Developed Countries

Executive Summary   US Support For A Military Coup? A confluence of structural and cyclical factors makes the US highly prone to social and political instability, as in 2020. Today’s stagflationary economic environment further amplifies domestic political risk. The Biden administration’s decision to pursue a criminal investigation of former President Trump will drive political polarization higher, as will the overall 2022-24 political cycle. Investors should expect negative surprises from US politics, including social unrest, political violence, and domestic terrorism of whatever stripe. Such crisis events usually cause only a short-term spike in financial market volatility. A major crisis that affects election results could have a more lasting impact. The base case for US policy in 2023-24 is gridlock, which is marginally disinflationary. It would take an extraordinary surprise to change that.  On a relative basis, US assets benefit from domestic political risk because geopolitical risk rises even faster. Recommendation (Tactical) INITIATION DATE Return Long DXY (Dollar Index) Feb 23, 2022 10.8% Bottom Line: Investors should expect volatility and negative “October surprises” in the short term, at least through the midterm elections. US domestic political risk is high and will also amplify global geopolitical risk. Feature The US’s rolling political crisis is escalating again and political violence is likely to rise in the lead up to the midterm elections on November 8 and the presidential election in November 2024. The Department of Justice (DoJ) refused on August 15 to release the affidavit underpinning the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) raid on former President Trump’s Mar-a-Lago residence in Florida. Never before has a US president suffered a raid on his home by the country’s federal law enforcement agencies – though presidents have been investigated before. It is not yet clear what charges will be brought against Trump but it is highly likely that he will be indicted for something. The Justice Department released a redacted version of the search warrant suggesting that Trump may be accused of having kept state secrets at his home in violation of the Presidential Records Act and possibly also the 1917 Espionage Act. Speculation says that some information he took back from the White House relates to nuclear weapons.1 The DoJ is pursuing a criminal investigation. The former president could very well end up on trial, or even in jail, but it is also possible that changes in political power will prevent him from going. What are the investment implications, if any? The US will see significant social and political upheaval but the main investment implication is that the US will continue to play an unpredictable and disruptive role abroad, perpetuating a flight to safety in financial markets, at least until the midterm elections are over.  Drivers Of US Political Instability The US political crisis should first be seen through the lens of geopolitics: The US is a continent-sized nation that is separated from the other world powers by large oceans. It is therefore highly defensible and economically insulated, with total exports accounting for only 10.2% of GDP.  However, this insularity and relative security create space for a fast growing and evolving society that is primarily focused on doing business rather than strengthening the state. The rapid creation of wealth is good but also produces large disparities in region, class, and race that periodically undermine stability. Maintaining domestic stability across the continent would be a constant challenge even if the government were not a federal republic with short political cycles driven by fickle popular opinion. Freedom is a source of political contention as well as wealth creation.   Over the past 70 years the society has become less religious and more secular, while the economy has become less manufacturing-oriented and more service-oriented. The shift to a high-tech and information-driven society has empowered the highly educated at the expense of the less educated. Capital owners have benefited from rising asset values, deregulation, and globalization, while labor has witnessed stagnant real wages. Agricultural and manufacturing regions have fallen behind.  Social stability is especially hard to maintain during cyclical periods of economic distress, highlighted today by the rising Misery Index (Chart 1). While inflation may subside in the short run, it will probably persist in the long run, and unemployment has nowhere to go but up. There is a demographic and generational factor that is also driving US instability today: The Baby Boom generation did not begin their adult lives with a robust policy consensus, like their parents’ generation, which shared sacrifices during the Great Depression and World War II. Instead the Boomers began with deep divisions due to the Vietnam War and social revolution of the 1960s. As they grew in wealth and power in the 1980s-90s, pro-growth tax policy, deregulation, and rapid socioeconomic changes aggravated these divisions. Inequality surged  (Chart 2). The Iraq War and 2008 financial crisis made matters worse. Chart 1US: High Misery Index Chart 2US: High Inequality Now the elites of this generation, who lead the two major parties, are trying to secure their economic and political interests before retirement and death. Bluntly, the pro-business faction is trying to prevent the pro-government faction from clawing back its wealth. Political polarization has reached the highest level since the early twentieth century (Chart 3). While polarization has subsided from the peaks of 2020, it could still exceed those peaks in the 2022-24 political cycle. The US will remain at or near “peak polarization” until generational change and geopolitical conflicts forge a new policy consensus. Bottom Line: The US is geopolitically secure but periodically struggles to maintain domestic stability. Today it is witnessing a confluence of structural and cyclical factors that generate social unrest and historic levels of political polarization. The 2022-24 election cycle will be tumultuous. Chart 3US: Peak Polarization Disaffection Can Lead To Violence Any kind of fanaticism can lead to violent extremism. Militants have emerged from secular movements on the right and left, from communism to fascism, as well as from religious movements.2 In recent years the US has seen a rise in violence, including crime and terrorism. Mass shootings have spiked since the 2008 financial crisis. Terrorism has revived to the highest levels since the 1980s, 96% of which is domestic terrorism (Chart 4). Recent improvements to the social safety net may or may not reduce violence. The stagflationary economic backdrop bodes ill. Opinion polls are of dubious accuracy when they ask people to admit to militant or criminal inclinations, but they still take the temperature of society. Several recent polls suggest that as many as 25% of Americans are willing to consider violence as a means of resolving political problems (Chart 5). Chart 4US: Domestic Terrorism, Political Violence Chart 5US Support For Political Violence? In addition, 55% of Republicans and 40% of independents claim that a military coup could be justified when there is “a lot of corruption,” a subjective standard to say the least (Chart 6). While this number has spiked over the 2020 election cycle, it also shows a substantial pre-existing willingness to entertain authoritarian solutions to political disputes. We do not take these polls at face value given the difficult subject matter. When a major violent event occurs and real people die, popular “support” for political violence will collapse across the United States. Nevertheless these data suggest a high level of disaffection and discontent, which is supported by the structural socioeconomic problems cited above.   Chart 6US Support For A Military Coup? The January 6, 2021 incident at the US Capitol was the crescendo of an explosion of social unrest that occurred across the country in 2020, triggered by the aforementioned structural factors, the Covid-19 pandemic, race riots, and political conflict over the 2020 election. The number of homicides rose to 7.4 per hundred thousand people, the highest annual number since the 1990s, higher than in 2001 when the 9/11 terrorist attacks occurred, and reminiscent of the turbulent late 1960s. This year’s midterm elections will be the first major electoral test since the chaotic events of 2020 and none of the underlying drivers of unrest have been resolved. On the contrary, recent signs are pointing to another escalation of social and political upheaval. The 2024 election will also spark unrest and violence. Bottom Line: The number of violent incidents is rising while a substantial minority of public opinion appears willing to entertain violent means of resolving political disputes. From Reality TV To Real Rebellion? The FBI’s raid on Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate is naturally triggering a backlash from Trump supporters and Republicans. These groups were already distrustful of the federal government and particularly the FBI for spying on the Trump presidential campaign in the 2016 election.3 Republican support for the FBI and DoJ will fall sharply from its current level in opinion polling taken in 2019 (Chart 7, top panel). Trump opponents will argue that Trump is being investigated because of wrongdoing while Trump supporters will think that the Biden administration is trying to prevent him from running for re-election in 2024. Any lack of transparency by the Justice Department will heighten suspicion and acrimony. Chart 7US Views On 2021 Rebellion A fraction of radicalized Trump supporters could be motivated by this extraordinary event to conduct attacks. Already an armed suspect, allegedly linked to a right-wing extremist group and to the January 6 rebellion at the Capitol, attempted to storm an FBI field office in Cincinnati, Ohio. The Department of Homeland Security and FBI have warned about the risk of domestic terrorism for several years and have issued a new warning since the FBI raid on Mar-a-Lago.4 There is no easy way to resolve the dispute over the 2020 election or the January 6 rebellion because these events have taken on mythic status in the eyes of the different factions. For about half of Republicans, the January 6 incident was a patriotic defense of freedom – rather than an insurrection or attempt to prevent the peaceful and democratic transfer of power (Chart 7, bottom panel). Some small portion of those who view the election as stolen could become radicalized and act out violently. Trump received 46% of the popular vote in 2016 and 47% in 2020 (Chart 8). His favorability has suffered since the January 6 events but not as much as one might think. Among Republicans, Trump’s favorability remains largely unperturbed (Chart 9). While the vast majority of these voters are law-abiding, the decision to raid Trump’s home, and any future decision to press criminal charges, will drastically increase the risk of radicalization on the fringes. Chart 8Trump’s Share Of Popular Vote Chart 9Trump’s Popular Support Post-2020 It does not take a social scientist to recognize the potential for an increase in political violence if the federal government is perceived as using the arm of the law to prevent a popular candidate from contesting past or future elections. The risk of political violence cannot be dismissed because the US is a particularly well-armed country. There were 120 civilian-held firearms per 100 persons in the United States as of 2017. By contrast, the nearest country is France, with only 20 firearms per 100 persons (Chart 10). That does not mean that a major incident of violence will necessarily stem from the right wing. Only five years ago an extremist left-wing gunman tried to assassinate a whole group of Republican lawmakers while they were playing baseball. Earlier this year the Department Homeland Security warned about violent reactions to the Supreme Court’s overturning of the Roe v. Wade decision on abortion.5 If and when a major incident of political violence occurs, the public reaction will be a powerful rejection of violence across the political spectrum. For example, President Bill Clinton’s administration benefited from the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 (Chart 11). Much will depend on the nature of the attack and which faction is most able to capitalize on its victimization. Chart 10Right To Bear Arms Shall Not Be Infringed Chart 11OKC Bombing Spurred Rally Round The Flag Ultimately instability will generate a popular consensus opposed to political violence and supportive of law and order, just as it did in previous periods of American upheaval. The future policy consensus will be “federalist” in orientation due to America’s geopolitics: there will be an increasing need to unify the states to achieve other strategic imperatives like prosperity and national security. We call this theme “Limited Big Government.” This re-centralization process will involve the federal government intervening to stabilize the society. It is not obvious which political party will first capture this consensus. It depends on the nature and timing of any crisis events and the cyclical rotation of parties. Bottom Line: The US is a heavily armed country that is currently prone to social and political instability. The risk of political violence and domestic terrorism of whatever stripe is already very high. In addition, a substantial portion of the country’s right-wing faction believes that the 2020 election was stolen, that the January 6 rebellion was justified, and that the federal government is now abusing its law enforcement powers to prevent a candidate from running in 2024. Domestic terrorism risk will increase.   Implications For The 2024 Election Federal agencies were well aware of the risk of a domestic backlash when they decided to raid Mar-a-Lago. Investigators may or may not produce ironclad evidence of wrongdoing by Trump, but polarization will continue to be the overriding dynamic in the short run. It is unlikely that any evidence will convince the different parties to change their opinions of Trump.    Assuming Republicans retake the House of Representatives this fall, they will likely impeach Biden, though they will lack the votes in the Senate to remove him from office. US domestic policy will be effectively paralyzed as the partisan conflict continues. The 2024 election will be required to settle the Trump saga and the future direction of US national policy. Trump’s legal troubles could be a blessing or a curse for the Republican Party in the 2024 cycle: If Trump is disqualified or put in jail, then he will become a political martyr for his populist base, motivating Republican voter turnout. At the same time, the Republican Party establishment will gain the advantage of nominating a more favorable candidate who will be eligible to hold the presidency for eight years. Republicans would benefit. If Trump is not disqualified, then he will be even more incentivized to run for the Republican nomination to avoid legal prosecution. In that case he will hinder Republican appeal among moderate and independent voters – leaving them vulnerable to a party split or third-party challenge. Even if he wins, he will only be eligible for the presidency for four years, limiting his party’s prospects. Republicans would suffer. The takeaway from the above is that Trump’s interests continue to be at odds with the interests of the Republican Party elite. If the Democrats aggressively prosecute Trump and try to put him behind bars, they will in fact help unify and motivate the Republican Party opposition. Two further conclusions can be drawn: First, because of the January 6 incident and the political fallout, any future attempt by protesters or rioters to storm a major federal power center will likely be met with overwhelming force rather than accommodation. If that occurs, and state violence is seen as partisan, then the party that uses force will suffer in public opinion. As with domestic terrorism, a major crisis is likely to occur. But it will ultimately be conducive to a new national policy consensus.  Second, US domestic instability will incentivize foreign powers to take advantage of US distraction to pursue their national interests aggressively in their own region. At the same time, the US government will also pursue a reactive foreign policy to attempt to divide the opposition and suppress domestic dissent. Therefore US domestic political instability increases global geopolitical instability.   Market Response Will Be Volatility What are the investment ramifications of the above? US corporate earnings are heavily insulated from political crises that do not affect either US policy or the structure of the government and economy. Volatility sometimes pops briefly during domestic terrorist events but not in a way that affects the investment outlook (Chart 12). Investors should bear this in mind since another crisis event is coming. True, if the Mar-a-Lago raid affects the midterm election – and hence the composition of the US government in 2023-24 – then financial markets will respond to some extent. However, investors can safely ignore this risk because the stagflationary economy will be the chief factor in the midterms and already favors the opposition party. For the same reason it remains highly likely that Republicans will retake the House of Representatives, producing legislative gridlock in 2023. The result is disinflationary in the short run, though inflation will be a persistent problem over the long run. If Democrats somehow retain control of both houses of Congress, i.e. the “Blue sweep risk,” then investors would see a substantial change in the policy outlook, as Democrats would have a second chance to raise taxes and social spending. But the odds of a blue sweep are low. Our House election model implies that Democrats will lose 22 seats when they only need to lose a net of five seats to lose control. Our Senate model gives 47.5% chance of Democrats retaining control, too close to call at this point (Appendix). The odds of another blue sweep are only 20% according to online betting market PredictIt. Chart 12Market Historically Ignores Domestic Terrorism US political instability has, if anything, supported the US dollar and US equity and bond outperformance for many years. The more unstable the US, the more unstable the world. Indeed, because of the US’s geopolitical position, the US often exports domestic instability to the rest of the world. That is the situation today as the Biden administration’s domestic-focused, reactive foreign policy exacerbates the conflicts with Russia and China. The Biden administration is willing to escalate strategic tensions with both China and Russia in the lead-up to the midterm elections – and this tendency will likely become the Biden Doctrine, lasting into 2024. Investors should remain defensively positioned, and overweight US assets, at least until the midterm election is over.     Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Read the warrant behind FBI search of Trump’s Mar-a-Lago,” PBS, August 12, 2022, pbs.org. 2     See Katarzyna Jasko et al, “A comparison of political violence by left-wing, right-wing, and Islamist extremists in the United States and the world,” PNAS [Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America] 119:30 (2022), July 18, 2022, pnas.org. See also Herbert McClosky and Dennis Chong, “Similarities and Differences between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals,” British Journal of Political Science 15:3 (1985), pp. 329-63, jstor.org.  3    See Jessica Lee, “Did Obama Get Caught ‘Spying’ on Trump’s 2016 Campaign?” Snopes, September 29, 2020, snopes.com. See also Wall Street Journal Editorial Board, “Trump Really Was Spied On,” February 14, 2022, wsj.com. 4    See Department of Homeland Security, “Strategic Intelligence Assessment and Data on Domestic Terrorism,” July 11, 2022, dhs.gov; Christopher Wray, “Worldwide Threats to the Homeland,” Federal Bureau of Investigation, September 17, 2020, fbi.gov. See also Ryan Lucas, “FBI, Homeland Security warn about threats to law enforcement after Trump search,” NPR, August 15, 2022, npr.org. 5    See Stef W. Kight, “DHS memo: Violent extremism ‘likely’ in wake of Roe v. Wade decision,” Axios, June 24, 2022, axios.com. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix  

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary Euro Bulls Are Evaporating The euro is likely to undershoot in the near term, as the winter months approach and economic volatility in Europe rises. However, much of the euro’s troubles are well understood and discounted by financial markets. This suggests a floor closer to parity for the EUR/USD. Unlike many other developed economies, the fiscal drag in the eurozone is likely to be minimal for the rest of this year and early next year. The forces pressuring equilibrium rates lower in the periphery are slowly dissipating. That should lift the neutral rate of interest in the entire eurozone. China’s zero Covid-19 policy along with property market troubles has weighed heavily on the euro, but that could change. RECOMMENDATIONS INCEPTION LEVEL inception date RETURN Long EUR/GBP 0.846 2021-10-15 -0.13 Short EUR/JPY 141.20 2022-07-07 2.46 Bottom Line: The euro tends to be largely driven by pro-cyclical flows, which will be a positive when risk sentiment picks up. Meanwhile, making a structural case for the euro is easy when it comes to valuation. According to our in-house PPP models, an investor who buys the euro today can expect to make 6% a year over the next decade, should the euro mean revert to fair value and beyond. Our current stance is more measured because investors could see capitulation selling in the coming months. Feature Chart 1Two Decades After The Creation Of The Euro The creation of the euro was an ambitious project. It began with a simple idea – let’s create the biggest monetary union and everything else will follow, not least, economic might. Over the last two decades, the euro has survived, but its ambitions have been jolted by various crises. Today, the euro is sitting around where it was at the initiation of the project (Chart 1). That has been a tremendous loss in real purchasing power for many of its citizens. Given that we are back to square one, this report examines the prospects for the euro from the lens of its original ambitions, while navigating the economic and geopolitical landscape today. Surviving The Winter Chart 2A European Recession Is Well Priced In Winter will be tough for eurozone citizens. But how tough? In our view, less than what the euro is pricing in. According to the ZEW sentiment index, the eurozone manufacturing PMI should be around 45 today, but sits at 49.8. The euro, which has been tracking the ZEW index tick-for-tick has already priced in a deep recession, worse than the 2020 episode (Chart 2). Bloomberg GDP growth consensus forecasts for the eurozone are still penciling in 2.8% growth for 2022, down from a high of 4%. For 2023, forecasts have hit a low of 0.8%. It is certainly possible that euro area growth undershoots this level, which will cause a knee jerk sell off in the euro. However, much of the euro’s troubles are well understood and discounted by financial markets. Natural gas storage is already close to 80%, the EU’s target, to help the eurozone navigate the winter. Coal plants are firing on all cylinders, and Germany has decided to delay the closure of its nuclear power plants. It is true that electricity prices are soaring, but part of the story has been weather-related, notably a heat wave across Europe, falling water levels along the Rhine that has delayed coal shipments, and lower wind speeds that have affected renewable energy generation. France is also having problems with nuclear power generation, due to little availability of water for cooling reactors. Looking ahead, energy markets are already discounting a steep fall in prices from the winter energy cliff (Chart 3). If that turns out to be true, it will be a welcome fillip for eurozone growth. First, it will ease the need for the ECB to tighten policy aggressively, and second, it will boost real incomes, which will support spending. This is not being discussed in financial markets today. Chart 3AFutures Markets Suggest The Energy Crunch Will Ebb Chart 3CFutures Markets Suggest The Energy Crunch Will Ebb Chart 3BFutures Markets Suggest The Energy Crunch Will Ebb Fiscal Policy To The Rescue? Unlike many other developed economies, the fiscal drag in the eurozone is likely to be minimal for the rest of this year and early next year (Chart 4). As funds from the next generation EU plan are being disbursed into strategic sectors, including renewable energy, Europe’s productive capital base will also improve. This is likely to have a huge multiplier effect on European growth. Chart 4AThe Fiscal Drag In The Eurozone Could Be Minimal Chart 4BThe Fiscal Drag In The Eurozone Could Be Minimal Taking a bigger-picture view, what has become evident in recent years is stronger solidarity among eurozone countries, both economically and politically. Related Report  Foreign Exchange StrategyMonth In Review: Inflation Is Still Accelerating Globally Economically, the standard dilemma for the eurozone was that interest rates were too low for the most productive nation, Germany, but too expensive for others, such as Spain and Italy. As such, the euro was often caught in a tug of war between a rising equilibrium rate of interest for Germany, but a very low neutral rate for the peripheral countries. The good news is that for the eurozone, a lot of this internal rupture has been partly resolved. Labor market reforms have seen unit labor costs in Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain collectively contract since 2008. This has effectively eliminated the competitiveness gap with Germany, accumulated over the last two decades (Chart 5). Italy remains saddled with a rigid and less productive workforce, but the overall adjustments have still come a long way to close a key fissure plaguing the common currency area. The result has been a collapse in peripheral borrowing spreads, relative to Germany (Chart 6). Ergo, interest payments as a share of GDP are now manageable. It is true that Italy remains a basket case but the ECB’s Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) will ensure that peripheral spreads remain well contained and a liquidity crisis (in Italy) does not morph into a solvency one. Chart 5The Periphery Is Now Competitive Chart 6Peripheral Spreads Are Still Contained In Real Terms Beyond the adjustment in competitiveness, productivity among eurozone countries might also converge. Our European Investment Strategy colleagues suggest that the neutral rate is still wide between Germany and the periphery. That said, gross fixed capital formation in the periphery has been surging relative to core eurozone members (Chart 7). If this capital is deployed in the right sectors, it will have two profound impacts. First, the neutral rate of interest in the eurozone will be lifted from artificially low levels. The proverbial saying is that a chain is only as strong as its weakest link. This means that if the forces pressuring equilibrium rates lower in the periphery are slowly dissipating, that should lift the neutral rate of interest in the entire eurozone. Over a cyclical horizon, this should be unequivocally bullish for the euro. Second, and more importantly, economic solidarity among eurozone members will help ensure the survival of the euro, over the next decade and beyond. Chart 7The Periphery Could Become More Productive Trading The Euro The above analysis suggests long-term investors should be buying the euro today. However, the long run can be a very long time to be offside. Our trading strategy is as follows: Over the next 6 months, stay neutral to short the euro. The economic landscape for the eurozone remains fraught with risk. This is a typical recipe for a currency to undershoot. Eurozone banks are very sensitive to economic conditions in the eurozone, and ultimately the performance of the euro, and the signal from bank shares remains negative (Chart 8). Chart 8European Banks Are Not Part Of The Agenda Watch Eurozone Banks Investors have been cutting their forecasts for the euro but have not yet capitulated. Bets are that the euro will be at 1.10 by the end of next year, and 14% higher in two years. A bottom will be established when investors cut their forecasts below current spot prices (Chart 9). This corroborates with data from net speculative positions that have yet to hit rock bottom.  Chart 9Euro Bulls Are Evaporating Real interest rates in the euro area are still plunging across the curve, relative to the US. The two-year real yield has hit a cyclical low. Five-year, 10-year and 30-year real yields are also falling. Historically, the euro tends to trend higher when interest rate differentials are moving in favor of the eurozone (Chart 10). Chart 10AReal Rates Are Dropping In The Euro Area Chart 10BReal Rates Are Dropping In The Euro Area Hedging costs have risen tremendously, as the forward market (like investors) is already pricing in an appreciation in the euro. The embedded two-year return for EUR investors is circa 4%, in line with the carry costs (Chart 11). In real terms, the returns are closer to 9% to compensate for much higher inflation expectations in the eurozone. Higher hedging costs will dissuade foreign investors from gobbling up European assets on a hedged basis. Chart 11A 5% Rally In The Euro Is Already Anticipated In short, the euro is likely to enter a capitulation phase. Our sense is that that it will push EUR/USD below parity, towards 0.98. Below that level, we believe the risk/reward profile will become much more attractive for both short- and longer-term investors. Signals From External Demand Chart 12The Euro Is Increasingly Dependant On Chinese Data The eurozone is a very open economy. Exports of goods and services represented 51% of euro area GDP in 2021. This means that what happens with external demand, especially in the US, the UK and China, matters for European growth (Chart 12). Of all its major export partners, China is the biggest question mark. China’s zero Covid-19 policy along with property market troubles has weighed heavily on the euro. Historically, the Chinese credit impulse has been a good coincident indicator for EUR/USD. Lately, that relationship has decoupled (Chart 13A). We favor the view that the credit transmission mechanism in China is merely delayed, rather than broken. For one, a rising Chinese credit impulse usually leads European exports, and this time should be no different. Chinese bond markets are also becoming more liberalized, and as such are a key signal for financial conditions in China. For over a decade, easing financial conditions have usually been a good signal that import demand is about to improve (Chart 13B). This is good news for European export demand. The bottom line is that investors are currently too pessimistic on Europe’s growth prospects at a time when a few green shoots are emerging for external demand. That may not save the euro in the near term but will be a welcome fillip for euro bulls when it does undershoot. Chart 13AThe Muse For The Euro Is Chinese Data Chart 13BThe Muse For The Euro Is Chinese Data Concluding Thoughts Chart 14The Goldilocks Case For The Euro The euro tends to be largely driven by pro-cyclical flows. Fortunately for investors, European equities remain unloved, given that they are trading at some of the cheapest cyclically adjusted price-to-earnings multiples in the developed world. Analysts are aggressively revising up their earnings estimates for eurozone equities, relative to the US. They might be wrong in the near term, but over a 9-to-12-month horizon, this has been a good leading indicator for the euro.  Making a structural case for the euro is easy when it comes to valuation. According to our in-house PPP models, an investor who buys the euro today can expect to make 6% a year over the next decade, should the euro mean revert to fair value and beyond (Chart 14). Meanwhile, beyond the winter months, inflation could come crashing back to earth in the eurozone, which will provide underlying support for the fair value of the currency. Our near-term stance is more measured because investors are only neutral the euro, and risk reversals are not yet at a nadir. This is particularly relevant given that Europe still has a war in its backyard, with the potential of generating more market volatility ahead. Given this confluence of factors, we have chosen to play euro via two channels: Long EUR/GBP: As we argued last week, the UK has a bigger stagflation problem compared to the eurozone. This trade is also a bet on improving economic fundamentals between the eurozone and the UK, as well as a bet on policy convergence between the two economies. Short EUR/JPY: The yen is even cheaper than the euro. In a risk-off environment, EUR/JPY will sell off. In a risk-on environment, the yen can still benefit since it is oversold. Meanwhile, investors remain bullish EUR/JPY. Long EUR/USD: We will go long the euro if it breaks below 0.98.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary Back From The Future: An Investor’s Almanac Stocks will rally over the next six months as recession risks abate but then begin to swoon as it becomes clear the Fed will not cut rates in 2023. A second wave of inflation will begin in mid-2023, forcing the Fed to raise rates to 5%. The 10-year US Treasury yield will rise above 4%. While financial conditions are currently not tight enough to induce a recession, they will be by the end of next year. In the past, the US unemployment rate has gone through a 20-to-22 month bottoming phase. This suggests that a recession will start in early 2024. The US dollar will soften over the next six months but then get a second wind as the Fed is forced to turn hawkish again. Over the long haul, the dollar will weaken, reflecting today’s extremely stretched valuations.   Bottom Line: Investors should remain tactically overweight global equities but look to turn defensive early next year. Somewhere in Hilbert Space I have long believed that anything that can possibly happen in financial markets (as well as in life) will happen. Sometimes, however, it is useful to focus on a “base case” or “modal” outcome of what the world will look like. In this week’s report, we do just that, describing the evolution of the global economy from the perspective of someone who has already seen the future unfold. September 2022 – Goldilocks! US headline inflation continues to decline thanks to lower food and gasoline prices (Chart 1). Supply-chain bottlenecks ease, as evidenced by falling transportation costs and faster delivery times (Chart 2). Most measures of economic activity bottom out and then begin to rebound. The surge in bond yields earlier in 2022 pushed down aggregate demand, but with yields having temporarily stabilized, demand growth returns to trend. The S&P 500 moves up to 4,400. Chart 1ALower Food And Gasoline Prices Will Drag Down Headline Inflation (I) Chart 1BLower Food And Gasoline Prices Will Drag Down Headline Inflation (II)   October 2022 – Europe’s Prospects of Avoiding a Deep Freeze Improve: Economic shocks are most damaging when they come out of the blue. With about half a year to prepare for a cut-off of Russian gas, the EU responds with uncharacteristic haste: Coal-fired electricity production ramps up; the planned closure of Germany’s nuclear power plants is postponed; the French government boosts nuclear capacity, which had been running at less than 50% earlier in 2022; and, for its part, the Dutch government agrees to raise output from the massive Groningen natural gas field after the EU commits to establishing a fund to compensate the surrounding community for any damage from increased seismic activity. EUR/USD rallies to 1.06.  November 2022 – Divided Congress and Trump 2.0: In line with pre-election polling, the Democrats retain the Senate but lose the House (Chart 3). Markets largely ignore the outcome. To no one’s surprise, Donald Trump announces his candidacy for the 2024 election. Over the following months, however, the former president has trouble rekindling the magic of his 2016 bid. His attacks on his main rival, Florida governor Ron DeSantis, fall flat. At one rally in early 2023, Trump’s claim that “Ron is no better than Jeb” is greeted with boos. Chart 2Supply-Chain Pressures Are Easing Chart 3Democrats Will Lose The House But Retain The Senate   December 2022 – China’s “At Least One Child Policy”: The 20th Party Congress takes place against the backdrop of strict Covid restrictions and a flailing housing market. In addition to reaffirming his Common Prosperity Initiative, President Xi stresses the need for actions that promote “family formation.” The number of births declined by nearly 30% between 2019 and 2021 and all indications suggest that the birth rate fell further in 2022 (Chart 4). Importantly for investors, Xi says that housing policy should focus not on boosting demand but increasing supply, even if this comes at the expense of lower property prices down the road. Base metal prices rally on the news. Chart 4China's Baby Bust January 2023 – Putin Declares Victory: Faced with continued resistance by Ukrainian forces – which now have wider access to advanced western military technology – Putin declares that Russia’s objectives in Ukraine have been met. Following the playbook in Crimea and the Donbass, he orders referenda to be held in Zaporizhia, Kherson, and parts of Kharkiv, asking the local populations if they wish to join Russia. The legitimacy of the referenda is immediately rejected by the Ukrainian government and the EU. Nevertheless, the Russian military advance halts. While the West pledges to maintain sanctions against Russia, the geopolitical risk premium in oil prices decreases. February 2023 – Credit Spreads Narrow Further: At the worst point for credit in early July 2022, US high-yield spreads were pricing in a default rate of 8.1% over the following 12 months (Chart 5). By late August, the expected default rate has fallen to 5.2%, and by January 2023, it has dropped to 4.5%. Perceived default risks decline even more in Europe, where the economy is on the cusp of a V-shaped recovery following the prior year’s energy crunch. Chart 5The Spread-Implied Default Rate Has Room To Fall If Recession Fears Abate March 2023 – Wages: The New Core CPI? US inflation continues to drop, but a heated debate erupts over whether this merely reflects the unwinding of various pandemic-related dislocations or whether it marks true progress in cooling down the economy. Those who argue that higher interest rates are cooling demand point to the decline in job openings. Skeptics retort that the drop in job openings has been matched by rising employment (Chart 6). To the extent that firms have been converting openings into new jobs, the skeptics conclude that labor demand has not declined. In a series of comments, Jay Powell stresses the need to focus on wage growth as a key barometer of underlying inflationary pressures. Given that wage growth remains elevated, market participants regard this as a hawkish signal (Chart 7). The 10-year Treasury yield rises to 3.2%. The DXY index, having swooned from over 108 in July 2022 to just under 100 in February 2023, moves back to 102. After hitting a 52-week high of 4,689 the prior month, the S&P 500 drops back below 4,500. Chart 6Drop In Job Openings Is Matched By Rise In Employment Chart 7Wage Growth Remains Strong   April 2023 – Covid Erupts Across China: After successfully holding back Covid for over three years, the dam breaks. When lockdowns fail to suppress the outbreak, the government shifts to a mitigation strategy, requiring all elderly and unvaccinated people to isolate at home. It helps that China’s new mRNA vaccines, launched in late 2022, prove to be successful. By early 2023, China also has sufficient supplies of Pfizer’s Paxlovid anti-viral drug. Nevertheless, the outbreak in China temporarily leads to renewed supply-chain bottlenecks. May 2023 – Biden Confirms He Will Stand for Re-Election: Saying he is “fit as a fiddle,” President Biden confirms that he will seek a second term in office. Little does he know that the US will be in a recession during most of his re-election campaign. Chart 8Consumer Confidence And Real Wages Tend To Move Together June 2023 – Inflation: The Second Wave Begins: The decline in inflation between mid-2022 and mid-2023 sows the seeds of its own demise. As prices at the pump and in the grocery store decline, real wage growth turns positive. Consumer confidence recovers (Chart 8). Household spending, which never weakened that much to begin with, surges. The economy starts to overheat again, leading to higher inflation. After having paused raising rates at 3.5% in early 2023, the Fed indicates that further hikes may be necessary. The DXY index strengthens to 104. The S&P 500 dips to 4,300. July 2023 – Tech Stock Malaise: Higher bond yields weigh on tech stocks. Making matters worse, investors start to worry that many of the most popular US tech names have gone “ex-growth.” The evolution of tech companies often follows three stages. In the first stage, when the founders are in charge, the company grows fast thanks to the introduction of new, highly innovative products or services. In the second stage, as the tech company matures, the founders often cede control to professional managers. Company profits continue to grow quickly, but less because of innovation and more because the professional managers are able to squeeze money from the firm’s customers. In the third stage, with all the low-lying fruits already picked, the company succumbs to bureaucratic inertia. As 2023 wears on, it becomes apparent that many US tech titans are entering this third stage. August 2023 – Long-term Inflation Expectations Move Up: Unlike in 2021-22, when long-term inflation expectations remained well anchored in the face of rising realized inflation, the second inflation wave in 2023 is accompanied by a clear rise in long-term inflation expectations. Consumer expectations of inflation 5-to-10 years out in the University of Michigan survey jump to 3.5%. Whereas back in August 2022, the OIS curve was discounting 100 basis points of Fed easing starting in early 2023, it now discounts rate hikes over the remainder of 2023 (Chart 9). The 10-year yield rises to 3.8%. The 10-year TIPS yield spikes to 1.2%, as investors price in a higher real terminal rate. The S&P 500 drops to 4,200. The financial press is awash with comparisons to the early 1980s (Chart 10). Chart 9The Markets Expect The Fed To Cut Rates By Over 100 Basis Points Starting In 2023 Chart 10The Early-1980s Playbook October 2023 – Hawks in Charge: After a second round of tightening, featuring three successive 50 basis-point hikes, the Fed funds rate reaches a cycle peak of 5%. The 10-year Treasury yield gets up to as high as 4.28%. The 10-year TIPS yield hits 1.62%. The DXY index rises to 106. The S&P 500 falls to 4,050. November 2023 – Housing Stumbles: With mortgage yields back above 6%, the US housing market weakens anew. The fallout from rising global bond yields is far worse in some smaller developed economies such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, where home price valuations are more stretched (Chart 11). Chart 11Rising Rates Will Weigh On Developed Economies With Pricey Housing Markets January 2024 – Unemployment Starts to Rise: After moving sideways since March 2022, the US unemployment rate suddenly jumps 0.2 percentage points to 3.6%, with payrolls contracting for the first time since the start of the pandemic. The 22-month stretch of a flat unemployment rate is broadly in line with the historic average (Table 1). Table 1In Past Cycles, The Unemployment Rate Has Moved Sideways For Nearly Two Years Before A Recession Began February 2024 – The US Recession Begins: Although there was considerable debate about whether the US was entering a recession at the time, in early 2025, the NBER would end up declaring that February 2024 marked the start of the recession. The 10-year yield falls back below 4% while the S&P 500 drops to 3,700. Lower bond yields are no longer protecting stocks.  March 2024 – The Fed Remains in Neutral: Jay Powell says further rate hikes are unwarranted in light of the weakening economy, but with core inflation still running at 3.5%, the Fed is in no position to ease. April 2024 – The Global Recession Intensifies: The US unemployment rate rises to 4.7%. The economic downdraft is especially sharp in America’s neighbor to the north, where the Canadian housing market is in shambles. Back in June 2022, the Canadian 10-year yield was 21 basis points above the US yield. By April 2024, it is 45 basis points below. Europe and Japan also fall into recession. Commodity prices continue to drop, with Brent oil hitting $60/bbl. May 2024 – The Fed Cuts Rates: Reversing its position from just two months earlier, the Federal Reserve cuts rates for the first time since March 2020, lowering the Fed funds rate from 5% to 4.5%. The Fed funds rate will ultimately bottom at 2.5%, below the range of 3.5%-to-4% that most economists will eventually recognize as neutral. August 2024 – Republican National Convention: Unwilling to spend much of his own money on the campaign, and with most donations flowing to DeSantis, Trump’s bid to reclaim the White House fizzles. While the former president never formally bows out of the race, the last few months of his primary campaign end up being a nostalgia tour of his past accomplishments, interspersed with complaints about all the ways that he has been wronged. In the end, though, Trump makes a lasting imprint on the Republican party. During his acceptance speech, in typical Trumpian style, Ron DeSantis attacks Joe Biden for “eating ice cream while the economy burns” and declares, to thunderous applause, that “Americans are sick and tired of having woke nonsense hurled in their faces and then being dared to deny it at the risk of losing their jobs.” Chart 12The Dollar Is Very Overvalued October 2024 – The Stock Market Hits Bottom: While the unemployment rate continues to rise for another 12 months, ultimately reaching 6.4%, the S&P troughs at 3,200. The 10-year Treasury yield settles at 3.1% before starting to drift higher. The US dollar, which began to weaken anew after the Fed starts cutting rates, enters a prolonged bear market. As in past cycles, the dollar is unable to defy the gravitational force from extremely stretched valuations (Chart 12). November 2024 – President DeSantis: Against the backdrop of rising unemployment, uncomfortably high inflation, and a sinking stock market, Ron DeSantis cruises to victory in the 2024 presidential election. Unlike Trump, DeSantis deemphasizes corporate tax cuts and deregulation during his presidency, focusing instead on cultural issues. With the Democrats still committed to progressive causes, big US corporations discover that for the first time in modern history, neither of the two major political parties are willing to champion their interests. Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Follow me on LinkedIn & Twitter Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores      

Executive Summary   US Support For A Military Coup? A confluence of structural and cyclical factors makes the US highly prone to social and political instability, as in 2020. Today’s stagflationary economic environment further amplifies domestic political risk. The Biden administration’s decision to pursue a criminal investigation of former President Trump will drive political polarization higher, as will the overall 2022-24 political cycle. Investors should expect negative surprises from US politics, including social unrest, political violence, and domestic terrorism of whatever stripe. Such crisis events usually cause only a short-term spike in financial market volatility. A major crisis that affects election results could have a more lasting impact. The base case for US policy in 2023-24 is gridlock, which is marginally disinflationary. It would take an extraordinary surprise to change that.  On a relative basis, US assets benefit from domestic political risk because geopolitical risk rises even faster. Recommendation (Tactical) INITIATION DATE Return Long DXY (Dollar Index) Feb 23, 2022 10.8% Bottom Line: Investors should expect volatility and negative “October surprises” in the short term, at least through the midterm elections. US domestic political risk is high and will also amplify global geopolitical risk. Feature The US’s rolling political crisis is escalating again and political violence is likely to rise in the lead up to the midterm elections on November 8 and the presidential election in November 2024. The Department of Justice (DoJ) refused on August 15 to release the affidavit underpinning the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) raid on former President Trump’s Mar-a-Lago residence in Florida. Never before has a US president suffered a raid on his home by the country’s federal law enforcement agencies – though presidents have been investigated before. It is not yet clear what charges will be brought against Trump but it is highly likely that he will be indicted for something. The Justice Department released a redacted version of the search warrant suggesting that Trump may be accused of having kept state secrets at his home in violation of the Presidential Records Act and possibly also the 1917 Espionage Act. Speculation says that some information he took back from the White House relates to nuclear weapons.1 The DoJ is pursuing a criminal investigation. The former president could very well end up on trial, or even in jail, but it is also possible that changes in political power will prevent him from going. What are the investment implications, if any? The US will see significant social and political upheaval but the main investment implication is that the US will continue to play an unpredictable and disruptive role abroad, perpetuating a flight to safety in financial markets, at least until the midterm elections are over.  Drivers Of US Political Instability The US political crisis should first be seen through the lens of geopolitics: The US is a continent-sized nation that is separated from the other world powers by large oceans. It is therefore highly defensible and economically insulated, with total exports accounting for only 10.2% of GDP.  However, this insularity and relative security create space for a fast growing and evolving society that is primarily focused on doing business rather than strengthening the state. The rapid creation of wealth is good but also produces large disparities in region, class, and race that periodically undermine stability. Maintaining domestic stability across the continent would be a constant challenge even if the government were not a federal republic with short political cycles driven by fickle popular opinion. Freedom is a source of political contention as well as wealth creation.   Over the past 70 years the society has become less religious and more secular, while the economy has become less manufacturing-oriented and more service-oriented. The shift to a high-tech and information-driven society has empowered the highly educated at the expense of the less educated. Capital owners have benefited from rising asset values, deregulation, and globalization, while labor has witnessed stagnant real wages. Agricultural and manufacturing regions have fallen behind.  Social stability is especially hard to maintain during cyclical periods of economic distress, highlighted today by the rising Misery Index (Chart 1). While inflation may subside in the short run, it will probably persist in the long run, and unemployment has nowhere to go but up. There is a demographic and generational factor that is also driving US instability today: The Baby Boom generation did not begin their adult lives with a robust policy consensus, like their parents’ generation, which shared sacrifices during the Great Depression and World War II. Instead the Boomers began with deep divisions due to the Vietnam War and social revolution of the 1960s. As they grew in wealth and power in the 1980s-90s, pro-growth tax policy, deregulation, and rapid socioeconomic changes aggravated these divisions. Inequality surged  (Chart 2). The Iraq War and 2008 financial crisis made matters worse. Chart 1US: High Misery Index Chart 2US: High Inequality Now the elites of this generation, who lead the two major parties, are trying to secure their economic and political interests before retirement and death. Bluntly, the pro-business faction is trying to prevent the pro-government faction from clawing back its wealth. Political polarization has reached the highest level since the early twentieth century (Chart 3). While polarization has subsided from the peaks of 2020, it could still exceed those peaks in the 2022-24 political cycle. The US will remain at or near “peak polarization” until generational change and geopolitical conflicts forge a new policy consensus. Bottom Line: The US is geopolitically secure but periodically struggles to maintain domestic stability. Today it is witnessing a confluence of structural and cyclical factors that generate social unrest and historic levels of political polarization. The 2022-24 election cycle will be tumultuous. Chart 3US: Peak Polarization Disaffection Can Lead To Violence Any kind of fanaticism can lead to violent extremism. Militants have emerged from secular movements on the right and left, from communism to fascism, as well as from religious movements.2 In recent years the US has seen a rise in violence, including crime and terrorism. Mass shootings have spiked since the 2008 financial crisis. Terrorism has revived to the highest levels since the 1980s, 96% of which is domestic terrorism (Chart 4). Recent improvements to the social safety net may or may not reduce violence. The stagflationary economic backdrop bodes ill. Opinion polls are of dubious accuracy when they ask people to admit to militant or criminal inclinations, but they still take the temperature of society. Several recent polls suggest that as many as 25% of Americans are willing to consider violence as a means of resolving political problems (Chart 5). Chart 4US: Domestic Terrorism, Political Violence Chart 5US Support For Political Violence? In addition, 55% of Republicans and 40% of independents claim that a military coup could be justified when there is “a lot of corruption,” a subjective standard to say the least (Chart 6). While this number has spiked over the 2020 election cycle, it also shows a substantial pre-existing willingness to entertain authoritarian solutions to political disputes. We do not take these polls at face value given the difficult subject matter. When a major violent event occurs and real people die, popular “support” for political violence will collapse across the United States. Nevertheless these data suggest a high level of disaffection and discontent, which is supported by the structural socioeconomic problems cited above.   Chart 6US Support For A Military Coup? The January 6, 2021 incident at the US Capitol was the crescendo of an explosion of social unrest that occurred across the country in 2020, triggered by the aforementioned structural factors, the Covid-19 pandemic, race riots, and political conflict over the 2020 election. The number of homicides rose to 7.4 per hundred thousand people, the highest annual number since the 1990s, higher than in 2001 when the 9/11 terrorist attacks occurred, and reminiscent of the turbulent late 1960s. This year’s midterm elections will be the first major electoral test since the chaotic events of 2020 and none of the underlying drivers of unrest have been resolved. On the contrary, recent signs are pointing to another escalation of social and political upheaval. The 2024 election will also spark unrest and violence. Bottom Line: The number of violent incidents is rising while a substantial minority of public opinion appears willing to entertain violent means of resolving political disputes. From Reality TV To Real Rebellion? The FBI’s raid on Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate is naturally triggering a backlash from Trump supporters and Republicans. These groups were already distrustful of the federal government and particularly the FBI for spying on the Trump presidential campaign in the 2016 election.3 Republican support for the FBI and DoJ will fall sharply from its current level in opinion polling taken in 2019 (Chart 7, top panel). Trump opponents will argue that Trump is being investigated because of wrongdoing while Trump supporters will think that the Biden administration is trying to prevent him from running for re-election in 2024. Any lack of transparency by the Justice Department will heighten suspicion and acrimony. Chart 7US Views On 2021 Rebellion A fraction of radicalized Trump supporters could be motivated by this extraordinary event to conduct attacks. Already an armed suspect, allegedly linked to a right-wing extremist group and to the January 6 rebellion at the Capitol, attempted to storm an FBI field office in Cincinnati, Ohio. The Department of Homeland Security and FBI have warned about the risk of domestic terrorism for several years and have issued a new warning since the FBI raid on Mar-a-Lago.4 There is no easy way to resolve the dispute over the 2020 election or the January 6 rebellion because these events have taken on mythic status in the eyes of the different factions. For about half of Republicans, the January 6 incident was a patriotic defense of freedom – rather than an insurrection or attempt to prevent the peaceful and democratic transfer of power (Chart 7, bottom panel). Some small portion of those who view the election as stolen could become radicalized and act out violently. Trump received 46% of the popular vote in 2016 and 47% in 2020 (Chart 8). His favorability has suffered since the January 6 events but not as much as one might think. Among Republicans, Trump’s favorability remains largely unperturbed (Chart 9). While the vast majority of these voters are law-abiding, the decision to raid Trump’s home, and any future decision to press criminal charges, will drastically increase the risk of radicalization on the fringes. Chart 8Trump’s Share Of Popular Vote Chart 9Trump’s Popular Support Post-2020 It does not take a social scientist to recognize the potential for an increase in political violence if the federal government is perceived as using the arm of the law to prevent a popular candidate from contesting past or future elections. The risk of political violence cannot be dismissed because the US is a particularly well-armed country. There were 120 civilian-held firearms per 100 persons in the United States as of 2017. By contrast, the nearest country is France, with only 20 firearms per 100 persons (Chart 10). That does not mean that a major incident of violence will necessarily stem from the right wing. Only five years ago an extremist left-wing gunman tried to assassinate a whole group of Republican lawmakers while they were playing baseball. Earlier this year the Department Homeland Security warned about violent reactions to the Supreme Court’s overturning of the Roe v. Wade decision on abortion.5 If and when a major incident of political violence occurs, the public reaction will be a powerful rejection of violence across the political spectrum. For example, President Bill Clinton’s administration benefited from the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 (Chart 11). Much will depend on the nature of the attack and which faction is most able to capitalize on its victimization. Chart 10Right To Bear Arms Shall Not Be Infringed Chart 11OKC Bombing Spurred Rally Round The Flag Ultimately instability will generate a popular consensus opposed to political violence and supportive of law and order, just as it did in previous periods of American upheaval. The future policy consensus will be “federalist” in orientation due to America’s geopolitics: there will be an increasing need to unify the states to achieve other strategic imperatives like prosperity and national security. We call this theme “Limited Big Government.” This re-centralization process will involve the federal government intervening to stabilize the society. It is not obvious which political party will first capture this consensus. It depends on the nature and timing of any crisis events and the cyclical rotation of parties. Bottom Line: The US is a heavily armed country that is currently prone to social and political instability. The risk of political violence and domestic terrorism of whatever stripe is already very high. In addition, a substantial portion of the country’s right-wing faction believes that the 2020 election was stolen, that the January 6 rebellion was justified, and that the federal government is now abusing its law enforcement powers to prevent a candidate from running in 2024. Domestic terrorism risk will increase.   Implications For The 2024 Election Federal agencies were well aware of the risk of a domestic backlash when they decided to raid Mar-a-Lago. Investigators may or may not produce ironclad evidence of wrongdoing by Trump, but polarization will continue to be the overriding dynamic in the short run. It is unlikely that any evidence will convince the different parties to change their opinions of Trump.    Assuming Republicans retake the House of Representatives this fall, they will likely impeach Biden, though they will lack the votes in the Senate to remove him from office. US domestic policy will be effectively paralyzed as the partisan conflict continues. The 2024 election will be required to settle the Trump saga and the future direction of US national policy. Trump’s legal troubles could be a blessing or a curse for the Republican Party in the 2024 cycle: If Trump is disqualified or put in jail, then he will become a political martyr for his populist base, motivating Republican voter turnout. At the same time, the Republican Party establishment will gain the advantage of nominating a more favorable candidate who will be eligible to hold the presidency for eight years. Republicans would benefit. If Trump is not disqualified, then he will be even more incentivized to run for the Republican nomination to avoid legal prosecution. In that case he will hinder Republican appeal among moderate and independent voters – leaving them vulnerable to a party split or third-party challenge. Even if he wins, he will only be eligible for the presidency for four years, limiting his party’s prospects. Republicans would suffer. The takeaway from the above is that Trump’s interests continue to be at odds with the interests of the Republican Party elite. If the Democrats aggressively prosecute Trump and try to put him behind bars, they will in fact help unify and motivate the Republican Party opposition. Two further conclusions can be drawn: First, because of the January 6 incident and the political fallout, any future attempt by protesters or rioters to storm a major federal power center will likely be met with overwhelming force rather than accommodation. If that occurs, and state violence is seen as partisan, then the party that uses force will suffer in public opinion. As with domestic terrorism, a major crisis is likely to occur. But it will ultimately be conducive to a new national policy consensus.  Second, US domestic instability will incentivize foreign powers to take advantage of US distraction to pursue their national interests aggressively in their own region. At the same time, the US government will also pursue a reactive foreign policy to attempt to divide the opposition and suppress domestic dissent. Therefore US domestic political instability increases global geopolitical instability.   Market Response Will Be Volatility What are the investment ramifications of the above? US corporate earnings are heavily insulated from political crises that do not affect either US policy or the structure of the government and economy. Volatility sometimes pops briefly during domestic terrorist events but not in a way that affects the investment outlook (Chart 12). Investors should bear this in mind since another crisis event is coming. True, if the Mar-a-Lago raid affects the midterm election – and hence the composition of the US government in 2023-24 – then financial markets will respond to some extent. However, investors can safely ignore this risk because the stagflationary economy will be the chief factor in the midterms and already favors the opposition party. For the same reason it remains highly likely that Republicans will retake the House of Representatives, producing legislative gridlock in 2023. The result is disinflationary in the short run, though inflation will be a persistent problem over the long run. If Democrats somehow retain control of both houses of Congress, i.e. the “Blue sweep risk,” then investors would see a substantial change in the policy outlook, as Democrats would have a second chance to raise taxes and social spending. But the odds of a blue sweep are low. Our House election model implies that Democrats will lose 22 seats when they only need to lose a net of five seats to lose control. Our Senate model gives 47.5% chance of Democrats retaining control, too close to call at this point (Appendix). The odds of another blue sweep are only 20% according to online betting market PredictIt. Chart 12Market Historically Ignores Domestic Terrorism US political instability has, if anything, supported the US dollar and US equity and bond outperformance for many years. The more unstable the US, the more unstable the world. Indeed, because of the US’s geopolitical position, the US often exports domestic instability to the rest of the world. That is the situation today as the Biden administration’s domestic-focused, reactive foreign policy exacerbates the conflicts with Russia and China. The Biden administration is willing to escalate strategic tensions with both China and Russia in the lead-up to the midterm elections – and this tendency will likely become the Biden Doctrine, lasting into 2024. Investors should remain defensively positioned, and overweight US assets, at least until the midterm election is over.     Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     Read the warrant behind FBI search of Trump’s Mar-a-Lago,” PBS, August 12, 2022, pbs.org. 2     See Katarzyna Jasko et al, “A comparison of political violence by left-wing, right-wing, and Islamist extremists in the United States and the world,” PNAS [Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America] 119:30 (2022), July 18, 2022, pnas.org. See also Herbert McClosky and Dennis Chong, “Similarities and Differences between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals,” British Journal of Political Science 15:3 (1985), pp. 329-63, jstor.org.  3    See Jessica Lee, “Did Obama Get Caught ‘Spying’ on Trump’s 2016 Campaign?” Snopes, September 29, 2020, snopes.com. See also Wall Street Journal Editorial Board, “Trump Really Was Spied On,” February 14, 2022, wsj.com. 4    See Department of Homeland Security, “Strategic Intelligence Assessment and Data on Domestic Terrorism,” July 11, 2022, dhs.gov; Christopher Wray, “Worldwide Threats to the Homeland,” Federal Bureau of Investigation, September 17, 2020, fbi.gov. See also Ryan Lucas, “FBI, Homeland Security warn about threats to law enforcement after Trump search,” NPR, August 15, 2022, npr.org. 5    See Stef W. Kight, “DHS memo: Violent extremism ‘likely’ in wake of Roe v. Wade decision,” Axios, June 24, 2022, axios.com.   Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Table A2Political Risk Matrix Table A3US Political Capital Index Chart A1Presidential Election Model Chart A2Senate Election Model  Table A4House Election Model Table A5APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Table A5BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Table A5CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets

Executive Summary Russia’s Crude Oil Output Will Fall Russia will have to lower oil production to ensure output it hasn’t placed with non-EU buyers does not tax its limited storage facilities, ahead of the bloc’s December 5 embargo. The EU’s insurance/reinsurance ban on ships carrying Russian material also commences in December. It will profoundly affect Russian output, if fully implemented. Russian and Chinese firms will expand ship-to-ship transfers on the high seas, along with external processing and storage services to mask crude and product exports. The EU embargos will force Russia to shut in ~ 1.6mm b/d of output by year-end, rising to 2mm b/d in 2023, by our reckoning. Gas-to-oil switching in Europe will boost distillate and residual fuel demand by ~ 800K b/d this winter. Chinese policymakers will be compelled to deploy greater fiscal and credit support to reverse weakening GDP. Tighter monetary policy in DM economies will dampen aggregate demand. Bottom Line: EU embargoes on Russian oil imports will significantly tighten markets, and lift Brent to $119/bbl by year-end. This has a 60% chance of being offset by ~ 1mm b/d of Iranian oil exports in 2023, in our estimation. We are maintaining our Brent forecast at $110/bbl on average for this year, and $117/bbl next year. WTI will trade $3-$5/bbl lower. At tonight’s close we are re-establishing our long COMT ETF position. Risks remain to the upside. Feature Chart 1Russia’s Crude Oil Output Will Fall Following an unexpected increase in production during June and July, Russia will have to begin reducing its oil output ahead of the implementation of the EU’s embargo on its seaborne crude oil imports, which kicks on December 5. EU, UK and US shipping insurance and reinsurance sanctions also are scheduled to be implemented in December. If fully implemented, ~ 2.3mm b/d of seaborne imports of Russian crude oil will be excluded from EU markets by year-end. Come February, another 800k b/d of refined products will be embargoed. On the back of these lost sales, and