Economy

Highlights Investors and consumers expect that inflation will remain quite high over the next year, but they are unconcerned that upward price pressures will last: According to surveys and market prices, inflation will exceed 4% next year before subsiding over the longer term to the comfortable levels of the last two decades. The Fed also views elevated inflation as a near-term phenomenon and accordingly expects to hike the fed funds rate at a deliberate pace: The Fed is on the same page as the hoi polloi, and is not gearing up to remove accommodation with any particular haste. While the decade following the financial crisis demonstrated that extremely easy monetary policy does not by itself promote high inflation, the landscape has changed: A decade of ZIRP and QE failed to produce any dire effects, but it remains to be seen how extreme monetary and fiscal accommodation will interact. We expect the bull market will end once the Fed falls behind the curve on inflation and is forced to tighten monetary policy aggressively to catch up: We think the bull has another year to run, but excessive stimulation will eventually bring about its demise. Feature For most of the year, every discussion with our investor-clients has eventually worked its way around to inflation. How high is it going to go? How long will it last? What will it mean for the economy? What will it mean for stocks? How will the Fed react? As the year-over-year change in the Consumer Price Index has climbed steadily higher, breaking above 6% last month for the first time in 31 years (Chart 1), the tenor of the conversations has shifted. Investors have come to recognize that the economy is subject to upward price pressures that are more than the temporary by-product of pandemic base effects. Inflation is nonetheless still largely viewed as a temporary phenomenon that will fade once reopening supply bottlenecks can be resolved. While markets are resigned to another year of high inflation, they are secure in the notion that the disinflationary currents of the last several decades will squelch them over the longer term. Chart 1Long Time, No See The tension between the competing ideas that both inflationary and disinflationary currents are real sets up a potential market showdown. If it is only a matter of time before disinflationary forces return to smother today’s post-COVID disruptions, the widely shared consensus view that the fed funds rate will meander its way to a peak of 2% will be validated. The equity bull market will continue, albeit at a slower pace, until it dies of natural causes. Markets could be in for a rude awakening, however, if the forces supporting higher prices outlast the pandemic and overcome the long-running disinflationary trend. This report considers how inflation could ruin the party. Our base-case view is that the Fed will find itself behind the curve. When it does, it will be forced to tighten monetary policy fast and furious, moving more swiftly to a higher terminal fed funds rate than markets currently expect. That will bring down the curtain on the bull market in risk assets and it may also spark the next recession, but we think the good times will last for at least one more year. What Markets Expect: Inflation Despite all the attention higher prices have drawn, investors haven’t gotten too worked up over them. Although they’ve made considerable revisions to their near-term expectations, their expectations for inflation ten years from now haven’t budged since the start of the year. As the Treasury1 (Chart 2) and CPI swaps (Chart 3) markets show, big consumer price increases are expected to be concentrated in the next year, come off the boil in year two and then slowly cool over the next few years. At the back half of the 10-year curve, year-over-year CPI increases are expected to settle into the range that prevailed during the nineties’ and early 2000s’ inflation moderation. Financial markets do not exist in a vacuum, of course, and the expectations of participants in the real economy matter as well. The University of Michigan’s consumer survey indicates that households’ expectations accord with financial markets’ (Chart 4): inflation will be uncomfortably high over the next year but an afterthought five years from now. Whether the phenomenon is called adaptive expectations or recency bias, everyone’s – investors’, consumers’, businesses’, and economists’ (Chart 5) – expectations of the future are colored by the recent past. It is not a stretch to envision consumer prices rising by more than 4% in 2022 after having watched them surge since March, but apparently economic participants will need to see them remain elevated for a longer stretch before they can picture inflation enduring for two or three years, much less five to ten years. Chart 45% Now, But Only 3% Later Chart 5Reliably Anchoring To The Recent Past What Markets Expect: Fed Policy Chart 6Faster, Yes; Farther, No If inflation isn’t expected to persist at an elevated rate for an extended period, there’s no reason to expect that the Fed will aggressively tighten monetary policy. Higher-than-expected inflation readings have led money markets to bring their first rate hike ETA (the liftoff date) forward to next July, and to price in two rate hikes in the second half of next year (Chart 6, top panel). They continue to expect that the Fed will