelligence,” Cambridge Fundamentals of Neuroscience in Psychology, (December 2016). 26     “The Future of In-Vitro Fertilization and Gene Editing,” Psychology Today, (December 2018). 27     “DNA Tests For IQ Are Coming, But It Might Not Be Smart To Take One,” MIT Technology Review, (April 2018). 28     Michael Lynch, “Rate, Molecular Spectrum, And Consequences Of Human Mutation,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107:3, (January 2010): 961-968. 29     Geoffrey Miller, “What *Should* We Be Worried About?” Edge, (2013). 30     Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren, “Evidence Of Dysgenic Fertility In China,” Intelligence 57, (April 2016): 15-24. Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades