Economy

Dear Client, In lieu of next week’s regular report, we will be bringing you a Special Report featuring a no-holds-barred debate over the economic and financial market outlook among three of BCA’s more bullish strategists (Doug Peta, Rob Robis, and yours truly) and three of the more bearish ones (Anastasios Avgeriou, Arthur Budaghyan, and Dhaval Joshi). Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights Slowdowns are much more likely to turn into recessions when significant economic and financial imbalances are present. The U.S. does not currently suffer from any of the three major imbalances that have historically heralded recessions – rapid private-sector debt growth; excessive spending in cyclical sectors such as housing, consumer durables, and business capex; or accelerating inflation. Imbalances are larger abroad, but not to the extent that they will trigger a global recession. The combination of ongoing Chinese stimulus and the lagged effect from lower bond yields will lift global growth during the coming months. The inventory cycle, which is likely to subtract at least one full percentage point from U.S. growth in Q2, will also turn from being a headwind to a tailwind. Stay overweight global equities relative to government bonds over the next 12 months. A rebound in global growth will push down the U.S. dollar later this year, creating an opportunity to increase exposure to European and EM equities. Feature Global Growth At A Critical Juncture The global economy has clearly slowed since early 2018 (Chart 1). So far, much of the weakness has been confined to the manufacturing sector. However, the service sector has softened as well (Chart 2). Chart 1The Global Economy Has Slowed... Chart 2...Mostly Due To Another Manufacturing Downturn     Regionally, the U.S. has held up somewhat better than most other economies. Nevertheless, the ISM manufacturing and nonmanufacturing indices have both declined, with the former now flirting with the 50 line. All recessions begin as slowdowns but not all slowdowns end in recessions. As we discuss below, slowdowns are much more likely to morph into recessions when financial and economic imbalances are elevated. We confine our empirical analysis to the U.S., but discuss the global context later in the report. Three Key Recessionary Imbalances Three imbalances, in particular, have often been present at the outset of U.S. recessions (Chart 3): Chart 3What Makes A Slowdown Degenerate Into A Recession: Imbalances Rapid private-sector debt growth: Rising debt lifts aggregate demand.1 Fast debt growth is also often associated with bad lending decisions, which makes economies more vulnerable to adverse shocks. An unsustainably high level of cyclical spending: Cyclical spending includes business and residential investment, as well as spending on consumer durable goods. If spending on these categories is elevated, there is more scope for it to decline when the economy turns down. High and rising inflation. When inflation rises above the Fed’s comfort zone, the central bank normally needs to raise rates into restrictive territory.  Fast debt growth is also often associated with bad lending decisions, which makes economies more vulnerable to adverse shocks. Table 1 shows every episode since 1960 when the U.S. economy has slowed significantly. To keep things simple, we define a slowdown as a 10-point drop in the ISM manufacturing index from its recent high. Table 1Episodes Of Significant Economic Slowdown Of the 15 slowdowns that we examined, seven culminated in recessions. An average of 2.1 of the three imbalances listed above were visible prior to recessions. However, an average of only 0.9 imbalances were present when a recession failed to materialize. This supports our claim that slowdowns are more likely to turn into recessions when significant imbalances are present. The good news for the U.S. is that it currently does not register any of three imbalances that have typically preceded recessions. Equities reacted very differently in the two cases. When a recession did occur following the start of a slowdown, the S&P 500 declined by an average of 3.6% over the subsequent 12 months. When the slowdown failed to turn into a recession, the S&P rose by an average of 18.3%. In the latter case, the recovery in stocks usually coincided with a swift rebound in the ISM index. The U.S. Is Currently 0 For 3 On The Imbalance Front The good news for the U.S. is that it currently does not register any of three imbalances that have typically preceded recessions. Chart 4Reasons Not To Panic About U.S. Corporate Debt (I) Private-Sector Debt While U.S. private nonfinancial debt has edged up slightly as a share of GDP since 2015, it remains well below its 2008 peak. In fact, the current business expansion is the only one in the post-war era where private-sector debt has failed to rise above its previous cycle high. A recent Bank of England study examined 130 recessions across 26 countries. It found private debt growth matters much more for recession risk than the level of debt.2 Granted, the composition of debt also matters: While household debt in the U.S. has fallen over the past decade, corporate debt has risen. As a share of GDP, corporate debt is now at the highest level in the post-war era. That said, despite its recent ascent, the ratio of corporate debt-to-GDP is less than two percentage points higher than it was in 2008. One drawback of comparing debt to GDP is that the former is a stock variable while the latter is a flow variable. A more sensible “apples-to-apples” approach is to look at corporate debt in relation to assets rather than GDP. If one does that, one sees that the ratio of U.S. corporate debt-to-assets is below its post-1980 average and only slightly above its post-1950 average. The interest coverage ratio, which compares the profits that companies earn for every dollar of interest that they pay, is above its historic norm (Chart 4). Corporate sector free cash flow – the difference between profits and spending on such things as labor and capital goods – remains in surplus. Every recession during the past 50 years has begun when the free cash flow balance was in deficit (Chart 5). In contrast to mortgages, which are generally held by leveraged institutions such as banks, most corporate debt is held by entities such as insurance companies, pension funds, mutual funds, and ETFs. Banks hold only 18% of corporate debt, down from 40% in 1980 (Chart 6). Thus, while high corporate debt levels could exacerbate the next recession, they are unlikely to engender it.  Chart 5Reasons Not To Panic About U.S. Corporate Debt (II) Chart 6Banks Have Reduced Their Exposure To The Corporate Sector   Cyclical Spending Unlike a restaurant meal or a vacation, a house, office tower, factory, or automobile will usually retain some value for a while after it is purchased. If spending on cyclical items rises to a high level for an extended period of time, a glut will form, requiring a period of lower production. By contrast, if spending on these items is subdued for a long time, pent-up demand will accumulate, requiring a period of higher production.  Recessions can result from either economic overheating or financial market overheating. As a share of GDP, cyclical spending is still far below the peaks observed during past expansions. Just as importantly, today’s low level of cyclical spending follows ten years of even lower spending. As a result, the average age of the U.S. capital stock has increased across almost all categories since 2008 (Chart 7). Most notably, the average age of U.S. homes has risen by nearly five years since 2006, the sharpest increase since the Great Depression. Despite the rebound in residential investment from its recessionary lows, the current level of homebuilding still falls short of what is necessary to keep up with household formation. As a consequence, the vacancy rate has fallen to multi-decade lows (Chart 8). Chart 7The Capital Stock Is Aging Chart 8There Is No Glut Of U.S. Homes   Inflation Recessions can result from either economic overheating or financial market overheating. Economic overheating was the dominant driver of recessions between the late 1960s to early 1980s. Rising inflation preceded the recessions of 1969-70, 1973-75, as well as the back-to-back recessions in 1980-82. Chart 9The 1990 Recession: A Bit Of Everything Overheating also contributed to the 1990 recession. After peaking in 1982, the unemployment rate fell to 5% in 1989, about one percent below its equilibrium level at the time. Core inflation began to accelerate, reaching 5.5% by August 1990. The Fed initially responded to the overheating economy by hiking interest rates. The fed funds rate rose from 6.6% in March 1988 to a high of 9.8% by May 1989. By the summer of 1990, the economy had already slowed significantly. Commercial real estate, still reeling from the effects of the Savings and Loan crisis, weakened sharply. Defense outlays continued to contract following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The final straw was Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, which caused oil prices to surge and consumer confidence to plunge (Chart 9). In contrast to earlier downturns, the last two recessions were more the byproduct of financial excesses: The 2007-09 recession stemmed from the housing crash and the financial crisis it generated; the 2001 recession followed the dotcom bust, which precipitated a steep decline in capital spending. What will the next U.S. recession look like? Given the absence of major financial imbalances, the odds are high that the next recession will be a “retro recession,” featuring classic economic overheating. The fact that the Fed has adopted a risk-based approach to monetary policy, which puts great weight on avoiding a deflationary outcome, only raises the likelihood that inflation will eventually move higher. The good news is that this is unlikely to happen anytime soon. While wage growth has picked up, productivity growth has risen even more. As a result, unit labor costs – the ratio of wages-to-productivity – have actually decelerated over the past 18 months. Unit labor cost inflation tends to lead core inflation by up to one year (Chart 10). Given the absence of major financial imbalances, the odds are high that the next recession will be a “retro recession,” featuring classic economic overheating. As we discussed in our latest Strategy Outlook, the Fed will probably not bring rates into restrictive territory until early 2022. This gives the economy plenty of breathing space.3 The Global Dimension The discussion above has focused on the United States. To some extent, this is unavoidable. Not only is the U.S. still the world’s largest economy, but it remains at the heart of the global financial system. U.S. equities account for over half of global stock market capitalization, up from a third in the early 1990s (Chart 11). The dollar continues to be the preeminent reserve currency. As a result, U.S. financial markets drive overseas markets much more than the other way around. Chart 10No Imminent Threat Of A Wage-Price Inflationary Spiral Chart 11The U.S. Stock Market Capitalization Is More Than Half Of Global   This does not mean that the rest of the world is irrelevant. The global supply chain now dominates international trade. More than half of all cross-border trade is in intermediate goods (Chart 12). Irrespective of the financial and economic imbalances discussed above, a full-blown trade war would upend the global economy, sending the U.S. and the rest of the world into recession. President Trump’s re-election prospects would plummet if U.S. unemployment rose and the stock market plunged. This is the main reason for thinking that the trade talks will ultimately produce some sort of détente. Nevertheless, a severe deterioration of trade relations remains the biggest risk to our bullish view on risk assets. The fact that financial and economic imbalances are generally larger overseas means that the rest of the world is more vulnerable to adverse shocks. Unlike in the United States, private debt has risen sharply as a share of GDP in several key economies over the past decade (Chart 13). Government debt is also a problem in countries such as Italy that do not have central banks which can function as reliable lenders of last resort. Chart 14Economies With Frothy Housing Markets Risk Having Deeper Downturns Cyclical spending is fairly elevated in a number of countries. Notably, residential investment stands at near record highs as a share of GDP in Canada, Australia, and New Zealand (Chart 14). Home prices are also quite frothy there. When the global economy falls into recession in two-to-three years, these economies will take it on the chin. Investment Conclusions Notwithstanding the risks noted above, we continue to maintain a bullish outlook on global equities and spread product over the next 12 months. To paraphrase Wayne Gretzky, one should invest on the basis of where the economic data is going, not where it is.4 While global growth remains anemic today, the combination of Chinese stimulus and the lagged effect from lower bond yields will boost activity during the coming months. The inventory cycle, which is likely to subtract at least one full percentage point from U.S. growth in Q2, will also turn from being a headwind to a tailwind. Global equities are not super cheap, but they are not particularly expensive either. The MSCI All-Country World Index trades at 15.3-times forward earnings. Given the ultra-low level of global bond yields, this generates an equity risk premium (ERP) that is well above its historical average (Chart 15). From an asset allocation perspective, one should favor stocks over bonds when the ERP is high. Chart 15AEquity Risk Premia Remain Elevated (I) Chart 15BEquity Risk Premia Remain Elevated (II)   The ERP is especially elevated outside the United States. This is partly because non-U.S. stocks trade at a meager 13.3-times forward earnings, but it also reflects the fact that bond yields are lower overseas. The fact that financial and economic imbalances are generally larger overseas means that the rest of the world is more vulnerable to adverse shocks. As global growth accelerates, the dollar will start to weaken (Chart 16). EM and European equities usually outperform the global benchmark in that environment (Chart 17). We expect to upgrade stocks in these regions later this summer. Chart 16The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency Chart 17EM And Euro Area Equities Outperform When Global Growth Improves   Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Recall that GDP is a flow variable (how much production takes place every period), whereas credit is a stock variable (how much debt there is outstanding). By definition, a flow is a change in a stock. Thus, credit growth affects GDP and the change in credit growth affects GDP growth. 2      Jonathan Bridges, Chris Jackson, and Daisy McGregor, "Down in the slumps: the role of credit in five decades of recessions," Bank Of England Staff Working Paper No. 659, (April 2017). 3      Please see Global Investment Strategy Strategy Outlook, "Third Quarter 2019 Strategy Outlook: The Long Hurrah," dated June 28, 2019. 4      According to Wayne Gretzky, his father, Walter, once advised him to “skate to where the puck is going, not to where it is.”   Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Special Report

Highlights So What? Saudi Arabia’s geopolitical risks and still-elevated domestic risks reinforce our cyclically constructive view on oil prices. Why? Saudi Arabia is still in a “danger zone” of internal political risk due to the structural transformation of its economy and society. External risks arising from the Iran showdown threaten to cutoff oil production or transportation, adding to the oil risk premium. We expect oil price volatility to persist, but on a cyclical basis we are constructive on prices. We are maintaining our long EM oil producer equities trade versus the EM equity benchmark excluding China. This basket includes Saudi equities, although in the near term these equities face downside risks. Feature The pace of change in Saudi Arabia has been brisk. Women are driving, the IPO of Aramco is in the works, and the next monarch is likely to be a millennial. Changes to the global energy economy have raised the urgency for an economic transformation that will have political and social consequences, forcing a structural transformation. While the results thus far are attractive, the adjustment phase will be rocky. Saudi Arabia’s successful transition depends on its ability to navigate three main threats: Chart 1The Epic Shale Shake-Up Continues The growth of U.S. shale producers and the dilution of Saudi Arabia’s pricing power: Since the emergence of shale technology, Saudi Arabia faces a new reality in oil markets (Chart 1). Even in the current environment of supply disruptions from major producers such as Iran, Venezuela, and Libya, Brent prices have averaged just $66/bbl so far this year, weighed down by the global slowdown, and the macro context of rising U.S. production. Saudi Arabia has had to enlist the support of Russia in the production management agreement (OPEC 2.0) in effort to support oil prices. But continued oil production cuts come at the expense of the coalition’s market share, and crude exports are no longer a dependable source of revenue for Saudi Arabia. Domestic social and political uncertainties: The successful functioning of the political system has been dependent on the government’s ability to support the lifestyles of its citizens, who have grown accustomed to the generosity of their rulers. But economic challenges bring fiscal challenges. Moreover, shifting powers within the state raise the level of uncertainty and risks during the transition phase. Saber-rattling in the region: Heightened tensions with arch-enemy Iran are posing significant risks of instability and armed conflict that could affect oil production and transportation. And as the war in Yemen enters its fifth year, it poses risks to Saudi finances and oil infrastructure – as highlighted by the multiple drone attacks on Saudi oil facilities in May. These structural risks now dominate Saudi Arabia’s policy-making. OPEC 2.0’s decision at the beginning of this month to extend output cuts into 2020 aims to smooth the economic transition by maintaining a floor under oil prices. Meanwhile Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman’s Vision 2030 is underway – it is a blueprint for a future Saudi Arabia less dependent on oil (Table 1). Table 1Vision 2030 Highlights Saudi leadership will struggle to minimize near term instability without jeopardizing necessary structural change. In addition to an acute phase of tensions with Iran that could lead to destabilizing surprises this year or next, Saudi Arabia’s economy has just bottomed and is not yet out of the woods. Saudi Arabia’s Economy And Global Oil Markets: Adapting To The New Normal The trajectory of Saudi Arabia’s economic performance has improved since the U-turn in its oil-price management. From 2014-16 Riyadh attempted to drive U.S. shale producers out of business by cranking up production and running prices down. Since then it has supported prices through OPEC 2.0’s production cuts (Chart 2). Export earnings have rebounded over the past two years, reversing the current account deficit (Chart 3). Although net inflows from trade in real terms contribute a much smaller share of overall economic output compared to the mid-2000s, the good news is that the trade balance is back in surplus. Chart 2Return To Cartel Tactics Boosted Economy Nevertheless, the external balance remains hostage to oil prices and may weaken anew over a longer time horizon. Chart 3Current Account Balance Has Improved Chart 4Oil Revenues Easing Budget Strain ... For Now Greater government revenues are helping to improve the budget (Chart 4), but it remains in deficit. Moreover, we do not expect Saudi Arabia to flip the budget to a surplus over the coming two years. Despite our Commodity & Energy Strategy team’s expectation of higher oil prices in 2019 and 2020,1 Saudi Arabia will struggle to balance its budget in the coming 18 months (Chart 5). Their average Brent projection of $73-$75/bbl over the next 18 months still falls short of Saudi’s fiscal breakeven oil price. Most importantly, the kingdom’s black gold is no longer a reliable source of income. Weak oil revenues create a “do-or-die” incentive for Saudi policymakers to diversify the economy. As Chart 1 above illustrates, Saudi Arabia is losing global oil influence to U.S. shale producers. While OPEC 2.0 restrains production, the U.S. will continue dominating production growth, with shale output expected to grow ~1.2mm b/d this year and ~1 mm b/d in 2020.2 Saudi Aramco has been the driving force behind the production cuts (Chart 6), yielding more and more of its market share to American producers. The bad news for Saudi Arabia is that shale producers are here to stay. The kingdom is poorly positioned for this loss of control over oil markets (Chart 7) and is being forced to adapt by diversifying its economy at long last. Chart 7A Long Way To Go In Diversifying Exports Little progress has been made on this front, despite the fanfare surrounding the Vision 2030 plan. 70% of government revenues were derived from the oil sector last year, an increase from the 64% share from two years prior, and Saudi Arabia’s dependence on oil trade has actually increased over the past year (Chart 8).3 This week’s announcement of Aramco’s plans to increase output capacity by 550k b/d does not support the diversification strategy. Nevertheless, the Saudis appear to be redoubling their efforts on Aramco’s delayed initial public offering. The IPO is an important aspect of the diversification process. It is also a driver of Saudi oil price management – other things equal, higher prices support the Saudis’ rosy assessments of the company’s total worth. While an excessively ambitious timeline and indecision over where to list the shares have been setbacks to the plan, last weekend’s meeting between King Salman and British finance minister Philip Hammond follows Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman’s reassertion last month that the IPO would take place in late 2020 or early 2021.4 On the non-oil front, given that Saudi Arabia’s fiscal policy is procyclical, activity in that sector is dependent on the performance of the oil sector. Strong oil sales not only improve liquidity, but also allow for greater government expenditures – both of which stimulate non-oil activity (Chart 9). This means the improvement in the non-oil sector is more a consequence of the rebound in oil revenues than an indication of successful diversification. Chart 8Saudi Reliance On Oil Not Falling Yet Yet the reform vision is not dead. Weak oil revenues may be a blessing in disguise, presenting Saudi policymakers with a “do-or-die” incentive to intensify diversification efforts. Chart 9Non-Oil Activity Still Depends On Oil Sales Bottom Line: By enlisting the support of Russia, Saudi Arabia has managed to maintain a floor beneath oil prices. However, this comes at the expense of falling market share. This leaves authorities with no choice but to diversify the economy – a feat yet to be performed. Domestic Instability Is A Potential Threat Political and social instability in Saudi Arabia is the second derivative of the new normal in global oil markets. So far instability has been limited, but the transition phase is ongoing and the government may not always manage the rapid pace of structural change as effectively as it has over the past two years. Traditionally, Saudi decision-making has comprised the interests of three main social actors: (1) the ruling al Saud family and Saudi elites (2) religious rulers, and (3) Saudi citizens. In the past, the royal family has been able to mitigate social dissent and maintain stability by ensuring that the financial interests of its citizens are satisfied while granting extensive authority to religious groups. The government has transferred profits amassed from oil to Saudi citizens in the form of subsidies for housing, fuel, water, and electricity; public services; and employment opportunities in bloated and inefficient bureaucracies. Going forward, pressure on Riyadh to reduce expenditures and adapt its budget to the changing oil landscape will persist. The authorities will have to continue to shake down elites for funds, or make cuts to these entitlements, or both. Hence policymakers are attempting to walk a thin line between near-term stability and long-term structural change. Several instances of official backtracking show that authorities fear the potential backlash. Following mass discontent in 2017, the Saudi government rolled back most of a series of cuts to public sector wages and benefits that would have led to massive fiscal savings. Instead, the government raised revenue by increasing prices of subsidized goods and services, including fuel, while doling out support to low-income families. The government also introduced a 5% value-added tax in January 2018. Unemployment – especially youth unemployment – is elevated. This is frightening for the authorities. What about the guarantee of cushy government jobs? 45% of employed Saudis work in the public sector. The consequence is an unproductive labor force lacking the skills necessary to succeed in the private sector. Declining oil revenues remove the luxury of supporting a large, unproductive labor force. Chart 10Youth And Woman Unemployment A Structural Constraint Against this backdrop, unemployment – especially youth unemployment – is elevated (Chart 10). This is frightening for the authorities as over half of Saudi citizens are below 30 years of age and the fertility rate is above replacement level implying continued rapid population growth. It will be a challenge to find employment for the rising number of young people. All the while, jobs in the private sector – which will need to take in the growing labor force – are dominated by expatriate workers. Saudi citizens hold only 20% of jobs in the private sector – but this sector makes up 60% of the country’s employment. Fixing these distortions is challenging. Overall, monthly salaries of nationals are more than double those of expatriates (Chart 11). High wage gaps also exist among comparably skilled workers, reducing the incentive to hire nationals. With non-Saudis holding over 75% of the jobs, the incentive to employ low-wage expatriate workers has also weighed on the current account balance through large remittance outflows (Chart 12). And while the share of jobs held by Saudi citizens increased, this is not on