conclude its tightening cycle once the fed funds rate is around 2% (the terminal rate). They also expect that the Fed will take its time getting to that terminal rate, hiking by no more than 75 basis points (“bps”) in a single year (Chart 6, bottom two panels), roughly in line with the 100-bps annual pace of 2017 and 2018. The Fed concurs. As per the latest Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), released after the September FOMC meeting, the 18 board members and regional presidents casting votes expect the FOMC to take its time hiking rates. With exactly half of the voters calling for no rate hikes next year, the median and mean expectations were for one-half and two-thirds of a 25-bps rate hike in 2022, respectively (Chart 7A). By the end of 2023, the median and mean SEP voter expects a cumulative 3.5 and 3.1 25-bps rate hikes, respectively (Chart 7B). By the end of 2024, median and mean expectations are for a cumulative 6.5 and 6.1 25-bps rate hikes, respectively (Chart 7C). ​​​​​​ ​​​​​​​​​​​ Table 1Same Terminal Rate, Different Liftoff Date Conditions have changed since late-September upon the release of September and October inflation data, though Chair Powell didn’t give any ground in his press conference following the November 3rd meeting. Rounding the expectations at each year-end period as of the September 22nd meeting, the median SEP voter expected zero or one rate hike in 2022, three in 2023 and three in 2024, pushing the top end of the fed funds rate range to 2% as of the end of 2024. Market expectations have moved since the last SEP, with the overnight index swap curve going from zero rate hikes in the next twelve months to two, and from two rate hikes in the next 24 months to five, but financial markets and the Fed remain on the same page (Table 1). A Kinder, Gentler Fed Emboldened by the experience of the last expansion, in which worrisome inflation did not materialize despite a zero fed funds rate and 50-year lows in unemployment, the Fed has embarked on a course quite different from the one the late Paul Volcker might have charted. Nagged by persistently low post-crisis inflation, the FOMC has decided that pursuing an average inflation target that makes up for previous shortfalls will best allow it to meet its price stability mandate. Letting undershoot bygones be bygones paved the way for inflation expectations to slide, constraining its ability to stimulate the economy at the zero bound. To re-anchor expectations in its preferred 2.3-2.5% range, and give a zero fed funds rate more zip, the FOMC must convince markets that it will occasionally let inflation run hot. A more aggressive pursuit of its full employment mandate, as outlined in the August 2020 revisions to the FOMC’s Statement on Longer-Run Goals and Monetary Policy Strategy, should also help nudge expectations upward. Per the revisions commentary on the Fed’s website, “The previous expansion demonstrated that a strong labor market can be sustained without inducing an unwanted increase in inflation. To the contrary, when unemployment fell to levels that were previously thought to be unsustainable, the labor market proved remarkably adaptable, bringing many benefits to families and communities that all too often had been left behind. Accordingly, the new Statement … only … [pledges to address] ‘shortfalls of employment from its maximum level’ rather than the [previous] ‘deviations from its maximum level’[.] This change signals that high employment, in the absence of unwanted increases in inflation or the emergence of other risks that could impede the attainment of the Committee’s goals, will not by itself be a cause for policy concern.”2 The Fly In The Ointment Chart 8Wall Street And Main Street While we acknowledge that the September 22nd SEP may be somewhat out of date as a guide to the board members’ and regional presidents’ fed funds rate expectations, the easier stance outlined in the revised monetary policy strategy statement remains very much in effect. The upshot, from our perspective, is that the FOMC intends to be behind the inflation curve in the coming rate-hiking cycle. If inflation remains contained after lingering pandemic dislocations are resolved, the behind-the-curve takeaway will not be all that impactful for investors. After all, those who positioned for dollar debasement and runaway inflation when the Bernanke Fed introduced QE and ZIRP were clobbered by investors who loaded up on risk assets and blithely rode easy money tailwinds higher. There is a critical difference this time, however, beyond the increasing magnitude of the Fed’s accumulated asset purchases. Pandemic fiscal stimulus has dwarfed the comparatively meager fiscal response to the global financial crisis. And going forward, the Biden administration’s spate of ambitious spending proposals contrasts sharply with the Obama administration’s deficit reduction focus. The post-crisis era has served as a natural experiment on the effects of unprecedented monetary accommodation on economic activity and consumer price inflation. Asset prices surged, buoyed by a negative real fed funds rate and a ballooning Fed balance sheet (Chart 8, top panel), but the rate of growth in consumption (Chart 8, bottom panel) was unchanged. Although household net worth gains lead consumption growth, the vast majority of financial assets are held by households with a low marginal propensity to consume. Asset price inflation doesn’t necessarily lead to consumer price inflation because it doesn’t necessarily have an observable impact on aggregate demand. Fiscal stimulus is different, however. The stimulus packages created to counter the economic effects of COVID-19 put money directly in the hands of households with high marginal propensities to consume. They have been consuming avidly since emerging from their spring 2020 lockdowns (Chart 9) and we expect that they will continue to do so until they’ve run down at least one half of their $2.3 trillion of excess pandemic savings. Rising wages may additionally promote demand, as will the baby boomers’ shift into their peak consumption years, along with the massive investment required to meet green energy goals. Chart 9Consumers Have Momentum (And The Savings And Borrowing Capacity To Sustain It) Demand was sluggish for an entire decade following the GFC, but it appears as if it will be quite robust for a while after the pandemic. We believe that aggregate demand is on a course to exceed aggregate supply after reopening supply chain issues are resolved. At that point, the transitory inflation view will no longer be credible, and the Fed may find itself having to play catch up. When it does, it will have to hike rates more and faster than financial markets expect. Once the Fed has shifted into fast and furious mode, or markets develop a widespread conviction that it will, the bull markets in risk assets will end and the expansion might, too. In the meantime, setting investment strategy will depend on how long it takes for the inflation inflection point to arrive. We do not yet think the inflection point is in sight and therefore continue to recommend that investors with a twelve-month timeframe overweight equities and credit in multi-asset portfolios. We remain on the alert, however, and will shift our view if events move faster than we currently expect. We would rather leave some upside on the table than stay at the party too long.   Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Off-the-run Treasury maturities do not trade all that well, and TIPS other than 1-, 2-, 5- and 10-year maturities are even less liquid. The TIPS inflation expectations curve (Chart 2) is therefore less reliable than the CPI swaps curve (Chart 3) at individual points, but it confirms the broad direction of investors’ inflation expectations. 2     Question 6, How has the review altered how the Federal Reserve will pursue its maximum employment objective? Accessed November 22, 2021. Emphasis added. Federal Reserve Board - Q&As.  

Highlights There are a few consistencies with the dollar breakout. Global growth is peaking and the risk of a significant slowdown early next year has risen. As a momentum currency, further gains in the DXY remain very high in the near term. We are shifting our near-term target to 98 (previously 95). That said, the dollar is now close to pricing a global recession, which seems improbable given easy monetary settings and ample fiscal stimulus. High inflation is not a US-centric phenomenon but a global problem. This means that monetary policy in the US cannot sustainably diverge from other central banks. Correspondingly, low US TIPS yields do not confirm the breakout in the dollar. Even if the US 10-year Treasury yield rises towards 2.5%, real interest rates will remain very low compared to history and other G10 economies. While global growth will slow next year, we expect that it will remain robust. And if it rotates from the US to other countries, the dollar will have a very sharp reversal. Our strategy is to stick with trades at the crosses rather than outright dollar bets. These include long AUD/NZD, long CHF/NZD, long EUR/GBP and long a petrocurrency basket versus the euro. Once the majority of our technical indicators start to flag a reversal, we would be sellers of the DXY and buyers of EUR/USD. Feature Chart I-1The Dollar Diverges From Real Rates After spending most of this year range bound between 89 and 94, the DXY index has broken out. The narrative has been centered around rising US inflation, which will trigger much faster interest rate increases from the Fed. This is consistent with recent economic data, where US inflation has indeed blown out, and is also rising at the fastest pace among G10 countries. What has been inconsistent is that US TIPS yields remain very low, and have diverged from the broad dollar trend (Chart I-1). One of the key structural drivers of currencies is real interest rate differentials. If the Fed does move ahead of the inflation curve and aggressively hikes interest rates, then US TIPS yields will rise and catch up with the dollar. Otherwise, the recent rise in the greenback could represent a capitulation phase that will quickly reverse should the inflationary mania subside. Consistencies With The Dollar Rise The market is now pricing in that the Fed will raise interest rates much faster, compared to earlier this year. According to the overnight index swap (OIS) curve, the Fed is now expected to lift rates at least twice by December 2022, compared to earlier this year (Chart I-2). Meanwhile, market pricing is even more aggressive when looking at the December 2022 Eurodollar contract, relative to either the Euribor contract (European equivalent) or Tibor (Japanese equivalent). The market suggests that compared to earlier this year, a 63bps spread difference is now warranted between US and European interest rates, while an 80bps difference is appropriate vis-à-vis Japanese rates. This shift perfectly explains the move in the dollar over the last few weeks (Chart I-3). Chart I-2Markets Now Expect A More Hawkish Fed Chart I-3A Key Driver Of The Dollar Rally These market moves have been consistent with economic developments. Upside economic surprises in the US have dominated other G10 economies and supported the dollar (Chart I-4). The slowdown in China has been another hiccup in the global growth story. While global export growth has remained relatively resilient, the narrative is that the slowdown in Chinese demand is metastasizing into a genuine slump that will impact commodity import demand and hurt procyclical currencies liked the AUD (Chart I-5). Chart I-4Positive Economic Surprises Have Supported A Strong USD Chart I-5A Slowing China Has Hurt Currencies Like The AUD The slowdown is not unique to China. With new Covid-19 infections surging in various European countries, ex-US economic data is likely to remain underwhelming early next year. Within this context, the US economy remains relatively immune. Exports explain only 10% of US GDP. The IMF projects that the US is one of the first countries to close its output gap (Chart I-6). This will support a tighter monetary stance in the US, compared to other G10 countries. Contradictions With The Dollar Rally There are a few contradictions with the dollar rally. First, the Fed is already lagging the US inflation curve. Various DM and EM central banks have calibrated monetary policy higher in response to rising inflation (Chart I-7). While the Fed might accelerate the pace of tapering asset purchases, other central banks in developed economies have already ended QE and are raising rates. At some point, relative monetary policies would matter for currencies, as has historically been the case. Since the start of the year, market pricing for higher rates according to the OIS curve has been lifted for most G10 countries (Table 1). Yet the dollar has rallied, while other currencies have collapsed (Chart I-8). Chart I-7Many Central Banks Are Already Hiking Interest Rates Chart I-8Will The Fed Hike As Much As Is Priced By The Dollar? Second, part of that rally has been driven by speculative inflows, and not by underlying economic fundamentals. Net speculative positions in the US dollar are near levels that have usually signaled that the trade is becoming much crowded (Chart I-9). As we highlighted in Chart 1, this has occurred amidst very low nominal and real interest rates. But more importantly, as a reserve currency, the dollar enjoys the priviledge of being the safe-haven asset of choice. It is quite plausible that one of the key drivers of the rally has also been hedging by fund managers for an equity market correction (Chart I-10). Chart I-9Speculators Are Nearing Exhaustion ##br##Levels Chart I-10Long Dollar Is Being Used To Hedge Bullish Equity Bets Third, inflation could indeed prove to be transitory. Our sister publication, the Commodity & Energy Strategy, suggests that metals and oil prices will remain well bid in the near term. Inflation however is about rates of change. Natural gas prices rose 100% this year while oil prices rose 60%. Market expectations are that these prices will roll over (Chart I-11). The Baltic Dry Index, a proxy for shipping costs and supply bottlenecks, initially rose 300% and is now down 53% from its peak. A middle ground where prices remain well bid but do not generate the same inflationary impulse next year seems most plausible. This will ease all market expectations for central bank hawkishness, but could sound the death knell for the dollar that has quickly moved to price in the current market narrative. Chart I-11Some' Inflation Will Be Transitory Fourth, a strong US dollar hurts US growth. According to the Fed’s own estimates, a 10% rise in the dollar reduces US growth by 0.5% in the subsequent four quarters and 1.2% over two years. Meanwhile, a strong US dollar will certainly alleviate pressure on the Fed to fight inflation. A Counterpoint View To The Market Narrative Covid-19 will be with us for a while. As such, the volatility of growth forecasts around infection waves will subside. The remarkable thing is that despite fears of a global growth slowdown, there is a pretty robust expectation that the US will fare poorly relative to other developed markets in terms of growth next year. Countries such as Canada, New Zealand, the UK, and Japan are seeing a bottoming in growth momentum relative to the US (Chart I-12). For some, this is occurring at the same time as their local central banks are becoming more orthodox about monetary policy. As we have argued earlier, this is clear real-time evidence that the Fed will lag the inflation curve. Chart I-12AA Global Growth Rebound Outside The US Chart I-12BA Global Growth Rebound Outside The US One key signpost is China. It has tightened policy amidst very low inflation, and the traditional relationship between real rates and the RMB is working like a charm as the currency appreciates in trade-weighted terms. In a nutshell, currency markets tend to reconverge with real interest rate differentials over time. This will eventually be the case with the dollar (Chart I-13). Chart I-13Real Interest Rates Eventually Matter For Currencies Finally, China might marginally ease policy to sustain growth. In our view, China could stand pat since nominal bond yields are falling and exports are robust suggesting overall financing conditions are not a problem. But if this is a primate cause for fuelling long dollar bets, that will eventually hurt EM demand, China could also shift. This will be bullish for the dollar in the near term (it will require a riot point for China to shift), but bearish the dollar over a cyclical investment horizon, as commodity economies bottom. Investment Strategy Chart I-14Current Dollar Strength Is Pricing In A Manufacturing Recession In the current environment, the DXY could hit 98. This will be consistent with a blowout in our capitulation index, as well an exhaustion of dollar bulls. That said, the dollar is now close to pricing a global manufacturing recession, which seems improbable given easy monetary settings and ample fiscal stimulus in most DM economies (Chart I-14). Our strategy is to stick with trades at the crosses rather than outright dollar bets. These include long AUD/NZD, long CHF/NZD, long EUR/GBP and long a petrocurrency basket versus the euro. Once the majority of our technical indicators start to flag a reversal, we would be sellers of the DXY and buyers of EUR/USD. Finally, our agnostic trading model continues to suggest short dollar positions (Chart I-15). Admittedly, it is the valuation component driving the calibration, rather than sentiment or appreciation for the investment shift in the macro narrative. In our portfolio, we will sit on the sidelines until most of our intermediate-term indicators stage a reversal. Chart I-15AOur Model Is Short The Dollar, But Stand Aside For Now Chart I-15BOur Model Is Short The Dollar, But Stand Aside For Now Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Special Report

Highlights Few emerging market peers have a track record of democracy like India does. Russia and others have long histories of political instability and one-man rule. Several large EMs have experienced stints of military rule in the post-WWII era. While India’s democratic credentials are real, these should not be exaggerated. India’s political system suffers from some structural and cyclical vulnerabilities. These imperfections deserve attention today, more than ever, given that India trades at a record premium to peers. From a strategic perspective, we remain Buyers of India. India’s democratic traditions will lend political stability as the country’s economic heft grows. However, on a time horizon, we recommend paring exposure to Indian assets. A loaded state election calendar awaits in 2022, which will be followed by crucial state elections in 2023 and general elections in 2024. While we expect the incumbent political party to retain power in 2024, history suggests that the road to general elections is paved with policy risks. Policymakers tend to shift attention from market friendly-reform to voter-friendly policies as these key state elections approach. Additionally, geopolitical risks for India are ascendant as dangerous transitions are underway to India’s west and east too. Feature Investors regard India as being exceptionally well-off on political parameters. It is viewed by many as the blue-eyed boy of emerging market democracies. And for good reason. Despite its massive population and very low per capita incomes, India has remained a functional democracy for over seventy years. Democratic political regimes are a relatively new trend. The number of democracies began exceeding the number autocracies in the world only very recently in 2002 (Chart 1). India was one of the earliest adopters of this trend compared to emerging market peers. Its democratic traditions are so well-entrenched now that they are comparable to those of some of the most developed economies of the world (Chart 2). To add to these democratic credentials, every government at the national level in India has completed its full five-year term since 1999, thereby offering stability. Investors greatly value the political stability that India offers. While political stability is only one factor that investors consider, India has traded at a 28% premium relative to democracies and a 67% premium to non-democracies like Russia and China over the last decade (Chart 3). ​​​​ ​​​​​​ In this report we highlight that while India’s democratic credentials are real, these should not be exaggerated. The political system in India is solid but far from perfect. It suffers from both structural and cyclical vulnerabilities. These imperfections deserve attention today more than ever, given that India trades at a record premium to peers (Chart 3). Also, a closer look at India’s political system is warranted given that both geopolitical and macroeconomic risks for India are ascendant. With India, the devil always lies in the details. India is the largest democracy of the world but is also one of the few large democracies that follows a first-past-the-post (FPTP) method of determining election winners and has no effective limit on the number of political parties that can contest elections. Most democracies, either combine an FPTP system with natural or legislative limit on the number of competing political parties (such as in the case of UK and US) or rely on a non-FPTP system, with specific vote thresholds to enter Parliament. The combination of an FPTP system along with a system that allows multiple small political parties to exist entails challenges and makes the system vulnerable to some structural policy problems that are often overlooked. These include: A Tendency To Go All-In: An FPTP system means that at an election, the contestant with the highest number of votes is declared the winner even if the victory margin is very low. For instance, the narrowest victory margin recorded at an Indian constituency-level election is a mere 9 votes! Such a system where the winner takes all, irrespective of the victory margin, creates perverse incentives for contesting candidates to go all-in on populism ahead of elections. Indian elections have thus seen candidates offer everything from food and free laptops, to free alcohol and hard cash, in a bid to woo voters in the run up to elections. Too Many Players Can Spoil The Election: An FPTP system alongside a multi-party system can lead to very high degrees of political competition. While competition is usually a virtue, very high levels of political competition tend to fragment the electorate. Owing to these reasons, political competition in India tends to be very high in general. For instance, the last two general elections in India saw 15 candidates contest from each constituency on average. This compares to an average number of contestants from each constituency being 5 for UK or 6 for Canada. The problem with this fragmentation is that the victorious politician may lack a strong popular mandate. Smaller Indian states bear the brunt of this problem. The smaller the state, the cost of the pre-election campaign is lower, so the number of contestants shoots up in smaller regions (Chart 4). Rent-Seeking Becomes A Necessity: Such a system which combines FPTP and no major entry barriers for contestants arguably encourages rent-seeking behavior, which election winners frequently display. Populist spending promised by candidates to lure voters ahead of elections can be very high, especially when political competition is stiff. Winners then are keen to recover this “sunk cost” and to create a war chest for the next election. This prompts the rent-seeking that often becomes a necessity for candidates who run expensive election campaigns. To conclude, few emerging market peers have a sustained track record of democracy like India does. Russia and others have long histories of both political instability and one-man rule. Brazil, Turkey, Thailand, South Korea, Taiwan, and Indonesia have all experienced stints of military rule and revolutions in the post-WWII era. Whilst India’s political stability credentials are solid, the existence of high degrees of political competition alongside high degrees of social complexity will spawn both structural and cyclical policy risks in India. Navigating India’s Political Peculiarities It is heuristically convenient to assume that policy risks in India are uniform across time. However, in this report, we highlight that policy risks for India hardly tend to be the same through the five-year term of a political party in charge at the national level. The five-year term of any central government in India is paved with cyclical policy risks. The good news is that there is a method to the madness. We present a simple method to identify a “pattern” to the cyclical policy risks: We break down India’s general election cycle into a five-year sequence. Year 1 is defined as the year after a general election takes place (such as 2020) and Year 5 is defined as the year in which a general election takes place (such as 2019 or 2024). (See the Appendix for a quick overview of India’s political system.) Given that India has 28 states and a state government’s term lasts five years, about six state elections are held each year. After identifying this five-year sequence, we then identify specific states that become due for state elections during this five-year period. Such a characterization of India’s election cycle shows how the five-year period from one election to the other is hardly the same. In fact, it becomes clear how policy risks tend to be definitively elevated in the years leading up to a general election. Year 3 in such a framework sees elections in some of India’s largest states (size), India’s politically most sensitive states (sensitivity), and India’s socially most complex states (complexity). 2022 will mark the beginning of Year 3 of the current five-year cycle and will see: Size: The most loaded state election schedule which will affect more than a quarter of India’s population (Chart 5). Sensitivity: Elections take place in most of India’s northern region (Chart 6), which is a key constituency for the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). ​​​​​​ ​​​​​​ Complexity: Elections take place in some of the most socially conflict-prone states such as say Manipur (Chart 7). Year 3 of India’s cycle is also worth bracing for as it typically sees the policy machinery’s attention shift away from big-ticket reform to populism. This is probably because Year 4 sees some of the poorest states in India undergo elections (Chart 8) and then Year 5 sees a general election. ​​​​​​ ​​​​​​ What becomes clear now is that India is set to enter the business-end of its five-year election cycle in 2022. So, what specific policy changes should investors expect? The Road To Elections … Is Paved With Policy Risks Irrespective of the political party in power at the centre, populism as a theme tends to become more defined in the two years leading to a general election in India. For instance, history suggests that government spending in the two years leading up to a general election tends to be higher than in the previous three years (Chart 9). The last time this theme did not play out was in the run up to the elections of 2014 when in fact the incumbent i.e., the Indian National Congress (INC) lost elections to the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Distinct from the fiscal support to the economy that tends to rise in the run up to elections, it is notable that even money supply growth, inflation to an extent and even the pace of Rupee depreciation tends to be faster in India in the years leading up to a general election (Chart 10). ​​​​​​ The run up to Year 3 and Year 4 of India’s election cycle also tends to see the announcement of voter-friendly policies that may not necessarily be market-friendly. Examples of this phenomenon include: Record Increase In Revenue Spends Ahead Of 1999 General Elections: In 1998 the-then Finance Minister oversaw a whopping 20% year-on-year increase in revenue expenditure. This is almost double the average growth rate of 13% seen in this metric over the last 25 years. Farm-loan Waiver Ahead of 2009 General Elections: In 2008 i.e., the year before the general elections of 2009, the Indian National Congress (INC)-led central government announced its decision to write off farm loans of about $15 billion (in inflation-adjusted terms today). Demonetization Decision Ahead Of 2017 Uttar Pradesh State Elections: The BJP-led central government announced its decision to demonetize 86% of currency in circulation in November 2016 in a bid to prove the government’s commitment to crackdown on black money. GST Rate Cuts Ahead Of 2017 Gujarat State Elections: The Goods and Services Tax (GST) council announced a cut in the GST rate for over 150 items in November 2017. This was ahead of Gujarat state elections that were due in December 2017. Such decisions are known to work with voters. The incumbent political party that announced these policy decisions, in each of the three cases cited above, won the elections that they subsequently contested. Just last week, the Indian Government decided to repeal farm sector reform related laws which it had announced a year ago. It is not entirely coincidental that this pro-voter decision has been announced just a few months ahead of critical state elections due in 2022. Key State Elections To Watch In 2022 State elections are due in seven states in India in 2022. State elections due in 2022 will have an indelible impact on India’s policy outlook for 2022 because the BJP is the incumbent party in most of these states and BJP’s popularity has suffered because of the pandemic (Chart 11). The government’s decision last week to roll back farm sector reform is a great example of this phenomenon. Of all the state elections due in 2022, the two key elections that will have the biggest bearing on the 2024 general elections will be the elections in Uttar Pradesh in February 2022 and in Gujarat in December 2022. BJP’s popularity in these states should be closely watched to get a better sense of the 2024 general election outcome. The BJP won about 80% of the cumulative seats these two states offer at the 2019 general elections. At the last state elections held in Uttar Pradesh in 2017, the BJP stormed into power in the state, winning 77% of seats. BJP’s entry into power there was symbolic as the road to New Delhi is said to pass through this state (Chart 12). Gujarat on the other hand has been a BJP stronghold and PM Modi began his political innings as the chief minister of this state. Despite being in power in Gujarat for over two decades, the BJP managed to retain power in this state at the last elections held in 2017 (Chart 13). ​​​​​​ ​​​​​​ Accurate pre-poll data for these states will be available only closer to election day. Our early on-ground checks suggest that the BJP is set to almost certainly retain power in Uttar Pradesh in 2022. However, the BJP runs the risk of losing some vote share in Gujarat owing to the anti-incumbency effect it faces and owing to the rise of parties like the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in the state of Gujarat. Another tool that can be used to estimate the likely result of these two key state elections is the economic growth momentum in these states. State election results from 2021 suggest that this macro variable matters a great deal. While it is not the only variable that matters, the incumbent lost elections in large states in 2021 when growth decelerated excessively (Chart 14). For instance, in 2021, Tamil Nadu saw its GDP growth decelerate significantly but West Bengal saw its GDP growth decelerate by a lesser extent. Notably, the incumbent was displaced out of power in Tamil Nadu but managed to retain power in West Bengal possibly because of several factors including a lesser slowdown in economic growth (Chart 14). If GDP growth were to affect election outcomes in 2022 as well then, the incumbent i.e., the BJP, will comfortably retain