production that cannot be loaded on ships due to insurance/reinsurance bans, we expect Russian production to fall ~ 2mm b/d by the end of next year (Chart 1).1 As noted in previous research, a goodly chunk of Russian crude continues to go to China and India. Together, these two states accounted for just over 40% of Russia’s crude sales last month – ~ 1.9mm b/d of a total of ~ 4.5mm b/d. This is down from just under 45.5% in May, according to Reuters. Both China and India have benefited from discounted prices of ~ 30% vs. Brent, which is a powerful inducement to buy. Asia accounts for more than half of Russia’s seaborne crude oil sales, according to Bloomberg data. Related Report  Commodity & Energy StrategyTighter Oil Markets On The Way Whether China and India can maintain these purchases depends on whether ships taking oil to them can get their cargoes insured. Both states have domestic insurance providers, and, in the case of the latter, long-standing trade relationships going back decades. Other Asian economies do not have such financial infrastructure. Still, this is a high concentration of sales to two buyers. In addition, press reports indicate China spent $347mm to secure tankers to conduct high-risk ship-to-ship (STS) transfers of Russian crude in the Atlantic Ocean.2 Similar STS transfers have been used to move ~ 1.2mm b/d of Iranian and Venezuelan crude oil, most of which ends up in China, according to Lloyds. Base Case Sees Markets Balance In our base case analysis, markets remain relatively balanced going into winter. On the supply side, we expect core OPEC 2.0 – the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – to continue to provide crude to the markets subject to their spare-capacity constraints (Chart 2, top panel). KSA likely will be producing close to 11mm b/d by year-end – vs its current output of 10.6mm b/d output presently – and the UAE will be close to 3.5mm b/d, vs 3.1mm b/d at present. KSA’s max capacity is 12mm b/d, while the UAE’s is 4mm b/d; both will want to maintain spare capacity to offset unexpected exogenous supply shocks next year. These two states account for most of the spare capacity in the world (Chart 3). The rest of OPEC 2.0 will continue to struggle to maintain its production, which makes the core producers’ spare capacity critically important (Chart 2, bottom panel). Chart 2Core OPEC 2.0 Will Increase Supply Chart 3Spare Capacity Concentrated In Core OPEC 2.0 Outside of OPEC 2.0, we are expecting the largest contribution to global supply will continue to come from US shale production (Chart 4). Shale-oil output in the top 5 US basins is expected to increase ~540K b/d this year, and next. This will take shale output to slighly above 7.5mm b/d and account for 76% of Lower 48 production in the States this year. Next year, we are expecting US Lower 48 production to rise 700K b/d, and for total US crude output to go to 12.8mm b/d, a new record. Chart 4US Remains Top Non-OPEC 2.0 Supplier This winter we are expecting an uptick in oil demand – particularly for distillates like gasoil and diesel in Europe, as EU firms switch from natural gas to oil on the margin. We expect this will add 800K b/d of demand over the winter months (November through March), which will lift our overall demand estimate 150k b/d this year, and 20K b/d next year – +2.19mm b/d vs +2.04mm b/d, and 1.82mm b/d vs. 1.80mm b/d next year. Chinese year-on-year oil demand growth remains negative. January-July 2022 demand was 15.24mm b/d vs 15.34mm b/d in 2021, continuing a string of y/y contractions. The two other major economic pillars of global oil demand – the US and Europe – show positive y/y growth of 800K b/d each over the same period. Global demand in 1H22 recovered to 98% of its pre-COVID-19 level – even with China’s negative y/y growth – while supply recovered to 96% of its pre-pandemic level, according to the International Energy Forum (IEF). Over most of the forecast period, we estimate global balances will continue to show the level of supply below that of demand, which will lead to continued physical deficits (Chart 5). Refined-product inventories increased by 34mm barrels in 1H22, while crude-oil stocks fell 23mm barrels. Global crude and product inventories are ~ 460mm barrels below their five-year average, which includes pandemic demand destruction, the IEF reported. We continue to expect inventories to remain below their 2010-14 average, which we prefer to track – it excludes the market-share wars of 2015-17 and that of 2020, and the pandemic’s effects on inventories (Chart 6). This will revive the backwardation in Brent and WTI prices, particularly if the loss of Russian barrels is larger than we expect this year and next. This could be dampened if the US resumes its SPR releases after they’ve run their course in October. Chart 5Global Market Balanced, But Slight Deficits Will Persist Chart 6OECD Inventories Below 5Y Average Investment Implications Our analysis indicates markets are mostly balanced going into winter (Table 1). That said, the balance of risks remains to the upside ahead of the EU’s embargoes on Russian crude and product imports, and the EU/UK/US insurance/reinsurance bans on providing cover for vessels carrying Russian material. This all is highly contingent on the extent to which the EU and its allies follow through on these punitive actions imposed on Russia in retaliation for its invasion of Ukraine. Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) To Dec23 The removal from the market of some 2mm b/d of Russian oil production due to the various EU embargoes – even if it is offset by the return of 1mm b/d of Iranian exports on the back of a deal with the US – will push crude oil prices higher and inventories lower (Chart 7).3  Chart 7Brent Price Expectation Unchanged, But Demand Shifts To Winter Given these views, we remain long the oil and gas producer XOP ETF, which is up 19.5% since we re-established it on July 5, and, at tonight’s close, will be re-establishing our COMT ETF, to take advantage of higher energy and commodity prices and increasing backwardation in oil markets as inventories draw.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com Paula Struk Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy paula.struk@bcaresearch.com Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish US distillate inventories – diesel and heating oil mostly – were up less than 1% for the week ended 12 August 2022, according to the US EIA. US distillate inventories stood at 112mm barrels. This did nothing to reverse the deep drawdown in distillate inventories of 18.5% y/y, which, along with European stocks, refiners are attempting to rebuild going into the 2022-23 winter. We expect natgas-to-oil switching this winter to add 800k b/d of demand to the market over the Nov-Mar winter season. Most of this demand will be for distillates, in our view, given its dual use as a fuel for industrial applications and household space-heating. Distillate demand could be higher this winter, if a La Niña produces colder-than-normal temperatures. The US Climate Prediction Center gives the odds of such an outcome 60% going into the 2022-23 winter. This would lift ultra-low-sulfur diesel futures in the US and gasoil futures in Europe higher as inventories draw (Chart 8). Base Metals: Bullish Copper prices dropped on weaker-than-expected Chinese macroeconomic data for July, although the fall was bounded by the People’s Bank of China’s decision to cut interest rates. According to US CFTC data, copper trading volumes are lower than pre-pandemic levels, as hedge funds' net speculative positions turned negative beginning in May and have mostly remained in the red since then. Low trading volumes will result in copper prices being highly susceptible to macroeconomic events, especially those occurring in China. Precious Metals: Neutral Gold prices are facing difficulty overcoming market expectations of high interest rates for the rest of this year (Chart 9). The bearish influence of tightening monetary policy and a strong USD has the upper hand on the supportive effect of recession risks, inflation, and geopolitical uncertainty for gold prices. Recent strength in US stock markets - which historically is inversely correlated with gold prices - following better-than-expected earnings, also contributed to recent gold price weakness. Chart 8 Chart 9     Footnotes 1 Please see Oil: It Ain't Over Till It's Over, which we published 11 August 2022, for additional discussion. NB: We discuss the differences between our view and that of our Geopolitical Strategy service regarding a deal between the US and Iran, which returns 1mm b/d of crude oil exports to the market. We give 60% odds to such a deal, while our colleagues at the GPS service assign a 40% probability to it. In our base case modeling presented herein, we expect these barrels to return to the market by 2Q23, perhaps sooner. 2 Please see Anonymous Chinese shipowner spends $376m on tankers for Russian STS hub published by Lloyd’s List 9 August 2022. The report notes, “All the ships are aged 15 years or older, precluding them from chartering by most oil majors, as well being unable to secure conventional financing, suggesting the beneficial owner is cash rich. The high seas logistics network offers scant regulatory and technical oversight as crude cargoes loaded on aframax tankers from Baltic Russian ports are transferred to VLCCs mid-Atlantic for onward shipment to China. One cargo has been tracked to India.“ 3 Please see Oil: It Ain't Over Till It's Over, which we published 11 August 2022, for additional discussion. NB: We discuss the differences between our view and that of our Geopolitical Strategy service regarding a deal between the US and Iran, which returns 1mm b/d of crude oil exports to the market. We give 60% odds to such a deal, while our colleagues at the GPS service assign a 40% probability to it. In our base case modeling presented herein, we expect these barrels to return to the market by 2Q23, perhaps sooner.   Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed in 2022