the back of an increase in the number of employed Saudis. Rather, while the number of nationals with jobs contracted by nearly 10% in 2018, jobs held by non-Saudis declined at a faster pace. The absolute number of employed Saudis is down 37% since 2015. “Saudization” efforts are aimed at reducing the wage gap – such as a monthly levy per worker on firms where the majority of workers are non-Saudi; wage subsidies for Saudi nationals working in the private sector; and quotas for hiring nationals. But these have mixed results. While Saudi employment has improved, the associated reduced productivity and higher costs have been damaging. Thus, these labor market challenges pose risks to both domestic stability, and the economy. Moreover, even though improved liquidity conditions have softened interbank rates, loans to government and quasi-government entities still outpace loans to the private sector (Chart 13). This “crowding out” effect is not conducive to a private sector revival. It is conducive to central government control, which the leadership is tightening. Chart 12Jobs For Expatriate Workers Have Declined Chart 13Monetary Conditions Ease But Private Credit Lags Facing these structural factors, authorities are attempting to appease the population through social change. There has been a marked relaxation in the ultra-conservative rules governing Saudi society. Permission for women to drive cars has been granted and the first cinemas and music venues opened their doors last year. Critically, religious rulers are seeing their wide-ranging powers curtailed. The hai’a or religious police are now only permitted to work during office hours. They no longer have the authority to detain or make arrests, and may only submit reports to civil authorities. While these changes appeal to the new generation, they also run the risk of provoking a “Wahhabi backlash.” This risk is still alive despite the past two years of policy change. The recently approved “public decency law” – which requires residents to adhere to dress codes and bans taking photos or using phrases deemed offensive – reveals the authorities’ need to mitigate this risk. Popular social reforms are occurring against a backdrop of an unprecedented centralization of power. Mohammad bin Salman will be the first Saudi ruler of his millennial generation. The evolving balance of power between the 15,000 members of the royal family will hurl the kingdom into the unknown. The concentration of power into the Sudairi faction of the ruling family, through events such as the 2017 Ritz Carlton detentions, is still capable of provoking a destabilizing backlash. Discontent among royal family members and Saudi elites may give rise to a new, fourth faction, resentful of the social and political changes. At the moment, the state’s policies have generated some momentum. A number of major hardline religious scholars and clerics have apologized for past extremism and differences over state policy and have endorsed MBS’s vision of a modern Saudi state and “moderate” Islam – the crackdown on radicalism has moved the dial within the religious establishment.5 But structural change is not quick and the social pressures being unleashed are momentous. Saudi Arabia’s oil production and transportation infrastructure are currently in danger from saber-rattling or conflict in the region. The government is guiding the process, but the consensus is correct that internal political risk remains extremely high. There has been a structural increase in that risk, as outlined in this report – and it is best to remain cautious even regarding the cyclical increase in political risk over the past two years. Bottom Line: Saudi Arabia’s new economic reality is ushering in social and political change at an unprecedented pace. Unless the interests of the three main social actors – the royal family, religious elites, and Saudi citizens – are successfully managed, a new faction comprised of disaffected elites may arise. A Dangerous Neighborhood Putting aside the longer term threat from U.S. energy independence, Saudi Arabia’s oil production and transportation infrastructure are currently in danger from saber-rattling or conflict in the region. Saudi officials originally expected the war in Yemen to last only a few weeks, but the conflict is now in its fifth year and still raging. The claim by the Iran-backed Houthi insurgents that a recent drone attack on Saudi oil installations was assisted by supporters in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern province – home to the majority of the country’s 10%-15% Shia population and oil production – is also troubling as it shows that the above domestic risks can readily combine with external, geopolitical risks. The U.S. is also joining Israel and Saudi Arabia in applying increasing pressure on Iran, which risks sparking a war. Our Iran-U.S. Tensions Decision Tree illustrates that the probability of war between the U.S. and Iran – which would involve the Saudis – is as high as 40% (Diagram 1). Diagram 1Iran-U.S. Tensions Decision Tree We are not downgrading this risk in the wake of President Trump’s decision not to conduct strikes on Iranian radars and missile launchers on June 20. President Trump claims he wants negotiations instead of war, but his administration’s pressure tactics have pushed Iran into a corner. The Iranian regime is capable of pushing the limits further (both in terms of its nuclear program as well as regional oil production and transport), which could easily lead to provocations or miscalculation. The Saudi-Iranian rivalry is structurally unstable as a result of Iran’s capitalization on major strategic movements of the past two decades. The Saudis have lost a Sunni-dominated buffer in Iraq, they have lost influence in Syria and Yemen, and their aggressive military efforts to counter these trends have failed.6 The Israelis are equally alarmed by these developments and trying to persuade the Americans to take a much more aggressive posture to contain Iran. As a result, the Trump administration reneged on the 2015 U.S.-Iran nuclear agreement and broader détente – intensifying a cycle of distrust with Iran that will be difficult to reverse even if the Democratic Party takes the White House in 2020. Hence there is a real possibility of attacks on Saudi oil production facilities, domestic pipelines, and tankers in transit in the near term. Moreover, the majority of Saudi Arabia’s exports transit through two major chokepoints making these barrels vulnerable to sabotage: The Strait of Hormuz, which Iran has resumed threatening to block; The Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, located between Yemen and East Africa, which was the site of an attack on two Saudi Aramco tankers last year, forcing a temporarily halt in shipments. Saudi Arabia is acutely aware of these risks. It is the top buyer of U.S. arms and, as a result of the dramatic strategic shifts since the American invasion of Iraq, it is the world’s leading spender on military equipment as a share of GDP (Chart 14). One of our key “Black Swan” risks of the year is that the Saudis may be emboldened by the Trump administration’s writing them a blank check. Bottom Line: In addition to the structural risks associated with Saudi Arabia’s economic, social and political transition, geopolitical tensions in the region are elevated. Warning shots are still being fired by Iran and their proxies (such as the Houthis), and oil supplies are at the mercy of additional escalation. Investment Implications Saudi Arabia’s equity market is halfway through the process of joining the benchmark MSCI EM index. The process will finish on August 29, 2019 with Saudi taking up a total 2.9% weighting in the index. Research by our colleague Ellen JingYuan He at BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy shows that in the case of the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Pakistan, inclusion into MSCI created a “buy the rumor, sell the news” phenomenon and suggested that a top of the market was at hand.7 Saudi equities have recently peaked in absolute terms and relative to the emerging market benchmark, supporting this thesis. Saudi equity volatility has especially spiked relative to the emerging market average, which is appropriate. We expect ongoing bouts of volatility due to the immediate, market-relevant political risks outlined above. The risk of a disruptive conflict stemming from the Saudi-Iran and U.S.-Iran confrontation is significant enough that investors should, at minimum, expect minor conflicts or incidents to disrupt oil markets in the immediate term. We expect oil price volatility to persist. Because Riyadh is maintaining OPEC 2.0 discipline in this environment, oil prices should experience underlying upward pressure. It is not that the Saudis are refusing to support the Trump administration’s maximum pressure against Iran but rather that they are calibrating their support in a way that hedges against the risk that Trump will change his mind, since that risk is quite high. This is the 55% chance of an uneasy status quo in U.S.