power in Uttar Pradesh but may have to deal with the risk of losing some vote share in Gujarat. This is because economic growth accelerated in Uttar Pradesh over the last five years before the pandemic. GDP growth rates remained high in Gujarat but the pace of acceleration was weaker (Chart 15). ​​​​​​ ​​​​​​ However, from the perspective of the general elections of 2024, BJP’s position in these two states remains fairly strong, and this is true even if it experiences minor setbacks in the upcoming state elections. National parties like the BJP tend to enjoy greater fervor amongst voters in general elections as opposed to state elections. It hence would take an earthquake defeat in these state elections to alter this assumption – an outcome which appears unlikely at this stage. The takeaway from the above is that investors must brace for the BJP pursuing populist policies over the next two years. In fact, we are increasingly convinced that the BJP government’s budget for FY23 (due to be announced on 1 February 2022) will see a marked increase in transfer payments for farmers in specific or low-income groups in general. The announcement of a brand-new program aimed at lifting incomes of India’s lowest economic strata cannot be ruled out. But from the perspective of the 2024 elections, the BJP appears well-placed to retain power. Investors will face negative policy turbulence in the short run but should maintain a base case of policy continuity over the long run. Investment Conclusions If You Are Playing A Long Game, Then Hold: From a strategic perspective, we remain Buyers of India. India’s democratic traditions will lend political stability as the country’s economic heft grows. Its democratic credentials will also yield geopolitical advantages as America aims to create an axis of democracies to contain autocratic regimes. It is notable that the US’s most recent alliance-formation efforts - such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or the AUKUS nuclear submarine deal - involve some of the oldest democracies of the world. As India sheds its historical stance of neutrality, in favor of closer alignment with the US against China, its democratic credentials will help India deepen its engagement with geopolitically powerful democracies. If You Are Playing A Short Game, Then Fold: The Indian market appears priced for perfection today. We recommend paring exposure to Indian assets on a tactical time horizon. Historically India’s premium relative to emerging markets has shown some correlation with the BJP’s popularity (Chart 16). However, India’s premium relative to EMs has shot through the roof over the last year and hence even if BJP wins the Uttar Pradesh elections (our base case), then it is unclear if that victory will drive another bout of price-to-earnings re-rating for India. Moreover, as outlined, the road to state elections in 2022 will be paved with policy risks as the government prioritizes populism ahead of pro-market reform. The BJP has managed to expand its influence in India over the last decade (Chart 17). But a unique problem now confronts Indian policymakers: while stock markets in India have risen almost vertically, wage inflation has collapsed (Chart 18). Additionally, India has administered a weak post-pandemic fiscal stimulus (Chart 19). We reckon that this fiscal restraint will be tested in the run up to key elections in 2022-23. ​​​​​​ ​​​​​​ Unlike in developed economies, where fiscal stimulus is seen as pro-market because it suggests policymaking is improving and deflationary risks will be dispelled, fiscal stimulus can be market-negative in the context of an EM like India. Increases in populist spending can end up adding to existent inflationary pressures and hence can drive bond yields higher. Stock market earnings too may not end up getting a major boost on the back of increase in transfer payments to low-income groups. This is because the share of market cap accounted for by sectors which directly benefit from pro-poor spending, like Consumer Staples, has been drifting lower on Indian bourses from 10.8% in 2013 to 8.9% today. As we have been highlighting, distinct from policy risks that confront India on a tactical horizon, geopolitical risks confronting India are elevated too. Dangerous transitions are underway to India’s west (involving Pakistan and Afghanistan) as well as east (involving China). While China’s woes drive EM investors to India, any clashes with neighbors will create much better entry points into Indian stocks.   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Appendix: An Overview Of India’s Political System India follows a parliamentary model of democracy with a federal structure where the government at the centre as well as state level is elected for a period of five years. The central government of India is formed through general elections that are held every five years. Power is held by a political party (or a coalition of parties) that can secure and maintain a simple majority in the Lower House (or Lok Sabha) through this five-year term. India also constitutes 28 states, each with its own legislative assembly. Each state government is formed through a state election held every five years. Much like at the centre, power is held by a political party that can maintain a simple majority at the legislative assembly for this five-year term.