-Iran relations in Diagram 1, which requires at least secret U.S. relaxation of oil sanction enforcement. Moreover, the Saudis want to reduce the downside risk of weak global growth and support their national interest in pushing Brent prices toward $80/bbl for fiscal and strategic purposes. Our pessimistic assessment of the Osaka G20 tariff truce between the U.S. and China is more than offset by our expectation since February that China’s economic policy has shifted toward stimulus rather than the deleveraging of 2017-18. We assign a 68% probability to additional trade war escalation in Q4 this year or at least before November 2020. But since a dramatic trade war escalation would lead to even greater stimulus, we still share our Commodity & Energy Strategy’s cyclical view that the underlying trend for oil prices is up. We are maintaining our recommendation of being long EM oil producers’ equities relative to EM-ex-China. This trade includes Saudi Arabian equities, but as a whole it has upside in the near-term as Brent prices are below our expected average and Chinese equities are still down 10% from their April highs.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Our Commodity & Energy Strategy team expects Brent prices to average $73/bbl this year and $75/bbl in 2020. For their latest monthly balances assessment, please see “Supply-Demand Balances Consistent With Higher Oil Prices,” dated June 20, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report titled “Supply-Demand Balances Consistent With Higher Oil Prices,” dated June 20, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 The higher export dependence on oil reflects the rebound in oil prices in 2018, rather than a decline in non-oil exports. Given the strong relationship between activity in the oil and non-oil sectors, non-oil exports also increased in 2018. 4 Saudi Aramco’s purchase of a 70 percent stake in SABIC from the Saudi Public Investment Fund (PIF) earlier this year reportedly contributed to the IPO delay. The deal will capitalize the PIF, enabling it to diversify the economy. 5 See, for example, James M. Dorsey, “Clerics and Entertainers Seek to Bolster MBS’s Grip on Power,” BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1220, July 7, 2019, available at besacenter.org. 6 The U.S., Saudi Arabia, and their allies are trying to restore Iraq as a geopolitical buffer by cultivating an Iraq that is more independent of Iranian influence – and this is part of rising regional frictions. Iraqi Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi’s recently issued decree to reduce the power of Iraq’s Iran-backed milita, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) and integrate them into Iraq’s armed forces by forcing them to choose between either military or political activity. Just over a year ago, Iraq’s previous Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi issued a decree granting members of the PMF many of the same rights as members of the military. 7 Please see BCA Frontier Markets Strategy, “Pakistani Stocks: A Top Is At Hand,” March 13, 2017, available at fms.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights Analysis on Indonesia starts below. The U.S. dollar is a counter-cyclical currency – it exhibits a negative correlation with the global business cycle. Ongoing weakness in the global economy – which is emanating from China/EM – will support the dollar in the coming months. Meanwhile, the greenback is only loosely correlated with U.S. interest rates. Thereby, the argument that lower U.S. rates will drive the value of the U.S. currency much lower is overemphasized. A new trade: Long gold / short equal amounts of copper and oil. Feature Chart I-1The Dollar's Technicals Are Still Positive As we argued in last Week’s Report, emerging markets are facing a make-it-or-break-it moment. The U.S. dollar will serve as a litmus test. If the dollar pushes higher, EM risk assets will sell off. Conversely, if the greenback breaks down, EM risk assets will stage a sustainable cyclical rally. The basis of why the dollar will be a litmus test for EM risk assets is because the greenback is a counter-cyclical currency. It appreciates when global growth is relapsing and depreciates when global growth is reviving. In contrast, EM risk assets are pro-cyclical.  Hence, the negative correlation between EM risk assets and the dollar stems from their opposite-reaction functions to the global business cycle. Notably, despite plunging U.S. interest rates and the risk-on mode in global financial markets, the dollar has so far held up relatively well. In particular, the dollar’s advance-decline has also been holding above its 200-day moving average (Chart I-1, top panel). Critically, our composite momentum indicator for the broad trade-weighted dollar has not declined below zero (Chart I-1, bottom panel). All of the above affirm the U.S. currency’s relative resilience. When a market exhibits resilience relative to the headwinds it is facing, it is often a bullish sign. Our EM strategy takes its cues from the fact that the greenback has softened but has not broken down. An upleg in the trade-weighted dollar is consistent with our view of a pending relapse in EM risk assets. The Dollar: Review Of Indicators There are a wide range of indicators that herald further U.S. dollar appreciation: Liquidity in the U.S. dollar interbank market has been tightening. The top panel of Chart I-2 demonstrates that the effective fed funds rate has exceeded the interest rate that the Fed pays to banks on excess reserves (IOER) for the first time since 2009 (herein the difference between the two is referred to as the spread). The bottom panel of the same chart illustrates that in the periods when this spread is rising, the dollar tends to appreciate, and when the spread is flat or falling (the shaded intervals), the greenback weakens. Notably, despite plunging U.S. interest rates and the risk-on mode in global financial markets, the dollar has so far held up relatively well. A positive, rising spread reflects a shrinking supply of U.S. dollar liquidity in the interbank market relative to demand. Notably, Chart I-3 illustrates that the dollar - inverted in this chart - is more strongly correlated with U.S. banks’ excess reserves at the Fed than with interest rates. This implies that the argument that lower rates will drive down the value of the greenback is exaggerated. Chart I-2Another Dollar Positive Factor Chart I-3Do U.S. Rates Drive The Dollar? Chart I-4Investors Are Long EM Currencies Vs. Dollar One of the oft-cited headwinds facing the dollar is positioning, yet there is a major discrepancy between positioning in DM and EM currencies versus the U.S. dollar. In aggregate, investors - asset managers and leverage funds - have neutral exposure to DM currencies, such as the Swiss franc, the euro, GBP, JPY, AUD, NZD and CAD versus the U.S. dollar, but they are massively long the liquid EM exchange rates such as the BRL, MXN, ZAR and RUB versus the greenback (Chart I-4). Remarkably, various emerging market currencies have rebounded to major technical resistance levels but have not yet broken out, despite a dramatic decline in U.S. interest rates and the risk-on phase in global financial markets (Chart I-5). It remains to be seen whether they can stage a decisive breakout. We have our doubts. Chart I-5AEM Currencies Have Not Yet Broken Out Chart I-5BEM Currencies Have Not Yet Broken Out   Finally, one aspect where we differ from the consensus is in terms of currency valuations. The U.S. dollar is not very expensive. According to unit labor costs based on the real effective exchange rate – the best currency valuation measure – the greenback is only one standard deviation above its fair value (Chart I-6). Often financial markets tend to overshoot to 1.5 or 2 standard deviations below or above their historical mean before reversing their trend. In aggregate, investors - asset managers and leverage funds - have neutral exposure to DM currencies, such as the Swiss franc, the euro, GBP, JPY, AUD, NZD and CAD versus the U.S. dollar, but they are massively long the liquid EM exchange rates such as the BRL, MXN, ZAR and RUB versus the greenback. Bottom Line: BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy service maintains that the path of least resistance for the dollar is still up. Global Growth Conditions Are Still Conducive For Dollar Strength As discussed previously, the U.S. dollar is a counter-cyclical currency – it exhibits a negative correlation with the global business cycle (Chart I-7). Meanwhile, it is only loosely correlated with U.S. interest rates, as shown in the bottom panel of Chart I-3 on page 3. Chart I-6The U.S. Dollar Is Only Moderately Expensive Chart I-7The U.S. Dollar Is Counter-Cyclical   The Fed will cut rates by more than what is currently priced in the market only in a scenario of a complete collapse in global growth. Yet, this scenario would be dollar bullish. In this case the dollar’s strong inverse relationship with global growth will outweigh its weak positive relationship with interest rates. The Fed will cut rates by more than what is currently priced in the market only in a scenario of a complete collapse in global growth. So far, neither economic data nor the performance of cyclical segments within financial markets are signaling a meaningful amelioration in the global business cycle: Global cyclical sectors’ relative performance against the global overall equity index is lingering close to its December lows (Chart I-8). This measure of global cyclicals is composed of equal-weighted share prices of global industrials, materials and semiconductors. Further, this global cyclical equity index has not outperformed 10-year U.S. Treasurys (Chart I-9). It is difficult to envision a looming global economic recovery when global cyclical equities are failing to outperform even government bonds. Chart I-8Global Cyclical Sectors Have Not Outperformed Chart I-9Global Cyclical Sectors Versus U.S. Bonds   The Chinese manufacturing PMI import sub-component – a leading indicator of Chinese imports – foreshadows renewed weakness in the EM ex-China, Korea and Taiwan currencies (Chart I-10). In turn, the Korean won and Taiwanese dollar are also vulnerable as China is by far their largest export destination, and their shipments to the mainland continue to shrink rapidly. Further, odds are high that the RMB will depreciate, dragging down the KRW and TWD along with it. Japanese foreign machinery tool orders and German industrial orders are in deep contraction, and have not improved even on a rate-of-change basis (Chart I-11, top and middle panels). Meanwhile, China’s imports of capital goods are contracting at a double-digit pace (Chart I-11, bottom panel). Chart I-10Chinese Imports Are Key To EM Currencies Chart I-11Global Trade Is Shrinking At A Fast Rate   Chinese auto sales improved dramatically in June, but almost entirely due to hefty price discounts. Such bulky price discounts (up to 50% in certain cases) cannot go on indefinitely. Auto sales will soon tumble as these incentives to purchase expire. While U.S. growth has slowed, it is still holding up better than the rest of the world. Consistently, not only have U.S. large caps been outperforming their global counterparts, but America’s equal-weighted equity index has also been outpacing that of its global peers (Chart I-12). Broad-based U.S. equity outperformance in local currency terms versus the rest of the world denotes U.S. growth outperformance, and heralds another upleg in the greenback. Bottom Line: Persistent weakness in the global economy emanating from China/EM is positive for the dollar because the U.S. economy is the major economic block least exposed to a China/EM slowdown. We continue to recommend a short position in a basket of currencies such as ZAR, CLP, COP, IDR, MYR, PHP and KRW against the dollar. We believe gold has made a major breakout. The biggest risk to our dollar-bullish view is not the dollar’s fundamentals, but China’s decision to diversify away from U.S. dollars and U.S. President Donald Trump’s determination to weaken the greenback. We discussed the latter at great length in our August 30, 2018 Special Report, and will deliberate on the former below. Buy Gold / Short Copper And Oil Despite our positive view on the dollar, we believe gold has made a major breakout (Chart I-13). Pairing a long position in gold with shorts in copper and oil will likely deliver solid returns with low volatility in the next three to six months and beyond (Chart I-14). Chart I-12U.S. Equity Outperformance Heralds A Stronger Dollar Chart I-13Gold Is In A Bull Market   Chart I-14Go Long Gold / Short Copper And Oil The primary reason to buy gold is not global inflation. Rather, it is due to China’s decision to accumulate the yellow metal. Unhappy with U.S. pressures and import tariffs, Chinese authorities have decided to materially reduce the share of dollars in their foreign exchange reserves. The People’s Bank of China (PBoC) holds 62 million ounces of gold. Hence, gold holdings represent only 2.8% of the $3.1 trillion stockpile of the PBoC’s total foreign currency reserves (Chart I-15). In contrast, U.S. assets account for 52%. In this regard, the Russian experience could act as a roadmap for Chinese policymakers. Hit by U.S. and EU economic and financial sanctions following Russia’s seizure of Crimea in 2014, the country decided to accelerate its diversification away from U.S. dollars into gold. Since then, the Russian central bank has continuously boosted its gold holdings, with the yellow metal now accounting for 22% of its foreign currency assets (Chart I-16). Chart I-15Chinese Central Bank's Gold Holdings Chart I-16Russian Central Bank's Gold Holdings   Even if the PBoC accumulates gold at a slower pace than the Russian central bank, the former’s bullion purchases will exert considerable upward pressure on gold prices due to its sheer size. In short, odds are that China’s central bank will be buying gold on any dips. To accommodate such a large buyer, the gold price will need to surge to discourage potential demand from other buyers. In contrast to gold, China’s demand for copper and oil will be subdued from a cyclical perspective. Copper demand will be tame due to weak capital spending growth. Regarding oil, as we argued in our June 21, 2018 report titled, China’s Crude Oil Inventories: A Slippery Slope, the nation has been importing more oil and petroleum products than it has been consuming. As a result, its crude oil inventories have swelled (Chart I-17, top panel). Adding China’s aggregate crude oil inventories to the OECD’s commercial inventories reveals that global inventories have not really declined since 2017 (Chart I-17, bottom panel). Simply put, crude inventories have moved from the OECD to China. Going forward, given both underlying subdued oil demand and elevated crude inventories in China, its oil imports are likely to expand at a slower pace vs. the past five years (Chart I-18). This combined with high net long positions among global investors in crude oil makes us negative on oil prices. This downbeat view on oil differs from BCA’s house view, which is bullish on the commodity. Chart I-17Oil Inventories: China + OECD Chart I-18China's Oil Demand   While we cannot rule out the risk that geopolitical tensions could escalate in the Middle East, we believe the appropriate strategy for investors should be to sell oil on strength. Besides, pairing this strategy with a long position in gold reduces potential drawdowns in the event of an outburst in U.S.-Iran tensions. Bottom Line: We recommend investors initiate the following position: Long gold / short equal amounts of copper and oil. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Indonesia: Treading On Thin Ice Foreign investors have been rushing into Indonesian financial markets on expectations of the Fed cutting rates. As a result, Indonesian financial markets have been more resilient than we expected. While the Fed’s monetary policy is important for Indonesian financial assets, there are other critical drivers of the Indonesian economy and financial markets that investors should take heed of. Namely, global growth and domestic demand. Both factors are currently negative. Cracks are appearing in the Indonesian property market. Persisting exports contraction will keep the country’s current account deficit wide (Chart II-1). A wide current account deficit entails that the rupiah will remain heavily reliant on volatile foreign portfolio inflows. Lesser known but equally important, Indonesia’s domestic demand is anemic. Particularly, the marginal propensity to spend among businesses and consumers is diminishing (Chart II-2). Truck and passenger car sales are contracting, while motorcycle sales are edging closer to contraction (Chart II-3). Chart II-1Indonesian Exports: Double-Digit Contraction Chart II-2Indonesia: Domestic Spending Is Subdued   Critically, cracks are appearing in the Indonesian property market. Residential property prices are rising only by 2% from a year ago in local currency terms (Chart II-4). Additionally, domestic cement consumption is shrinking and revenues of two MSCI-listed real estate companies are also contracting.  Chart II-3Indonesia: Vehicle Sales Are Declining Chart II-4Cracks In Indonesia's Property Sector   Chart II-5Non-Bank Stocks Are Not Rallying Turning to the equity market, Indonesia’s stock market breadth is extremely narrow. The rally of the past several months has been almost entirely led by a few stocks, in particular by Bank Central Asia and Bank Rakyat Indonesia. In fact, these two banks - alone - now account for around 32% of the overall MSCI Indonesia market cap. Meanwhile, the performance of non-financial stocks has been extremely poor (Chart II-5, top panel). As for small cap stocks they are now below their 2016 lows (Chart II-5, bottom panel). This has occurred due to chronically weak profitability among non-financial companies. As for banks, in-line with ongoing deceleration in the real economy, their bad-loan provisions are now rising. Additionally, the aggregate banking system’s net interest margin is still falling. These will hurt banks’ profits. On the whole, the deepening growth slump in Indonesia warrants lower interest rates. Yet, reducing interest rates when faced with a wide current account deficit could trigger currency depreciation. At a certain point – when the frenzy about the Fed’s easing subsides, investors will realize the severity of the ongoing growth downturn in Indonesia and the need for lower rates. When this occurs, the rupiah will depreciate and the currency selloff will spread into equities and bonds. Bottom Line: The risk-reward profile of Indonesian markets is not attractive both in absolute term and relative to their EM peers. Ayman Kawtharani, Editor/Strategist ayman@bcaresearch.com Footnotes   Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

NOTE: There will be no report on Wednesday, July 17 due to our regular summer break. Highlights Chinese policymakers as well as the People’s Bank of China (PBoC) have historically been reactive, meaning they have typically waited for economic pain to become entrenched before accelerating reflationary measures. The agreement reached at the June G20 Summit to renew trade negotiations with the U.S., while temporary, takes the pressure off the immediate need to further stimulate the economy. While China has the ability to juice the economy, the pain threshold has been raised higher during this cycle, and the country’s leadership has been reluctant to let go of its financial deleveraging campaign. This approach has resulted in a “half measure” stimulus over the past 12 months. The outlook for Chinese stocks is negative over the next three months, as a flip-flop policy approach will increase market volatility.  However, over a cyclical (i.e. six- to 12-month) time horizon, we are maintaining a bullish stance toward Chinese stocks in hedged currency terms. Feature Last week marked the first anniversary of the imposition of tariffs on imports from China by the U.S. – an event that has clearly had a lasting and meaningful impact on global economic activity. Last week was also the first anniversary of a significant monetary easing measure: China’s 3-month interbank repo rate fell 90 basis points on July 3, 2018, 3 days before the first tranche of import tariffs took effect. This decline was just under half of what would ultimately occur (the 3-month repo rate fell from 4.5% in early July to 2.4% in early August), and was taken as a sign by many investors that the PBoC had shifted to a maximum reflationary stance (Chart 1). Chart 1Indecisively Falling Interbank Rate However, several facts underscore that either the PBoC did not, in retrospect, move completely toward a pro-growth stance, or that China’s monetary transmission mechanism is seriously impaired. In our view, it is a combination of both: Despite evidence suggesting it should, the PBoC did not cut its benchmark lending rate. The repo rate declined in the third quarter last year on the back of increased liquidity supply in the interbank market. The weighted average lending rate also fell, but not massively, and not by as much as our model had predicted (Chart 2). A pickup in credit expansion has significantly lagged easing. Excluding local government bonds, the general pickup in credit has been modest. Based on this measure of Total Social Financing, new credit to GDP still remains lower today than at any point during the 2015-2016 downturn (Chart 3). Chart 2Lending Rate: Not Much Easing Chart 3No Strong Re-Leveraging With the conclusion of the G20 Summit temporarily halting the trade war escalation and implementation of additional tariffs, these observations raise important questions: Will the PBoC be proactive in easing policy? What does this mean for investors over the coming year? The PBoC Will Be Reactive Rather Than Proactive Chart 4Shadow-Banking Crackdown Continues In our view, the PBoC’s policy actions last year can at best be described as half-measures, despite the fact that the central bank was quick to reduce interbank interest rates in last July by cutting the reserve requirement ratio (RRR). The reason is that the PBoC clearly maintained macro-prudential/administrative restrictions on shadow banking activity, despite significantly easing liquidity in the interbank market. Chart 4 shows that shadow-banking credit as a share of total adjusted social financing continued to decelerate rapidly throughout 2018. It now accounts for a mere 12% of the stock of total adjusted social financing, by far the lowest point since 2009. This underscores that the PBoC and policymakers more generally have a deep-seated desire to avoid (further) inflating China’s substantial money and credit excesses – a dynamic that we have discussed in previous reports.1 Looking forward, there are three reasons why the PBoC’s reactive nature is unlikely to change in the near term, in addition to policymakers’ concerns about financial system’s excesses. First, the PBoC has historically been a reactive central bank, in a way that goes beyond the now-typical “data dependent” approach of its developed-market peers. Chart 5 provides a close look at China’s previous economic growth cycles and their corresponding credit expansions. The chart highlights that Chinese policymakers tend to stay behind the curve when it comes to monetary easing: In the previous three growth cycles, the first sign of monetary easing (defined as an RRR and/or benchmark lending rate cut) lagged the peak of nominal GDP growth by an average of four quarters. Rate cuts took place not when economic growth peaked, but once economic activity had already weakened considerably (Chart 6). Chart 5Chinese Policymakers Tend To Stay 'Behind The Curve' Chart 6More 'Pain' Needed For Massive Easing The same pattern has applied to other monetary easing tools that the PBoC has deployed in the past, including the Medium Lending Facility (MLF), the Targeted Medium-term Lending Facility (TMLF), the standing Lending Facility (SLF), and the Pledged Supplementary Lending program (PSL) – all of which only took shape after the economy had already shown across-the-board weakness. It will take more widespread and entrenched economic weakness for the PBoC to meaningfully ease further. The local government debt-to-bond swap program was also launched well into the 2015 growth downturn. When widespread and sustained weakness in activity emerged, Chinese policymakers responded by “throwing the kitchen sink” at the economy – by moving forward with multiple rate cuts and often creating new forms of easing in an attempt to catalyze a quick rebound. Since the PBoC has already implemented a series of easing measures, we believe it will take more widespread and entrenched weakness in the real economy for the PBoC to meaningfully ease further. Chart 7Chinese Currency Is Under Pressure Second, the PBoC is likely to be reactive because of the potentially negative effects that proactive rate cuts could cause on sentiment towards the RMB. Chart 7 highlights the close historical correlation between the RRR, interest rate differentials and the USD/CNY. USD/CNY was trading at 7.8 the last time the weighted average RRR was at 11%, which was back in 2007. At the current juncture, interest rate differentials already point to a weaker currency. The PBoC has signaled that USD/CNY at 7 is no longer a line in the sand that must be defended, meaning this level is not a hard constraint that would prevent the central bank from cutting either the RRR or the benchmark lending rates if warranted. In fact, a measured depreciation in the RMB would help mitigate some of the blow from increased tariffs. Nevertheless, in an environment where the currency has already weakened significantly, cutting the RRR or the benchmark lending rates quickly or by a large amount could create self-reinforcing expectations of further depreciation. China has implemented a better counter-cyclical mechanism to defend the RMB than it had in 2015-‘16,2 but the potential for capital outflows remains a serious concern.3 Third, the Trump-Xi meeting at the June G20 Summit in Osaka temporarily averted a further escalation of the trade war and additional tariffs. The agreement to continue trade negotiations lacks tangible progress from either side, and thus the “truce” is likely to be short-lived. Chart 8Markets So Far Unimpressed By Stimulus However, as we pointed out in last week’s report,4 the existence of talks is likely to take some pressure off Chinese policymakers’ immediate need to floor the reflation accelerator. Readouts from recent PBoC leadership meetings indicate that speculative excesses in the financial system remain a top concern for Chinese policymakers. China’s onshore market, after rallying by 2% following the good news from the G20 meeting, has given back all its gain (Chart 8). Given that the onshore equity market is extremely sensitive to China’s credit growth, the short-lived rally since the G20 meeting suggests markets have been unimpressed by the authorities’ reflationary efforts so far. Bottom Line: Chinese policymakers have not fully abandoned their financial deleveraging campaign, which President Xi Jinping initiated two years ago. This implies China’s central bank is likely to maintain its reactive approach in further easing monetary policy, and will likely try to avoid going “all-in” on stimulus for as long as possible. The Reduced Effectiveness Of Monetary Policy The events of the past year have also demonstrated that the effectiveness of Chinese monetary policy has declined relative to past economic cycles. This, in conjunction with the reluctant/reactive nature of the monetary authorities, has clear implications for investors over the coming year. When there is lack of clarity in policy interpretation, Chinese banks tend to stay on the sidelines. Chart 9A Long Delayed Credit Response To Monetary Easing The PBoC has cut the RRR five times since the second quarter of last year, which has freed up a total of 3.35 trillion yuan of liquidity for the banking system5 and has helped spur significant easing in overall monetary conditions. Yet, as we noted earlier, overall credit growth did not pick up until January of this year, lagging the first rate cut by three quarters (Chart 9). Prior to the economic slowdown in 2015-2016, credit growth used to respond to cuts in the RRR almost immediately. In other words, when banking system liquidity was ample, banks historically lent without hesitation. Post-2015, however, this relationship has changed. The PBoC has increasingly been having trouble channeling new liquidity into actual financing for the real economy. A sharp deterioration in reported bank asset quality that began in 2014 is likely part of the explanation,6 but we suspect that more recent extreme policy contradiction – in particular, repeated flip-flopping among authorities between their desire to support growth and their focus on financial stability – has caused economic agents to wait on the sidelines. While monetary conditions eased and the government urged banks to lend (particularly to the private sector) in the second half of 2018, the “prudent” stance coming from Chinese top leaders was little changed, and tight regulations on financial institutions remained in place. This combination did not give banks the confidence to lend. This changed in the first quarter of this year, when new credit creation-to-GDP surged from 23.6% to 25.6%. The surge occurred shortly after the late-December Central Economic Work Conference (CEWC), which sent a clear message that the central government’s policy focus had shifted to “stabilizing aggregate demand.” Incredibly, the tone shifted again in February, when Premier Li Keqiang and the PBoC publicly disputed whether the January credit spike represented “flood irrigation-style” stimulus, something Premier Li made clear was to be avoided.7 Charts 10 and 11 highlight how these shifts impacted credit growth: The first quarter was clearly on track for a 2015-2016-magnitude outcome, whereas April and May saw the path of credit growth return back to a moderate re-leveraging scenario. To get back on track for a 2015-2016 magnitude reflation, we will need to see June’s credit creation at or above 5 trillion yuan – equivalent to January’s credit numbers (Chart 12). Chart 12'Credit Binge' In June Unlikely As we go to press, the number for June’s total social financing has not been officially released yet. But the official reading from the total local government bond issuance in June (including both general bond and special-purpose bond issuance), a key component of our adjusted total social financing series, came in at 900 billion yuan. This is three times more than local government bonds issued in May and twice the size of January’s. Nevertheless, January’s bank lending, particularly short-term lending, was unusually large; an episode highly criticized by Chinese leadership as we mentioned above. As PBoC stated in its defense to this criticism, January is “traditionally the biggest month of the year for bank loans due to seasonal factors”. Therefore, without a clear shift in policy signal from China’s top leadership, we do not expect June’s bank lending number to be a repeat of January’s. Instead, June’s total credit impulse will likely put the cumulative progress in credit growth closer to our 27% of nominal GDP assumption (assuming an 8% nominal GDP growth for the remainder of 2019). This would fall into our “half-strength” credit cycle scenario relative to past reflationary episodes. Bottom Line: Ultimately, we do not doubt that Chinese policymakers will be able to engineer a significant re-acceleration in economic activity should they choose to do so. But in order for policymakers to achieve this goal, policy ambiguity and inconsistency will have to be meaningfully reduced.  Investment Implications Over a cyclical time horizon, we recommend staying long/overweight Chinese stocks in hedged currency terms. From our perspective, neither policymakers’ bias towards reluctance nor the reduced effectiveness of monetary policy convincingly argue against our bullish stance towards Chinese stocks over a cyclical (i.e. six- to twelve-month) time horizon, but the tactical implications are clearly negative. Over a cyclical horizon, one of two scenarios is likely to unfold: Either downside risk brought on by current tariffs and weakness in domestic demand is contained enough such that Chinese economic activity does not materially decelerate, or the trade dispute escalates into a full-tariff scenario of 25% on all U.S. imports from China that dramatically impacts Chinese growth. In the first scenario, policymakers will likely to continue providing half-measured responses, and unconstrained “across-the-board” easing will not occur. But Chart 13 highlights that Chinese stocks, particularly the investable market, are priced for a much worse economic outcome, suggesting Chinese relative equity performance would trend higher in these circumstances. Chart 13Chinese Stocks Priced In For A Worse Economic Outlook Chart 14Bullish On A Cyclical Horizon, Bearish In The Near Term In the second scenario, Chinese business and consumer sentiment is likely to collapse and policymakers will be facing high odds of a substantial slowdown in economic activity. This will create the political will necessary for unconstrained “across-the-board” easing, similar to what occurred in 2015-2016. The sharp re-acceleration in economic activity that would result from broad-based stimulus would clearly be positive for listed Chinese earnings per share (Chart 14), meaning the cyclical outlook for Chinese stocks would likely be even more positive than in the first scenario. However, the near-term equity market outlook of the second scenario would be extremely negative, as a financial market meltdown in of itself would likely be required to build the political will necessary to ultimately ease. Bottom Line: For investors with a time horizon of less than three months, we would not recommend a long position in Chinese stocks, neither in absolute terms nor relative to the global benchmark. However, over a strictly cyclical (i.e. six- to 12-month) time horizon, we recommend staying long/overweight Chinese stocks in hedged currency terms.   Jing Sima China Strategist JingS@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes   1      Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “China: How Stimulating is The Stimulus?”, dated August 8, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 2      A series of countercyclical measures China implemented in 2016-2017 includes: tightening controls on capital outflows, reducing offshore RMB liquidity supply, raising offshore RMB borrowing costs, and setting a firmer daily reference point for the RMB’s trading band. 3      Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report, “Monitoring Chinese Capital Outflows”, dated March 20, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 4      Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “China Macro and Market Review”, dated July 4, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 5      According to PBoC announcements. 6      Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Trade Is Not China’s Only Problem”, dated November 21, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 7      Please see “Chinese Premier In Rare Spat With Central Bank”, Financial Times. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations