Demographics

Special Report

Feature Introduction Chart 1Japanese Equities: ##br##Buying Opportunity Or Value Trap? Clients have recently been asking us a lot about Japan. The reason seems clear. With the consistent outperformance of U.S. equities over the past decade, and their rather high valuations now, asset allocators are looking for an alternative. Emerging Markets and the euro zone have major structural concerns which suggest they are unlikely to outperform over any prolonged period (even if they might have a short-lived cyclical pop). Maybe Japan – whose own structural problems are well known and so surely priced in by now – could be a candidate for outperformance and a structural rerating over the next three to five years. Indeed, since the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), Japanese equities have not performed as badly as you might have imagined: they have performed in line with all their global peers – except for the U.S. (Chart 1). In this Special Report, we answer the most common questions that clients have asked us about the long-term (three to five year) outlook for Japan, and try to address the key issue: Are Japanese equities now a buying opportunity, or still a value trap? Our conclusions are as follows: The Japanese economy is still weighed down by structural problems – stubborn disinflation, and a shrinking and aging population – which means consumption growth will remain weak over the coming years. Japan’s structural problems will not easily be solved, and will continue to dampen the economy’s growth. We think it is unlikely, therefore, that Japanese equities will outperform in the long run. In that sense, Japan probably is a value trap, not a buying opportunity. In the past, Japanese equities benefited from bouts of Chinese reflationary stimulus – which we expect will be ramped up in the coming months – but the effect was usually short-lived and muted. The clash between accommodative monetary policy and contractionary fiscal policy, particularly October’s tax hike, is likely to dampen any revival in the Japanese economy. Global Asset Allocation downgraded Japanese equities to underweight over a six-to-12 month investment horizon in our most recent Quarterly Outlook.1 We find it hard to make a strong “rerating” case for Japan, and so, do not expect Japanese equities to outperform other major developed markets in the long run. Why Isn’t Inflation Rising? Chart 2Domestic Drivers Muted Japanese Inflation The market clearly does not believe that Bank of Japan (BoJ) Governor Haruhiko Kuroda can raise inflation to the BoJ’s target of 2%, despite negative interest rates and massive quantitative easing. The 5-year/5-year forward CPI swap rate, a proxy for inflation expectations, is currently at 0.1% (Chart 2, panel 1). Japan’s ultra-accommodative monetary policy has failed to push recorded inflation higher, with the core and core core measures2 both at 0.6% as of June (Chart 2, panel 2). In its recent outlook, the BoJ revised down its inflation forecasts in fiscal years 2019, 2020, and 2021 to 1.0%, 1.3%, and 1.6% respectively, implying that it does not expect to get even close to 2% over the forecast horizon.3  Prior to the bursting of Japan’s bubble in 1990, a big percentage of Japanese inflation came from domestic factors: housing, culture and recreation, and health care. By contrast, prices of items manufactured overseas, mainly in China, and imported goods – especially furniture and clothing – did not rise much. The same was true for other developed economies such as the U.S. and the euro area. However, since the 1990s, domestically-produced items in Japan have failed to rise in price, unlike the situation in the U.S. This kept a lid on Japanese inflation. Housing in particular, which represents about 20% of the inflation basket, now contributes only 0.02% to Japanese core core inflation (Chart 2, panels 3 & 4). Chart 3Deregulation = Low Inflation There are three main reasons for this difference: Stagnant wages Unfavorable demographics Deregulation The first two causes are discussed in detail below. Gradual deregulation of various industries has also been disinflationary. In the 1980s, Japan remained a highly regulated economy, with the government fixing many prices and limiting entry into many sectors. Although change has been slow, deregulation and the introduction of competition have caused structural downward pressure on prices in a number of industries, notably telecommunications and utilities. For example, deregulation of electric power companies in 2016 allowed increased competition and new entrants into the market.4 As a result, electricity prices in Japan dropped from an average of 11.4 JPY/Kwh prior to full deregulation to 9.3 JPY/Kwh (Chart 3). But there are still many industries which are more tightly regulated in Japan than in other advanced economies (the near-ban on car-sharing services such as Uber, and tight restrictions on AirBnB are just the most newsworthy examples). This suggests that structural disinflationary pressures are likely to persist on any further deregulation. Why Is Wage Growth Stagnant, Despite A Tight Labor Market? Chart 4Wages Have Been Beaten Down... Japan’s labor market appears very tight. The unemployment rate is 2.3%, the lowest since the early 1990s, and the jobs-to-applications ratio is 1.61, the highest since the 1970s. And yet wage growth has remained stagnant, averaging only 0.5% over the past five years. (Chart 4).5  There are a number of structural reasons why wages have failed to respond to the tight labor market situation. One major contributory factor is the social norm of “lifetime employment,” whereby many employees, especially at large companies, tend to stay with their initial employer through their careers, being rotated from one department to another, without becoming specialists in any particular field. This means they have little pricing power – and few transferable skills – when it comes to seeking a mid-career change. This social norm is also reflected in Japan’s typical salary schemes, which are based on employment length (Chart 5, panel 1). Wages tend to rise with age, while in other developed economies they peak around the age of 50. Another factor is the big increase in recent years in part-time and temporary positions, which typically pay lower wages than full-time positions. Because employment law makes it hard (if not impossible) to fire workers, companies have tended to prefer hiring non-permanent staff, who are easier to replace. Part-time workers have increased by 11 million over the past three decades, compared to an increase of two million in full-time workers (Chart 5, panel 2). A substantial part of this increase in part-time employment came from both the elderly and women joining the labor market – groups that have little wage bargaining power (Chart 5, panel 3). Part-time wage growth has also turned negative this year (Chart 5, panel 4). Bonuses are a significant portion of wages, and tend to be rather volatile, moving in line with corporate profits, which have weakened this year (Chart 5, panel 5). Japan’s structural problems will not easily be solved, and will continue to dampen the economy’s growth. Nonetheless, there are some tentative signs of a change in this social norm. The number of employees changing jobs has been rising over the past few years. This is mostly evident among employees aged over 45, signaling the need for experienced personnel (Chart 6, panel 1). The percentage of unemployed who had voluntarily quit their jobs, rather than being let go, has also reached an all-time high (Chart 6, panel 2). This evidence suggests that employees are increasingly willing to leave their jobs in search of a more interesting or a better-paid one. Given such a tight labor market, it seems only a matter of time before there is some pressure on employers to increase salaries in order to attract talent. Chart 5...Mainy Due To Part-Time Employment Chart 6Changing The Norm   Is There An Answer To Japan’s Demographic Problem? Chart 7Japanese Population: Shrinking And Aging Deteriorating demographics is a key reason why inflation has remained subdued. The Japanese population peaked in 2009 and, over the past eight years, has shrunk on average by 0.2%, or 220,000 people, a year. Furthermore, the working-age population (25-64) has shrunk by 6 million, or 10%, since its peak in 2005. With marital rates continuing to fall, and fertility rates doing no more than stabilizing, there is no sign of a quick turnaround in this situation (Chart 7, panels 1 & 2). Prime Minister Abe has eased immigration laws to try to put a stop to the population decline. Late last year, the Diet passed a law that will allow more foreign workers into the country. The law will provide long-term work visas for immigrants in various blue-collar sectors, whereas the previous regulation allowed in only highly skilled workers. It will also enable foreign workers to upgrade to a higher-tier visa category, giving them a path to permanent residency, and allowing them to bring their families along.6  However, Japan’s closed culture raises the question of how successful Prime Minister Abe’s immigration reforms will be. The number of foreign residents has risen over the past few years, reaching a cumulative 2.73 million people, but this has been insufficient to reverse the decline in the population. In addition, without implementing effective measures to integrate new immigrants and support their efforts to become long-term residents, these reforms are likely to be minor in their impact (Chart 7, panel 3). Chart 8Aging Population = Slowing Productivity Japan’s population is not just shrinking but also aging. People aged 65 and older comprise 28% of the total population (Chart 7, panel 4). That figure is projected to reach 40% within the next 40 years. The dependency ratio – those younger than 15 years and older than 64, as a ratio of the working-age population – continues to rise rapidly (Chart 7, panel 5). Moreover, older people tend to be less productive. Because of this, Japan’s productivity may continue to decline from its current level, which is already low compared to other developed countries (Chart 8). The combination of a shrinking working-age population and poor productivity growth means that Japan’s trend real GDP growth over the next decade – absent an increase in capital expenditure or improvement in technology – is unlikely to be above zero.7   Some argue that Japan’s aging population could be the trigger to overcoming its disinflation problem. They argue that, as the share of the elderly-to-total-population increases, public expenditure on health care will balloon. The United Nations projects the median age in Japan to be 53 years, 10 and 5 years older than in the U.S. and China, respectively, by 2060 (Chart 9). This implies that the Japanese government, which currently pays about 80% of total health care expenditure, will face an increasing burden from medical spending, elderly care, and public pension payments. These expenditures are projected to increase from 19% to 25% of GDP (Chart 9, panel 2). The government, therefore, may have no alternative but to resort to monetizing its debt to pay these bills, which would ultimately prove to be inflationary. Chart 9Aging Population = Higher Fiscal Burden In some countries, BCA has argued, an aging population is inflationary because retirees’ incomes fall almost to zero after retirement, but expenditure rises, particularly towards at the end of life as they spend more on health care.8 The resulting dissaving, and disparity between the demand and supply of goods, should have inflationary effects. But this rationale does not hold for Japanese households. Older people in Japan tend to maintain their level of savings (Chart 10). This phenomenon might change as a new generation, keener on leisure activities and less culturally attuned to maximizing savings, retires. But to date, at least, Japan’s aging process has been disinflationary. It is likely, then, that a combination of subdued wage growth, decreased spending by the elderly, low demand for housing, and the ineffectiveness of an ultra-accommodative monetary policy is likely to keep inflation low. Moreover, to reduce the burden on its budget, the government will continue its efforts to keep down health care costs, which have a 5% weight in the core core inflation measure. We find it unlikely, therefore, that the BoJ will achieve its 2% inflation target over the next few years. So, What Else Could The BoJ Do? Chart 11The BoJ's Ammunition Is Running Out Over the past six years, since Kuroda became governor in 2013, the Bank of Japan has rolled out aggressive monetary easing. It has cut rates to -0.1% and introduced a policy of “yield curve control,” which aims to keep the yield on 10-year JGBs at 0%, plus or minus 20 basis points. As a result, it now holds JPY479 trillion of JGBs, or 46% of the total outstanding amount (and equivalent to 89% of Japan’s GDP). It has also bought an average of JPY6 trillion of equity ETFs a year over the past three years (Chart 11, panels 1 & 2), to bring its total equity ETF holdings to JPY28 trillion, almost 5% of Japan's equity market cap. However, as noted above, these policies have had little impact on inflation, or on inflation expectations. BCA’s Central Bank Monitor indicates that Japan needs to ease monetary conditions further (Chart 11, panel 3). What alternative tools could the BoJ use to spur inflation? The BoJ could cut rates further, and indeed the futures market is discounting a 10 basis points cut over the next 12 months (Chart 11, panel 4). In its July Monetary Policy Committee meeting, the bank committed to keeping policy easy “at least through around spring 2020.” But it seems reluctant to cut rates, given that this would further damage the profitability of Japan’s banks, particularly the rather fragile regional banks. Indeed, one can argue that a small rate cut would be unlikely to have much effect, given the impotence of previous such moves. The BoJ might be inclined to emulate the ECB and extend its asset purchase program. It owns only JPY3 trillion of corporate bonds, and has bought almost no new ones since 2013 (Chart 11, panel 5), although the small size of the Japanese corporate bond market would give it limited scope to increase these purchases. It could also increase its purchases of REITs, of which it currently owns JPY26 trillion. It could even consider buying foreign assets (as does the Swiss National Bank), though this would annoy the U.S. authorities, who would consider it currency manipulation. Some economists argue in favor of a Japanese equivalent of the ECB’s Targeted Long-Term Refinancing Operations (TLTRO). In other words, the BoJ should provide funds to banks at rates significantly below zero, provided they use the proceeds to give out loans to households and corporations.9 This would not only increase credit in the economy, but also bolster banks’ declining profitability. Some academics consider Japan, which appears stuck in a liquidity trap, as the perfect setting to try out Modern Monetary Theory (MMT).10,11 However, the Ministry of Finance remains fixated on reducing Japan’s excessive pile of outstanding government debt, which is currently 238% of GDP. When MMT was debated in the Japanese Diet this June, Finance Minister Taro Aso dismissed it, saying “I’m not sure I should even call it a theory, it’s a line of argument,” and insisted that tax hikes are necessary to secure Japan’s welfare system. The Ministry’s current plan is to close the primary budget deficit by 2027.  Moreover, the Bank of Japan Law bans the central bank from underwriting government debt, due to the abuses of this in the 1930s, when it funded Japan’s militarist expansion12 – though there are no limits on how much the BoJ can buy in the secondary market.  Our conclusion is that negative rates and quantitative easing have reached the limit of their effectiveness. Even if the BoJ ramps up the measures it has taken up until now, this will have little impact on inflation. It will be only when the government finally understands that a combination of easy fiscal and monetary policy is single effective tool left that the situation can change. There is little sign of this happening soon. It will probably take a crisis before this mindset shifts. Are There Any Signs Of Improvement In Japan’s Banking Sector? Japan’s financial sector is also one of its longstanding problems. After Japan’s 1980s bubble burst, the BoJ aggressively cut rates from 6% to 0.5% over the span of eight years. Long-term rates also fell. Falling interest rates reduced Japanese banks’ net interest margins. The banks spent the 1990s cleaning up their balance sheets and recapitalizing themselves. In the end, the banks’ cumulative losses (including write-offs and increased provisioning) during the 1992-2004 period reached the equivalent of 20% of Japanese GDP.13 Japanese bank stocks have consistently underperformed the aggregate index since the late 1980s (with the exception of a short period in the mid-2000s) – and by 75% since 1995 (Chart 12, panel 1). It now seems like banks' relative performance is bound by the policy rate. It is likely, then, that a combination of subdued wage growth, decreased spending by the elderly, low demand for housing, and the ineffectiveness of an ultra-accommodative monetary policy is likely to keep inflation low. Bank loan growth throughout the period of 1995-2006 was weak or negative, as banks became more risk averse and borrowers focused on repairing their balance sheets (Chart 12, panel 2). It has picked up a little over the past decade, but remains low at around 2%-4%. This has been a drag on economic activity since both Japan’s corporate and household sectors rely much more heavily on banks for funding compared to the U.S. or the euro area (Chart 12, panels 3 & 4). As a result of stagnant loan growth at home, Japanese banks have in recent years expanded their activities overseas, particularly in south-east Asia. Foreign lending for Japan’s three largest banks comprises 29.7% of total loans, 33% of which is to Asia.14 This represents a risk for future stability since these assets could easily become non-performing in the event of an Emerging Markets crisis in the next recession. Chart 12Bank Stocks Have Consistently Underperformed... Chart 13...Because Of Weak Loan Growth ##br##And Poor Profits By the mid-2000s, Japanese banks had finished cleaning up from the 1980s bubble and the non-performing loan ratio is now low. But measures of profitability such as return on assets and net interest margin remain poor by international standards (Chart 13). Japanese financial institutions’ capital adequacy ratios have also deteriorated moderately over the past five years, according to the BoJ’s Financial System Report, as risk-weighted assets have increased more quickly than profits. The core capital adequacy ratio of just above 10% is significantly lower than in other major developed economies.15 How Should Investors Be Positioned In The Short-Term? There are two factors that will determine how Japanese equities perform over the next 12 months: Chinese stimulus, and the impact of the consumption tax hike in October. Can Chinese Reflation Help Boost Japanese Economic Activity? Chart 14Chinese Stimulus Boosts Japan's Activity... Chart 15...Yet Its Impact Is Short-Lived And Muted While Japan is not a particularly open economy – exports represent only 15% of GDP – its manufacturing sector is very exposed to global trade, and the swings in this sector (which is a lofty 20% of GDP) have a disproportionately large marginal impact on the overall economy. China accounts for 20% of Japan’s exports, roughly 3% of Japan’s GDP (Chart 14). China’s economic slowdown since 2017 has clearly weighed heavily on Japanese exports and the manufacturing sector. Japanese machine tool orders have contracted for nine months, in June reaching the lowest growth since the GFC, -38% year-on-year. Vehicle production growth has also been weak, rising only 1.8% year-to-date compared to 2018, and overall industrial production growth has turned negative, falling by 4.1% YoY in June. It seems that global growth data has not yet bottomed. The German manufacturing PMI remains well below the boom/bust line at 43.2. Korean export growth is also contracting at a double-digit rate. Nevertheless, we expect the global manufacturing downturn – which typically lasts about 18 months from peak-to-trough – to bottom towards the end of this year.16 This will be supported by the Chinese authorities accelerating their monetary and fiscal stimulus, although the magnitude of this might not be as big as it was in 2012 and 2015.17 Japanese economic activity has historically been closely correlated with Chinese credit growth, with a lag of six-to-nine months (Chart 15). What Will Be The Impact Of The Consumption Tax Hike? Japanese consumer demand has been sluggish for some time, mainly as a result of low wage growth. The planned rise in the consumption tax from 8% to 10% in October is likely to dampen consumption further. With the economy currently so weak, there seems little justification for a tax rise. But, having postponed it twice, it seems highly unlikely that Prime Minister Abe will do so again, particularly after his victory in last month’s Upper House election, which was a de facto referendum on the tax hike. Chart 16Previous Tax Hikes Hurt Sales Badly The OECD, based on Japanese government data, estimates the impact on households of the tax hike will be 5.7 trillion yen (about 1% of GDP).18 Consumers did not take previous tax rate hikes well. Spending was brought forward to the two to three months immediately before the hike. However, following the hike, not only did sales fall back, they also trended down for some time (Chart 16). The risk to the economy is that the same happens again.  The government, however, is planning several measures to mitigate the tax burden (Table 1). It will not apply the tax increase to food and beverages, which will stay at 8%. The government will implement a fiscal package including free early childhood education, support for low-income earners, and tax breaks on certain consumer durable goods, such as automobiles and housing. It will also introduce a rebate program, to encourage consumer spending at small retailers using non-cash payments (partly to reduce tax avoidance by these businesses).19 Based on the government’s estimates, these measures will be enough to fully offset the impact of the tax hike. However, the IMF’s Fiscal Monitor sees fiscal policy tightening due to the tax rate hike, although by less than in 2014. Its estimate is a drag of 0.6% of potential GDP in 2020 (Chart 17). Table 1Easing The Tax Hike Burden Chart 17Clash Of Policies: Fiscal Vs. Monetary   Previous sales tax hikes caused a short-lived jump in inflation, which trended lower afterwards. Assuming a full pass-through rate of price increases to consumers, the BoJ expects the hike to raise core inflation by +0.2% and +0.1% in fiscal years 2019 and 2020 respectively.20 Consumers did not take previous tax rate hikes well. As such, over the next 12 months, Global Asset Allocation recommends an underweight on Japanese equities. While a bottoming of the global manufacturing cycle and the impact of Chinese stimulus are positive factors, there are better markets in which to play this, given the risks surrounding Japanese consumption caused by the consumption tax rise. Are Improvements In Corporate Governance Enough To Make Japanese Equities A Long-Term Buy? Chart 18Corporate Governance Not Improving Enough Many investors believe that improved corporate governance could be the catalyst the stock market needs to outperform. It is true that there have been some improvements in recent years. Japanese companies have increased the share of independent directors on their boards, although this remains low by international standards (Chart 18, panel 1). Share buybacks have increased, and are on track to hit all-time high this year (Chart 18, panel 2). However, the improvements are still somewhat superficial. Cash holdings of Japanese companies are about 50% of GDP and 100% of market capitalization. The dividend payout ratio, at 30%, is significantly lower than in other developed markets, for example 40% in the U.S. and 50% in the euro area (Chart 18, panels 3 & 4). Why haven’t Japanese corporations returned their excess cash to shareholders? The answer is that many companies simply do not believe that they hold excess cash (Chart 19). The lack of a vibrant market for corporate control, and the general failure of activist foreign investment funds in Japan, means there is also less pressure on companies to use cash efficiently, and to raise leverage to improve their return on equity. The growing presence of the BoJ in the stock market is also a concern. The BoJ now holds over 70% of outstanding ETF equity assets, and is on track to become the single largest owner of Japanese stocks within a couple of years. With the BoJ not taking an active role as a shareholder, this risks undermining corporate governance reforms.21 It also suggests that, without the BoJ’s equity purchases over the past few years, Japanese equities might have performed even worse. Foreign investors have been the main buyers of Japanese equities over the past two decades, offsetting net selling by domestic households and most types of financial institutions. But foreign purchases have recently started to roll over, a trend that could be another catalyst for downward pressures on the stock market, if it were to continue (Chart 20). Chart 20Who Will Buy If Foreigners Don't?   We conclude, therefore, that signs of improvement in corporate governance are still sporadic and not sufficient to justify a major rerating of the Japanese corporate sector.   Bottom Line GAA recommends an underweight on Japan over a 12-month time horizon, since the drag on consumption from the tax hike will override any positive impact from a rebound in global growth caused by Chinese stimulus. In the longer term, a stubborn refusal to use fiscal policy as well as monetary easing, the limited improvement in corporate governance, and Japan’s intractable structural problems such as demographics, mean it is hard to make a strong rerating case for Japanese equities.   Amr Hanafy, Research Associate amrh@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Please see Global Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook, “Precautionary Dovishness – Or Looming Recession?” dated July 1, 2019, available on gaa.bcaresearch.com. 2      The BoJ calculates core inflation as headline inflation less fresh food, and core core inflation as headline inflation less fresh food and energy. 3      Please see “Outlook for Economic Activity and Prices (July 2019),” Bank Of Japan, July 2019. 4      Please see “Energy transition Japan: 'We have to disrupt ourselves,' says TEPCO,” Engerati, April 24, 2017.   5      Wage growth is total cash earnings, which includes regular/scheduled earnings plus overtime pay plus special earnings/bonuses. 6      Menju Toshihiro, “Japan’s Historic Immigration Reform: A Work in Progress,” nippon.com, February 6,2019. 7      Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report, “Return Assumptions – Refreshed And Refined,” dated June 25, 2019, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 8      Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report, “Investor’s Guide To Inflation Hedging: How To Invest When Inflation Rises,” dated May 22, 2019 available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 9      Takuji Okubo, “Japan’s dormant central bank may have to rouse itself once more,” Financial Times, May 27, 2019. 10     The core idea of MMT is that, since governments can print as much of their own currency as they require, they do not need to raise money in order to spend money. Japan could increase its fiscal spending and, as long as the BoJ bought the increased bond issuance, this would not raise interest rates. 11     Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “MMT And Me,” dated May 31 2019, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 12     Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report, “The Emperor’s Act Of Grace,” dated 8 June 2016, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 13     Mariko Fujii and Masahiro Kawai, “Lessons from Japan’s Banking Crisis 1991-2005,” ADB Institute Working Paper, No. 222, June 2010. 14     Mizuho, Mitsubishi UFJ and Sumitomo Mitsui. Data from March 2019 annual reports. 15     Please see “Financial System Report,” Bank of Japan, April 2019. 16       Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Three Cycles,” dated July 26, 2019, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 17       Please see GAA’s latest Monthly Portfolio Update, “Manufacturing Recession, Consumer Resilience, Dovish Central Banks,” dated 1 August 2019, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com. 18     Please see “OECD Economic Surveys: Japan,” OECDiLibrary, April 15, 2019. 19     Please see “Government plans 5% rebates for some cashless payments after 2019 tax hike,”The Japan Times, November 22, 2018. 20     Please see “Outlook For Economic Activity And Price (July 2019),” Bank Of Japan, July 30, 2019. 21     Andrew Whiffin, “BoJ’s dominance over ETFs raises concern on distorting influence,” Financial Times, March 31, 2019.

Highlights Fed policy is likely to proceed in two stages: An initial stage characterized by a highly accommodative monetary policy, followed by a second stage where the Fed is raising rates aggressively in response to galloping inflation. The first stage, which will end in late 2021, will be heaven for risk assets. The subsequent stage, which will feature a global recession, will be hell. In the end, we expect the fed funds rate to reach 4.75%, representing thirteen more 25-basis point hikes than implied by current market pricing. For the time being, investors should maintain a pro-risk stance: Overweight global equities and high-yield credit relative to government bonds and cash. Regardless of what happens to the trade negotiations, China is stimulating its economy, which will benefit global growth. As a countercyclical currency, the dollar will weaken over the next 12 months. Cyclical stocks will outperform defensives. We expect to upgrade European and EM stocks this summer. Feature Dear Client, In lieu of next week’s report, I will be hosting a webcast on Wednesday, July 3rd at 10:00 AM EDT, where I will be discussing the major investment themes and views I see playing out for the rest of the year and beyond. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Macro Outlook Right On Stocks, Wrong On Bonds We turned structurally bullish on global equities following December’s sell-off, having temporarily moved to the sidelines last June. This view has generally played out well. In contrast, our view that bond yields would rise this year as stocks recovered has been one gigantic flop. What went wrong with the bond view? The answer is that central banks are reacting to incoming news and data differently than in the past. As we discuss below, this has monumental implications for investment strategy. A Not So Recessionary Environment If one had been told at the start of the year that investors would be expecting the fed funds rate to fall to 1.5% by mid-2020 – with a 93% chance that the Fed would cut rates at least twice and a 62% chance it will cut rates three times in 2019 – one would probably have assumed that the U.S. had teetered into recession and that the stock market would be down on the year (Chart 1). Instead, the S&P 500 is near an all-time high, while credit spreads have narrowed by 145 bps since the start of the year. Outside the manufacturing sector, the economy continues to grow at an above-trend pace and the unemployment rate is below most estimates of full employment. According to the Atlanta Fed, real final domestic demand is set to increase by 2.8% in Q2, up from 1.6% in Q1. Real personal consumption expenditures are tracking to rise at a 3.7% annualized pace (Chart 2). So why is the Fed telegraphing rate cuts when real interest rates are barely above zero? A few reasons stand out: Global growth has slowed (Chart 3). The trade war has heated up again following President Trump’s decision to further increase tariffs on Chinese goods. Inflation expectations have fallen in the U.S. as well as around the world (Chart 4). Chart 3Global Growth Has Slowed Chart 4Inflation Expectations Have Fallen Around The World   There’s More To The Story As important as they are, these three factors, even taken together, would not be enough to justify rate cuts were it not for an additional consideration: The Fed, like most other major central banks, has become increasingly worried that the neutral rate of interest – the rate consistent with full employment and stable inflation – is extremely low. This has resulted in a major shift in its reaction function. Nobody really knows exactly where the neutral rate is. According to the widely-cited Laubach Williams (L-W) model, the nominal neutral rate stands at 2.2% in the United States. This is close to current policy rates (Chart 5). The range for the longer-term interest rate dot in the Summary of Economic Projections is between 2.4% and 3.3%, which is higher than the L-W estimate. However, the range has trended lower since it was introduced in 2014 (Chart 6). Chart 5The Fed Thinks Rates Are Close To Neutral A Fundamental Asymmetry Given that inflation expectations are quite low and there is considerable uncertainty over the level of the neutral rate, it does make some sense for policymakers to err on the side of being too dovish rather than too hawkish. This is because there is an asymmetry in monetary policy in the current environment. If the neutral rate turns out to be higher than expected and inflation starts to accelerate, central banks can always raise rates. In contrast, if the neutral rate turns out to be very low, the decision to hike rates could plunge the economy into a downward spiral. Historically, the Fed has cut rates by over five percentage points during recessions (Chart 7). At the present rate of inflation, the zero-lower bound on interest rates would be quickly reached, at which point monetary policy would become largely impotent. Chart 7The Fed Is Worried About The Zero Bound The asymmetry described above argues in favor of letting the economy run hot in order to allow inflation to rise. A higher inflation rate going into a recession would let a central bank push real rates deeper into negative territory before the zero bound is reached. In addition, a higher inflation rate would facilitate wage adjustments in response to economic shocks. Firms typically try to reduce costs when demand for their products and services declines, but employers are often wary of cutting nominal wages. Even though it is not fully rational, workers get more upset when they are told that their wages will fall by 2% when inflation is 1% than when they are told their wages will rise by 1% when inflation is 3%. More controversially, a modestly higher inflation rate could improve financial stability. In a low-inflation, low-nominal-rate environment, risky borrowers are likely to be able to roll over loans for an extended period of time. This could lead to the proliferation of bad debt. Chart 8Higher Underlying Inflation Can Cushion Nominal Asset Price Declines Higher inflation can also cushion the blow from a burst asset bubble. For example, the Case-Shiller 20-City Composite Index fell by 34% between 2006 and 2012, or 41% in real terms. If inflation had averaged 4% over this period and real home prices had fallen by the same amount, nominal home prices would have declined by only 26%, resulting in fewer underwater mortgages (Chart 8). A New Reaction Function It is usually a mistake to base market views on an opinion about what policymakers should do rather than what they will do. On rare occasions, however, the opposite is true. And, where our Fed call is concerned, this seems to be the case. Where we fumbled earlier this year was in assuming the Fed would follow a more traditional, Taylor Rule-based monetary framework, which calls for raising rates as the output gap shrinks. Instead, the Fed has adopted a risk-based approach of the sort described above, reminiscent in many ways of the optimal control framework that Janet Yellen set out in 2012. The New Normal Becomes The New Consensus If one is going to conduct monetary policy in a way that errs on the side of letting the economy overheat, one should not be too surprised if the economy does overheat. Yet, the implied rate path from the futures curve suggests that investors are not taking this risk seriously. Chart 9 shows that investors are assigning a mere 5% chance that U.S. short-term rates will be above 3.5% in mid-2022. Why isn’t the market assigning more of a risk to an inflation overshoot? We suspect that most investors have bought into the consensus view that the real neutral rate is zero. According to this view, U.S. monetary policy had already turned restrictive last year when the 10-year Treasury yield climbed above 3%. If this view is correct, the recent decline in yields may stave off a recession, but it will not be enough to cause the economy to overheat. Many of the same investors also believe that deep-seated structural forces ranging from globalization, automation, demographics, to the waning power of trade unions, will all prevent inflation from rising much over the coming years even if the unemployment rate continues to fall. In other words, the Phillips curve is broken and destined to stay that way. But are these views correct? We think not.  Where Is Neutral? There is a big difference between arguing that the neutral rate may be low – and taking preemptive steps to remedy it – and arguing that it definitely is low. We subscribe to the former view, but not the latter. Our guess is that in the end, we will discover that the neutral rate is lower than in the past, but not nearly as low as investors currently think. Probably closer to 1.5% in real terms than 0%. As we discussed in detail two weeks ago, while a deceleration in trend growth has pushed down the neutral rate, other forces have pushed it up.1 These include looser fiscal policy (especially in the U.S.), a modest revival in private-sector credit demand, and dwindling labor market slack.  Since the neutral rate cannot be observed directly, the best we can do is monitor the more interest rate-sensitive sectors of the economy to see if they are cooling in a way that would be expected if monetary policy had become restrictive. For example, housing is a long-lived asset that is usually financed through debt. Hence, it is highly sensitive to changes in mortgage rates. History suggests that the recent decline in mortgage rates will spur a rebound in home sales and construction later this year (Chart 10). The fact that homebuilder confidence has bounced back this year and purchase mortgage applications have reached a cycle high is encouraging in that regard. The same goes for the fact that the vacancy rate is near an all-time low, housing starts have been running well below the rate of household formation, and the quality of mortgage lending has been quite strong (Chart 11). Chart 10Declining Yields Bode Well For Housing Chart 11U.S. Housing: No Oversupply Problem, While Demand Is Firm     Nevertheless, if the rebound in housing activity fails to materialize, it would provide evidence that other factors, such as job security concerns among potential homebuyers, are overwhelming the palliative effects of lower mortgage rates.  Have Financial Markets “Trapped” Central Banks? An often-heard argument is that central banks can ill-afford to raise rates for fear of unsettling financial markets. Proponents of this argument often mention that the value of all equities, corporate bonds, real estate and other risk assets around the world exceeds $400 trillion, five times greater than global GDP. There are at least two things wrong with this argument. First, an increase in financial wealth should translate into more spending, and hence a higher neutral rate of interest. Second, as we discussed earlier this year, the feedback loop between asset prices and economic activity tends to kick in only when monetary policy has already become restrictive.2  When policy rates are close to or above neutral, further rate hikes threaten to push the economy into recession. Corporate profits inevitably contract during recessions, which hurts risk asset prices. A vicious spiral can develop where falling asset prices lead to less spending throughout the economy, leading to lower profits and even weaker asset prices. In contrast, when interest rates are below their neutral level, as we believe is the case today in the major economies, an increase in policy rates will simply reduce the odds that the economy will overheat, which is ultimately a desirable outcome. U.S. Imbalances Are Modest Chart 12U.S. Corporate Debt (I): No Cause For Alarm Recessions usually occur when rising rates expose some serious imbalances in the economy. In the U.S. at least, the imbalances are fairly modest. As noted above, housing is on solid ground, which means that mortgage rates would need to rise substantially before the sector crumbles. Equities are pricey, but far from bubble territory. Moreover, unlike in the late 1990s, the run-up in stock prices over the past five years has not led to a massive capex overhang. Corporate debt is the weakest link in the financial system, but we should keep things in perspective. Even after the recent run-up, net corporate debt is only modestly higher than it was in the late 1980s, a period where the fed funds rate averaged nearly 10% (Chart 12). Thanks to low interest rates and rapid asset accumulation, the economy-wide interest coverage ratio is above its long-term average, while the ratio of debt-to-assets is below its long-term average (Chart 13). The corporate sector financial balance – the difference between what businesses earn and spend – is still in surplus. Every recession during the past 50 years has begun when the corporate sector financial balance was in deficit (Chart 14). Chart 13U.S. Corporate Debt (II): No Cause For Alarm Chart 14U.S. Corporate Debt (III): No Cause For Alarm     The Dollar, The Neutral Rate, and Global Growth In a globalized economy, capital flows can equalize, at least partially, neutral rates across countries. If any one central bank tries to raise rates – while others are standing pat or even cutting rates – the currency of the economy where rates are rising will shoot up, causing net exports to shrink and growth to slow.  In the case of the U.S. dollar, there is an additional issue to worry about, which is that there is about $12 trillion in overseas dollar-denominated debt. A stronger greenback would make it difficult for external borrowers to service their debts, leading to increased bankruptcies and defaults. Since financial and economic imbalances are arguably larger outside the U.S., a rising dollar would probably pose more of a problem for the rest of the world than for the United States. Although this is a serious risk, it is unlikely to materialize over the next 12-to-18 months, given our assumption that the dollar will weaken over this period. The U.S. dollar trades as a countercyclical currency, which is another way of saying that it tends to weaken whenever global growth strengthens (Chart 15). While the U.S. benefits from faster global growth, the rest of the world benefits even more. This stems from the fact that the U.S. has a smaller manufacturing base and a larger service sector than most other economies, which makes the U.S. a “low beta” economy. Hence, stronger global growth tends to cause capital to flow from the U.S. to the rest of the world, putting downward pressure on the greenback. Right now, China is stimulating its economy. The stimulus is a reaction to both slowing domestic growth, as well as worries about the potential repercussions of a trade war. It also reflects the fact that Chinese credit growth had sunk to a level only modestly above nominal GDP growth late last year. With the ratio of credit-to-GDP no longer rising quickly, the authorities had the luxury of suspending the deleveraging campaign (Chart 16). Chart 15The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency Chart 16Chinese Deleveraging Campaign Has Now Been Put On The Backburner   The combination of Chinese stimulus, the lagged effects from lower bond yields, and a turn in the global manufacturing cycle should all lift global growth in the back half of this year. This should cause the dollar to weaken. Trade War Worries Needless to say, this rosy outlook is predicated on the assumption that the trade war does not get out of hand. Our baseline envisions a “muddle through” scenario, where some sort of deal is hatched that allows the U.S. to bring down existing tariffs over time in exchange for a binding agreement by the Chinese to improve market access for U.S. companies and better secure intellectual property rights. The specifics of the deal are less important than there being a deal – any deal – that avoids a major escalation. Ultimately, the distinction between a “small” trade war and a “moderate” trade war is a function of how high tariffs end up being. Tariffs are taxes, and while no one likes to pay taxes, they are a familiar part of the global capitalist system. What is less familiar, and much more dangerous to global finance, are nontariff barriers that effectively bar countries from accessing critical inputs and technologies. Most global trade is in the form of intermediate goods (Chart 17). If a company cannot access the global supply chain, there is a good chance it may not be able to function at all. The current travails of Huawei is a perfect example of this. A full-blown trade war would create a lot of stranded capital. The stock market represents a claim on the existing capital stock, not the capital stock that would emerge after a trade war has been fought. Stocks would plunge in this scenario, with the U.S. and most other economies succumbing to a recession. Enough voters would blame Donald Trump that he would lose the election. While such an outcome cannot be entirely dismissed, it is precisely its severity that makes it highly unlikely. Inflation: Waiting For Godot? Global monetary policy is highly accommodative at present, and will only become more so if the Fed and some other central banks cut rates. Provided that the trade war does not boil over, global growth should accelerate, putting downward pressure on the U.S. dollar. A weaker dollar will further ease global financial conditions. In such a setting, global growth is likely to remain above trend, leading to a further erosion of labor market slack. Among the major economies, the U.S. is the closest to exhausting all remaining spare capacity (Chart 18). The unemployment rate has fallen to 3.6%, the lowest level since 1969. The number of people outside the labor force who want a job as a share of the working-age population is below the level last seen in 2000. The quits and job opening rates remain near record highs. Given the erosion in slack, why has inflation not taken off? To some extent, the answer is that the Phillips curve is “kinked.” A decline in the unemployment rate from say, 8% to 5%, does little to boost inflation because even at 5%, there are enough jobless workers keen to accept what employment offers they get. It is only once the unemployment rate falls well below NAIRU that inflation starts to kick in. In the 1960s, it was not before the unemployment rate fell two percentage points below NAIRU that inflation broke out (Chart 19). Chart 18U.S. Is Back To Full Employment Chart 19Inflation Took Off In The 1960s Amid An Overheated Economy   Wage growth has picked up. However, productivity growth has risen as well. As a result, unit labor costs – the ratio of wages-to-productivity – have actually decelerated over the past 18 months. Unit labor cost inflation tends to lead core inflation by up to one year (Chart 20).  Chart 20No Imminent Threat Of A Wage-Price Inflationary Spiral As the unemployment rate continues to drop, wage growth is likely to begin outstripping productivity gains. A wage-price spiral could develop. This is not a major risk for the next 12 months, but could become an issue thereafter. Could structural forces related to globalization, automation, demographics, and waning union power prevent inflation from rising even if labor markets tighten significantly further? We think that is unlikely. Globalization Regardless of what happens to the trade war, the period of hyperglobalization, ushered in by the fall of the Berlin Wall and China’s entry into the WTO, is over. As a share of global GDP, trade has been flat for more than ten years (Chart 21).  Chart 21Globalization Has Peaked Granted, it is not just the change in globalization that matters for inflation. The level matters too. In a highly globalized world, excess demand in one economy can be satiated with increased imports from another economy. However, this is only true if other economies have enough spare capacity. Even outside the United States, the unemployment rate in the G7 economies is approaching a record low (Chart 22). Chart 22The Unemployment Rate In The U.S. And Elsewhere Is Near Record Lows In any case, for a fairly closed economy such as the U.S., where imports account for only 15% of GDP, relative prices would need to shift a lot in order to incentivize households and firms to purchase substantially more goods from abroad. In the absence of dollar appreciation, this would require that the prices of U.S. goods increase in relation to the prices of foreign goods. In other words, U.S. inflation would still have to rise above that of the rest of the world. Automation Everyone likes to think that they are living in a special age of technological innovation. Yet, according to the productivity statistics, U.S. productivity has grown at a slower pace over the last decade than during the 1970s (Chart 23). As we argued in a past report, this is unlikely to be the result of measurement error.3  Perhaps the recent pickup in productivity growth will mark the start of a new structural trend. Maybe, but it could also just reflect a temporary cyclical revival. As labor has become less plentiful, companies have started to invest in more capital. Chart 24 shows that productivity growth and capital spending are highly correlated over the business cycle. Chart 24U.S. Productivity Growth And Capex Move In Lock-Step   It is less clear whether total factor productivity (TFP) growth — which reflects such things as technological know-how and business practices – has turned the corner. Over the past two centuries, TFP growth has accounted for over two-thirds of overall productivity growth. Recent data suggests TFP growth in the U.S. and around the world has remained sluggish (Chart 25). Chart 25ATotal Factor Productivity Remains Muted Across Developed Markets Chart 25BTotal Factor Productivity Remains Muted Across Developed Markets     Even if TFP growth does accelerate, it is not obvious that this will end up being deflationary. Increased productivity means more income, but more income means more potential spending. To the extent that stronger productivity growth expands aggregate supply, it also has the potential to raise aggregate demand. Thus, while faster productivity growth in one sector will cause relative prices in that sector to fall, this will not necessarily reduce the overall price level. Chart 26Rising Labor Share Of Income Occurring Alongside Labor Market Tightening True, faster productivity growth has the ability to shift income from poor workers to rich capitalists. Since the former spend more of their income than the latter, this could slow aggregate demand growth. However, the recent trend has been in the other direction, as a tighter labor market has pushed up labor’s share of income (Chart 26). Among workers, wage growth is now higher at the bottom end of the income distribution than at the top (Chart 27). Demographics For several decades, slower population growth has reduced the incentive for firms to expand capacity. Population aging has also shifted more people into their prime saving years. The combination of lower investment demand and higher desired savings pushed down the neutral rate on interest. Chart 28The Worker-To-Consumer Ratio Has Peaked Globally Now that baby boomers are starting to retire, they are moving from being savers to dissavers. Chart 28 shows that ratio of workers-to-consumers globally has begun to decline as the post-war generation leaves the labor force. As more people stop working, aggregate savings will fall. The shortage of savings will put upward pressure on the neutral rate. If central banks drag their feet in raising policy rates in response to an increase in the neutral rate, monetary policy will end up being too stimulative. As economies overheat, inflation will pick up. The Waning Power Of Unions The declining influence of trade unions is often cited as a reason for why inflation will remain subdued. There are a number of problems with this argument. First, unionization rates in the U.S. peaked in the mid-1950s, more than a decade before inflation began to accelerate. Second, while the unionization rate continued to decline in the U.S. during the 1980s and 1990s, it remained elevated in Canada. Yet, this did not prevent Canadian inflation from falling as rapidly as it did in the United States (Chart 29). The widespread use of inflation-linked wage contracts in the 1970s appears mainly to have been a consequence of rising inflation rather than the cause of it (Chart 30). Chart 29Inflation Fell In Canada, Despite A High Unionization Rate Chart 30Higher Inflation Led To More Inflation-Indexed Wage Contracts, Not The Other Way Around   Ultimately, the price level cannot increase on a sustained basis independent of other things such as the level of the money supply. Unions have influence over wages, but in the long run, central banks play the decisive role. Alt-Right Or Ctrl-Left, The Result Is Usually Inflation In a speech to the Council on Foreign Relations this week, Jay Powell noted that “The Fed is insulated from short-term political pressures – what is often referred to as our ‘independence’.”4 The operative words in his remarks were “short-term”. Powell knows full well that the Fed’s independence is not cast in stone. Even if Trump cannot legally fire or demote him, the President can choose who to nominate to the Fed’s Board of Governors. Early on in his tenure, Trump showed little interest in the workings of the Federal Reserve. He even went so far as to nominate Marvin Goodfriend – definitely no good friend of easy money – to the Fed board. Trump’s last two candidates, Stephen Moore and Herman Cain, were both political flunkies, happy to ditch their previous commitments to hard money in favor of Trump’s desire to see lower interest rates. Neither made it as far as the Senate confirmation process. Recent media reports have suggested that Trump will nominate Judy Shelton, a previously unknown economist whose main claim to fame is the promulgation of a bizarre theory about why the Fed should not pay interest on excess reserves (which, conveniently, would imply that overnight rates would need to fall to zero immediately).5  It is not clear whether Trump’s attempt to stack the Fed with lackeys will succeed. But one thing is clear: Countries with independent central banks tend to end up with lower inflation rates than countries where central banks are not independent (Chart 31). Whether it be Trump-style right-wing populism or left-wing populism (don’t forget, MMT is a product of the left, not the right), the result is usually the same: higher inflation. Investment Recommendations Overall Strategy The discussion above suggests the Fed will proceed along a two-stage path: An initial stage characterized by a highly accommodative monetary policy, followed by a second stage where the Fed is raising rates aggressively in response to galloping inflation. The first stage will be heaven for risk assets. The subsequent stage will be hell. The big question is when the transition from stage one to stage two will occur. Inflation is a highly lagging indicator. It usually does not peak until a recession has begun and does not bottom until a recovery is well under way (Chart 32). While some measures of U.S. core inflation such as the Dallas Fed’s “trimmed mean” have moved back up to 2%, this follows a prolonged period of sub-target inflation. For now, the Fed wants both actual inflation and inflation expectations to increase. Thus, we doubt that inflation will move above the Fed’s comfort zone before 2021, and it will probably not be until 2022 that monetary policy turns contractionary. It will take even longer for inflation to rise meaningfully in the euro area and Japan. Recessions rarely happen if monetary policy is expansionary. Sustained equity bear markets in stocks, in turn, almost never happen outside of recessionary periods (Chart 33). As such, a pro-risk asset allocation, favoring global equities and high-yield credit over safe government bonds and cash, is warranted at least for the next 12 months. Chart 33Recessions And Equity Bear Markets Usually Overlap The key market forecast charts on the first page of this report graphically lay out our baseline forecasts for equities, bonds, currencies, and commodities. Broadly speaking, we expect a risk-on environment to prevail until the end of 2021, followed by a major sell-off in equities and credit. Equities Stocks tend to peak about six months before the onset of a recession. In the 13-to-24 month period prior to the recession, returns tend to be substantially higher than during the rest of the expansion (Table 1). We are approaching that party phase. Table 1Too Soon To Get Out Global equities currently trade at 15-times forward earnings. Unlike last year, earning growth estimates are reasonably conservative (Chart 34). Chart 34Global Stocks Are Not That Expensive Outside the U.S., stocks trade at a respectable 13-times forward earnings. Considering that bond yields are negative in real terms in most economies – and negative in nominal terms in Japan and many parts of Europe – this implies a sizable equity risk premium.  We have yet to upgrade EM and European stocks to overweight, but expect to do so some time this summer, once we see some evidence that global growth is accelerating. International stocks should do especially well in common-currency terms over the next 12 months, if the dollar continues to trend lower, as we expect will be the case.  We are less enthusiastic about Japanese equities. First, there is still the risk that the Japanese government will needlessly raise the consumption tax in October. Second, as a risk-off currency, the yen is likely to struggle in an environment of strengthening global growth. Investors looking for exposure to Japanese stocks should favor the larger multinational exporters. At the global sector level, cyclicals should outperform defensives in an environment of stronger global growth, a weaker dollar, and ongoing Chinese stimulus. We particularly like industrials and energy. Financials should catch a bid in the second half of this year. According to the forwards, the U.S. yield curve will steepen by 38 bps over the next six months (Chart 35). Worries about an inverted yield curve will taper off. Curves will also likely steepen outside the U.S. as growth prospects improve. A steeper yield curve is manna from heaven for banks. Euro area banks trade at an average dividend yield of 6.4% (Chart 36). We are buying them as part of a tactical trade recommendation. Chart 36Euro Area Banks Are A Buy     Fixed Income The path to higher rates is lined with lower rates. The longer a central bank keeps rates below their neutral level, the more economies will overheat, and the larger the eventual inflation overshoot will be. The Fed’s dovish turn means that rates will stay lower for longer, but will ultimately go higher than we had originally envisioned. As a result, we are increasing our estimate of the terminal fed funds rate for this cycle by 50 bps to 4.75% and initiating a new trade going short the March 2022 Eurodollar futures contract. Our terminal fed funds rate projection assumes a neutral real rate of 1.5% and a peak inflation rate of 2.75%. Rates will rise roughly 50 basis points above neutral in the first half of 2022, enough to generate a recession later that year. The 10-year Treasury yield will peak at 4% this cycle. While the bulk of the increase will happen in 2021/22, yields will still rise over the next 12 months, as U.S. growth surprises on the upside. Thus, a short duration stance is warranted even in the near-to-medium term. The German 10-year yield will peak at 1.5% in 2022. We expect the U.S.-German spread to narrow modestly through to end-2021 and then widen somewhat as U.S. inflation accelerates relative to German inflation. The spread between Italian and German yields will decline in the lead-up to the global recession in 2022 and widen thereafter. U.K. gilt yields are likely to track global bond yields, although Brexit remains a source of downside risk for yields. Our base case is either no Brexit or a very soft Brexit, given that popular opinion has turned away from leaving the EU (Chart 37). Chart 37U.K.: In The Case Of A Do-Over, The Remain Side Would Likely Win Chart 38U.S. Default Losses Will Remain In Check   We expect only a very modest increase in Japanese yields over the next five years. Japanese long-term inflation expectations are much lower than in the other major economies, which will require an extended period of near-zero rates to rectify. We expect corporate credit to outperform government bonds over the next 12 months. While spreads are not likely to narrow much from present levels, the current yield pickup is high enough to compensate for expected bankruptcy risk. Our U.S. fixed-income strategists expect default losses on the Bloomberg Barclays High-Yield index on the order of 1.25%-1.5% over the next 12 months (Chart 38). In that scenario, the junk index offers 224 bps – 249 bps of excess spread, a solid positive return that is only slightly below the historical average of 250 bps.  Currencies And Commodities The two-stage Fed cycle described above will govern the trajectory of the dollar over the next few years. In the initial stage, where global growth is accelerating and the Fed is falling ever further behind the curve in normalizing monetary policy, the dollar will depreciate. Dollar weakness will be especially pronounced against the euro and EM currencies. Commodities and commodity currencies will see solid gains. Our commodity strategists are particularly bullish on oil, as they expect crude prices to benefit from both stronger global demand and increasingly tight supply conditions. The Chinese yuan will start strengthening again if a detente is reached in the trade talks. Even if a truce fails to materialize, the Chinese authorities will likely step up the pace of credit stimulus, rather than trying to engineer a significant, and possibly disorderly, devaluation.   In the second stage, where the Fed is desperately hiking rates to prevent inflation expectations from becoming unmoored, the dollar will soar. The combination of higher U.S. rates and a stronger dollar will cause global equities to crash and credit spreads to widen. The resulting tightening in financial conditions will lead to slower global growth, which will further turbocharge the dollar. Only once the Fed starts cutting rates again in late 2022 will the dollar weaken anew. Gold should do well in the first stage of the Fed cycle and at least part of the second stage. In the first stage, gold will benefit from a weaker dollar. In the initial part of the second stage, gold prices will continue to rise as inflation fears escalate. Gold will probably weaken temporarily once real interest rates reach restrictive territory and a recession becomes all but inevitable. We recommended buying gold on April 17, 2019. The trade is up 10.8% since then. Stick with it.   Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “A Two-Stage Fed Cycle,” dated June 14, 2019. 2      Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Low Odds Of An FCI Doom Loop,” dated January 4, 2019. 3      Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame The Statisticians," dated March 26, 2016. 4      Please see “Powell Emphasizes Fed’s Independence,” The New York Times, June 25, 2019. 5      Heather Long, “Trump’s potential Fed pick Judy Shelton wants to see ‘lower rates as fast as possible’,” The Washington Post, June 19, 2019.   Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Bank Credit Analyst

Highlights An aging population, a banking sector in poor health, and a private sector focused on building up savings are the key factors undermining euro area growth on a structural basis. A large manufacturing sector makes the euro area vulnerable to EM competition. Unlike the U.S., the region’s tech sector is held back by regulatory burdens, taxes and heavy dependence on bank funding. The euro area growth faces decades of low growth and inflation. Euro area rates will stay depressed, but paradoxically, the euro can still experience structural appreciation. Euro area equities are cheap for a good reason, and banks will continue to weigh on performance. Feature Over the past 10 years, the euro area has gone through a sovereign debt crisis, a double-dip recession, persistent below-target inflation, and most recently, yet another major growth slowdown. Moreover, this economic malaise materialized despite highly stimulative monetary policy, including negative interest rates. The ongoing economic weakness has raised the specter that the euro area is the new Japan. Nearly three decades after the bursting of the Nikkei bubble, the Land of the Rising Sun remains mired in low growth and mild but persistent deflation. Consequently, charts showing that European policy rates or bond yields are tracking Japanese developments with a 17-year lag (Chart II-1) have not only become commonplace, they elicit fears that European growth, interest rates and asset valuations will lag the rest of the world for decades to come. Chart II-1Europe Is Following The Japanese Example In this piece, we discuss the various forces that explain why the euro area economy has been so weak this decade, and why such low interest rates have had so little impact on growth. We also study what sets the U.S. and euro area apart, and whether or not Europe will follow the trail blazed by Japan nearly 30 years ago. The Three Headwinds Three ills have kept European growth particularly depressed this cycle and are likely to remain significant headwinds into the foreseeable future: demographics, the banking sector’s poor health, and nonfinancial private sector balance sheet cleansing. 1)   Demographics This is the most well understood and acknowledged problem impacting Europe today. Since 2008, the European population has grown by 2%, or only 0.2% a year, with the working age population having peaked around that year. Going forward, the picture will only deteriorate: The UN expects Europe’s population to contract by 12% over the next 27 years, and the working age population to fall by 15%. This also means that the dependency ratio – the number of individuals aged less than 15 and above 65 per 100 working-age people – will approximately double over the coming 40 years. This is a clear parallel with Japan. As Chart II-2 illustrates, Europe’s population, the number of working-age individuals and the dependency ratio are all tracking Japan with a 17-year lag. Like Japan, Europe’s trend growth will thus only deteriorate further. Not only will Europe not be able to add as many workers as the U.S. to its total, but it will need to build even fewer schools, malls, office buildings or units of housing. Consequently, both the supply and demand sides of the economy will lag due to this factor alone. 2)   Banking Sector Health The poor health of the euro area banking sector is well known. BCA’s Global Asset Allocation service published an in-depth analysis of the European banking sector last December.4 The piece demonstrated that European banks have been much slower to recognize non-performing loans, curtail credit and rebuild capital than their U.S. counterparts. U.S. bank loans to the private sector fell by 13% in the two years during the crisis, while in Europe, these same loans have only fallen by 2% since 2008. Euro area banks generally remain burdened with significant non-performing loans as a percentage of regulatory capital. Moreover, net interest margins are also dismal, implying that the income cushion against bad loans is thin. Consequently, outside of France, Finland and Germany, European banks have either not grown their loan books to the private sector or, as is the case with Spain, Portugal, and Ireland, these books are continuously shrinking (Chart II-3). Chart II-2Same Demography In Europe Now Than In Japan Then Chart II-3Peripheral Banks Continue To Curtail Credit   The poor health of the European banking system is now constraining the supply of new credit to the rest of the economy. This is a much bigger problem than is the case in the U.S. given that in Europe, 72% of corporate funding comes from the banking system while 88% of household liabilities are also funded this way. In the U.S., the share of bank funding for these sectors is 32% and 29%, respectively (Chart II-4). A weak euro area banking system prevents the nonfinancial private sector from growing as robustly as it could. 3)   Nonfinancial Private Sector Balance Sheet Cleanse Another major drag on European growth has been the continued efforts of the European private sector to rebuild its balance sheet. To use the terminology developed by our upcoming conference speaker Richard Koo, the euro area has been in the thralls of a powerful balance sheet recession. Households in the euro area, Japan and the U.S. are all accumulating more financial assets than liabilities. However, only in the U.S. is the nonfinancial corporate sector building more liabilities than it is accumulating assets (Chart II-5). In Japan and Europe, the nonfinancial corporate sector is also a source of savings for the economy. Moreover, in Europe, the government runs a much smaller financial deficit. The current account balance tells this story vividly. A country’s current account is equal to the private sector’s savings minus investment and minus government deficits. As Italy, Spain, and other peripheral economies increased their aggregate savings after 2008, their large current account deficits vanished. Meanwhile, the governments of countries like Germany or the Netherlands, which sported healthy public finances, did not increase their spending in a commensurate way. This adjustment transformed an overall euro area current account deficit of 1.5% in 2008 into a surplus of 3.0% of GDP today, sending some of Europe’s excess savings abroad. This mimics the post-1990 Japanese experience. In the U.S., where the private sector savings did not rise as durably as in Europe, the current account stopped improving meaningfully in 2010 (Chart II-6). Chart II-5European Businesses Are Savers, Like In Japan Chart II-6The Current Account Dynamics Epitomise The Savings Dynamics   A private sector squarely focused on rebuilding its balance sheet liquidity can lead to a liquidity trap. In this state, monetary policy can become ineffective as spending does not respond to lower interest rates. This is where Europe is currently stuck, explaining why the European Central Bank is finding that inflation and growth are not experiencing much lift, despite seemingly incredibly accommodative monetary conditions. Why Such An Urge To Save? The fact that the household sector is a net saver is not surprising, as this is a normal state of affairs across most economies. But why is the European nonfinancial corporate sector still trying to improve its balance sheet liquidity by accumulating more assets than liabilities? Like Japanese businesses 30 years ago, European firms have large debt loads. Another problem is the lack of capex opportunities in Europe. Why do we make this assertion? The return on assets in Europe has been at rock-bottom levels ever since the introduction of the euro (Chart II-7). In the decade from 1998 to 2008, this was a non-issue. Strong global growth flattered European sales, and easy access to credit meant that via rising leverage euro area-listed nonfinancial corporations were able to generate returns on equity comparable to U.S. firms (Chart II-8, top panel). Once European banks got cold feet and European nonfinancial businesses began focusing on deleveraging, the low level of return on assets became more apparent. Part of the problem is that European profit margins are much closer to Japanese than U.S. levels (Chart II-8, middle panel). Even more damning, asset turnover – how much sales are generated by a unit of assets – has been structurally lower in Europe than in both Japan and the U.S. for multiple decades (Chart II-8, bottom panel). Chart II-7Europe Suffers From A Lower RoA Chart II-8DuPont's Decomposition Shows Why The Euro Area RoA Is Poor   The first factor weighing on the level of asset utilization and returns in Europe is the elevated level of capital stock. As Chart II-9 illustrates, the capital stock as a share of output in Italy, Spain and France dwarfs that of Japan, China or the U.S. Even Germany’s capital stock, which stands well below that of other large euro area economies, is nearly 100 percentage points of GDP larger than the U.S’s. Europe has too large a pool of assets to make any additional investments profitable, especially in light of its poor demographic profile. The second factor weighing on European asset utilization and returns is the poorer level of labor productivity. From the 1950s to the early 1980s, European GDP per worker rose relative to the U.S., albeit peaking at 92% of the levels across the Atlantic. Due to falling working hours in Europe relative to the U.S. since the 1980s, relative output per hour continued to rise until the mid-1990s, peaking at 105% of the U.S. level. However, since their respective zeniths, both relative productivity measures have collapsed (Chart II-10, top panel). Chart II-10Another Symptom Of Europe's Misallocation Of Capital In The 2000s These collapses are in fact worse than Japan’s performance since its lost decades began. As the second panel of the chart shows, since the early 1990s, Japan’s relative output per hour and per worker have flattened – not declined – at around 65% and 72%, respectively, of U.S. levels. Instead, relative European productivity levels are currently converging toward Japanese levels (Chart II-10, third and fourth panels). The particularly poor level of European asset utilization and productivity principally reflects the duality between the peripheral as well as French economies on one side, and Germany as well as the Netherlands on the other side. The exceptionally large capital stock outside of Germany is a legacy of the years directly after the euro’s introduction. Back then, the ECB kept rates low to help Germany, the then-sick man of Europe. These rates were too low for the rest of Europe, encouraging large capital stock build-ups. Moreover, this capital was misallocated, as demonstrated by the tepid growth of output per hour and output per capita in Europe post 2000. Since funds were poorly allocated, the output-to-capital ratio in the periphery collapsed. In other words, the peripheral capital-stock-to-GDP ratios continued rising because the denominator, GDP, lagged. An additional problem for Europe’s asset utilization has been its large manufacturing sector. Even after declining, 20% of Europe’s GDP still comes from the secondary sector versus less than 12% in the U.S. (Chart II-11). This has two consequences for Europe’s asset utilization relative to the U.S. First, a large manufacturing sector requires a much larger asset base than a large service or tech sector. Second, the manufacturing sector is more exposed to competition from emerging markets than the tech sector, or than the domestically-focused service sector. Chart II-11Europe Is Left Exposed To EM Competition In other words, not only has the U.S. experienced less capital misallocation than a large swath of the European economy, it has also re-aligned its economy to make it more robust in the face of competition from emerging economies, while Europe mostly has not. Consequently, hurt by foreign competition and unable or unwilling to re-invent itself, Europe has been left with dwindling relative productivity levels and poor degrees of asset utilization and returns. Why Did The U.S. Economy Transition Better than Europe To A Globalized World? There are many reasons why the U.S. has maintained higher RoAs and has been more successful at transitioning away from a manufacturing-led economy than the euro area. First, the level of product and service market regulation in Europe is highly punitive. As Chart II-12 illustrates, like Japan, most euro area countries fare poorly in the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business survey. In fact, Italy scores even lower than China! Meanwhile, the U.S. ranks near the top, not far from Singapore. This means that starting new businesses, competing, and so on is easier in the U.S. than in Europe, helping foster a greater level of entrepreneurialism. Consequently, established businesses have been able to maintain the status quo longer in Europe than in the U.S., preventing creative destruction from purging the system of bad assets. Second, most large euro area economies are burdened by heavy taxes. As Chart II-13 shows, while the U.S. public sector extracts taxes equal to 27.1% of GDP, German, Italian and French taxes equal 37.5%, 42.4% and 46.2% of GDP, respectively, well above the OECD average of 34.2%. Such high levels of taxation disincentivize risk-taking. Lower levels of risk taking by individuals further prevented the degree of creative destruction necessary for Europe to better use its capital stock. Third, and linked to the previous point, government spending equals 34.9% of GDP in the U.S., compared to 48.2% and 56.0% in Italy or France, respectively. A large government has historically stifled innovation and favored the status quo. By no means does this implies that the U.S. system is free of imbalances, but it highlights that compared to two of the three largest European economies, the U.S. public sector has had a less deleterious impact on growth conditions and entrepreneurialism. Moreover, Italy and France have been in deep need of structural reforms that have been lacking. On this front, while the outlook is improving in France under Macron’s presidency, Italy remains mired in immobilism. Europe has too large a pool of assets to make any additional investments profitable, especially in light of its poor demographic profile. Fourth, the financing structure in the U.S. favors investing in new businesses and industries, especially when compared to the euro area. Equities represent 78% of the capital structure of nonfinancial corporations in the U.S. while they represent only 61% in the euro area. Moreover, within debt-financing, capital markets account for 68% of sourced funds in the U.S. compared to 28% in the euro area. In fact, junk bond market capitalization only accounts for 2.2% of GDP in Europe compared to 6.0% in the U.S. This suggests that financing risky ventures – and entrepreneurialism is inherently risky – is tougher in Europe than in the U.S. In fact, as a share of GDP, the European venture capital business is less than a sixth the size of the U.S.’s (Chart II-14), a gap that has existed for more than 30 years. Chart II-14U.S. Financing Allows For Greater Risk Taking With all these hurdles, it is unsurprising that Europe has taken more time to make its economy more dynamic in the globalized economy of the 21st century. It also explains why Europe might be suffering more from EM competition than the U.S. Interestingly, this last point may be changing as U.S. voters seem to want to move back toward a larger manufacturing sector. This transition is unlikely to happen without more protectionism. This is a topic for another report. Is Europe Doomed To Japanification… Or Worse? It is easy to see why Europe cannot hope to grow as fast as the U.S., and therefore why the ECB will not be able to lift rates as high as the Fed and why bund yields are likely to lag Treasurys for years to come. Europe has a much more dire demographic profile than the U.S. It needs to purge its capital stock and invigorate its economy through reforms, a smaller public sector, and more diversified financing channels. But can the euro area fare better than Japan has over the past 30 years? On three fronts, the euro area looks better than Japan. First, as Chart II-15 shows, the overall European nonfinancial private sector entered its crisis in 2008 with lower leverage than Japan’s in the early 1990s. Additionally, European stocks were much cheaper in 2007 than the Nikkei was in 1989 (Chart II-16, top panel). Even Spanish real estate was more reasonably valued in 2007 than Japanese real estate in the early 1990s (Chart II-16, bottom panel). This combination means that now that the acute part of the crisis is over, the hole in the European private sector’s balance sheet is much smaller than the one Japan needed to plug 30 years ago. Thus, from a balance-sheet perspective, the need to rebuild savings is lower in Europe than Japan, and we could expect the current period of elevated savings to be shorter in the euro area than it has been in Japan. Chart II-16...And European Assets Were Not As Expensive As Japanese Ones At The Onset Of The Crisis   Second, despite former ECB President Jean-Claude Trichet’s policy mistake of raising interest rates in 2011, the ECB was much quicker to implement extreme easing policy measures than the Bank of Japan was in its day. It took 10 years for the BoJ to cut rates to zero after the Nikkei peaked in December 1989. It took one year for the ECB to do so after stock prices peaked in 2007. It took nine years for the BoJ to expand its balance sheet aggressively, but it took less than two years for the ECB to do so. One of the key benefits of this greater European proactivity has been to keep European inflation expectations much higher than in Japan, curtailing real interest rates in the process. Third, Europe purged economic excesses much more quickly than Japan. The Japanese unemployment rate increased from 2% to 6% between 1990 and 2010. In peripheral Europe, where the worst pre-crisis excesses existed, unemployment rose from 7.5% in 2008 to 18% in 2013 (Chart II-17, top panel). Meanwhile, real wages never adjusted in Japan, but fell 27.0% at their worst in Spain and 32.5% in Greece (Chart II-17, bottom panel). Moreover, the Rajoy reforms in Spain and the Macron reforms in France show that outside of Italy, European governments have been reforming their economies faster than Japan did after the bubble burst in 1990. Chart II-17Bigger Labor Market Purge In Europe Than Japan However, on three fronts Europe is faring worse than Japan. First, up until the last 10 years, Japan benefited from a robust global economy where trade grew strongly. Europe is entering its second decade of low growth in an environment where global economic activity is much weaker, as potential U.S. GDP growth has slowed and China is not growing at a double-digit pace anymore. Moreover, budding protectionism in the U.S. is creating another hurdle for European economic output. Second, the excess capital stock in the European periphery is in fact greater than was the case in Japan in 1990. This suggests that the periphery needs to curtail investments by a greater margin than Japan did. Consequently, peripheral growth will continue to exert downward pressure on aggregate European activity for an extended period. Third, the European fiscal response will not match Japan’s. Investors often decry Japan’s large government debt of 238.2% of GDP as a sign of profligacy. It is not. It is mainly a mirror image of the private sector’s savings surplus. The Japanese government’s ability to run large deficits has prevented a larger fall in output – one that would have equaled the annual savings of the private sector. Without the government’s dissaving, the Japanese private sector would have found its debt load even more onerous to service, and the need to curtail spending would have been even greater as economy-wide cash flows would have been even smaller. Europe does not have a unified fiscal authority that can run such large-scale deficits. Instead, each nation’s government has a limited capacity to accumulate debt as investors worry that overly-indebted governments may very well redenominate what they have borrowed in much weaker currencies than the euro. This risk is made even greater by the fact that there is no euro-area wide deposit insurance scheme. Since Italian and Spanish banks hold large amounts of BTPs and Bonos, respectively, a so-called doom-loop exists that links the health of banks in those countries to the health of their governments, further limiting the public sector’s ability to act as a spender of last resort. This makes the efforts of the private sector in Italy, France, and Spain to increase its savings and bring down its excess capital stock more difficult, and thus, likely to last longer. Even if 10 years after the crisis first emerged, Europe has done more to purge its economy from its pre-crisis excesses than Japan had after its first lost decade, a lack of unified fiscal lever in Europe nullifies this positive. Thus, so long as the European integration efforts remain on the backburner, euro area growth, inflation, and interest rates will continue to look more like Japan’s have over the past 30 years than the U.S. This is likely to cause a big problem once the next recession emerges. Europe will enter that slowdown without any ammunition to reflate growth. Therefore, the next recession is likely to prove very deflationary and test the recent improvement in support for the euro seen across all euro area nations (Chart II-18). If the euro area survives this crisis, and we suspect it will, the probability of a fiscal union will only grow.2 After all, it has been through various crises that Europe has moved closer together, and the rise of a multipolar geopolitical environment dominated by large countries makes this imperative ever more vital. Chart II-18Support For The Euro Is Resilient Bottom Line: We expect European growth and inflation to continue to lag well behind the U.S. for years to come if not a full decade. Ultimately, bringing down the expensive capital stock in the European periphery will be a slow process, especially if governments remain tight fisted. Investment Implications First, core euro area interest rates are likely to remain well below U.S. levels. As long as the European private sector pares back investments in order to normalize its capital stock-to-GDP ratio - a phenomenon that will be most pronounced in the periphery and France - European growth and inflation will lag behind the U.S. This also means that as long as European governments remain shy spenders and do not compensate for the lack of spending from the private sector, in the euro area periphery, European banks will suffer from depressed net interest margins and be structural underperformers. Second, the euro is likely to experience a structural upward drift. The euro is trading at a 10.5% discount to its purchasing power parity. Moreover, high private sector savings not only weigh on inflation, they will also push Europe’s net international investment position higher via an accumulated current account surplus. Both these factors are long-term bullish for the euro. Moreover, the fact that the euro area will soon become a net creditor nation, along with a lack of room to stimulate growth via monetary easing in times of recessions, means that the euro could increasingly become a counter-cyclical currency like the yen. So long as the European integration efforts remain on the backburner, euro area growth, inflation, and interest rates will continue to look more like Japan’s have over the past 30 years than the U.S. Third, European equities are trading at a discount to U.S. equities, but we do not think this guarantees long-term outperformance. European equities are cheap because European growth prospects are poor. If Japan is any guide, European stocks may be set to continue underperforming. This is especially true as financials are over-represented in European equity benchmarks, and banks stand at the epicenter of the European economic malaise. Fourth, European stocks will remain slaves to the global business cycle. Since the crisis, European growth has become hypersensitive to global growth, making European equities very responsive to the global business cycle. The same phenomenon happened in post-1990 Japan. In other words, the beta of European stocks is likely to continue to rise. This phenomenon could be exacerbated if the euro indeed does become a counter-cyclical currency, in which case the euro and European equities would become negatively correlated, like the yen and the Nikkei. Finally, the period from 1999 to 2005 showed how ECB policy targeted at supporting Germany resulted in imbalances that boosted real estate and equity returns in the periphery – in Spain and Ireland in particular. Today, the periphery is the worst offender when it comes to poor bank health and private sector balance sheet rebuilding. This means that the ECB is likely to keep monetary conditions too accommodative for Germany, where balance sheets are more robust and where the capital stock is not as excessive. As a result, financial market plays linked to German real estate are likely to continue outperforming other European domestic plays. They therefore warrant an overweight within European portfolios. Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst   Footnotes 1 Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report "Euro Area Banks: Value Play Or Value Trap?" dated December 14, 2018, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com 2 The European Commission Eurobarometer Surveys show that Europeans overwhelmingly see Europe as a peace project and as a way to maintain a voice in a world dominated by huge players like the U.S., China, or Russia, a world where France, Germany, or Italy individually are marginal players. In 2016, the U.K. population did not share this opinion. Moreover, even after what amounts to a depression, the support for the euro continues to rise in Greece, showing the growing commitment of Europeans to the euro, and the resilience of this commitment to economic shocks.

Bank Credit Analyst

Highlights The recent dovish shift in tone from central banks around the world is here to stay this year, providing support for global growth. As a result, stock prices will benefit from a combination of easy policy and rebounding activity, while safe-haven yields will grind higher. The recent deterioration in profit margins is not due to rising costs but reflects weaknesses in pricing power. Pricing power is pro-cyclical: If global growth improves and the dollar weakens, margins should recover. Overweight financials and energy. We are upgrading European equities to neutral, and placing them on a further upgrade watch. Feature Easy Does It The global monetary environment has eased over the past four months. Some major central banks like the Federal Reserve and the Bank of Canada have backed away from tightening. Others, like the Bank of Japan, the Reserve Bank of Australia, the Reserve Bank of New Zealand and the Swedish Riksbank have provided very dovish forward guidance. And one major policy setting institution – the European Central Bank – has even eased policy outright by announcing a large-scale injection of liquidity in the banking sector through its TLTRO-III operation that will begin in September. This phenomenon is not limited to advanced economies. Important EM central banks are also targeting easier liquidity conditions. The Reserve Bank of India has cut interest rates by 50 basis points; the Monetary Authority of Singapore is now targeting a flat exchange rate; and the Bank of Korea has issued a somewhat dovish forward guidance. Most importantly, Chinese policymakers are once again forcing debt through the system, with total social financing flows amounting to RMB 2.9 trillion last quarter, more than the RMB 2.4 trillion pumped through the economy in the first quarter of 2016. These reflationary efforts will bear fruit. Policy easing, especially when it relies as largely on forward guidance as the current wave does, should result in lower forward interest rates. And as Chart I-1 illustrates, when a large proportion of global forward rates are falling, a rebound in global economic activity typically follows. This time will not be different. Chart I-1Monetary Guardians Are Coming To The Rescue The S&P 500 and global equities have already rebounded by 18.9% and 17.2%, respectively since late December. Have markets already fully discounted the growth improvement that lies ahead, leaving them vulnerable to disappointments? Or do global stocks have more upside? While a rest may prove necessary, BCA anticipates that global equity prices have more upside over the coming 12 months. Are Central Banks About To Abandon Their Newfound Dovish Bias? We sincerely doubt it. Reversing the recent tone change soon would only hurt the battered credibility that central banks are fighting so hard to maintain. In the case of the U.S., the most recent FOMC minutes were clear: The Fed does not intend to tighten policy soon, even if growth remains decent. The minutes confirmed the idea we espoused last month, that FOMC members are focused on avoiding a Japan-like outcome for the U.S. where low expected inflation begets low realized inflation. Such an outcome would greatly increase the probability that an entrenched deflationary mindset develops in the U.S. in the next recession. As a result, we anticipate that the Fed will refrain from tightening policy until inflation expectations move back up toward their historical range (Chart I-2). Further justifying the Fed’s new stance, a small rebound in productivity is keeping unit labor costs at bay, despite a pick-up in wages. This is likely to put a lid on core inflation for now (Chart I-3). Chart I-2Inflation Expectations: Too Low For The FOMC's Comfort Chart I-3A Whiff Of Disinflation There is little reason for the ECB to adopt a more hawkish stance either. The euro area PMIs have stabilized but are still flirting with the boom/bust line. Realized core inflation is a paltry 0.8% and the ECB’s own forecast is inconsistent with its definition of price stability, which dictates that the inflation rate should be “below but close to 2% over the medium term.” Our ECB Monitor captures these dynamics, remaining in the neutral zone (Chart I-4).   In China, the case for quickly removing credit accommodation is weak. Property developer stocks have rebounded 41% from their October lows, but sales of residential floor space remain soft, keeping real estate speculation in check. Meanwhile, our proxy for the marginal propensity to consume of Chinese households – based on the ratio of demand deposits to time deposits – continues to deteriorate (Chart I-5). The recent pick up in credit growth should put a floor under those trends, but it will take some time before these variables overheat enough to call for policy tightening. Chart I-4Our ECB Monitor Supports An ECB Standing Still Chart I-5Key Domestic Variables Argue Against Tightening Policy In China   Bottom Line: The three most important policymakers in the world are not set to suddenly slam on the brake pedal. As a result, the global policy backdrop will remain accommodative for at least two to three quarters. The few economic green shoots observed around the world should therefore blossom into a full-fledge global growth pick-up. From Green Shoots To Green Gardens If central banks adopt an easier bias but global growth is slowing sharply without any end in sight, stock prices are unlikely to find a floor. After all, stock prices represent the discounted value of future cash flows. If those cash flows are expected to decline at a faster pace than the risk-free rate, then stock prices can fall – even if policy is becoming more accommodative. However, if economic activity is stabilizing, easier policy should generate substantial equity gains. Stimulative financial conditions will result in an improvement in global activity indicators, including emerging economies (Chart I-6, top panel). This is very important as emerging markets were at the epicenter of the slowdown in global trade, and because they historically lead global industrial activity (Chart I-6, bottom panel). The few economic green shoots observed around the world should therefore blossom into a full-fledge global growth pick-up. Policy easing in China is of particular significance. Our Chinese activity indicator is still slowing, but BCA’s Li-Keqiang Leading Indicator, which mostly tracks developments in the credit sector, has stabilized (Chart I-7, top panel). The rebound in the credit impulse also points to an acceleration in Chinese nominal manufacturing output (Chart I-7, bottom panel). This should lift Chinese imports, resulting in a positive growth impulse for the rest of the world. Chart I-6The Dance Of FCI And Activity Chart I-7Chinese Industrial Activity Will Rebound Soon   At the moment, the euro area remains weak, but it will become a key beneficiary of improving growth. As the top panel of Chart I-8 illustrates, the Eurozone’s exports to China tend to follow the trend in the Chinese Adjusted Total Social Financing impulse. Moreover, European exports to the rest of the world are set to enjoy a recovery, as highlighted by the upturn in the diffusion index of our Global Leading Economic Indicator (Chart I-8, bottom panel). This external-sector improvement is happening as the euro area domestic credit impulse is rebounding, and as the region’s fiscal thrust increases from roughly zero to 0.4% of GDP. In the U.S., it is unlikely that 2019 growth will top that of 2018, but activity should nonetheless rebound from a lukewarm first quarter. Importantly, the fed funds rate is holding below its equilibrium (Chart I-9). Additionally, household fundamentals remain solid. A tight labor market means that wages have upside and household debt levels and debt servicing costs are all well behaved relative to disposable income (Chart I-10). Moreover, housing dynamics are generally stronger than reported by the press, as mortgage applications for purchases are making cyclical highs and the NAHB Homebuilder confidence index is rebounding (Chart I-11). Offsetting some of these positives, capex intentions – a robust forecaster of actual corporate investments – have rolled over from their heady mid-2018 levels. Even so, they remain consistent with positive capex growth. Also, U.S. fiscal policy is becoming increasingly less growth-friendly starting in mid-2019. Netting it all out, U.S. growth should remain above-trend, at about 2.5%. Chart I-8Europe Will Benefit From Stabilizing Growth Elsewhere Chart I-9U.S. Policy Remains Accommodative   Chart I-10U.S. Households Are Doing Alright Chart I-11Forward-Looking Housing Indicators Point To A Pick-Up Bottom Line: While U.S. growth may be weaker than in 2018, it should not fall below trend. Meanwhile, Chinese credit trends suggest that growth there should clearly pick up in the coming months, which should also lead to stronger activity in Europe. In other words, exactly as central banks have removed policy constraints, global growth is set to re-accelerate. This is a positive backdrop for risk assets over the coming 12 months.   What Does It Mean For Asset Prices? Simply put, a dovish shift in policy along with a tentative stabilization in growth should result in both higher stock prices and rising safe-haven bond yields. First, a rebound in global economic activity means that depressed profit growth expectations could easily be bested (Chart I-12, top panel). Bottom-up estimates point to EPS growth of 3.4% in the U.S. and 5.3% in the rest of the world in 2019, using MSCI data. However, profits are extremely pro-cyclical, and a combination of easy financial conditions and improving growth conditions in the second half of the year should result in better-than-expected earnings. Chart I-12Profit Expectations Are Low Second, the Fed is extending its pause, as other global central banks are also adopting more accommodative policies. This implies that global real interest rates, both at the short- and long-end of the curve, will remain below equilibrium for longer than would have been the case if policy had remained on its previous path. Consequently, not only do lower real rates decrease the discount factor for stocks, they also imply a longer business cycle expansion. This should result in narrower risk premia for stocks and higher multiples. Since they offer cheaper valuations than those in the U.S., international equities may stand to benefit more from policy-led multiple expansion (Chart I-12, bottom panel). Third, the global duration indicator developed by BCA’s Global Fixed Income Strategy service is forming a bottom.1 This gauge – levered to global growth variables like the Global ZEW growth expectations survey, our Global Leading Economic Indicator and the Global LEI’s diffusion index – has perked up in response to green shoots around the globe. An upturn in global safe-haven yields is imminent (Chart I-13). Additionally, the global Policy Uncertainty Index is currently recording very high readings, congruent with depressed yields (Chart I-14). A benign resolution to the Sino-U.S. trade tensions along with the low likelihood of the implementation of a No-Deal Brexit should push this indicator down, lifting yields in the process. Chart I-13Global Dynamics Argue For Fading The Bond Rally Chart I-14Policy Uncertanity Is At An Apex: Look The Other Way   Fourth, while we expect the Fed to stay on pause for the remainder of 2019 and probably through the lion’s share of 2020 as well, this is a more hawkish forecast than what the market is currently pricing in (Chart I-15). As we argued last month, a fed funds rate that turns out to be higher over the next year than what is currently discounted often results in the underperformance of Treasurys relative to cash. Finally, a rebound in global growth, even if the Fed proves more hawkish than the market anticipates, generally pushes the dollar lower (Chart I-16). Since speculators currently hold large net short bets on the euro, the AUD, the CAD, and so on, the probability is high that this historical pattern will assert itself. The recent period of dollar strength is unlikely to last more than a couple of weeks. A weak dollar, easy policy and rebounding growth should boost commodity prices, especially metals and oil. The latter should benefit most from this set up as the end of the waivers of U.S. sanctions on Iran will constrain the availability of crude in international markets. Chart I-16The Dollar Last Hurrah Will End Very Soon   Rebounding global growth should also allow equity prices to be resilient in the face of rising bond yields, up to a point. When yields and inflation expectations are low, multiples and equity prices tend to move in tandem. This is because in an environment where central banks are frightened by deflationary risks, monetary authorities do not lift rates as quickly as nominal activity would warrant. Thus, improving nominal growth lifts the growth component of equity multiples more than it raises yields. In other words, we expect yields and stocks to rise together because low but rising inflation expectations, but not surging real rates, will drive the upside in bond yields. Obviously, this cannot last forever. Once the Fed starts suggesting that rates will rise again, and the entire yield curve moves closer to neutral, higher yields will curtail equity advances. This is a constructive cyclical setup; but the tactical environment is murkier. The problem is that equity prices have already moved up significantly over the past four months. With volatility across asset classes having once again plunged toward historical lows, risk assets display a high degree of vulnerability to disappointing economic data. This means that unless growth rebounds strongly and quickly, stocks could experience a short-term correction in the coming months. While staying overweight equities, it is nonetheless prudent to buy some protection. Investors should also wait on the sidelines to deploy any excess cash. Rebounding global growth should also allow equity prices to be resilient in the face of rising bond yields, up to a point. Bottom Line: The current environment is favorable for risk assets on a cyclical basis. Low real rates will not only continue to nurture the nascent improvement in the global economy. They also imply lower discount rates. Meanwhile, improving economic activity and a decline in policy uncertainty will push safe-haven yields higher. Consequently, it remains sensible to be long stocks and underweight bonds for the remainder of the year, even if the risk of a short-term stock correction has risen. Within fixed-income portfolios, a below-benchmark duration makes sense, especially as oil prices are rising, Sino-U.S. trade negotiations should end in a benign outcome, and a No-Deal Brexit remains unlikely. Margins Are The Greatest Risk At the current juncture, the biggest risk for stocks is that profits fall short of depressed analysts’ estimates for 2019 – not because revenue growth disappoints, but because profit margins contract. Our U.S. Equity Sector Strategy service has recently highlighted that the S&P 500 operating earnings margin stands at 10.1% after having peaked at 12% in Q3 2018 (Chart I-17).2 Despite this decline, margins remain both elevated by historical standards and above their long-term upward-sloping trend. As Chart I-18 illustrates, the decline in margins is not an S&P 500-only phenomenon: It is an economy wide one as well, as the pattern is repeated using national accounts data. Chart I-17Will This Margin Deterioration Continue? Chart I-18Margins: All About Labor Costs Versus Selling Prices   At first glance, the Fed’s current pause may undermine profit margins. As Chart I-19 shows, when the unemployment rate stands below NAIRU, on average, wages grow faster than when the labor market is not at full employment. Since the unemployment gap stands as -0.8% today, we are likely to see continued wage pressures in the U.S. economy. Chart I-19Wages Have Upside The problem with this story is that productivity has been accelerating – from a -0.3% annual rate in the second quarter of 2016 to 1.8% in the fourth quarter of 2018. Because wage inflation did not experience as large a change, unit labor cost inflation is still growing at 1% annually, as they did in Q2 2016. In fact, real unit labor costs are currently contracting at a 0.4% pace. The pick-up in capex over the past three years suggests that productivity can continue to improve over the coming quarters. Consequently, as has been the case over the past two years, rising wages will only have a limited negative impact on margins. The key source of variance in profit margins has been, and will likely remain over the next year or so, corporate pricing power, which today stands at its lowest level since the deflationary episode of 2015-2016 (Chart I-20). As was the case back then, the slowdown in global growth has played a role, since it has resulted in falling global export prices. Not only do they affect foreign revenues for U.S. businesses, they also impact the price of goods sold at home, and thus have a broad impact on aggregate pricing power. Chart I-20Pricing Power Follows The Global Business Cycle Last year’s dollar strength amplified those headwinds. A strengthening dollar affects profitability through four channels. First, it negatively impacts global growth by tightening financial conditions for foreign borrowers who fund themselves in USD. They are thus more financially constrained when the dollar appreciates. Second, a strong dollar hurts commodity prices and industrial goods prices. Third, a strong dollar negatively impacts the competitiveness of U.S. firms, forcing them to cut their prices to stay competitive. Finally, a strong dollar hurts the translation of overseas earnings back into USDs. As a result, a strong dollar weighs on earnings estimates (Chart I-21).   Chart I-21The Dollar Amplified Margins Problems Since we anticipate global growth to improve and the greenback to buckle, the current pricing power problem faced by corporate America should fade and profit margins should rebound in the second half of 2019. This suggests that for now, declining profit margins remain a risk that needs to be monitored – not a base case to embrace. Our U.S. Equity Sector Strategy service has highlighted that the tech sector has the poorest earnings outlook within the S&P 500. An economic upswing could counteract some of the recent declines in tech margins, but the much more pronounced rise in labor costs in Silicon Valley than in other sectors suggests that tech profits could lag behind other heavyweights like financials and energy. Consequently, BCA recommends a neutral allocation to tech stocks. We instead recommend overweighting financials and the energy sector. Financials will benefit from an easy monetary policy setting that should help credit growth. Moreover, net interest margins are at cycle highs of 3.5%, as banks have prevented interest costs on deposits from rising in line with short rates. Finally, buybacks by financial services firms are rising and will likely battle the tech sector’s buybacks for the pole position this year (Chart I-22).3 Chart I-22Why Are We Neutral On Tech? Our positive stance on energy stems from undue pessimism surrounding the sector. Bottom-up analysts currently pencil in such a large contraction in earnings for this group that, according to their forecasts, energy will curtail 2019 S&P 500 earnings by 18%. With WTI prices back above $65/bbl, rising per-well productivity and easing financing costs, the hurdle to beat is already low. Moreover, the end of U.S. waivers on Iranian sanctions further supports oil prices. In this context, if global growth rebounds and the dollar depreciates, energy stocks could catch fire. Bottom Line: The biggest risk to our positive stance on equities is that earnings are dragged down by declining margins. While the recent softness in margins is concerning, it does not reflect an increase in labor costs. Instead, it is a consequence of eroding pricing power. Falling pricing power is itself a symptom of the slowdown in global growth and a stronger dollar. As both these ills pass, margins should recover in the second half of 2019. Within equities, we prefer financials and energy, as their earnings prospects outshine tech stocks. Upgrading European Equities To Neutral, And Looking For More For equity investors competing against a global benchmark, there is a simple way to express the view that global growth will rebound, safe-haven yields have upside, the dollar will weaken, and that profit margins are a risk to monitor. It is to abandon underweight allocations to European equities and overweight positions to U.S. stocks. This month, we are upgrading European equities to neutral and downgrading U.S. stocks to neutral. Even after this upgrade, we are putting European equities on a further upgrade watch. First, the euro area is much more sensitive than the U.S. to Chinese growth. This also has implication for equities. As Chart I-23 shows, when the ratio of M1 to M2 money supply in China perks up, as it is currently doing, European stocks end up outperforming their U.S. counterparts. This is because the M1-to-M2 ratio ultimately reflects the growth of demand deposits relative to savings deposits in the Chinese banking sector. It therefore informs how spending is likely to evolve. Currently, China’s reflationary efforts point toward a pickup in spending that should lift European exports, and European profits as well. Chart I-23Monetary Dynamics In China Favor Fading Euro Area Bearishness Second, European exports have upside, and unsurprisingly, the bottoming in the BCA Boom/Bust indicator – which captures global growth dynamics beyond just China – is also flagging the end of European equity underperformance (Chart I-24, top panel). Moreover, if the global reflationary period is sustained, the decline in forward interest rates will reverse. This too is consistent with a period of outperformance for European equities (Chart I-24, bottom panel). Third, our overweight stance on financials relative to tech equates to European equities beating their U.S. counterparts. This simply reflects the fact that financials constitute 17.9% of the MSCI euro area index, while tech stocks account for 9.2%. The same sectors represent 12.9% and 26.8% of the U.S. market, respectively. Not only are European banks trading at 0.6-times book value compared to 1.2-times for U.S. lenders, but European banks stand to benefit more than U.S. banks from rising bond yields as they garner a larger share of their income from lending activity. Fourth, European profit margins are toward the bottom third of their distribution relative to U.S. profit margins. As Chart I-25 shows, European profit margins tend to rise when euro area unit labor costs lag U.S. ones. Since the euro area output gap is not as positive as that of the U.S., it is unlikely that European wages will outpace U.S. wages this year. Also, since European stocks are more heavily weighted toward industrials, materials and energy, the sectors that suffered the greatest loss of pricing power during the global economic slowdown, pricing power in Europe could rebound more strongly than in the U.S. This too should flatter European profit margins relative to the U.S. Chart I-24European Equities To Benefit From Rebounding Global Growth Chart I-25European Profit Margins Can Experience A Further Cyclical Lift   Finally, even after adjusting for sectoral composition, European equities trade at a discount to U.S. stocks. On an equal-sector basis, the 12-month forward P/E ratio is 14.2, and the price-to-book ratio is 2.0. For the U.S., the same multiples stand at 20.7 and 4.0, respectively. This means that European stocks are not yet pricing in an improving outlook. Be warned: The positive outlook for European equities relative to the U.S. is a cyclical story. As Section II of this report argues, poor demographics and an excessively large capital stock suggest that European rates of return will continue to lag the U.S. As a result, the return from investing in European stocks is unlikely to beat that of the U.S. beyond 12 to 18 months. Bottom Line: Within a global equity portfolio, we are upgrading the euro area from underweight to neutral at the expense of the U.S., which moves to neutral. We are also putting European equities on a further upgrade watch. Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst April 25, 2019 Next Report: May 30, 2019 II. Europe: Here I Am, Stuck In A Liquidity Trap An aging population, a banking sector in poor health, and a private sector focused on building up savings are the key factors undermining euro area growth on a structural basis. A large manufacturing sector makes the euro area vulnerable to EM competition. Unlike the U.S., the region’s tech sector is held back by regulatory burdens, taxes and heavy dependence on bank funding. The euro area growth faces decades of low growth and inflation. Euro area rates will stay depressed, but paradoxically, the euro can still experience structural appreciation. Euro area equities are cheap for a good reason, and banks will continue to weigh on performance. Over the past 10 years, the euro area has gone through a sovereign debt crisis, a double-dip recession, persistent below-target inflation, and most recently, yet another major growth slowdown. Moreover, this economic malaise materialized despite highly stimulative monetary policy, including negative interest rates. The ongoing economic weakness has raised the specter that the euro area is the new Japan. Nearly three decades after the bursting of the Nikkei bubble, the Land of the Rising Sun remains mired in low growth and mild but persistent deflation. Consequently, charts showing that European policy rates or bond yields are tracking Japanese developments with a 17-year lag (Chart II-1) have not only become commonplace, they elicit fears that European growth, interest rates and asset valuations will lag the rest of the world for decades to come. Chart II-1Europe Is Following The Japanese Example In this piece, we discuss the various forces that explain why the euro area economy has been so weak this decade, and why such low interest rates have had so little impact on growth. We also study what sets the U.S. and euro area apart, and whether or not Europe will follow the trail blazed by Japan nearly 30 years ago. The Three Headwinds Three ills have kept European growth particularly depressed this cycle and are likely to remain significant headwinds into the foreseeable future: demographics, the banking sector’s poor health, and nonfinancial private sector balance sheet cleansing. 1)   Demographics This is the most well understood and acknowledged problem impacting Europe today. Since 2008, the European population has grown by 2%, or only 0.2% a year, with the working age population having peaked around that year. Going forward, the picture will only deteriorate: The UN expects Europe’s population to contract by 12% over the next 27 years, and the working age population to fall by 15%. This also means that the dependency ratio – the number of individuals aged less than 15 and above 65 per 100 working-age people – will approximately double over the coming 40 years. This is a clear parallel with Japan. As Chart II-2 illustrates, Europe’s population, the number of working-age individuals and the dependency ratio are all tracking Japan with a 17-year lag. Like Japan, Europe’s trend growth will thus only deteriorate further. Not only will Europe not be able to add as many workers as the U.S. to its total, but it will need to build even fewer schools, malls, office buildings or units of housing. Consequently, both the supply and demand sides of the economy will lag due to this factor alone. 2)   Banking Sector Health The poor health of the euro area banking sector is well known. BCA’s Global Asset Allocation service published an in-depth analysis of the European banking sector last December.4 The piece demonstrated that European banks have been much slower to recognize non-performing loans, curtail credit and rebuild capital than their U.S. counterparts. U.S. bank loans to the private sector fell by 13% in the two years during the crisis, while in Europe, these same loans have only fallen by 2% since 2008. Euro area banks generally remain burdened with significant non-performing loans as a percentage of regulatory capital. Moreover, net interest margins are also dismal, implying that the income cushion against bad loans is thin. Consequently, outside of France, Finland and Germany, European banks have either not grown their loan books to the private sector or, as is the case with Spain, Portugal, and Ireland, these books are continuously shrinking (Chart II-3). Chart II-2Same Demography In Europe Now Than In Japan Then Chart II-3Peripheral Banks Continue To Curtail Credit   The poor health of the European banking system is now constraining the supply of new credit to the rest of the economy. This is a much bigger problem than is the case in the U.S. given that in Europe, 72% of corporate funding comes from the banking system while 88% of household liabilities are also funded this way. In the U.S., the share of bank funding for these sectors is 32% and 29%, respectively (Chart II-4). A weak euro area banking system prevents the nonfinancial private sector from growing as robustly as it could. 3)   Nonfinancial Private Sector Balance Sheet Cleanse Another major drag on European growth has been the continued efforts of the European private sector to rebuild its balance sheet. To use the terminology developed by our upcoming conference speaker Richard Koo, the euro area has been in the thralls of a powerful balance sheet recession. Households in the euro area, Japan and the U.S. are all accumulating more financial assets than liabilities. However, only in the U.S. is the nonfinancial corporate sector building more liabilities than it is accumulating assets (Chart II-5). In Japan and Europe, the nonfinancial corporate sector is also a source of savings for the economy. Moreover, in Europe, the government runs a much smaller financial deficit. The current account balance tells this story vividly. A country’s current account is equal to the private sector’s savings minus investment and minus government deficits. As Italy, Spain, and other peripheral economies increased their aggregate savings after 2008, their large current account deficits vanished. Meanwhile, the governments of countries like Germany or the Netherlands, which sported healthy public finances, did not increase their spending in a commensurate way. This adjustment transformed an overall euro area current account deficit of 1.5% in 2008 into a surplus of 3.0% of GDP today, sending some of Europe’s excess savings abroad. This mimics the post-1990 Japanese experience. In the U.S., where the private sector savings did not rise as durably as in Europe, the current account stopped improving meaningfully in 2010 (Chart II-6). Chart II-5European Businesses Are Savers, Like In Japan Chart II-6The Current Account Dynamics Epitomise The Savings Dynamics   A private sector squarely focused on rebuilding its balance sheet liquidity can lead to a liquidity trap. In this state, monetary policy can become ineffective as spending does not respond to lower interest rates. This is where Europe is currently stuck, explaining why the European Central Bank is finding that inflation and growth are not experiencing much lift, despite seemingly incredibly accommodative monetary conditions. Why Such An Urge To Save? The fact that the household sector is a net saver is not surprising, as this is a normal state of affairs across most economies. But why is the European nonfinancial corporate sector still trying to improve its balance sheet liquidity by accumulating more assets than liabilities? Like Japanese businesses 30 years ago, European firms have large debt loads. Another problem is the lack of capex opportunities in Europe. Why do we make this assertion? The return on assets in Europe has been at rock-bottom levels ever since the introduction of the euro (Chart II-7). In the decade from 1998 to 2008, this was a non-issue. Strong global growth flattered European sales, and easy access to credit meant that via rising leverage euro area-listed nonfinancial corporations were able to generate returns on equity comparable to U.S. firms (Chart II-8, top panel). Once European banks got cold feet and European nonfinancial businesses began focusing on deleveraging, the low level of return on assets became more apparent. Part of the problem is that European profit margins are much closer to Japanese than U.S. levels (Chart II-8, middle panel). Even more damning, asset turnover – how much sales are generated by a unit of assets – has been structurally lower in Europe than in both Japan and the U.S. for multiple decades (Chart II-8, bottom panel). Chart II-7Europe Suffers From A Lower RoA Chart II-8DuPont's Decomposition Shows Why The Euro Area RoA Is Poor   The first factor weighing on the level of asset utilization and returns in Europe is the elevated level of capital stock. As Chart II-9 illustrates, the capital stock as a share of output in Italy, Spain and France dwarfs that of Japan, China or the U.S. Even Germany’s capital stock, which stands well below that of other large euro area economies, is nearly 100 percentage points of GDP larger than the U.S’s. Europe has too large a pool of assets to make any additional investments profitable, especially in light of its poor demographic profile. The second factor weighing on European asset utilization and returns is the poorer level of labor productivity. From the 1950s to the early 1980s, European GDP per worker rose relative to the U.S., albeit peaking at 92% of the levels across the Atlantic. Due to falling working hours in Europe relative to the U.S. since the 1980s, relative output per hour continued to rise until the mid-1990s, peaking at 105% of the U.S. level. However, since their respective zeniths, both relative productivity measures have collapsed (Chart II-10, top panel). Chart II-10Another Symptom Of Europe's Misallocation Of Capital In The 2000s These collapses are in fact worse than Japan’s performance since its lost decades began. As the second panel of the chart shows, since the early 1990s, Japan’s relative output per hour and per worker have flattened – not declined – at around 65% and 72%, respectively, of U.S. levels. Instead, relative European productivity levels are currently converging toward Japanese levels (Chart II-10, third and fourth panels). The particularly poor level of European asset utilization and productivity principally reflects the duality between the peripheral as well as French economies on one side, and Germany as well as the Netherlands on the other side. The exceptionally large capital stock outside of Germany is a legacy of the years directly after the euro’s introduction. Back then, the ECB kept rates low to help Germany, the then-sick man of Europe. These rates were too low for the rest of Europe, encouraging large capital stock build-ups. Moreover, this capital was misallocated, as demonstrated by the tepid growth of output per hour and output per capita in Europe post 2000. Since funds were poorly allocated, the output-to-capital ratio in the periphery collapsed. In other words, the peripheral capital-stock-to-GDP ratios continued rising because the denominator, GDP, lagged. An additional problem for Europe’s asset utilization has been its large manufacturing sector. Even after declining, 20% of Europe’s GDP still comes from the secondary sector versus less than 12% in the U.S. (Chart II-11). This has two consequences for Europe’s asset utilization relative to the U.S. First, a large manufacturing sector requires a much larger asset base than a large service or tech sector. Second, the manufacturing sector is more exposed to competition from emerging markets than the tech sector, or than the domestically-focused service sector. Chart II-11Europe Is Left Exposed To EM Competition In other words, not only has the U.S. experienced less capital misallocation than a large swath of the European economy, it has also re-aligned its economy to make it more robust in the face of competition from emerging economies, while Europe mostly has not. Consequently, hurt by foreign competition and unable or unwilling to re-invent itself, Europe has been left with dwindling relative productivity levels and poor degrees of asset utilization and returns. Why Did The U.S. Economy Transition Better than Europe To A Globalized World? There are many reasons why the U.S. has maintained higher RoAs and has been more successful at transitioning away from a manufacturing-led economy than the euro area. Europe has too large a pool of assets to make any additional investments profitable, especially in light of its poor demographic profile. First, the level of product and service market regulation in Europe is highly punitive. As Chart II-12 illustrates, like Japan, most euro area countries fare poorly in the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business survey. In fact, Italy scores even lower than China! Meanwhile, the U.S. ranks near the top, not far from Singapore. This means that starting new businesses, competing, and so on is easier in the U.S. than in Europe, helping foster a greater level of entrepreneurialism. Consequently, established businesses have been able to maintain the status quo longer in Europe than in the U.S., preventing creative destruction from purging the system of bad assets. Second, most large euro area economies are burdened by heavy taxes. As Chart II-13 shows, while the U.S. public sector extracts taxes equal to 27.1% of GDP, German, Italian and French taxes equal 37.5%, 42.4% and 46.2% of GDP, respectively, well above the OECD average of 34.2%. Such high levels of taxation disincentivize risk-taking. Lower levels of risk taking by individuals further prevented the degree of creative destruction necessary for Europe to better use its capital stock. Third, and linked to the previous point, government spending equals 34.9% of GDP in the U.S., compared to 48.2% and 56.0% in Italy or France, respectively. A large government has historically stifled innovation and favored the status quo. By no means does this implies that the U.S. system is free of imbalances, but it highlights that compared to two of the three largest European economies, the U.S. public sector has had a less deleterious impact on growth conditions and entrepreneurialism. Moreover, Italy and France have been in deep need of structural reforms that have been lacking. On this front, while the outlook is improving in France under Macron’s presidency, Italy remains mired in immobilism. Fourth, the financing structure in the U.S. favors investing in new businesses and industries, especially when compared to the euro area. Equities represent 78% of the capital structure of nonfinancial corporations in the U.S. while they represent only 61% in the euro area. Moreover, within debt-financing, capital markets account for 68% of sourced funds in the U.S. compared to 28% in the euro area. In fact, junk bond market capitalization only accounts for 2.2% of GDP in Europe compared to 6.0% in the U.S. This suggests that financing risky ventures – and entrepreneurialism is inherently risky – is tougher in Europe than in the U.S. In fact, as a share of GDP, the European venture capital business is less than a sixth the size of the U.S.’s (Chart II-14), a gap that has existed for more than 30 years. Chart II-14U.S. Financing Allows For Greater Risk Taking With all these hurdles, it is unsurprising that Europe has taken more time to make its economy more dynamic in the globalized economy of the 21st century. It also explains why Europe might be suffering more from EM competition than the U.S. Interestingly, this last point may be changing as U.S. voters seem to want to move back toward a larger manufacturing sector. This transition is unlikely to happen without more protectionism. This is a topic for another report. Is Europe Doomed To Japanification… Or Worse? It is easy to see why Europe cannot hope to grow as fast as the U.S., and therefore why the ECB will not be able to lift rates as high as the Fed and why bund yields are likely to lag Treasurys for years to come. Europe has a much more dire demographic profile than the U.S. It needs to purge its capital stock and invigorate its economy through reforms, a smaller public sector, and more diversified financing channels. But can the euro area fare better than Japan has over the past 30 years? On three fronts, the euro area looks better than Japan. First, as Chart II-15 shows, the overall European nonfinancial private sector entered its crisis in 2008 with lower leverage than Japan’s in the early 1990s. Additionally, European stocks were much cheaper in 2007 than the Nikkei was in 1989 (Chart II-16, top panel). Even Spanish real estate was more reasonably valued in 2007 than Japanese real estate in the early 1990s (Chart II-16, bottom panel). This combination means that now that the acute part of the crisis is over, the hole in the European private sector’s balance sheet is much smaller than the one Japan needed to plug 30 years ago. Thus, from a balance-sheet perspective, the need to rebuild savings is lower in Europe than Japan, and we could expect the current period of elevated savings to be shorter in the euro area than it has been in Japan. Chart II-16...And European Assets Were Not As Expensive As Japanese Ones At The Onset Of The Crisis   Second, despite former ECB President Jean-Claude Trichet’s policy mistake of raising interest rates in 2011, the ECB was much quicker to implement extreme easing policy measures than the Bank of Japan was in its day. It took 10 years for the BoJ to cut rates to zero after the Nikkei peaked in December 1989. It took one year for the ECB to do so after stock prices peaked in 2007. It took nine years for the BoJ to expand its balance sheet aggressively, but it took less than two years for the ECB to do so. One of the key benefits of this greater European proactivity has been to keep European inflation expectations much higher than in Japan, curtailing real interest rates in the process. Third, Europe purged economic excesses much more quickly than Japan. The Japanese unemployment rate increased from 2% to 6% between 1990 and 2010. In peripheral Europe, where the worst pre-crisis excesses existed, unemployment rose from 7.5% in 2008 to 18% in 2013 (Chart II-17, top panel). Meanwhile, real wages never adjusted in Japan, but fell 27.0% at their worst in Spain and 32.5% in Greece (Chart II-17, bottom panel). Moreover, the Rajoy reforms in Spain and the Macron reforms in France show that outside of Italy, European governments have been reforming their economies faster than Japan did after the bubble burst in 1990. Chart II-17Bigger Labor Market Purge In Europe Than Japan However, on three fronts Europe is faring worse than Japan. First, up until the last 10 years, Japan benefited from a robust global economy where trade grew strongly. Europe is entering its second decade of low growth in an environment where global economic activity is much weaker, as potential U.S. GDP growth has slowed and China is not growing at a double-digit pace anymore. Moreover, budding protectionism in the U.S. is creating another hurdle for European economic output. Second, the excess capital stock in the European periphery is in fact greater than was the case in Japan in 1990. This suggests that the periphery needs to curtail investments by a greater margin than Japan did. Consequently, peripheral growth will continue to exert downward pressure on aggregate European activity for an extended period. Third, the European fiscal response will not match Japan’s. Investors often decry Japan’s large government debt of 238.2% of GDP as a sign of profligacy. It is not. It is mainly a mirror image of the private sector’s savings surplus. The Japanese government’s ability to run large deficits has prevented a larger fall in output – one that would have equaled the annual savings of the private sector. Without the government’s dissaving, the Japanese private sector would have found its debt load even more onerous to service, and the need to curtail spending would have been even greater as economy-wide cash flows would have been even smaller. Europe does not have a unified fiscal authority that can run such large-scale deficits. Instead, each nation’s government has a limited capacity to accumulate debt as investors worry that overly-indebted governments may very well redenominate what they have borrowed in much weaker currencies than the euro. This risk is made even greater by the fact that there is no euro-area wide deposit insurance scheme. Since Italian and Spanish banks hold large amounts of BTPs and Bonos, respectively, a so-called doom-loop exists that links the health of banks in those countries to the health of their governments, further limiting the public sector’s ability to act as a spender of last resort. This makes the efforts of the private sector in Italy, France, and Spain to increase its savings and bring down its excess capital stock more difficult, and thus, likely to last longer. Even if 10 years after the crisis first emerged, Europe has done more to purge its economy from its pre-crisis excesses than Japan had after its first lost decade, a lack of unified fiscal lever in Europe nullifies this positive. Thus, so long as the European integration efforts remain on the backburner, euro area growth, inflation, and interest rates will continue to look more like Japan’s have over the past 30 years than the U.S. This is likely to cause a big problem once the next recession emerges. Europe will enter that slowdown without any ammunition to reflate growth. Therefore, the next recession is likely to prove very deflationary and test the recent improvement in support for the euro seen across all euro area nations (Chart II-18). If the euro area survives this crisis, and we suspect it will, the probability of a fiscal union will only grow.2 After all, it has been through various crises that Europe has moved closer together, and the rise of a multipolar geopolitical environment dominated by large countries makes this imperative ever more vital. Chart II-18Support For The Euro Is Resilient Bottom Line: We expect European growth and inflation to continue to lag well behind the U.S. for years to come if not a full decade. Ultimately, bringing down the expensive capital stock in the European periphery will be a slow process, especially if governments remain tight fisted. Investment Implications First, core euro area interest rates are likely to remain well below U.S. levels. As long as the European private sector pares back investments in order to normalize its capital stock-to-GDP ratio - a phenomenon that will be most pronounced in the periphery and France - European growth and inflation will lag behind the U.S. This also means that as long as European governments remain shy spenders and do not compensate for the lack of spending from the private sector, in the euro area periphery, European banks will suffer from depressed net interest margins and be structural underperformers. Second, the euro is likely to experience a structural upward drift. The euro is trading at a 10.5% discount to its purchasing power parity. Moreover, high private sector savings not only weigh on inflation, they will also push Europe’s net international investment position higher via an accumulated current account surplus. Both these factors are long-term bullish for the euro. Moreover, the fact that the euro area will soon become a net creditor nation, along with a lack of room to stimulate growth via monetary easing in times of recessions, means that the euro could increasingly become a counter-cyclical currency like the yen. So long as the European integration efforts remain on the backburner, euro area growth, inflation, and interest rates will continue to look more like Japan’s have over the past 30 years than the U.S. Third, European equities are trading at a discount to U.S. equities, but we do not think this guarantees long-term outperformance. European equities are cheap because European growth prospects are poor. If Japan is any guide, European stocks may be set to continue underperforming. This is especially true as financials are over-represented in European equity benchmarks, and banks stand at the epicenter of the European economic malaise. Fourth, European stocks will remain slaves to the global business cycle. Since the crisis, European growth has become hypersensitive to global growth, making European equities very responsive to the global business cycle. The same phenomenon happened in post-1990 Japan. In other words, the beta of European stocks is likely to continue to rise. This phenomenon could be exacerbated if the euro indeed does become a counter-cyclical currency, in which case the euro and European equities would become negatively correlated, like the yen and the Nikkei. Finally, the period from 1999 to 2005 showed how ECB policy targeted at supporting Germany resulted in imbalances that boosted real estate and equity returns in the periphery – in Spain and Ireland in particular. Today, the periphery is the worst offender when it comes to poor bank health and private sector balance sheet rebuilding. This means that the ECB is likely to keep monetary conditions too accommodative for Germany, where balance sheets are more robust and where the capital stock is not as excessive. As a result, financial market plays linked to German real estate are likely to continue outperforming other European domestic plays. They therefore warrant an overweight within European portfolios. Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst III. Indicators And Reference Charts The S&P 500 is retesting its all-time high made last fall. While our indicators suggest that U.S. equity have additional upside, the violence of the rally since December argues that a period of digestion may first be needed. Our Willingness-to-Pay (WTP) indicator for the U.S. and Japan continues to improve, while for the euro area, it is flat-lining after a tentative rebound. The WTP indicators track flows, and thus provide information on what investors are actually doing, as opposed to sentiment indexes that track how investors are feeling. The current readings in major advanced economies thus suggest that investors are still inclined to add to their stock holdings. Our Revealed Preference Indicator (RPI) is not echoing this message. The RPI combines the idea of market momentum with valuation and policy measures. It provides a powerful bullish signal if positive market momentum lines up with constructive signals from the policy and valuation measures. Conversely, if constructive market momentum is not supported by valuation and policy, investors should lean against the market trend. The pick-up in global growth remains too feeble for the RPI to validate the advance in stocks. This is why we worry that a correction is likely until economic activity around the globe confirms the rally in stocks. According to BCA’s composite valuation indicator, an amalgamation of 11 measures, the U.S. stock market remains slightly overvalued from a long-term perspective. Nonetheless, the S&P 500 is not at nosebleed valuation levels anymore. Hence, we are betting that once global growth picks up, stocks will be able to move even higher and any correction will prove temporary. Moreover, our Monetary Indicator remains into stimulative territory. The Fed has reiterated its dovish message and global central banks have all engaged in dovish talks, thus monetary conditions should stay supportive. As a result, our speculation indicator has also now fully moved out of the “speculative activity” zone. Our Composite Technical indicator for stocks had broken down in December, but it has now moved back above its 9-month moving average. This positive cyclical signal reinforces our confidence that any correction in stocks should prove tactical in nature, and that on a nine- to twelve-month basis equities have upside. According to our model, 10-year Treasurys are slightly expensive. However, we should not read too much into this. Essentially, yields are currently within their neutral range. Moreover, our technical indicator flags a similar picture. That being said, since BCA expects that over the next 24 months, the Fed will lift rates more than the OIS curve anticipates, and since the term premium is incredibly low, once green shoots for global growth fully bloom, bonds could suffer a violent selloff. Since our duration indicator has begun to deteriorate, it is probably a good time to begin moving out of safe-haven bonds. On a PPP basis, the U.S. dollar has only gotten more expensive. Additionally, our Composite Technical Indicator is becoming increasingly overbought. This combination suggests that the greenback could experience further downside this year. However, this downside will only materialize once global growth shows greater signs of strength. EQUITIES: Chart III-1U.S. Equity Indicators Chart III-2Willingness To Pay For Risk Chart III-3U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators   Chart III-4Revealed Preference Indicator Chart III-5U.S. Stock Market Valuation Chart III-6U.S. Earnings Chart III-7Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Chart III-8Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance   FIXED INCOME: Chart III-9U.S. Treasurys And Valuations Chart III-10Yield Curve Slopes Chart III-11Selected U.S. Bond Yields Chart III-1210-Year Treasury Yield ComponentsChart III-13U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor Chart III-14Global Bonds: Developed Markets Chart III-15Global Bonds: Emerging Markets   CURRENCIES: Chart III-16U.S. Dollar And PPP Chart III-17U.S. Dollar And Indicator Chart III-18U.S. Dollar Fundamentals Chart III-19Japanese Yen Technicals Chart III-20Euro Technicals Chart III-21Euro/Yen Technicals Chart III-22Euro/Pound Technicals   COMMODITIES: Chart III-23Broad Commodity Indicators Chart III-24Commodity Prices Chart III-25Commodity Prices Chart III-26Commodity Sentiment Chart III-27Speculative Positioning   ECONOMY: Chart III-28U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop Chart III-29U.S. Macro Snapshot Chart III-30U.S. Growth Outlook Chart III-31U.S. Cyclical Spending Chart III-32U.S. Labor Market Chart III-33U.S. Consumption Chart III-34U.S. Housing Chart III-35U.S. Debt And Deleveraging   Chart III-36U.S. Financial Conditions Chart III-37Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Chart III-38Global Economic Snapshot: China   Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Footnotes 1       Please see Global Fixed Income Strategy Weekly Report, “A Sustainable Bottom In Global Bond Yields,” dated April 9, 2019, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com 2       Please see U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, “Have SPX Margins Peaked?” dated March 25, 2019, available at uses.bcaresearch.com 3       Please see U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, “Mixed Signals,” dated April 22, 2019, available at uses.bcaresearch.com 4       Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report "Euro Area Banks: Value Play Or Value Trap?" dated December 14, 2018, available at gaa.bcaresearch.com 5       The European Commission Eurobarometer Surveys show that Europeans overwhelmingly see Europe as a peace project and as a way to maintain a voice in a world dominated by huge players like the U.S., China, or Russia, a world where France, Germany, or Italy individually are marginal players. In 2016, the U.K. population did not share this opinion. Moreover, even after what amounts to a depression, the support for the euro continues to rise in Greece, showing the growing commitment of Europeans to the euro, and the resilience of this commitment to economic shocks. EQUITIES:FIXED INCOME:CURRENCIES:COMMODITIES:ECONOMY:

Special Report

Dear Client, I hosted a Webcast on Thursday, April 4th, during which I discussed the major investment themes and views I see playing out for the rest of the year and beyond. A replay can be accessed from this link. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights The exodus of baby boomers from the labor market is likely to lower income growth, which will reduce sales growth among publicly-listed companies over the coming years. After-tax profit margins may also come under pressure, while both the risk-free interest rate and the equity risk premium could rise. While it is difficult to estimate the magnitude of these effects, our best guess is that aging will have a moderately negative, though far from catastrophic, effect on equity prices. Even if the headwinds to equities from population aging turn out to be minimal, long-term investors are still likely to earn subpar returns given that valuations are fairly stretched today. In such an environment, a nimble investment approach, which focuses on the state of the business cycle among other things, will be necessary for generating alpha. Investors should maintain a cyclically bullish stance towards global equities for the time being, but begin paring back exposure late next year in advance of a recession in 2021. Feature Will Grandpa Sink The Stock Market? About 55% of U.S. stock market wealth is held by the baby boom generation – those born between 1946 and 1964 (Chart 1). As baby boomers increasingly exit the labor force and draw down their accumulated savings, there is a growing concern that equity prices will come under pressure.  Financial pundit Robert Kiyosaki published a book more than a decade ago arguing, in his usual hyperbolic style, that retiring boomers would trigger “the biggest stock market crash in history.”1 Conveniently, he even gave a date for the crash: 2016, the year when the first baby boomers would celebrate their 70th birthdays. Kiyosaki’s prophesized crash never happened. But does he still have a point? Will aging populations torpedo stocks? A Framework For Thinking About The Value Of The Stock Market Conceptually, the value of the stock market should equal the present value of the cash flows which shareholders can expect to receive. As Appendix 1 explains, this means that today’s dividend yield should equal the difference between the rate that investors use to discount those cash flows and the expected growth rate of cash flows. The discount rate is the sum of the risk-free rate and an equity risk premium. Cash flow growth tends to track earnings growth. The latter can be broken down into sales growth and margin growth. Thus, one can express the dividend yield ( D/P )  as the sum of four variables: The formula shows that an increase in either sales growth or profit margins will reduce the dividend yield (thus implying an increase in equity prices), while an increase in either the risk-free rate (rf) or the equity risk premium (rp) will raise the dividend yield. As we discuss below, demographic trends are likely to shift all four variables in the direction of lower equity prices. As baby boomers increasingly exit the labor force and draw down their accumulated savings, there is a growing concern that equity prices will come under pressure. 1. Aging And Sales Growth At the economy-wide level, business sales closely track GDP growth (Chart 2). GDP growth, in turn, is simply the sum of employment growth and productivity growth. Chart 2Business Sales Closely Track GDP Growth As baby boomers continue to age, more and more of them will leave the labor force. This will result in slower labor force growth. While this development will weigh on GDP growth, it is important to recognize that most of the decline in labor force growth in developed economies has already occurred (Chart 3). Chart 3ADM Labor Force Growth: Most Of The Decline Has Already Taken Place (I) Chart 3BDM Labor Force Growth: Most Of The Decline Has Already Taken Place (II) The annual growth rate of the labor force in the G7 peaked at 1.7% in 1980, but has averaged only 0.3% over the past decade. The UN estimates that the number of people in G7 economies between the ages of 15 and 64 – a crude proxy for the potential size of the labor force – will contract by 0.1% per year over the next twenty years, a modest step down from positive growth of 0.1% over the past decade. Productivity growth has been quite weak in developed economies since the mid-2000s (Chart 4). Whether this trend persists remains to be seen. On the positive side, robotics, AI, and genetic engineering could all boost productivity growth. On the negative side, cognitive test scores in developed economies have peaked and are now trending lower. Consistent with this observation, Heckman and LaFontaine have shown that properly measured, the U.S. high school graduation rate has been falling since the early 1970s.2 This makes baby boomers arguably the best educated generation in history. An open question concerns the extent to which slower economy-wide GDP growth filters down to sales growth among listed companies. While it is highly likely that S&P 500 sales growth will decline in an environment of weaker growth, the impact of falling GDP growth on sales may be blunted by at least three factors. First, developed economy firms will still be able to benefit from rising sales to emerging markets, even if they are suffering from sluggish sales growth at home. Second, domestic consumption will decelerate more slowly than income growth as older workers deplete their savings. Third, lower productivity growth will coincide with less “creative destruction,” which will benefit incumbent firms. In fact, this is already happening. Chart 5 shows that net firm formation has fallen dramatically since the 1970s. Chart 4In Developed Markets, Productivity Growth Has Been Falling For Over A Decade Chart 5A Sharp Drop In New Firm Formation   2. Aging And Profit Margins Population aging can affect profit margins in two ways: First, it can shift spending across sectors. For example, if age-related spending migrates from sectors with high margins to those with low margins, aggregate profit margins will decline. Second, aging can affect margins within sectors. Looking across sectors, health care spending is likely to rise in response to population aging. According to the Congressional Budget Office, health care expenditures are set to increase from 5.2% of GDP to 9.2% of GDP by 2048 (Chart 6). There once was a time when health care margins were double the S&P 500 average (Chart 7). During the past two decades, however, health care margins have fallen, and are now slightly below the S&P average. Chart 7AS&P 500 Margins By Sector (I) Chart 7BS&P 500 Margins By Sector (II) Looking out, it is likely that health care margins will continue to contract, as cash-strapped governments look for ways to cut health care costs. Presidential hopefuls Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, and Kamala Harris have all championed “Medicare for all.” If implemented, such a policy prescription would decimate health care sector profits by reducing demand for private insurance while giving the federal government more bargaining power to negotiate lower drug prices. Most of the decline in labor force growth in developed economies has already occurred. The only silver lining, pardon the pun, for margins is that older people tend to display greater brand loyalty (Chart 8). Whether this is because of experience, habit, or nostalgia is not clear, but older consumers switch products less often, preferring to stick with “what they know.”3 Perhaps reflecting a general tendency for self-reported happiness to increase in old age, elderly consumers also tend to express greater satisfaction with their purchases. Nevertheless, on balance, we expect aging to make a slightly negative contribution to profit margins. 3. Aging And The Risk-Free Rate Proponents of the secular stagnation thesis posit that demographic trends have led to a decline in the neutral rate of interest. As Chart 9 shows, aging could depress the neutral rate if an older population causes the aggregate investment schedule to shift inwards or the aggregate savings schedule to shift outwards. Chart 9Two Ways For Real Rates To Fall According to the standard “accelerator” model, the optimal level of investment spending is determined by the growth rate of aggregate demand.4 To the extent that slower population growth discourages firms from expanding capacity, this will lead to a lower neutral rate of interest. That said, as noted above, most of the decline in labor force growth in developed economies has already occurred. This implies that investment spending may not fall much further from current levels. What about savings? At the outset, aging will increase savings as more people move into their prime saving years (ages 30-to-50). Declining fertility rates will also tend to reduce spending on children, while allowing more women to join the labor force. Aging could morph from a force that has dragged down the neutral rate of interest to one that will start slowly pushing it back up. Over time, however, aging is likely to reduce the savings rate, as more workers retire, leaving fewer workers in the labor force. Once health care spending is included, consumption actually increases in old age, especially in the last few years of life (Chart 10). Globally, the ratio of workers-to-consumers increased from the early 1970s to the middle of this decade, but has now begun to decline (Chart 11). This suggests that aging could morph from a force that has dragged down the neutral rate of interest to one that will start slowly pushing it back up. Chart 10Savings Over The Life Cycle Chart 11The Worker-To-Consumer Ratio Has Peaked Globally   Instead of running larger deficits to finance pension and health care spending, governments could raise taxes. This would reduce private consumption, thus generating additional savings for the economy. While such a step could prevent the risk-free interest rate from rising, some of the tax burden would likely end up falling on the owners of capital in the form of higher taxes on dividends, capital gains, and business profits. This would lead to lower after-tax profit margins and slower sales growth. The end result would still be the same: weaker equity prices. 4. Aging And The Equity Risk Premium When people discuss the impact that aging baby boomers will have on the stock market, they are usually – whether they realize it or not – talking about the equity risk premium. By definition, for every seller of stock there must be a buyer of stock. If baby boomers start selling shares to finance their retirement spending, someone will need to buy their shares, provided the price is low enough. The question is by how much do share prices need to fall to clear the market? In theory, households should accumulate assets over their working years and then deplete their savings in retirement. In practice, uncertainty about the timing of death, the desire to pass on wealth to future generations, and the need to maintain enough assets to finance unforeseen health care expenses all tend to induce households to run down wealth at only a modest pace during retirement. A study by John Ameriks and Stephen Zeldes using a random sample of 16,000 accounts from a major retirement fund found no evidence that households gradually decrease equity allocations as they age.5 Looking out, it is possible that baby boomers will run down their equity holdings more quickly than prior generations. For instance, the decline in family size over the past fifty years and evolving societal norms may end up causing boomers to bequeath smaller estates than in the past. The increasing popularity of annuities may also reduce the likelihood of unintended bequests. In addition, the proliferation of target-date funds may produce a more rapid shift out of equities than would occur if investors had to consciously decide to reduce exposure to the stock market. Nevertheless, we suspect that any additional selling by baby boomers will only put modest downward pressure on equity prices. This is because the wealthiest 10% of U.S. households hold 84% of all stock market wealth, while the bottom 50% hold less than 1% (Chart 12). Households in the top one percent of the wealth distribution hold close to half of all stocks. These ultra-wealthy households tend to consume a fairly small share of their assets during retirement. As a result, most of their assets end up being bequeathed to family members and/or charities when they pass away. Chart 12The Wealthiest 10% In The U.S. Own The Bulk Of Equities Chart 13Foreign Ownership Of U.S. Stocks Has Grown Foreign purchases of U.S. stocks should also blunt the impact of any selling by retiring baby boomers. Foreigners now hold 27% of U.S. stock market wealth, up from 5% in the mid-1970s (Chart 13). If foreign demand for U.S. equities increases in line with global ex-U.S. real GDP, this will add about $250 billion in demand for U.S. stocks (in constant dollars) over the next twenty years. This is five times greater than the roughly $50 billion in annual net selling that would occur if all investors followed the popular rule of thumb which instructs them to take their age and subtract it from 100 in order to determine how much of their financial wealth to allocate to equities. Investment Implications The discussion above suggests that aging is likely to have a moderately negative, though far from catastrophic, effect on equity prices by: 1) reducing sales growth among listed companies; 2) putting downward pressure on after-tax profit margins; 3) increasing the risk-free rate of interest; and 4) raising the equity risk premium. It is difficult to be precise about how large these effects will turn out to be. Three factors cloud any potential calculation. First, as the equation presented at the outset of this report illustrates, small shifts in any one variable can lead to big changes in the fair value of the stock market. To see this point, let us take the current S&P 500 dividend yield of 2.0% and add 1.5% to account for net share buybacks (gross buybacks less share issuance). This gives a “cash flow to shareholders” yield of 3.5%. Now consider a one percentage-point increase in the equity risk premium. An increase in the equity risk premium of this magnitude would require the cash flow yield to rise to 4.5%. This, in turn, would necessitate that equity prices fall by 22%. That’s a lot. The second factor that makes it difficult to be precise about the extent to which demographic changes will affect stock prices is that there are likely to be interaction effects among the variables in the equation above. For instance, rising labor shortages stemming from the withdrawal of baby boomers from the labor market could put downward pressure on profit margins. The resulting increase in labor’s share of income would likely boost aggregate demand, thereby contributing to a higher neutral rate of interest. Chart 14Japan’s Population Bust Was Largely Foreseen At this point, one of two things could happen. On the one hand, if central banks failed to raise rates, this would cause the economy to overheat, leading to higher inflation. Higher inflation could push up the equity risk premium, as was the case in the 1970s. On the other hand, if central banks did raise interest rates, this could cause debt burdens to become unsustainable. That could also push up the equity risk premium. The third factor that makes it challenging to estimate the impact of demographics on stocks is that it is difficult to know the proper baseline for computing the effects of aging on stock market valuations. To the extent that the variables in the equation are all forward-looking, they should incorporate the market’s views on how the retirement of baby boomers will affect the relevant drivers of equity returns. This implies that shifts in equity valuations must stem from forecast revisions rather than from anticipated trends. Thus, as an example, any change to the “sales growth” term should be properly viewed as expressing not how future sales growth will differ from past sales growth, but by how much future sales growth will differ from what investors are currently projecting. It is tempting to assume that the market has already priced in the impact of population aging.  After all, the fact that baby boomers are exiting the labor force is not exactly breaking news. Yet, in the past, markets have proven to be surprisingly oblivious to easy-to-predict demographic developments. For example, Japanese investors were keen to buy stocks and real estate in the late 1980s, despite the fact that published projections at the time showed that the country’s working-age population would decline at an accelerating pace over the subsequent decade (Chart 14). Academic work supports the view that investors tend to understate the importance of demographic forces. Stefano Della Vigna and Joshua Pollet have shown that a trading strategy that exploits predictable age-related changes in spending on such items as toys, bicycles, beer, and life insurance would have earned an annualized risk-adjusted return of approximately six percent.6 Chart 15Poor Long-Term Returns In Store For U.S. Stocks The fact that equity valuations today are stretched in the U.S., and no better than middling in the rest of the world, should add to investor concerns. Chart 15 shows that the ratio of household equity holdings-to-total financial assets has been an extremely reliable predictor of 10-year equity returns in the post-war era. Today, this indicator is pointing to low single-digit returns for U.S. stocks over the next decade. This suggests that even if the headwinds to equities from population aging turn out to be minimal, long-term investors will still earn subpar returns from stocks relative to recent history. In such an environment, a nimble investment approach, which focuses on the state of the business cycle among other things, will be necessary for generating alpha. As discussed in our recently published Strategy Outlook, investors should maintain a cyclically bullish stance towards stocks for the time being, but begin paring back exposure late next year in advance of a recession in 2021.7   Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Robert T. Kiyosaki, and Sharon L. Lechter, “Rich Dad's Prophecy: Why the Biggest Stock Market Crash in History Is Still Coming...And How You Can Prepare Yourself and Profit from It!” Time Warner, 2003. 2      James Heckman and Paul LaFontaine, "The American High School Graduation Rate: Trends and Levels," The Review of Economics and Statistics 92:2, (May 2010): 244–262. 3      Please see Rajesh Iyer, Timothy H. Reisenwitz, and Jacqueline K. Eastman, “The Impact Of Cognitive Age On Seniors’ Lifestyles,” Marketing Management Journal, 18:2, (Fall 2008); and Komal Gyani Karani, and Katherine A. Fraccastoro, “Resistance To Brand Switching: The Elderly Consumer,“ Journal of Business & Economics Research, 8:12, (December 2010). 4      In most economic models, the capital-to-output ratio is assumed to converge towards a stable level over time. By definition, the capital stock in Year t is determined by the capital stock in Year t-1 plus whatever net investment (gross investment minus depreciation) takes place in Year t. In general, the optimal net investment-to-GDP ratio will equal the product of the capital-to-output ratio and the growth rate of GDP. For example, suppose that the capital-to-output ratio is three (meaning that the capital stock is three times as large as GDP). If output does not change from one year to the next, no additional net investment would be necessary to maintain a stable capital-to-output ratio. However, if output is growing at 2%, net investment of 3X2%=6% of GDP would be required. 5      John Ameriks and Stephen P. Zeldes, “How Do Household Portfolio Shares Vary with Age?” Working Paper, 2004. 6      Stefano Della Vigna, and Joshua M. Pollet, “Demographics and Industry Returns,” American Economic Review, 97:5 (2007). 7      Please see Global Investment Strategy, “Second Quarter 2019 Strategy Outlook: From Dead Zone To End Zone,” dated March 29, 2019.   Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Bank Credit Analyst

Developed economies are challenged by two powerful and related demographic trends: declining growth in working-age populations, and a rapidly-aging population structure. Working-age populations are in absolute decline in Japan and much of Europe and growth is slowing sharply in the U.S. An offsetting acceleration in productivity growth is unlikely, implying a marked deceleration in economic growth potential. The combination of slower growth in the number of taxpayers and rising numbers of retirees is toxic for government finances. Future generations face sharply rising debt burdens and increased taxes to pay for entitlements. The correlation between aging and asset prices is inconclusive but common sense suggests it is more likely to be bearish than bullish. Population growth remains rapid throughout most of the developing world, China being a notable exception. It is especially strong in Africa, a region that has historically faced economic mismanagement and thus poor economic prospects for most of its inhabitants. Migration from the emerging to developed world is a logical solution to global demographic trends, but faces a backlash in many countries for both economic and cultural reasons. These tensions are likely to increase. Making accurate economic and market forecasts is daunting because there are so many moving parts and unanticipated events are inevitable. Quantitative models are destined to fail because of the unpredictability of human behavior and random shocks. Demographic forecasts are a lot easier, at least over the short-to-medium term. If you want to know how many 70-year olds there will be in 10 years’ time, then count how many 60-year olds there are today and adjust by the mortality rate for that age group. Demographic trends are very incremental from year to year and their impact is swamped by economic, political and financial events. Thus, it rarely makes sense to blame demographics for cyclical swings in the economy or markets. In some respects, demographics can be likened to glaciers. You will quickly get bored standing by a glacier to watch it move. But, over long time periods, glaciers cover enormous distances and can completely reshape the landscape. Similarly, over the timespan of one or more generations, demographics can have powerful effects on economies and societies. Some important demographic trends have been going on for long enough that their effects are visible. The most common concern about global demographics has tended to be overpopulation and pressure on resources and the environment. And this is hardly new. In 1798, Thomas Malthus published his “Essay on The Principles of Population” in which he argued that population growth would outstrip food supply, leading to a very miserable outcome. Of course, what he missed was the revolution in agricultural techniques that meant food supply kept up with population growth. In 1972, a group of experts calling themselves The Club of Rome published a report titled “The Limits to Growth” which argued that a rising world population would outstrip the supply of natural resources, putting a limit to economic growth. Again, that report underestimated the ability of technology to solve the problem of scarcity, although many still believe the essence of the report has yet to be proved wrong. Phenomena such as climate change and rising numbers of animal species facing extinction are seen as supporting the thesis that the world’s population is putting unsustainable demands on the planet. Rather than get into that debate, this report will focus on three particular big-picture problems associated with demographic trends: Declining working-age populations in most major industrialized economies during the next several decades. Population aging throughout the developed world. Continued rapid population growth in many of the world’s poorest and most troubled countries. According to the UN’s latest projections, the world’s population will increase from around 7.5 billion today to almost 10 billion by 2050.1 The population growth rate peaked in the 1970s and is expected to slow sharply over the next several decades (Chart II-1). Despite slower percentage growth rates, the population keeps going up steadily because one percent of the 1970 global population was about 3.7 million, while one percent of the current population is about 7.5 million. But here is an important point: virtually all future growth in the global population will come from the developing world (Chart II-2). The population of the developed world is expected to be broadly flat over the period to 2050, and this has some significant economic implications. Let’s first look at why population growth has stagnated in the developed world. Population growth is a function of three things: the birth rate, the death rate and net migration. Obviously, if there are more births than deaths then there will be a natural increase in the population and net migration will either add or subtract to that. Over time, there have been major changes in some of these drivers. In the developed world, a stable population requires that, on average, there are 2.1 children born for every woman. The fact that it is not exactly 2 accounts for infant mortality and because there are slightly more males than females born. The replacement-level fertility rate needs to be higher than 2.1 in the developing world because of higher infant mortality rates. After WWII, the fertility rate throughout most of the developed world was well above 2.1 as soldiers returned home and the baby boom generation was born. But, by the end of the 1970s, the rate had dropped below the replacement level in most countries and currently is a lowly 1.5 in Japan, Germany and Italy (Table II-1). It has stayed higher in the U.S. but even there it has dipped below the critical 2.1 level. This trend has reflected lot of factors including more widespread use of birth control and more women entering the labor force. In the developed world, the birth rate is expected to drop below the death rate in the next ten years (Chart II-3). That means there will be a natural decrease in the population. In the case of Japan, Germany, Italy and Portugal that change already occurred between 2005 and 2010. In the U.S., the UN expects birth rates to stay just above death rates in the period to 2050, but the gap narrows sharply. Births exceed deaths throughout most of the developing world meaning that populations continue to grow. Notable exceptions to this are Eastern Europe where populations are already in sharp decline and China, where deaths begin to exceed births in the 2030s. Although life expectancy is rising, death rates in the developed world will rise simply because the rapidly growing number of old people more than offsets the impact of longer lifespans. Of course, the population of a country can also be boosted by immigration, and that has been true for much of the developed world. In Canada and most of Europe, net migration already is the dominant source of overall population growth and it will become so in the U.S. in the coming decades, based on current trends (Chart II-4). This is the background to the first key issue addressed in this report: the declining trend in the growth of the working-age population in the developed world. Slowing Growth In Working-Age Populations An economy’s growth potential depends on only two things: the number of people working and their productivity. If the labor force grows at 1% a year and productivity also increases by 1%, then the economy’s trend growth rate is 2%. In the short-run, the economy may grow faster or slower than that, depending on issues like fiscal and monetary policy, oil prices etc. Over the long run, growth is constrained by people and productivity. The potential labor force is generally regarded to be the people aged 15 to 64. The growth trend in this age segment has slowed sharply in recent years in the major economies and is set to weaken further in the years ahead (Chart II-5). The problem is most severe in Japan and Europe where the working-age population is already declining. In the case of the U.S., growth in this age cohort slows from an average 1.5% a year in the 1960s and 1970s to a projected pace of less than 0.5% in the coming decades. While this generally is not a problem faced by the developing world, a notable exception is China, now reaping the consequences of its one-child policy. Its working-age population is set to decline steadily in the years ahead. Thus, it is inevitable that Chinese growth also will slow in the absence of an acceleration of productivity growth The slowing trend in the working-age population could be offset if we could get more 15-64 year olds to join the labor force, or get more older people to stay working. In the U.S., almost 85% of male 15-64 year olds were either employed or were wanting a job in the mid-1990s. This has since dropped to below 80% - a marked divergence from the trend in most other countries (Chart II-6). And the female participation rate in the U.S. also is below that of other countries. The reason for the decline in U.S. labor participation rates for prime-aged adults is unclear. Explanations include increased levels of people in full-time education, in prison, or claiming disability. A breakdown of male participation rates by age shows particularly sharp drops in the 15-19 and 20-24 age groups, though the key 20-54 age category also is far below earlier peaks (Chart II-7). The U.S. participation rate has recently picked up but it seems doubtful that it will return to earlier highs. Other solutions to the problem would be getting more people aged 65 and above to stay in the labor force, and/or faster growth in productivity. The former probably will require changes to the retirement age and we will return to that issue shortly. There always are hopes for faster productivity growth, but recent data have remained disappointing for most developed economies (Chart II-8). New technologies hold out some hope but this is a contentious topic. On a positive note, the shrinking growth of the working-age population may be easier to live with in a world of robotization and artificial intelligence where machines are expected to take over many jobs. That would support a more optimistic view of productivity but it remains to be seen how powerful the impact will be. Another important problem related to the slowing growth of the working-age population relates to fiscal burdens. In 1980, the level of government debt per taxpayer (ages 20-64) was around $58,000 in the U.S. in today’s money and this is on track for $104,000 by 2020 (Chart II-9). But this pales in comparison to Japan where it rises from $9,000 to $170,000 over the same period. Canada looks more favorable, rising from $23,000 in 1980 to $68,000 in 2020. These burdens will keep rising beyond 2020 until governments start running budget surpluses. Our children and grandchildren will bear the burden of this and won’t thank us for allowing the debt to build up in the first place. There will be a large transfer of privately-held assets from the baby boomers to the next generation, but the ownership of this wealth is heavily skewed. According to one study, the top 1% owned 40% of U.S. wealth in 2016, while the bottom 90% owned 20%.2 And it seems likely that this pool of wealth will erode over time, providing a smaller cushion to the following generation. This leads in to the next topic – aging populations. Aging Populations In The Developed World The inevitable result of the combination of increased life expectancy and declining birth rates has been a marked aging of populations throughout the developed world. Between 2000 and 2050, the developed world will see the number of those aged 65 and over more than double while the numbers in other age groups are projected to show little change (Chart II-10). As long as the growing numbers of those aged 65 and above are in decent health, then life is quite good. Fifty years ago in the U.S., poverty rates were very high for those of retirement age compared to the young (i.e. under 18). But that has changed as the baby boomer generation made sure that they voted for increased entitlement programs. Now poverty rates for the 65+ group are far below those of the young (Chart II-11). At the same time, real incomes for those 65 and older have significantly outperformed those of younger age groups. A major problem is that aging baby boomers are expensive because of the cost of pensions and medical care. As would be expected, health care costs rise dramatically with age. For those aged 44 and under, health care costs in the U.S. averaged around $2,000 per person in 2015. For those 65 and over, it was more than $11,000 per person. And per capita spending doubles between the ages of 70 and 90. So here we have the problem: a growing number of expensive older people supported by a shrinking number of taxpayers. This is illustrated by the ratio of the number of people between 20 and 64 divided by those 65 and older. In other words, the number of taxpayers supporting each retiree (Chart II-12). In 1980, there were five taxpayers for every retiree in the U.S., four in W. Europe and seven in Japan. These ratios have since dropped sharply, and in the next few decades will be down to 2.5 in the U.S., 1.8 in Europe and 1.3 in Japan. For each young Japanese taxpayer, it will be like having the cost of a retiree deducted from their paycheck. Throughout the developed world, the baby boomers’ children and grandchildren face a growing burden of entitlements. Some of the statistics related to Japan’s demographics are dramatic. In the first half of the 1980s there were more than twice as many births as deaths (Chart II-13). They become equal around ten years ago and in another ten years deaths are projected to exceed births by around three million a year. In 1990, the number of people aged four and under was more than double the number aged 80 and above. Now the situation is reversed with those aged 80 years and above more than double those four and under. That is why sales of adult diapers reportedly exceed those of baby diapers – very depressing!3 What’s the solution to aging populations? An obvious one is for people to retire later. When pension systems were set up, life expectancy at birth was below the age pensions were granted - typically around 65. In other words, not many people were expected to live long enough to get a government pension. And the lucky ones who did live long enough were not expected to be around to receive a pension for more than a few years. By 1950, those males who had reached the age of 65 were expected, on average, to live another 11 to 13 years in the major developed countries (Table II-2). This rose to 16-18 years by 2000 and is expected to reach 22-23 years by 2050. Governments have made a huge error in failing to raise the retirement age as life expectancy increased. Pension systems were never designed to allow people to receive government pensions for more than 20 years. Some countries have raised the retirement age for pensions, but progress on this front is painfully slow. Other solutions would be to raise pension contributions or to means-test benefits. Not surprisingly, governments are reluctant to take such unpopular actions. At some point, they will have no choice, but that awaits pressures from the financial markets. Currently, not many people aged over 65 remain in the workforce. The participation rate for men is less than 10% in Europe and less than 25% in the U.S. And it is a lot lower for women (Chart II-14). The rate in Japan is much higher reflecting the fact that it is at the leading edge of aging. Participation rates are moving higher in Europe and the U.S. and further increases are likely in the years ahead if Japan’s experience is anything to go by. Having people staying in the workforce for longer will help offset the decline in prime-age workers, but there is a downside. While it is a contentious topic, many studies point to a negative correlation between age and productivity after the age of 50. As we age, there is some decline in cognitive abilities and older people may be less willing or able to adapt to new technologies and working practices. These would only be partly offset by the benefits of experience that comes with age. Therefore, an aging workforce is not one where one would expect productivity growth to accelerate, other things being equal. An IMF study concluded that a 1% increase in the labor force share of the 55-64 age cohort in Europe could reduce the growth in total factor productivity by 0.2% a year over the next 20 years.4 Another study published by the NBER paper estimated that aging will reduce the U.S. economic growth rate by 1.2% a year this decade and 0.6% a year next decade.5 Other studies are less gloomy but it would be hard to argue that aging is actually good for productivity. Another aging-related issue is the implications for asset prices. It is generally believed that aging will be bad for asset prices as people move from their high-saving years to a period where they will be liquidating assets to supplement their incomes. This is supported by a loose correlation between the percentage of the labor force between 35 and 64 (the higher-saving years) and stock market capitalization as a percent of GDP (Chart II-15). However, other studies cast doubts on this relationship.6 One might think real estate is even more vulnerable than stocks to aging. However, in late 1988, two high-profile economists (Greg Mankiw and David Weil) published a report arguing that real house prices would fall substantially over the next two decades as the baby boom generation aged.7 That forecast was catastrophically wrong. Of course, that does not mean that the more dramatic aging occurring over the next couple of decades will not have a major negative impact on home prices. Numerous studies have been carried out on the relationship between demographics and asset prices and the conclusions are all over the place.8 Time and space constraints prevent a more in-depth discussion of this topic. Nonetheless, common sense would suggest that aging is more likely to be bearish than bullish for asset prices. Thus far, we have addressed two demographic challenges facing the developed world: slowing growth in the number of working-age people and a marked aging of the population. Much of the developing world has the opposite issue: continued rapid population growth and large numbers of young people. This is my third topic. Rapid Population Growth In The Developing World We already noted that nearly all future growth in global population will occur in the developing world, China being a notable exception. With birth rates remaining far above death rates, emerging countries will not have the aging problem of the developed world and this has some positives and negatives. On the positive side, a rapidly-growing young population creates the potential for strong economic growth – the opposite of the situation in advanced economies. But this assumes that the institutional and political framework is conducive to growth. Unfortunately, the history of many developing countries is that corrupt and incompetent governments prevent economies from ever reaching their potential. This means there will be a growing pool of young people likely facing a dim economic future. In some cases, these young people could be an excellent recruiting ground for extremist groups. It is unfortunate that there is particularly rapid population growth in some of the most troubled countries in the world. The Institute for Economics and Peace ranks countries by whether they are safe or dangerous.9 According to their ranking, the eight most dangerous countries in the world will see their population grow at a much faster pace than the developing world as a whole (Chart II-16). Some individual country comparisons are striking. The UN’s projections show that Nigeria’s population will exceed that of the U.S. by 2050, The Democratic Republic of Congo’s population will match that of Japan by 2030 and by 2050 will be 80% larger (Chart II-17A and B). Similarly, Afghanistan will overtake Italy in the 2040s. Most incredibly, Africa’s overall population surpassed that of the whole of Europe in the second half of the 1990s and is projected to be 3.5 times larger by 2050. That suggests that the numbers seeking to migrate from Africa to Europe will increase dramatically in the next couple of decades. Controlling these flows will become an increasing challenge for countries in Southern Europe. Migration is the logical solution to declining working-age populations in the developed world and expanding young populations in the developing world. However, there currently is a backlash against immigration in many developed countries. Anti-immigration political parties are gaining strength in many European countries and immigration was a major factor influencing the Brexit vote in the U.K. And it is a hot-button political issue in the U.S. Concerns about immigration are twofold: competition for employment and potential cultural change. Employment fears have coincided with a long period of severely depressed wages for low-skill workers in many developed economies and immigration is an easy target for blame. Meanwhile, the cultural challenge of absorbing large numbers of immigrants clearly has fueled increased nationalist sentiment in a number of countries. In the U.S., projections by the Bureau of the Census show that the non-Hispanic white population will fall below 50% of the total by 2045. That has implications for voting patterns and lies behind some of the concerns about high levels of immigration. There is no simple solution to this controversial issue and an in-depth discussion is beyond the scope of this article. Conclusions We have only touched on some aspects of demographic trends. It is a huge topic and has many other implications. For example, the political and cultural views of each generation are shaped by the environment they grow up in and this changes over time. This year, the number of millennials (those born from the early 1980s to the mid-1990s) in the U.S. is expected to surpass those of baby boomers and that will have important political and social implications. Again, that is beyond the scope of this report. The demographic trends we have discussed will pose serious challenges to policymakers. In the developed world, the baby boom generation has accumulated huge amounts of government debt, partly to fund generous entitlement programs and did not have enough children to ease the burdens on future generations. The young have good reason to feel frustrated by the actions of their elders (see cartoon). In the developing world, the challenge will be to provide economic opportunities for a growing pool of young people. The biggest problems will be in Africa, a continent where economic success stories have been few and far between in the past. Failure to deal with this will have troubling implications for geopolitical stability. Martin H. Barnes Senior Vice President Economic Advisor   Footnotes 1       Most of the data referred to in this report comes from the medium variant projections from the United Nation’s World Population Prospects report, 2017 revision. There is an excellent online database tool that allows users to access numerous demographic series for every country and region in the world. This can be found at https://population.un.org/wpp/DataQuery/ 2       Edward N. Wolff, Household Wealth Trends in the United States, 1962 to 2016. NBER Working Paper 24085, November 2017. Available at: https://www.nber.org/papers/w24085. 3       This is not a joke: https://www.businessinsider.com/signs-japan-demographic-time-bomb-2017-3 4       The Impact of Workforce Aging on European Productivity. IMF Working Paper, December 2016. Available at: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2016/12/31/The-Impact-of-Workforce-Aging-on-European-Productivity-44450 5       The Effect of Population Aging on Economic Growth, the Labor Force and Productivity. NBER Working Paper 22452, July 2016. Available at https://www.nber.org/papers/w22452.pdf 6              For example, see “Will Grandpa Sink The Stock Market?”, The Bank Credit Analyst, September 2014. 7       The Baby Boom, The Bay Bust, and the Housing Market. NBER Working Paper 2794. Available at: https://www.nber.org/papers/w2794 8       For those interested in this topic, we recommend the following paper: Demographics and Asset Markets: A Survey of the Literature. Available at: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/912a/5d6d196c3405e37b3a50d797cbf65a27ba44.pdf 9       Global Peace Index, 2018. Available at: http://visionofhumanity.org/app/uploads/2018/06/Global-Peace-Index-2018-2.pdf. According to this index, the eight least-safe countries are (starting with the most dangerous): Syria, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Iraq, Somalia, Yemen, Libya, and Democratic Republic of the Congo.  

Bank Credit Analyst

  Highlights Global growth is still slowing. Having rallied since the start of the year, global stocks will likely enter a “dead zone” over the next six-to-eight weeks as investors nervously await the proverbial green shoots to sprout. We think they will appear in the second quarter, setting the scene for a reacceleration in global growth in the second half of the year, and an accompanying rally in global risk assets. Investors should overweight stocks and spread product while underweighting safe government bonds over a 12-month horizon. The U.S. dollar will strengthen a bit over the next few months, but should start to weaken in the summer as the global economy catches fire. Stronger global growth and a weaker dollar in the back half of the year will benefit EM assets and European stocks. Feature I skate to where the puck is going to be, not to where it has been.  — Wayne Gretzky Gretzky's Doctrine To paraphrase Gretzky, a mediocre macro strategist draws conclusions based solely on incoming data. A good macro strategist, in contrast, tries to figure out where the data is heading. How can one predict how the economic data will evolve? Examining forward-looking indicators is helpful, but it is not enough. One also has to understand why the data is evolving the way it is. If one knows this, one can then assess whether the forces either hurting or helping growth will diminish, intensify, or remain the same. What Accounts For The Growth Slowdown? There is little mystery as to why global growth slowed in 2018. Chinese credit growth fell steadily over the course of the year, which generated a negative credit impulse. Unlike in the past, China is now the most important driver of global credit flows (Chart I-1). Meanwhile, the global economy was rocked by rising oil prices. Brent rose from $55/bbl on October 5, 2017 to $85/bbl on October 4, 2018. Government bond yields also increased, with the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield rising from 2.05% on September 7, 2017 to 3.23% on October 5, 2018 (Chart I-2). In an ironic twist, Jay Powell’s ill-timed comment that rates were “a long way” from neutral marked the peak in bond yields. Unfortunately, the subsequent decline in yields was accompanied by a vicious stock market correction and a widening in credit spreads. This led to an overall tightening in financial conditions, which further hurt growth (Chart I-3). The critical point is that all of these negative forces are behind us: Financial conditions have eased significantly over the past two months; oil prices have rebounded, but are still well below their 2018 highs; and as we explain later on, Chinese growth is likely to bottom by the middle of this year. This means that global growth should start to improve over the coming months. The United States: Better News Ahead The latest U.S. economic data has been weak, with this morning’s disappointing ISM manufacturing print being the latest example. The New York Fed’s GDP Nowcast is pointing to annualized growth of 0.9% in the first quarter. While there is no doubt that underlying growth has decelerated, data distortions have probably also contributed to the perceived slowdown. For instance, the dismal December retail sales report reduced the base for consumer spending going into 2019, thus shaving about 0.4 percentage points off Q1 growth. The drop in real personal consumption expenditures (PCE) cut the New York Fed’s Q1 growth estimate by a further 0.15 percentage points. We suspect that much of the weakness in December retail sales and PCE was linked to the government shutdown. The closure caused some of the surveys used to compile these reports to be postponed until January, which is historically the weakest month for retail sales. The Johnson Redbook Index – which covers 80% of the retail sales surveyed by the Department of Commerce – as well as the sales figures from Amazon and Walmart all point to strong spending during the holiday season (Chart I-4). Fundamentally, U.S. consumers are in good shape (Chart I-5). As a share of disposable income, household debt is over 30 percentage points lower than it was in 2007. The savings rate stands at an elevated level, which gives households the wherewithal to increase spending. Job openings hit another record high, while wage growth continues to trend upwards. The housing market should improve. Rising mortgage rates weighed on housing last year. However, rates have been declining for several months now, which augurs well for home sales and construction over the next six months (Chart I-6). While capex intention surveys have come off their highs, they still point to reasonably solid expansion plans (Chart I-7). Rising labor costs and high levels of capacity utilization will induce firms to invest in more capital equipment, which should support business spending. Government expenditures should also recover. By most estimates, the shutdown shaved one percentage point from Q1 growth. This is likely to be completely reversed in the second quarter. The End Of The Chinese Deleveraging Campaign? The popular narrative about weaker Chinese growth has focused on the trade war. While trade uncertainty undoubtedly hurt growth last year – and has continued to weigh on growth so far this year – most of the weakness in the Chinese economy can be traced to the deleveraging campaign which started in 2017, long before the surge in trade flow angst. Fixed investment spending in China is generally financed through credit markets. Chart I-8 shows that the contribution of investment spending to GDP growth has declined in tandem with decelerating credit growth.   Chinese credit growth has typically reaccelerated whenever it has dipped towards trend nominal GDP growth. We may have already reached this point (Chart I-9). New credit formation came in well above expectations in January. Given possible distortions caused by the timing of the Chinese lunar new year, investors should wait until the February data is released in mid-March before drawing any firm conclusions. Nevertheless, it is starting to look increasingly likely that credit growth has bottomed. The 6-month credit impulse has already surged (Chart I-10). The 12-month impulse should also begin moving up provided that month-over-month credit growth simply maintains its recent trend (Chart I-11). On the trade front, President Trump’s decision to delay the implementation of tariffs on $200 billion in Chinese imports is a step in the right direction. Nevertheless, gauging whether the trade war will continue to de-escalate is extraordinarily difficult. There is no major constituency within the Republican Party campaigning for protectionism. It ultimately boils down to what one man – Trump – wants. Our best guess is that President Trump will try to score a few political points by “declaring victory” – deservedly or not – in his battle with China in order to pivot to more pressing domestic issues such as immigration. However, there can be no assurance of this, which is why China’s leaders are likely to prioritize growth over deleveraging, at least for the time being. They know full well that the only way they can credibly threaten to walk away from the negotiating table is if their economy is humming along. Europe: From Headwinds To Tailwinds? Slower global growth, higher oil prices, and a spike in Italian bonds yields all contributed to the poor performance of the European economy last year. Economic activity was further hampered by a decline in German automobile production following the introduction of more stringent emission standards. The good news is that these headwinds are set to reverse course. Italian bond yields are well off their highs, as are oil prices (Chart I-12). German automobile production is recovering (Chart I-13). In addition, the European Commission expects the euro area fiscal thrust to reach 0.40% of GDP this year, up from 0.05% of GDP last year (Chart I-14). This should add about half a percentage point to growth. Finally, if our expectation that Chinese growth will bottom out by mid-year proves correct, European exports should benefit. Brexit still remains a risk, but a receding one. The political establishment on both sides of the British channel will not accept anything resembling a hard Brexit. As was the case with the EU treaty referendums involving Denmark and Ireland in the 1990s, the European political elites will insist on a “No fair! Let’s play again! Best two-out-of-three?” do-overs until they get the result they want. Theresa May’s efforts to cobble together a parliamentary majority that precludes a hard Brexit, along with the Labor Party’s increasing willingness to pursue a second vote, is consistent with our thesis. Fortunately for the “remain” side, public opinion is shifting in favor of staying in the EU (Chart I-15). Focusing on the minutiae of various timetables, rules, and regulations is largely a waste of time. If neither the political establishment nor the general public favor Brexit, it will not happen. Investment Conclusions Global growth is still slowing. Having rallied since the start of the year, global stocks will likely enter a “dead zone” for the next six-to-eight weeks as investors nervously await the proverbial green shoots to sprout. We think they will appear in the second quarter, setting the scene for a reacceleration in global growth in the second half of the year, and an accompanying rally in global risk assets. The dollar is a countercyclical currency, meaning that it moves in the opposite direction of the global business cycle (Chart I-16). The greenback will strengthen a bit over the next few months, but should start to weaken in the summer as the global economy catches fire. We do not have a strong view on EM versus DM equities at the moment, but expect to shift EM to overweight once we see more confirmatory evidence that Chinese growth is stabilizing. In conjunction with our expected upgrade on EM assets, we will move European equities to overweight. Stronger global growth will benefit European multinational exporters, while brisker domestic growth should allow the market to price in a few more ECB rate hikes starting in 2020. The latter will lead to a somewhat steeper yield curve which, along with rising demand for credit, should boost financial sector earnings (Chart I-17). This will give European bank stocks a welcome boost. Japanese equities will also benefit from faster global growth, but domestic demand will suffer from the government’s ill-advised plan to raise the sales tax in October. As such, we do not anticipate upgrading Japanese stocks. We also expect the yen to come under some pressure as the BoJ is forced to maintain its ultra-accommodative monetary policy stance, while bond yields elsewhere move modestly higher. Peter Berezin    Chief Global Investment Strategist March 1, 2019 Next Report: March 28, 2019 II. Troubling Implications Of Global Demographic Trends Developed economies are challenged by two powerful and related demographic trends: declining growth in working-age populations, and a rapidly-aging population structure. Working-age populations are in absolute decline in Japan and much of Europe and growth is slowing sharply in the U.S. An offsetting acceleration in productivity growth is unlikely, implying a marked deceleration in economic growth potential. The combination of slower growth in the number of taxpayers and rising numbers of retirees is toxic for government finances. Future generations face sharply rising debt burdens and increased taxes to pay for entitlements. The correlation between aging and asset prices is inconclusive but common sense suggests it is more likely to be bearish than bullish. Population growth remains rapid throughout most of the developing world, China being a notable exception. It is especially strong in Africa, a region that has historically faced economic mismanagement and thus poor economic prospects for most of its inhabitants. Migration from the emerging to developed world is a logical solution to global demographic trends, but faces a backlash in many countries for both economic and cultural reasons. These tensions are likely to increase. Making accurate economic and market forecasts is daunting because there are so many moving parts and unanticipated events are inevitable. Quantitative models are destined to fail because of the unpredictability of human behavior and random shocks. Demographic forecasts are a lot easier, at least over the short-to-medium term. If you want to know how many 70-year olds there will be in 10 years’ time, then count how many 60-year olds there are today and adjust by the mortality rate for that age group. Demographic trends are very incremental from year to year and their impact is swamped by economic, political and financial events. Thus, it rarely makes sense to blame demographics for cyclical swings in the economy or markets. In some respects, demographics can be likened to glaciers. You will quickly get bored standing by a glacier to watch it move. But, over long time periods, glaciers cover enormous distances and can completely reshape the landscape. Similarly, over the timespan of one or more generations, demographics can have powerful effects on economies and societies. Some important demographic trends have been going on for long enough that their effects are visible. The most common concern about global demographics has tended to be overpopulation and pressure on resources and the environment. And this is hardly new. In 1798, Thomas Malthus published his “Essay on The Principles of Population” in which he argued that population growth would outstrip food supply, leading to a very miserable outcome. Of course, what he missed was the revolution in agricultural techniques that meant food supply kept up with population growth. In 1972, a group of experts calling themselves The Club of Rome published a report titled “The Limits to Growth” which argued that a rising world population would outstrip the supply of natural resources, putting a limit to economic growth. Again, that report underestimated the ability of technology to solve the problem of scarcity, although many still believe the essence of the report has yet to be proved wrong. Phenomena such as climate change and rising numbers of animal species facing extinction are seen as supporting the thesis that the world’s population is putting unsustainable demands on the planet. Rather than get into that debate, this report will focus on three particular big-picture problems associated with demographic trends: Declining working-age populations in most major industrialized economies during the next several decades. Population aging throughout the developed world. Continued rapid population growth in many of the world’s poorest and most troubled countries. According to the UN’s latest projections, the world’s population will increase from around 7.5 billion today to almost 10 billion by 2050.1 The population growth rate peaked in the 1970s and is expected to slow sharply over the next several decades (Chart II-1). Despite slower percentage growth rates, the population keeps going up steadily because one percent of the 1970 global population was about 3.7 million, while one percent of the current population is about 7.5 million. But here is an important point: virtually all future growth in the global population will come from the developing world (Chart II-2). The population of the developed world is expected to be broadly flat over the period to 2050, and this has some significant economic implications. Let’s first look at why population growth has stagnated in the developed world. Population growth is a function of three things: the birth rate, the death rate and net migration. Obviously, if there are more births than deaths then there will be a natural increase in the population and net migration will either add or subtract to that. Over time, there have been major changes in some of these drivers. In the developed world, a stable population requires that, on average, there are 2.1 children born for every woman. The fact that it is not exactly 2 accounts for infant mortality and because there are slightly more males than females born. The replacement-level fertility rate needs to be higher than 2.1 in the developing world because of higher infant mortality rates. After WWII, the fertility rate throughout most of the developed world was well above 2.1 as soldiers returned home and the baby boom generation was born. But, by the end of the 1970s, the rate had dropped below the replacement level in most countries and currently is a lowly 1.5 in Japan, Germany and Italy (Table II-1). It has stayed higher in the U.S. but even there it has dipped below the critical 2.1 level. This trend has reflected lot of factors including more widespread use of birth control and more women entering the labor force. In the developed world, the birth rate is expected to drop below the death rate in the next ten years (Chart II-3). That means there will be a natural decrease in the population. In the case of Japan, Germany, Italy and Portugal that change already occurred between 2005 and 2010. In the U.S., the UN expects birth rates to stay just above death rates in the period to 2050, but the gap narrows sharply. Births exceed deaths throughout most of the developing world meaning that populations continue to grow. Notable exceptions to this are Eastern Europe where populations are already in sharp decline and China, where deaths begin to exceed births in the 2030s. Although life expectancy is rising, death rates in the developed world will rise simply because the rapidly growing number of old people more than offsets the impact of longer lifespans. Of course, the population of a country can also be boosted by immigration, and that has been true for much of the developed world. In Canada and most of Europe, net migration already is the dominant source of overall population growth and it will become so in the U.S. in the coming decades, based on current trends (Chart II-4). This is the background to the first key issue addressed in this report: the declining trend in the growth of the working-age population in the developed world. Slowing Growth In Working-Age Populations An economy’s growth potential depends on only two things: the number of people working and their productivity. If the labor force grows at 1% a year and productivity also increases by 1%, then the economy’s trend growth rate is 2%. In the short-run, the economy may grow faster or slower than that, depending on issues like fiscal and monetary policy, oil prices etc. Over the long run, growth is constrained by people and productivity. The potential labor force is generally regarded to be the people aged 15 to 64. The growth trend in this age segment has slowed sharply in recent years in the major economies and is set to weaken further in the years ahead (Chart II-5). The problem is most severe in Japan and Europe where the working-age population is already declining. In the case of the U.S., growth in this age cohort slows from an average 1.5% a year in the 1960s and 1970s to a projected pace of less than 0.5% in the coming decades. While this generally is not a problem faced by the developing world, a notable exception is China, now reaping the consequences of its one-child policy. Its working-age population is set to decline steadily in the years ahead. Thus, it is inevitable that Chinese growth also will slow in the absence of an acceleration of productivity growth The slowing trend in the working-age population could be offset if we could get more 15-64 year olds to join the labor force, or get more older people to stay working. In the U.S., almost 85% of male 15-64 year olds were either employed or were wanting a job in the mid-1990s. This has since dropped to below 80% - a marked divergence from the trend in most other countries (Chart II-6). And the female participation rate in the U.S. also is below that of other countries. The reason for the decline in U.S. labor participation rates for prime-aged adults is unclear. Explanations include increased levels of people in full-time education, in prison, or claiming disability. A breakdown of male participation rates by age shows particularly sharp drops in the 15-19 and 20-24 age groups, though the key 20-54 age category also is far below earlier peaks (Chart II-7). The U.S. participation rate has recently picked up but it seems doubtful that it will return to earlier highs. Other solutions to the problem would be getting more people aged 65 and above to stay in the labor force, and/or faster growth in productivity. The former probably will require changes to the retirement age and we will return to that issue shortly. There always are hopes for faster productivity growth, but recent data have remained disappointing for most developed economies (Chart II-8). New technologies hold out some hope but this is a contentious topic. On a positive note, the shrinking growth of the working-age population may be easier to live with in a world of robotization and artificial intelligence where machines are expected to take over many jobs. That would support a more optimistic view of productivity but it remains to be seen how powerful the impact will be. Another important problem related to the slowing growth of the working-age population relates to fiscal burdens. In 1980, the level of government debt per taxpayer (ages 20-64) was around $58,000 in the U.S. in today’s money and this is on track for $104,000 by 2020 (Chart II-9). But this pales in comparison to Japan where it rises from $9,000 to $170,000 over the same period. Canada looks more favorable, rising from $23,000 in 1980 to $68,000 in 2020. These burdens will keep rising beyond 2020 until governments start running budget surpluses. Our children and grandchildren will bear the burden of this and won’t thank us for allowing the debt to build up in the first place. There will be a large transfer of privately-held assets from the baby boomers to the next generation, but the ownership of this wealth is heavily skewed. According to one study, the top 1% owned 40% of U.S. wealth in 2016, while the bottom 90% owned 20%.2 And it seems likely that this pool of wealth will erode over time, providing a smaller cushion to the following generation. This leads in to the next topic – aging populations. Aging Populations In The Developed World The inevitable result of the combination of increased life expectancy and declining birth rates has been a marked aging of populations throughout the developed world. Between 2000 and 2050, the developed world will see the number of those aged 65 and over more than double while the numbers in other age groups are projected to show little change (Chart II-10). As long as the growing numbers of those aged 65 and above are in decent health, then life is quite good. Fifty years ago in the U.S., poverty rates were very high for those of retirement age compared to the young (i.e. under 18). But that has changed as the baby boomer generation made sure that they voted for increased entitlement programs. Now poverty rates for the 65+ group are far below those of the young (Chart II-11). At the same time, real incomes for those 65 and older have significantly outperformed those of younger age groups. A major problem is that aging baby boomers are expensive because of the cost of pensions and medical care. As would be expected, health care costs rise dramatically with age. For those aged 44 and under, health care costs in the U.S. averaged around $2,000 per person in 2015. For those 65 and over, it was more than $11,000 per person. And per capita spending doubles between the ages of 70 and 90. So here we have the problem: a growing number of expensive older people supported by a shrinking number of taxpayers. This is illustrated by the ratio of the number of people between 20 and 64 divided by those 65 and older. In other words, the number of taxpayers supporting each retiree (Chart II-12). In 1980, there were five taxpayers for every retiree in the U.S., four in W. Europe and seven in Japan. These ratios have since dropped sharply, and in the next few decades will be down to 2.5 in the U.S., 1.8 in Europe and 1.3 in Japan. For each young Japanese taxpayer, it will be like having the cost of a retiree deducted from their paycheck. Throughout the developed world, the baby boomers’ children and grandchildren face a growing burden of entitlements. Some of the statistics related to Japan’s demographics are dramatic. In the first half of the 1980s there were more than twice as many births as deaths (Chart II-13). They become equal around ten years ago and in another ten years deaths are projected to exceed births by around three million a year. In 1990, the number of people aged four and under was more than double the number aged 80 and above. Now the situation is reversed with those aged 80 years and above more than double those four and under. That is why sales of adult diapers reportedly exceed those of baby diapers – very depressing!3 What’s the solution to aging populations? An obvious one is for people to retire later. When pension systems were set up, life expectancy at birth was below the age pensions were granted - typically around 65. In other words, not many people were expected to live long enough to get a government pension. And the lucky ones who did live long enough were not expected to be around to receive a pension for more than a few years. By 1950, those males who had reached the age of 65 were expected, on average, to live another 11 to 13 years in the major developed countries (Table II-2). This rose to 16-18 years by 2000 and is expected to reach 22-23 years by 2050. Governments have made a huge error in failing to raise the retirement age as life expectancy increased. Pension systems were never designed to allow people to receive government pensions for more than 20 years. Some countries have raised the retirement age for pensions, but progress on this front is painfully slow. Other solutions would be to raise pension contributions or to means-test benefits. Not surprisingly, governments are reluctant to take such unpopular actions. At some point, they will have no choice, but that awaits pressures from the financial markets. Currently, not many people aged over 65 remain in the workforce. The participation rate for men is less than 10% in Europe and less than 25% in the U.S. And it is a lot lower for women (Chart II-14). The rate in Japan is much higher reflecting the fact that it is at the leading edge of aging. Participation rates are moving higher in Europe and the U.S. and further increases are likely in the years ahead if Japan’s experience is anything to go by. Having people staying in the workforce for longer will help offset the decline in prime-age workers, but there is a downside. While it is a contentious topic, many studies point to a negative correlation between age and productivity after the age of 50. As we age, there is some decline in cognitive abilities and older people may be less willing or able to adapt to new technologies and working practices. These would only be partly offset by the benefits of experience that comes with age. Therefore, an aging workforce is not one where one would expect productivity growth to accelerate, other things being equal. An IMF study concluded that a 1% increase in the labor force share of the 55-64 age cohort in Europe could reduce the growth in total factor productivity by 0.2% a year over the next 20 years.4 Another study published by the NBER paper estimated that aging will reduce the U.S. economic growth rate by 1.2% a year this decade and 0.6% a year next decade.5 Other studies are less gloomy but it would be hard to argue that aging is actually good for productivity. Another aging-related issue is the implications for asset prices. It is generally believed that aging will be bad for asset prices as people move from their high-saving years to a period where they will be liquidating assets to supplement their incomes. This is supported by a loose correlation between the percentage of the labor force between 35 and 64 (the higher-saving years) and stock market capitalization as a percent of GDP (Chart II-15). However, other studies cast doubts on this relationship.6 One might think real estate is even more vulnerable than stocks to aging. However, in late 1988, two high-profile economists (Greg Mankiw and David Weil) published a report arguing that real house prices would fall substantially over the next two decades as the baby boom generation aged.7 That forecast was catastrophically wrong. Of course, that does not mean that the more dramatic aging occurring over the next couple of decades will not have a major negative impact on home prices. Numerous studies have been carried out on the relationship between demographics and asset prices and the conclusions are all over the place.8 Time and space constraints prevent a more in-depth discussion of this topic. Nonetheless, common sense would suggest that aging is more likely to be bearish than bullish for asset prices. Thus far, we have addressed two demographic challenges facing the developed world: slowing growth in the number of working-age people and a marked aging of the population. Much of the developing world has the opposite issue: continued rapid population growth and large numbers of young people. This is my third topic. Rapid Population Growth In The Developing World We already noted that nearly all future growth in global population will occur in the developing world, China being a notable exception. With birth rates remaining far above death rates, emerging countries will not have the aging problem of the developed world and this has some positives and negatives. On the positive side, a rapidly-growing young population creates the potential for strong economic growth – the opposite of the situation in advanced economies. But this assumes that the institutional and political framework is conducive to growth. Unfortunately, the history of many developing countries is that corrupt and incompetent governments prevent economies from ever reaching their potential. This means there will be a growing pool of young people likely facing a dim economic future. In some cases, these young people could be an excellent recruiting ground for extremist groups. It is unfortunate that there is particularly rapid population growth in some of the most troubled countries in the world. The Institute for Economics and Peace ranks countries by whether they are safe or dangerous.9 According to their ranking, the eight most dangerous countries in the world will see their population grow at a much faster pace than the developing world as a whole (Chart II-16). Some individual country comparisons are striking. The UN’s projections show that Nigeria’s population will exceed that of the U.S. by 2050, The Democratic Republic of Congo’s population will match that of Japan by 2030 and by 2050 will be 80% larger (Chart II-17A and B). Similarly, Afghanistan will overtake Italy in the 2040s. Most incredibly, Africa’s overall population surpassed that of the whole of Europe in the second half of the 1990s and is projected to be 3.5 times larger by 2050. That suggests that the numbers seeking to migrate from Africa to Europe will increase dramatically in the next couple of decades. Controlling these flows will become an increasing challenge for countries in Southern Europe. Migration is the logical solution to declining working-age populations in the developed world and expanding young populations in the developing world. However, there currently is a backlash against immigration in many developed countries. Anti-immigration political parties are gaining strength in many European countries and immigration was a major factor influencing the Brexit vote in the U.K. And it is a hot-button political issue in the U.S. Concerns about immigration are twofold: competition for employment and potential cultural change. Employment fears have coincided with a long period of severely depressed wages for low-skill workers in many developed economies and immigration is an easy target for blame. Meanwhile, the cultural challenge of absorbing large numbers of immigrants clearly has fueled increased nationalist sentiment in a number of countries. In the U.S., projections by the Bureau of the Census show that the non-Hispanic white population will fall below 50% of the total by 2045. That has implications for voting patterns and lies behind some of the concerns about high levels of immigration. There is no simple solution to this controversial issue and an in-depth discussion is beyond the scope of this article. Conclusions We have only touched on some aspects of demographic trends. It is a huge topic and has many other implications. For example, the political and cultural views of each generation are shaped by the environment they grow up in and this changes over time. This year, the number of millennials (those born from the early 1980s to the mid-1990s) in the U.S. is expected to surpass those of baby boomers and that will have important political and social implications. Again, that is beyond the scope of this report. The demographic trends we have discussed will pose serious challenges to policymakers. In the developed world, the baby boom generation has accumulated huge amounts of government debt, partly to fund generous entitlement programs and did not have enough children to ease the burdens on future generations. The young have good reason to feel frustrated by the actions of their elders (see cartoon). In the developing world, the challenge will be to provide economic opportunities for a growing pool of young people. The biggest problems will be in Africa, a continent where economic success stories have been few and far between in the past. Failure to deal with this will have troubling implications for geopolitical stability. Martin H. Barnes Senior Vice President Economic Advisor III. Indicators And Reference Charts Our tactical equity upgrade is beginning to pay off, and an increasing proportion of our proprietary indicators is confirming that stocks have more upside over the next few quarters. Our Willingness-to-Pay (WTP) indicator for the U.S. has stopped falling. This pattern is also evident in both Europe and Japan. The WTP indicators track flows, and thus provide information on what investors are actually doing, as opposed to sentiment indexes that track how investors are feeling. After clearly pulling funds out of the equity markets, investors are beginning to tip their toes back in. Our Revealed Preference Indicator (RPI) has clearly shifted back into stocks. The RPI combines the idea of market momentum with valuation and policy measures. It provides a powerful bullish signal if positive market momentum lines up with constructive signals from the policy and valuation measures. Conversely, if constructive market momentum is not supported by valuation and policy, investors should lean against the market trend. According to BCA’s composite valuation indicator, the U.S. stock market remains overvalued from a long-term perspective, despite the dip in multiples since last fall. It is a composite of 11 different valuation measures. Moreover, our Monetary Indicator has shifted out of negative territory for stocks, and is now decisively in stimulative territory. The Fed pause, along with some dovish-sounding commentaries have improved the monetary backdrop by removing expected rate hikes from the money market curve. Our Composite Technical indicator for stocks broke down in December, providing a clear ‘sell’ signal, and has not yet delivered a ‘buy’. However, if the recent improvement in this indicator can continue, the S&P 500 will likely be able to punch above the 2800 level. The 10-year Treasury yield is in the neutral range according to our valuation model. Bonds are not overbought, but they have now fully worked out their previously deeply-oversold conditions. The Adrian, Crump & Moench formulation of the 10-year term premium remains close to its 2016 nadir, suggesting that yields are unsustainably low. Our bond-bearish bias is consistent with the view that the Fed rate hike cycle is not over. The U.S. dollar is still very expensive on a PPP basis. Our Composite Technical Indicator is not as overbought as it once was, but it is far from having reached oversold levels either. This combination suggests that the greenback could experience further downside over the coming month. It remains to be seen if this wave of depreciation will mark the beginning of the cyclical bear market required to correct the dollar’s overvaluation. EQUITIES: FIXED INCOME:     CURRENCIES:   COMMODITIES:   ECONOMY: Mark McClellan Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst   Footnotes 1       Most of the data referred to in this report comes from the medium variant projections from the United Nation’s World Population Prospects report, 2017 revision. There is an excellent online database tool that allows users to access numerous demographic series for every country and region in the world. This can be found at https://population.un.org/wpp/DataQuery/ 2       Edward N. Wolff, Household Wealth Trends in the United States, 1962 to 2016. NBER Working Paper 24085, November 2017. Available at: https://www.nber.org/papers/w24085. 3       This is not a joke: https://www.businessinsider.com/signs-japan-demographic-time-bomb-2017-3 4       The Impact of Workforce Aging on European Productivity. IMF Working Paper, December 2016. Available at: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2016/12/31/The-Impact-of-Workforce-Aging-on-European-Productivity-44450 5       The Effect of Population Aging on Economic Growth, the Labor Force and Productivity. NBER Working Paper 22452, July 2016. Available at https://www.nber.org/papers/w22452.pdf 6              For example, see “Will Grandpa Sink The Stock Market?”, The Bank Credit Analyst, September 2014. 7       The Baby Boom, The Bay Bust, and the Housing Market. NBER Working Paper 2794. Available at: https://www.nber.org/papers/w2794 8       For those interested in this topic, we recommend the following paper: Demographics and Asset Markets: A Survey of the Literature. Available at: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/912a/5d6d196c3405e37b3a50d797cbf65a27ba44.pdf 9       Global Peace Index, 2018. Available at: http://visionofhumanity.org/app/uploads/2018/06/Global-Peace-Index-2018-2.pdf. According to this index, the eight least-safe countries are (starting with the most dangerous): Syria, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Iraq, Somalia, Yemen, Libya, and Democratic Republic of the Congo. EQUITIES:FIXED INCOME:CURRENCIES:COMMODITIES:ECONOMY:

Special Report

Highlights After rising for thousands of years, human intelligence has begun to decline in developed economies. This can be seen in falling IQ scores and a decline in math and science test scores. Environmental factors appear to account for the bulk of this decline, but no one knows what these factors are. If left unchecked, falling intelligence will severely undermine productivity growth. This could lead to lower equity multiples, larger budget deficits, and ultimately, much higher government bond yields. Technological advances, particularly in the genetic realm, promise to radically raise IQs. In a complete abandonment of its one-child policy, China will combine these controversial technologies with pro-natal measures in order to boost sagging birth rates. The coming Eugenic Wars will be one of the most important economic and geopolitical developments of the 21st century. Feature Part 1: What The Tame Fox Says In 1959, a Soviet scientist named Dmitry Belyaev embarked on an ambitious experiment: to domesticate the silver fox. A geneticist by training, Belyaev wanted to replicate the process by which animals such as cats and dogs came to live side-by-side with humans. It was a risky endeavor. The Soviets had essentially banned the study of Mendelian genetics in favor of the blank slate ideology that is popular in progressive circles today. Belyaev persevered. Working under the guise of studying vulpine physiology, he selected foxes based on only one trait – tamability. Less than 10% of foxes made it to the subsequent generation, with the other 90% being sent off to fur farms. By the fourth generation, the changes were undeniable. Rather than fleeing humans, the foxes sought out their attention with no prompting whatsoever. They even wagged their tails and whined and whimpered like dogs do. The tame foxes also displayed physical changes. Their ears flopped over. Their snouts became shorter and their tails stood upright. “By intense selective breeding, we have compressed into a few decades an ancient process that originally unfolded over thousands of years,” wrote Lyudmila Trut, who began as Belyaev’s assistant and took over the project when her boss died in 1985.  Genetically Capitalist? Evolution can broadly proceed in two ways. The first way is through random mutations. This form of evolution, which scientists sometimes refer to as genetic drift, can take thousands of years to yield any discernable changes. The second way is through natural selection, a process that exploits existing variations in genetic traits. As the Russian fox experiment illustrates, evolution driven by selective pressures (either natural or artificial) can occur fairly quickly. Did selective pressures manifest themselves in human evolution in the lead up to the Industrial Revolution? Did humans, in some sense, domesticate themselves? In his book, A Farewell To Alms, economic historian Gregory Clark argued in the affirmative. Clark documented that members of skilled professions in Medieval England had twice as many surviving children as unskilled workers (Chart 1). Indeed, the fledgling middle class of the time had even more surviving children than the aristocracy, who were often out fighting wars. As a result, the wages of craftsmen declined by a third relative to laborers between 1200 and 1800, implying that the supply of skilled labor was growing more quickly than the demand for skilled workers over this period. In subsequent work, Clark and Cummins argued that the spread of bourgeois values across pre-industrial England was more consistent with a model of genetic transmission than a cultural one (see Box 1 for details). Similar developments occurred in other parts of the world. For example, in China, the gateway into the bureaucracy for a thousand years was the highly competitive imperial exam. Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee showed that high-status men had more surviving children during the eighteenth- and nineteenth-centuries (Chart 2).1 The 10,000 Year Explosion Stephen Jay Gould famously said that “There’s been no biological change in humans in 40,000 or 50,000 years. Everything we call culture and civilization we’ve built with the same body and brain.” Gould was wrong. Data from the International HapMap Project show that human evolution accelerated by 100-fold starting around 10,000 years ago (Chart 3). In their book The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution, Gregory Cochran and the late Henry Harpending explained why evolution sped up so rapidly.2 The advent of agriculture led to a surge in population levels. This, in turn, increased the absolute number of potentially beneficial genetic mutations that could be subject to selection effects. Farming and the rise of city states also completely reshaped the environment in which people lived. Basic biology teaches us that environmental dislocations of this kind tend to generate selective pressures that cause evolution to accelerate. John Hawks, professor of anthropology and genetics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, put it best: “We are more different genetically from people living 5,000 years ago than they were different from Neanderthals.” Many of the changes to our genomes relate to diet and diseases. The various genetic resistances that people have built up to malaria are all less than 10,000 years old. Mutations to the LCT gene, which confers lactose tolerance into adulthood, occurred independently in three different geographical locations: one in East Asia, one in the Middle East, and one in Africa. The Middle Eastern variant was probably responsible for the rapid enlargement of the Indo-European language group, which now stretches from India to Ireland. The African variant likely facilitated the Bantu expansion, which started near the present-day border of Nigeria and Cameroon, and then spread out across almost all of sub-Saharan Africa. Evolution Of The Human Brain About half of the genes in the human genome regulate some aspect of brain function. Given the rapid acceleration in evolution, it would be rather surprising if our own brains had not been affected. And indeed, there is plenty of evidence that they were. The frontal lobe of the brain has increased in size over the past 10,000 years. This is the part of the brain that regulates such things as language, memory, and long-term planning. Testosterone levels have also declined. That may explain the steady reduction in violent crime rates (Chart 4). We know that certain genes that are associated with higher intelligence have been under recent selective pressure. For example, the gene that leads to torsion dystonia – a debilitating movement disorder – appears to have increased in frequency. Why would a gene that causes a known disease become more widespread? The answer is that individuals who have this particular mutation tend to have IQs that are around 10-to 20-points above the population average. Why IQ Matters IQ has a long and contentious history. Yet, despite numerous efforts to jettison the concept, it has endured for one simple reason: It has more predictive power than virtually anything else in the psychological realm. A simple 30-minute IQ test can help predict future educational attainment, job performance, income, health, criminality, and fertility choices (Table 1 and Chart 5). IQ even predicts trader performance!3 Table 1What IQ Predicts (Results From Meta-Analyses)   Like most physiological traits, IQ is highly heritable.4 The genetic contribution to IQ increases from 20% in early childhood to as high as 80% by one’s late teens and remains at that level well into adulthood.5 This makes IQ almost as heritable as height (Chart 6). Although there is a great deal of variation among individuals, on average, more intelligent people earn higher incomes (Chart 7). If the same relationship existed in the pre-industrial era, as seems likely, then human intelligence probably increased in a way that facilitated the economic explosion that we associate with the Industrial Revolution. The stunning implication is that the emergence of the modern era was a question of “when, not if.” Part 2: The Flynn Effect By the late-19th century, it had become clear that the rich were no longer having as many children as the poor. This realization, together with the growing popularity of Darwin’s theories, helped galvanize the eugenics movement. Contrary to popular belief, this movement was not a product of the far-right. In fact, the most vocal proponents of eugenics were among the progressive left. John Maynard Keynes, for example, served as the Director of the British Eugenics Society between 1937 and 1944. Yet, a funny thing happened on the road to idiocracy: The concerns of eugenicists did not come to pass. Rather than becoming dimmer, people became smarter. This phenomenon is now known as the Flynn Effect, named after James Flynn, a psychologist who was among the first to document it. Chart 8 shows the evolution of IQ scores in a sample of countries between 1940 and 1990. The average country recorded IQ gains of three points per decade over this period, a remarkably large increase over such a relatively short period of time. Explaining The Flynn Effect The Flynn Effect must have been entirely driven by environmental factors since genetic factors – namely the tendency of less-educated people to have more children, and to have them at an earlier age – would have reduced average IQs over the past two hundred years. But how could environmental factors have played the dominant role in light of the strong role of genes discussed above? The answer was proposed by geneticist Richard Lewontin in the 1970s. Lewontin suggested imagining a genetically-diverse sack of seed corn randomly distributed between two large identical fields. One field had fertilizer added to it while the other did not. Genetic variation would explain all of the differences in the height of corn stalks within each field, while environmental factors (the addition of fertilizer) would explain all of the difference in the average height of corn stalks between the two fields. This logic explains why genes can account for the bulk of the variation in IQs within any demographic group, while environmental effects may explain most of the variation across groups, as well as why average scores have changed over time. And what environmental effects are these? The truth is that no one really knows. Plenty of theories have been advanced, but so far there is still little consensus on the matter. Bigger, Healthier Brains It has long been known that learning increases the amount of grey matter in the brain. For example, a recent study showed that the hippocampi of London taxi drivers tend to be larger due to the need for drivers to memorize and navigate complex routes.6 The emergence of modern societies likely kicked off a virtuous circle where the need to solve increasingly complex tasks forced people to hone their learning skills, leading to higher IQs and further technological progress. The introduction of universal primary education amplified this virtuous circle. Better health undoubtedly helped as well. Early childhood diseases reduce IQ by diverting the body’s resources away from mental development towards fighting off infections. There is a strong correlation between measured IQ and disease burden across countries (Chart 9). A number of studies have documented a strong relationship between the timing of malaria eradication in the U.S. and other parts of the world and subsequent observed gains in childhood IQs.7 Brain size and IQ are positively correlated. Forensic evidence from the U.S. suggests that the average volume of adult human skulls has increased by 7% since the late 1800s, or roughly the size of a tennis ball.8 Part 3: The End Of A 10,000 Year Trend The problem with environmental effects is that they eventually run into diminishing returns. This appears to have happened with the Flynn Effect. In fact, not only does the recent evidence suggest that the Flynn Effect has ended, but the data suggest that IQs are starting to decline. Chart 10 shows that average math and science test scores fell in the OECD’s Program For International Scholastic Achievement (PISA) between 2009 and 2015, the latest year of the examination. The drop in math and science test scores has been mirrored in falling IQ scores. Flynn observed a decade ago that IQs of British teenagers were slipping.9 Similar results have been documented in France, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, and most recently, Norway. The Norwegian results, published last year, are particularly noteworthy.10 Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg examined three-decades worth of data on IQ tests of Norwegian military conscripts. Military duty has been mandatory for almost all men in Norway since 1814, which means that the study’s authors were able to collect comprehensive data on most Norwegian men and their fathers.  Their paper clearly shows that IQ peaked with the generation born in the mid-1970s and declined by about five points, or one-third of a standard deviation, for the one born in 1990 (Chart 11). For the first time in recorded history, Norwegian kids today are not scoring as well as their parents. A Mystery What caused the sudden reversal of the Flynn Effect in Norway and most other developed economies? Nobody knows. We can, however, offer three possible theories: New Technologies For much of human history, rising intelligence and technological innovation were complementary processes, meaning that the smartest people were the ones who could best exploit the new technologies that were coming their way. Moreover, as noted above, even those who were less gifted benefited from the mental stimulation that a technologically advanced society provided. It remains to be seen how future technological advances such as generalized AI will affect human intelligence, but recent technological advances seem to have had a dumbing down effect.11 For example, the GPS has obviated the need for people to navigate unfamiliar locations, thus blunting the development of their visuospatial skills. Modern word processors have made spelling skills less important. Having all the information in the world just a click away is a wonderful thing, but it has reduced the need for our brains to retain and codify what we learn. Meanwhile, the constant bombardment of information to which we are subject has made it difficult to concentrate on anything for long. How many youth today can read a report of this length without checking their Facebook feed multiple times? My guess is not many. Diminishing Returns To Education The ability to take young bright minds, who would have otherwise spent their lives doing menial labor, and provide them with an education was probably the greatest tailwind to growth that the 20th century enjoyed. There is undoubtedly still scope to continue this process, but the low-hanging fruit have been picked. Educational attainment has slowed dramatically in most of the world (Chart 12). Economist James Heckman estimates that U.S. high-school graduation rates, properly measured, peaked over 40 years ago.12 Despite billions of dollars spent, efforts to improve school performance have generally fallen flat. A recent high-level report by the U.S. Department of Education concluded that “The panel did not find any empirical studies that reached the rigor necessary to determine that specific turnaround practices produce significantly better academic outcomes.”13 This gets to a point that most parents already know, which is that when people talk about “bad schools,” they are really talking about “bad students.” Deteriorating Health Better health probably contributed to the Flynn Effect. But is it possible to have too much of a good thing? More calories are welcome when people are starving, but today’s calorie-rich, nutrient-poor diets have led to a surge in obesity rates. A clean environment reduces the spread of germs, but it also makes children hypersensitive to foreign substances. Following German reunification, researchers observed that allergies were much more common among West German children than their Eastern peers, presumably because of the West’s more salubrious environment.14 All sorts of weird and concerning physiological changes are occurring. Sperm counts have fallen by nearly 60% since the early 1970s.15 Testosterone levels in young men are dropping. Among girls, the age of first menarche has declined by two years over the past century.16 Are chemical agents in the environment responsible? If they are, what impact are they having on cognitive development? Nobody knows. Reported mental illness is also on the rise. The share of U.S. teenagers with a reported major depressive episode over the prior year surged by over 60% between 2010 and 2017 (Chart 13). The fraction of young adults that made suicide plans nearly doubled.17 More than 20% of U.S. women over the age of 40 are on antidepressants.18 Five percent of U.S. children are receiving ADHD medication.19 Implications For Economic Growth And Asset Markets So far, the reversal of the Flynn Effect has been largely confined to the developed economies. Test scores are still rising in the developing world, albeit from fairly low levels. For example, two recent studies have documented significant IQ gains in Kenya and Brazil.20 In the poorest countries, opportunities for improving health abound. Even small steps such as fortifying salt with iodine (which costs about five cents per person per year) have been shown to boost IQ by nearly one standard deviation.21 Measures to reduce inbreeding are also likely to boost IQ scores.22 Yet, we should not underestimate the importance of falling cognitive skills in developed economies. Chart 14 shows that there is a clear positive correlation between student score on math and science and per capita incomes. Most technological innovation still takes place in developed economies. There is an extremely tight relationship between visuospatial IQ and the likelihood of becoming an inventor (Chart 15). Since IQ is distributed along a bell curve, a 0.1 standard deviation drop in IQs across the entire distribution will result in an 8% decline in the share of people with IQs over 100, a 14% decline in those with IQs over 115, and a 21% decline in those with an IQ over 130 (by convention, each standard deviation on an IQ test is worth 15 points). Falling IQs could result in slower productivity growth, which could further strain fiscal balances. Lower IQs are also associated with decreased future orientation.23 People who live for the moment tend to save less. A decline in savings would push up real rates, leading to less capital accumulation. History suggests that a deceleration in productivity growth and higher real rates will put downward pressure on equity multiples (Chart 16). Chart 16Equity Multiples Tend To Fall When Real Rates Rise And Productivity Growth Declines Part 4: Generation E For 200 years, the environmentally-driven Flynn Effect disguised the underlying genetically-driven decline in IQs that began not long after the dawn of the Industrial Revolution. Flynn has acknowledged this himself, noting at the 2017 International Society For Intelligence Research Conference that “I have no doubt that there has been some deterioration of genetic quality for intelligence since the late Victorian times.”24 Now that the Flynn Effect has reversed, both genes and the environment are working together to reduce cognitive abilities in developed economies. This means that the most important trend in the world – a trend that allowed the human population to increase during the Malthusian era and later allowed output-per-worker to soar following the Industrial Revolution – has broken down. Yet, there may be another twist in the story – one that began just a few months ago: the first members of Generation E were born. E Is For Edited ... Or Eugenics Lulu and Nana will be like most other children, but with one key difference: They will be the first humans ever to have their genomes edited through a procedure know as CRISPR-Cas9. Rogue Chinese scientist He Jiankui deactivated their CCR5 gene, which the HIV virus uses as a gateway into the body. His actions were rightfully condemned around the world for endangering the twins’ health by using a procedure that has not yet been fully vetted in animal studies, let alone in human trials (Lulu and Nana’s father is HIV+ but it is debatable whether the children were at an elevated risk of infection). He Jiankui remains under house arrest at the university where he worked. But whatever his fate, the dam has been broken. For better or for worse, the era of personal eugenics has arrived. The Return Of The Silver Fox It is easier to delete a gene than to add one. It is even more difficult to swap out a large number of genes in a way that achieves a predictable outcome. Thus, the successful manipulation of highly polygenic traits such as intelligence – traits that are linked to hundreds of different genes – may still be decades away.25 Predicting a trait is much simpler than modifying it, however. The cost of sequencing a human genome has fallen by more than 99% since 2001 (Chart 17). Start-up company Genomic Prediction has already developed a test for fertilized embryos for IVF users that predicts height within a few centimetres and IQ with a correlation of 0.3-to-0.4, roughly as accurate as standardized tests such as the SAT or ACT.26 Other companies are following suit.27 Some will recoil in horror at the prospect of selecting prospective children in this manner. They will argue that such technologies, beyond being simply immoral, will widen social inequality between those who can afford them and those who cannot. Others will counter that screening embryos for certain traits is not that dissimilar to what people already do with prospective romantic partners. They will also point out that mass usage of these technologies will drive down prices to the point that even poor people will be able to access them, thus giving low IQ parents the chance to have high IQ kids. They might also note that such technologies may be the only way to reverse the ongoing accumulation of deleterious mutations within the human germline that has been the unintended by-product of the proliferation of life-saving medicines.28 We will not wade into this thorny debate, other than to note that there will be huge incentives for people to avail themselves of these technologies. The Coming Eugenic Wars And not just individuals either – governments too. While the initial impact of eugenic technologies will be small, the effects will compound over time. Carl Shulman and Nick Bostrom estimate that genetic screening could boost average IQs by up to 65 points in five generations (Table 2). Table 2A Poisoned Chalice? Genetic Screening Can Raise IQ China has been investing heavily in genetic technologies. As Geoffrey Miller has argued, China’s infatuation with eugenics spans into the modern day.29 Like most other countries, fertility in China is negatively correlated with IQ. Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren estimate that China is currently losing nearly one-third of a point in generalized intelligence per decade, with the loss having accelerated rapidly between the 1960s and mid-1980s.30 The decline in the genetic component of Chinese IQs is coming at a time when the population itself is about to shrink. According to the UN’s baseline forecast, China will lose 450 million working-age people by the end of the century (Chart 18). Meanwhile, the country is saddled with debt, the result of an economic model that has, for decades, recycled copious household savings into debt-financed fixed-investment spending in an effort to shore up domestic demand. The authorities may be tempted to tackle all three problems simultaneously by adopting generous pro-natal measures – call it the “at least one-child policy”– which increasingly harnesses emerging eugenic technologies. The resulting baby boom would strengthen domestic demand, thus making the economy less dependent on exports, while ensuring China’s long-term geopolitical viability. The Eugenic Wars are coming, and they will be unlike anything the world has seen before.   Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy  peterb@bcaresearch.com     Box 1  The Diffusion Of Bourgeois Values: Culture Or Genes? Higher-income people had more surviving children in the centuries leading up to the Industrial Revolution. Real per capita income was broadly stable during this period. This implies that there must have been downward social mobility, with sons, on average, being less wealthy than their fathers. This downward mobility, in turn, spread the characteristics of higher-income people across the broad swathe of society. What were these characteristics? Cultural values that emphasized thrift, diligence, and literacy were undoubtedly part of what was passed on to future generations. But surprisingly, it also appears that genetic transmission played an important, and perhaps pivotal, role.  Models of genetic transmission make very concrete predictions about the correlations in economic status that one would expect to see among relatives. Biological brothers share 50% of their genes, as do fathers and sons. Likewise, first cousins share 25% of their genes, the same as grandfathers and sons. These facts yield two testable predictions: The first is that the correlation coefficient on status measures such as wealth, occupation, and education should be the same for relatives that share the same fraction of genes such as sibling pairs and father-son pairs. Box Chart 1 shows that this is borne out by the data. The second prediction is that the correlation between status and genetic distance should follow a linear trend so that, for example, the correlation in wealth among brothers is twice that of first cousins and four times that of second cousins. Box Chart 2 shows that this is also borne out by the data. Other evidence supports the importance of genes in the transmission of status across generations. The correlation in measures such as wealth, education, and occupation is much higher among identical twins than fraternal twins. Adopted children turn out to be more similar to their biological parents on these measures when they reach adulthood than their adopted parents, even when the children have never met their biological parents. The parent-child correlation also remains the same regardless of family size, suggesting that spreading the same resources over more children may not harm life outcomes to any discernible degree, at least on the measures listed above.   Source: Gregory Clark and Neil Cummins, "Nature Versus Nurture in Social Outcomes. A Lineage Study of 263,000 English Individuals, 1750-2017," Luxembourg Institute of Socio-Economic Research.   Footnotes 1      Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee, "Descent Line Growth and Extinction From A Multigenerational Perspective, Extended Abstract," American Sociological Review 80:3, (April 21, 2015): 574-602. 2      Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending, "The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution," Basic Books, (2009). 3      Mark Grinblatt, Matti Keloharju, and Juhani T. Linnainmaa, “IQ, Trading Behavior, and Performance,” Journal of Financial Economics, 104:2, (May 2012): 339-362. 4      Thomas Bouchard, “Genetic Influence On Human Psychological Traits - A Survey,” Current Directions in Psychological Science 13:4, (August 2004): 148-151. 5      The tendency for the genetic contribution to IQ to increase until early adulthood and then to remain at high levels until old age is known as the Wilson Effect. There is no consensus on what causes it, but it probably reflects a number of factors: 1) It may take some children longer than normal to reach full intellectual maturity. Testing their IQs at a young age will result in scores that are lower than those expected based on their parents’ IQs. The opposite is true for children whose IQs increase relatively quickly in young age, but possibly top out earlier; 2) Environmental effects are probably more important in young age when a child’s brain is still quite malleable; 3) Self-reinforcing gene-environment interactions tend to increase with age. Children do not have much control over their environment, but as they get older, they will seek out activities that are more in keeping with their genetic predispositions. For example, a studious child may pursue a career that reinforces their love of learning. 6       "Cache Cab: Taxi Drivers' Brains Grow to Navigate London's Streets," Scientific American, (December 2011). 7       Atheendar Venkataramani, “Early Life Exposure to Malaria and Cognition in Adulthood: Evidence from Mexico,” Journal of Health Economics 31:5, (July 2012): 767-780; Hoyt Bleakley, “Health, Human Capital and Development,” Annual Review of Economics 2, (March 2010): 283-310; Hoyt Bleakley, “Malaria Eradication in the Americas: A Retrospective Analysis of Childhood Exposure,” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2, (April 2010): 1-45. 8       “Anthropologists Find American Heads Are Getting Larger,” ScienceDaily, (May 2012). 9       “British Teenagers Have Lower IQs Than Their Counterparts Did 30 Years Ago,” The Telegraph, (February 2009). 10     Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg, “Flynn Effect And Its Reversal Are Both Environmentally Caused,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115:26, (June 2018): 6674-6678. 11     On the face of it, artificial intelligence would appear to be a substitute for human intelligence. Many applications of AI would undoubtedly have this feature, especially those that allow computers to perform complex mental tasks that humans now must do. However, there are several ways that AI may eventually come to complement human intelligence. First, and most obviously, AI could be used to augment human capabilities either directly by hardwiring it into our brains, or indirectly through the development of drugs or genetic techniques which improve cognition. Second, looking further out, the benefits of highly intelligent AI systems would be limited if humans did not possess the requisite intelligence to understand certain concepts that are currently beyond our mental reach. No matter how well intentioned, trying to explain string theory to a mouse is not going to succeed. There are probably a multitude of ideas that AI could reveal that we simply cannot comprehend at current levels of human intelligence. 12     James Heckman and Paul La Fontaine, “The American High School Graduation Rate: Trends and Levels,” The Review of Economics and Statistics 92:2, (May 2010): 244–262. 13     “Turning Around Chronically Low-Performing Schools,” The Institute of Education Sciences (IES), (May 2008). 14     E. von Mutius, F.D. Martinez, C. Fritzsch, T. Nicolai, G. Roell, and H. H. Thiemann, "Prevalence Of Asthma And Atopy In Two Areas Of West Germany And East Germany," American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine 149:2, (February 1994): 358-64. 15     "Sperm Counts In The West Plunge By 60% In 40 Years As ‘Modern Life’ Damages Men’s Health," Independent, (July 2017). 16     Kaspar Sørensen, Annette Mouritsen, Lise Aksglaede, Casper P. Hagen, Signe Sloth Mogensen, and Anders Juul, "Recent Secular Trends in Pubertal Timing: Implications for Evaluation and Diagnosis of Precocious Puberty," Hormone Research in Paediatrics 77:3, (May 2012): 137-145. 17     “Results from the 2017 National Survey On Drug Use And Health: Detailed Tables,” Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality, Rockville (Maryland), (September, 2018). 18     Laura A. Pratt, Debra J. Brody, and Qiuping Gu, “Antidepressant Use Among Persons Aged 12 and Over: United States, 2011–2014,” NCHS Data Brief No. 283, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (August 2017). 19     Some, but not all, of the increase in reported rates of mental illness may be due to more aggressive diagnosis by health practitioners. For example, a recent study revealed that children born in August were 30% more likely to receive an ADHD diagnosis than those born in September, simply because they were less mature compared to other kids in the first few years of elementary school. See: Timothy J. Layton, Michael L. Barnett, Tanner R. Hicks, and Anupam B. Jena, “Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity Disorder and Month of School Enrollment,” New England Journal of Medicine 379:22, (November 2018): 2122-2130. 20     Tamara C. Daley, Shannon E. Whaley, Marian D. Sigman, Michael P. Espinosa, and Charlotte Neumann, “IQ On The Rise: The Flynn Effect In Rural Kenyan Children,” Psychological Science 14:3, (June 2003): 215-9; Jakob Pietschnig and Martin Voracek, “One Century of Global IQ Gains: A Formal Meta-Analysis of the Flynn Effect (1909-2013),” Perspectives on Psychological Science 10:3, (May 2015): 282-306. 21     N. Bleichrodt and M. P. Born, “Meta-Analysis of Research on Iodine and Its Relationship to Cognitive Development,” In: ed. J. B. Stanbury, “The Damaged Brain of Iodine Deficiency,” Cognizant Communication Corporation, New York, (1994): 195-200; “Iodine status worldwide: WHO Global Database on Iodine Deficiency,” World Health Organization, Geneva, (2004). 22     Mohd Fareed and Mohammad Afzal, “Estimating the Inbreeding Depression on Cognitive Behavior: A Population Based Study of Child Cohort,” PLOS ONE 9:12, (October 2015): e109585. 23     H. de Wit, J. D. Flory, A. Acheson, M. McCloskey, and S. B. Manuck, “IQ And Nonplanning Impulsivity Are Independently Associated With Delay Discounting In Middle-Aged Adults,” Personality and Individual Differences 42:1, (January 2007): 111-121; W. Mischel and R. Metzner, “Preference For Delayed Reward As A Function Of Age, Intelligence, And Length Of Delay Interval,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 64:6, (July 1962): 425-31. 24     James Flynn, “IQ decline and Piaget: Does the rot start at the top?” Lifetime Achievement Award Address, 18th Annual meeting of ISIR, (July 2017). 25     For a good discussion of these issues, please see Richard J. Haier, “The Neuroscience of Intelligence,” Cambridge Fundamentals of Neuroscience in Psychology, (December 2016). 26     “The Future of In-Vitro Fertilization and Gene Editing,” Psychology Today, (December 2018). 27     “DNA Tests For IQ Are Coming, But It Might Not Be Smart To Take One,” MIT Technology Review, (April 2018). 28     Michael Lynch, “Rate, Molecular Spectrum, And Consequences Of Human Mutation,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107:3, (January 2010): 961-968. 29     Geoffrey Miller, “What *Should* We Be Worried About?” Edge, (2013). 30     Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren, “Evidence Of Dysgenic Fertility In China,” Intelligence 57, (April 2016): 15-24. Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

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After rising for thousands of years, human intelligence has begun to decline in developed economies. This can be seen in falling IQ scores and a decline in math and science test scores. Environmental factors appear to account for the bulk of this decline, but no one knows what these factors are. If left unchecked, falling intelligence will severely undermine productivity growth. This could lead to lower equity multiples, larger budget deficits, and ultimately, much higher government bond yields. Technological advances, particularly in the genetic realm, promise to radically raise IQs. In a complete abandonment of its one-child policy, China will combine these controversial technologies with pro-natal measures in order to boost sagging birth rates. The coming Eugenic Wars will be one of the most important economic and geopolitical developments of the 21st century. Part 1: What The Tame Fox Says In 1959, a Soviet scientist named Dmitry Belyaev embarked on an ambitious experiment: to domesticate the silver fox. A geneticist by training, Belyaev wanted to replicate the process by which animals such as cats and dogs came to live side-by-side with humans. It was a risky endeavor. The Soviets had essentially banned the study of Mendelian genetics in favor of the blank slate ideology that is popular in progressive circles today. Belyaev persevered. Working under the guise of studying vulpine physiology, he selected foxes based on only one trait – tamability. Less than 10% of foxes made it to the subsequent generation, with the other 90% being sent off to fur farms. By the fourth generation, the changes were undeniable. Rather than fleeing humans, the foxes sought out their attention with no prompting whatsoever. They even wagged their tails and whined and whimpered like dogs do. The tame foxes also displayed physical changes. Their ears flopped over. Their snouts became shorter and their tails stood upright. "By intense selective breeding, we have compressed into a few decades an ancient process that originally unfolded over thousands of years," wrote Lyudmila Trut, who began as Belyaev’s assistant and took over the project when her boss died in 1985.  Genetically Capitalist? Evolution can broadly proceed in two ways. The first way is through random mutations. This form of evolution, which scientists sometimes refer to as genetic drift, can take thousands of years to yield any discernable changes. The second way is through natural selection, a process that exploits existing variations in genetic traits. As the Russian fox experiment illustrates, evolution driven by selective pressures (either natural or artificial) can occur fairly quickly. Did selective pressures manifest themselves in human evolution in the lead up to the Industrial Revolution? Did humans, in some sense, domesticate themselves? In his book, A Farewell To Alms, economic historian Gregory Clark argued in the affirmative. Clark documented that members of skilled professions in Medieval England had twice as many surviving children as unskilled workers (Chart II-1). Indeed, the fledgling middle class of the time had even more surviving children than the aristocracy, who were often out fighting wars. As a result, the wages of craftsmen declined by a third relative to laborers between 1200 and 1800, implying that the supply of skilled labor was growing more quickly than the demand for skilled workers over this period. Chart II-1Richer Men Had More Surviving Children In Medieval England In subsequent work, Clark and Neil Cummins argued that the spread of bourgeois values across pre-industrial England was more consistent with a model of genetic transmission than a cultural one (see Box II-1 for details). Similar developments occurred in other parts of the world. For example, in China, the gateway into the bureaucracy for a thousand years was the highly competitive imperial exam. Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee showed that high-status men had more surviving children during the eighteenth- and nineteenth-centuries (Chart II-2).1 Chart II-2High-Status Men In China Produced More Descendants In The 18th And 19th Centuries The 10,000 Year Explosion Stephen Jay Gould famously said that “There’s been no biological change in humans in 40,000 or 50,000 years. Everything we call culture and civilization we’ve built with the same body and brain.” Gould was wrong. Data from the International HapMap Project show that human evolution accelerated by 100-fold starting around 10,000 years ago (Chart II-3). Chart II-3Human Evolution Has Accelerated 100-Fold Over The Past 10,000 Years In their book The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution, Gregory Cochran and the late Henry Harpending explained why evolution sped up so rapidly.2 The advent of agriculture led to a surge in population levels. This, in turn, increased the absolute number of potentially beneficial genetic mutations that could be subject to selection effects. Farming and the rise of city states also completely reshaped the environment in which people lived. Basic biology teaches us that environmental dislocations of this kind tend to generate selective pressures that cause evolution to accelerate. John Hawks, professor of anthropology and genetics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, put it best: “We are more different genetically from people living 5,000 years ago than they were different from Neanderthals.” Many of the changes to our genomes relate to diet and diseases. The various genetic resistances that people have built up to malaria are all less than 10,000 years old. Mutations to the LCT gene, which confers lactose tolerance into adulthood, occurred independently in three different geographical locations: one in East Asia, one in the Middle East, and one in Africa. The Middle Eastern variant was probably responsible for the rapid enlargement of the Indo-European language group, which now stretches from India to Ireland. The African variant likely facilitated the Bantu expansion, which started near the present-day border of Nigeria and Cameroon, and then spread out across almost all of sub-Saharan Africa. Evolution Of The Human Brain About half of the genes in the human genome regulate some aspect of brain function. Given the rapid acceleration in evolution, it would be rather surprising if our own brains had not been affected. And indeed, there is plenty of evidence that they were. The frontal lobe of the brain has increased in size over the past 10,000 years. This is the part of the brain that regulates such things as language, memory, and long-term planning. Testosterone levels have also declined. That may explain the steady reduction in violent crime rates (Chart II-4). Chart II-4Long-Term Decline In Homicide Rates We know that certain genes that are associated with higher intelligence have been under recent selective pressure. For example, the gene that leads to torsion dystonia – a debilitating movement disorder – appears to have increased in frequency. Why would a gene that causes a known disease become more widespread? The answer is that individuals who have this particular mutation tend to have IQs that are around 10-to 20-points above the population average. Why IQ Matters IQ has a long and contentious history. Yet, despite numerous efforts to jettison the concept, it has endured for one simple reason: It has more predictive power than virtually anything else in the psychological realm. A simple 30-minute IQ test can help predict future educational attainment, job performance, income, health, criminality, and fertility choices (Table II-1 and Chart II-5). IQ even predicts trader performance!3 Table II-1What IQ Predicts (Results From Meta-Analyses)   Chart II-5IQ Tests Don’t Just Measure How Well You Can Do On An IQ Test Like most physiological traits, IQ is highly heritable.4 The genetic contribution to IQ increases from 20% in early childhood to as high as 80% by one’s late teens and remains at that level well into adulthood.5 This makes IQ almost as heritable as height (Chart II-6). Chart II-6The Inheritance You Cannot Renounce Although there is a great deal of variation among individuals, on average, more intelligent people earn higher incomes (Chart II-7). If the same relationship existed in the pre-industrial era, as seems likely, then human intelligence probably increased in a way that facilitated the economic explosion that we associate with the Industrial Revolution. The stunning implication is that the emergence of the modern era was a question of “when, not if.” Chart II-7IQ Tends To Be Positively Correlated With Income And Wealth Part 2: The Flynn Effect By the late-19th century, it had become clear that the rich were no longer having as many children as the poor. This realization, together with the growing popularity of Darwin’s theories, helped galvanize the eugenics movement. Contrary to popular belief, this movement was not a product of the far-right. In fact, the most vocal proponents of eugenics were among the progressive left. John Maynard Keynes, for example, served as the Director of the British Eugenics Society between 1937 and 1944. Yet, a funny thing happened on the road to idiocracy: The concerns of eugenicists did not come to pass. Rather than becoming dimmer, people became smarter. This phenomenon is now known as the Flynn Effect, named after James Flynn, a psychologist who was among the first to document it. Chart II-8 shows the evolution of IQ scores in a sample of countries between 1940 and 1990. The average country recorded IQ gains of three points per decade over this period, a remarkably large increase over such a relatively short period of time. Chart II-8The Flynn Effect: It Was Nice While It Lasted Explaining The Flynn Effect The Flynn Effect must have been entirely driven by environmental factors since genetic factors – namely the tendency of less-educated people to have more children, and to have them at an earlier age – would have reduced average IQs over the past two hundred years. But how could environmental factors have played the dominant role in light of the strong role of genes discussed above? The answer was proposed by geneticist Richard Lewontin in the 1970s. Lewontin suggested imagining a genetically-diverse sack of seed corn randomly distributed between two large identical fields. One field had fertilizer added to it while the other did not. Genetic variation would explain all of the differences in the height of corn stalks within each field, while environmental factors (the addition of fertilizer) would explain all of the difference in the average height of corn stalks between the two fields. This logic explains why genes can account for the bulk of the variation in IQs within any demographic group, while environmental effects may explain most of the variation across groups, as well as why average scores have changed over time. And what environmental effects are these? The truth is that no one really knows. Plenty of theories have been advanced, but so far there is still little consensus on the matter. Bigger, Healthier Brains It has long been known that learning increases the amount of grey matter in the brain. For example, a recent study showed that the hippocampi of London taxi drivers tend to be larger due to the need for drivers to memorize and navigate complex routes.6 The emergence of modern societies likely kicked off a virtuous circle where the need to solve increasingly complex tasks forced people to hone their learning skills, leading to higher IQs and further technological progress. The introduction of universal primary education amplified this virtuous circle. Better health undoubtedly helped as well. Early childhood diseases reduce IQ by diverting the body’s resources away from mental development towards fighting off infections. There is a strong correlation between measured IQ and disease burden across countries (Chart II-9). A number of studies have documented a strong relationship between the timing of malaria eradication in the U.S. and other parts of the world and subsequent observed gains in childhood IQs.7 Chart II-9IQ And Disease Burden Brain size and IQ are positively correlated. Forensic evidence from the U.S. suggests that the average volume of adult human skulls has increased by 7% since the late 1800s, or roughly the size of a tennis ball.8 Part 3: The End Of A 10,000 Year Trend The problem with environmental effects is that they eventually run into diminishing returns. This appears to have happened with the Flynn Effect. In fact, not only does the recent evidence suggest that the Flynn Effect has ended, but the data suggest that IQs are starting to decline. Chart II-10 shows that average math and science test scores fell in the OECD’s Program For International Scholastic Achievement (PISA) between 2009 and 2015, the latest year of the examination. The drop in math and science test scores has been mirrored in falling IQ scores. Flynn observed a decade ago that IQs of British teenagers were slipping.9 Similar results have been documented in France, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, and most recently, Norway. Chart II-10Math And Science Skills Are Slipping In The OECD The Norwegian results, published last year, are particularly noteworthy.10 Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg examined three-decades worth of data on IQ tests of Norwegian military conscripts. Military duty has been mandatory for almost all men in Norway since 1814, which means that the study’s authors were able to collect comprehensive data on most Norwegian men and their fathers.  Their paper clearly shows that IQ peaked with the generation born in the mid-1970s and declined by about five points, or one-third of a standard deviation, for the one born in 1990 (Chart II-11). For the first time in recorded history, Norwegian kids today are not scoring as well as their parents. Chart II-11Norwegian IQs Have Been Falling For Those Born Since The Mid-1970s A Mystery What caused the sudden reversal of the Flynn Effect in Norway and most other developed economies? Nobody knows. We can, however, offer three possible theories: New Technologies For much of human history, rising intelligence and technological innovation were complementary processes, meaning that the smartest people were the ones who could best exploit the new technologies that were coming their way. Moreover, as noted above, even those who were less gifted benefited from the mental stimulation that a technologically advanced society provided. It remains to be seen how future technological advances such as generalized AI will affect human intelligence, but recent technological advances seem to have had a dumbing down effect.11 For example, the GPS has obviated the need for people to navigate unfamiliar locations, thus blunting the development of their visuospatial skills. Modern word processors have made spelling skills less important. Having all the information in the world just a click away is a wonderful thing, but it has reduced the need for our brains to retain and codify what we learn. Meanwhile, the constant bombardment of information to which we are subject has made it difficult to concentrate on anything for long. How many youth today can read a report of this length without checking their Facebook feed multiple times? My guess is not many. Diminishing Returns To Education The ability to take young bright minds, who would have otherwise spent their lives doing menial labor, and provide them with an education was probably the greatest tailwind to growth that the 20th century enjoyed. There is undoubtedly still scope to continue this process, but the low-hanging fruits have been picked. Educational attainment has slowed dramatically in most of the world (Chart II-12). Economist James Heckman estimates that U.S. high-school graduation rates, properly measured, peaked over 40 years ago.12 Chart II-12The Contribution To Economic Growth From Rising Human Capital Is Falling Despite billions of dollars spent, efforts to improve school performance have generally fallen flat. A recent high-level report by the U.S. Department of Education concluded that “The panel did not find any empirical studies that reached the rigor necessary to determine that specific turnaround practices produce significantly better academic outcomes.”13 This gets to a point that most parents already know, which is that when people talk about “bad schools," they are really talking about “bad students.” Deteriorating Health Better health probably contributed to the Flynn Effect. But is it possible to have too much of a good thing? More calories are welcome when people are starving, but today’s calorie-rich, nutrient-poor diets have led to a surge in obesity rates. A clean environment reduces the spread of germs, but it also makes children hypersensitive to foreign substances. Following German reunification, researchers observed that allergies were much more common among West German children than their Eastern peers, presumably because of the West’s more salubrious environment.14 All sorts of weird and concerning physiological changes are occurring. Sperm counts have fallen by nearly 60% since the early 1970s.15 Testosterone levels in young men are dropping. Among girls, the age of first menarche has declined by two years over the past century.16 Are chemical agents in the environment responsible? If they are, what impact are they having on cognitive development? Nobody knows. Reported mental illness is also on the rise. The share of U.S. teenagers with a reported major depressive episode over the prior year surged by over 60% between 2010 and 2017 (Chart II-13). The fraction of young adults that made suicide plans nearly doubled.17 More than 20% of U.S. women over the age of 40 are on antidepressants.18 Five percent of U.S. children are receiving ADHD medication.19 Chart II-13A Disturbing Deterioration In Mental Health Implications For Economic Growth And Asset Markets So far, the reversal of the Flynn Effect has been largely confined to the developed economies. Test scores are still rising in the developing world, albeit from fairly low levels. For example, two recent studies have documented significant IQ gains in Kenya and Brazil.20 In the poorest countries, opportunities for improving health abound. Even small steps such as fortifying salt with iodine (which costs about five cents per person per year) have been shown to boost IQ by nearly one standard deviation.21 Measures to reduce inbreeding are also likely to boost IQ scores.22 Yet, we should not underestimate the importance of falling cognitive skills in developed economies. Chart II-14 shows that there is a clear positive correlation between student score on math and science and per capita incomes. Chart II-14Positive Correlation Between Student Scores On Math And Science And Per Capita Income Most technological innovation still takes place in developed economies. There is an extremely tight relationship between visuospatial IQ and the likelihood of becoming an inventor (Chart II-15). Since IQ is distributed along a bell curve, a 0.1 standard deviation drop in IQs across the entire distribution will result in an 8% decline in the share of people with IQs over 100, a 14% decline in those with IQs over 115, and a 21% decline in those with an IQ over 130 (by convention, each standard deviation on an IQ test is worth 15 points). Chart II-15Having A Compass In Your Head Makes You A Better Inventor Falling IQs could result in slower productivity growth, which could further strain fiscal balances. Lower IQs are also associated with decreased future orientation.23 People who live for the moment tend to save less. A decline in savings would push up real rates, leading to less capital accumulation. History suggests that a deceleration in productivity growth and higher real rates will put downward pressure on equity multiples (Chart II-16). Chart II-16Equity Multiples Tend To Fall When Real Rates Rise And Productivity Growth Declines Part 4: Generation E For 200 years, the environmentally-driven Flynn Effect disguised the underlying genetically-driven decline in IQs that began not long after the dawn of the Industrial Revolution. Flynn has acknowledged this himself, noting at the 2017 International Society For Intelligence Research Conference that “I have no doubt that there has been some deterioration of genetic quality for intelligence since the late Victorian times.”24 Now that the Flynn Effect has reversed, both genes and the environment are working together to reduce cognitive abilities in developed economies. This means that the most important trend in the world – a trend that allowed the human population to increase during the Malthusian era and later allowed output-per-worker to soar following the Industrial Revolution – has broken down. Yet, there may be another twist in the story – one that began just a few months ago: the first members of Generation E were born. E Is For Edited ... Or Eugenics Lulu and Nana will be like most other children, but with one key difference: They will be the first humans ever to have their genomes edited through a procedure know as CRISPR-Cas9. Rogue Chinese scientist He Jiankui deactivated their CCR5 gene, which the HIV virus uses as a gateway into the body. His actions were rightfully condemned around the world for endangering the twins’ health by using a procedure that has not yet been fully vetted in animal studies, let alone in human trials (Lulu and Nana’s father is HIV+ but it is debatable whether the children were at an elevated risk of infection). He Jiankui remains under house arrest at the university where he worked. But whatever his fate, the dam has been broken. For better or for worse, the era of personal eugenics has arrived. The Return Of The Silver Fox It is easier to delete a gene than to add one. It is even more difficult to swap out a large number of genes in a way that achieves a predictable outcome. Thus, the successful manipulation of highly polygenic traits such as intelligence — traits that are linked to hundreds of different genes – may still be decades away.25 Predicting a trait is much simpler than modifying it, however. The cost of sequencing a human genome has fallen by more than 99% since 2001 (Chart II-17). Start-up company Genomic Prediction has already developed a test for fertilized embryos for IVF users that predicts height within a few centimetres and IQ with a correlation of 0.3-to-0.4, roughly as accurate as standardized tests such as the SAT or ACT.26 Other companies are following suit.27 Chart II-17Sequencing Costs Have Plummeted Some will recoil in horror at the prospect of selecting prospective children in this manner. They will argue that such technologies, beyond being simply immoral, will widen social inequality between those who can afford them and those who cannot. Others will counter that screening embryos for certain traits is not that dissimilar to what people already do with prospective romantic partners. They will also point out that mass usage of these technologies will drive down prices to the point that even poor people will be able to access them, thus giving low IQ parents the chance to have high IQ kids. They might also note that such technologies may be the only way to reverse the ongoing accumulation of deleterious mutations within the human germline that has been the unintended by-product of the proliferation of life-saving medicines.28 We will not wade into this thorny debate, other than to note that there will be huge incentives for people to avail themselves of these technologies. The Coming Eugenic Wars And not just individuals either – governments too. While the initial impact of eugenic technologies will be small, the effects will compound over time. Carl Shulman and Nick Bostrom estimate that genetic screening could boost average IQs by up to 65 points in five generations (Table II-2). Table II-2A Poisoned Chalice? Genetic Screening Can Raise IQ China has been investing heavily in genetic technologies. As Geoffrey Miller has argued, China’s infatuation with eugenics spans into the modern day.29 Like most other countries, fertility in China is negatively correlated with IQ. Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren estimate that China is currently losing nearly one-third of a point in generalized intelligence per decade, with the loss having accelerated rapidly between the 1960s and mid-1980s.30 The decline in the genetic component of Chinese IQs is coming at a time when the population itself is about to shrink. According to the UN’s baseline forecast, China will lose 450 million working-age people by the end of the century (Chart II-18). Meanwhile, the country is saddled with debt, the result of an economic model that has, for decades, recycled copious household savings into debt-financed fixed-investment spending in an effort to shore up domestic demand. Chart II-18China’s Labor Pool Is Shrinking The authorities may be tempted to tackle all three problems simultaneously by adopting generous pro-natal measures – call it the “at least one-child policy”– which increasingly harnesses emerging eugenic technologies. The resulting baby boom would strengthen domestic demand, thus making the economy less dependent on exports, while ensuring China’s long-term geopolitical viability. The Eugenic Wars are coming, and they will be unlike anything the world has seen before. BOX II-1 The Diffusion Of Bourgeois Values: Culture Or Genes? Higher-income people had more surviving children in the centuries leading up to the Industrial Revolution. Real per capita income was broadly stable during this period. This implies that there must have been downward social mobility, with sons, on average, being less wealthy than their fathers. This downward mobility, in turn, spread the characteristics of higher-income people across the broad swathe of society. What were these characteristics? Cultural values that emphasized thrift, diligence, and literacy were undoubtedly part of what was passed on to future generations. But surprisingly, it also appears that genetic transmission played an important, and perhaps pivotal, role. Models of genetic transmission make very concrete predictions about the correlations in economic status that one would expect to see among relatives. Biological brothers share 50% of their genes, as do fathers and sons. Likewise, first cousins share 25% of their genes, the same as grandfathers and sons. These facts yield two testable predictions: The first is that the correlation coefficient on status measures such as wealth, occupation, and education should be the same for relatives that share the same fraction of genes such as sibling pairs and father-son pairs. Box Chart II-1 shows that this is borne out by the data. The second prediction is that the correlation between status and genetic distance should follow a linear trend so that, for example, the correlation in wealth among brothers is twice that of first cousins and four times that of second cousins. Box Chart II-2 shows that this is also borne out by the data. BOX CHART II-1Comparative Father-Son And Brother Correlations By Status   BOX CHART II-2Wealth Correlations By Genetic Distance Other evidence supports the importance of genes in the transmission of status across generations. The correlation in measures such as wealth, education, and occupation is much higher among identical twins than fraternal twins. Adopted children turn out to be more similar to their biological parents on these measures when they reach adulthood than their adopted parents, even when the children have never met their biological parents. The parent-child correlation also remains the same regardless of family size, suggesting that spreading the same resources over more children may not harm life outcomes to any discernible degree, at least on the measures listed above. Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy   Footnotes 4       Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee, "Descent Line Growth and Extinction From A Multigenerational Perspective, Extended Abstract," American Sociological Review 80:3, (April 21, 2015): 574-602. 5       Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending, "The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution," Basic Books, (2009). 6       Mark Grinblatt, Matti Keloharju, and Juhani T. Linnainmaa, “IQ, Trading Behavior, and Performance,” Journal of Financial Economics, 104:2, (May 2012): 339-362. 7       Thomas Bouchard, "Genetic Influence On Human Psychological Traits - A Survey," Current Directions in Psychological Science 13:4, (August 2004): 148-151. 8      The tendency for the genetic contribution to IQ to increase until early adulthood and then to remain at high levels until old age is known as the Wilson Effect. There is no consensus on what causes it, but it probably reflects a number of factors: 1) It may take some children longer than normal to reach full intellectual maturity. Testing their IQs at a young age will result in scores that are lower than those expected based on their parents’ IQs. The opposite is true for children whose IQs increase relatively quickly in young age, but possibly top out earlier; 2) Environmental effects are probably more important in young age when a child’s brain is still quite malleable; 3) Self-reinforcing gene-environment interactions tend to increase with age. Children do not have much control over their environment, but as they get older, they will seek out activities that are more in keeping with their genetic predispositions. For example, a studious child may pursue a career that reinforces their love of learning. 9       "Cache Cab: Taxi Drivers' Brains Grow to Navigate London's Streets," Scientific American, (December 2011). 10       Atheendar Venkataramani, "Early Life Exposure to Malaria and Cognition in Adulthood: Evidence from Mexico," Journal of Health Economics 31:5, (July 2012): 767-780; Hoyt Bleakley, "Health, Human Capital and Development," Annual Review of Economics 2, (March 2010): 283-310; Hoyt Bleakley, "Malaria Eradication in the Americas: A Retrospective Analysis of Childhood Exposure," American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2, (April 2010): 1-45. 11       "Anthropologists Find American Heads Are Getting Larger," ScienceDaily, (May 2012). 12       "British Teenagers Have Lower IQs Than Their Counterparts Did 30 Years Ago," The Telegraph, (February 2009). 13     Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg, "Flynn Effect And Its Reversal Are Both Environmentally Caused," Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115:26, (June 2018): 6674-6678. 14     On the face of it, artificial intelligence would appear to be a substitute for human intelligence. Many applications of AI would undoubtedly have this feature, especially those that allow computers to perform complex mental tasks that humans now must do. However, there are several ways that AI may eventually come to complement human intelligence. First, and most obviously, AI could be used to augment human capabilities either directly by hardwiring it into our brains, or indirectly through the development of drugs or genetic techniques which improve cognition. Second, looking further out, the benefits of highly intelligent AI systems would be limited if humans did not possess the requisite intelligence to understand certain concepts that are currently beyond our mental reach. No matter how well intentioned, trying to explain string theory to a mouse is not going to succeed. There are probably a multitude of ideas that AI could reveal that we simply cannot comprehend at current levels of human intelligence. 15     James Heckman and Paul La Fontaine, "The American High School Graduation Rate: Trends and Levels," The Review of Economics and Statistics 92:2, (May 2010): 244–262. 16     "Turning Around Chronically Low-Performing Schools," The Institute of Education Sciences (IES), (May 2008). 17     E. von Mutius, F.D. Martinez, C. Fritzsch, T. Nicolai, G. Roell, and H. H. Thiemann, "Prevalence Of Asthma And Atopy In Two Areas Of West Germany And East Germany," American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine 149:2, (February 1994): 358-64. 18     "Sperm Counts In The West Plunge By 60% In 40 Years As ‘Modern Life’ Damages Men’s Health," Independent, (July 2017). 19     Kaspar Sørensen, Annette Mouritsen, Lise Aksglaede, Casper P. Hagen, Signe Sloth Mogensen, and Anders Juul, "Recent Secular Trends in Pubertal Timing: Implications for Evaluation and Diagnosis of Precocious Puberty," Hormone Research in Paediatrics 77:3, (May 2012): 137-145. 20     “Results from the 2017 National Survey On Drug Use And Health: Detailed Tables,” Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality, Rockville (Maryland), (September, 2018). 21     Laura A. Pratt, Debra J. Brody, and Qiuping Gu, "Antidepressant Use Among Persons Aged 12 and Over: United States, 2011–2014," NCHS Data Brief No. 283, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (August 2017). 22     Some, but not all, of the increase in reported rates of mental illness may be due to more aggressive diagnosis by health practitioners. For example, a recent study revealed that children born in August were 30% more likely to receive an ADHD diagnosis than those born in September, simply because they were less mature compared to other kids in the first few years of elementary school. See: Timothy J. Layton, Michael L. Barnett, Tanner R. Hicks, and Anupam B. Jena, "Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity Disorder and Month of School Enrollment," New England Journal of Medicine 379:22, (November 2018): 2122-2130. 23     Tamara C. Daley, Shannon E. Whaley, Marian D. Sigman, Michael P. Espinosa, and Charlotte Neumann, "IQ On The Rise: The Flynn Effect In Rural Kenyan Children," Psychological Science 14:3, (June 2003): 215-9; Jakob Pietschnig and Martin Voracek, "One Century of Global IQ Gains: A Formal Meta-Analysis of the Flynn Effect (1909-2013)," Perspectives on Psychological Science 10:3, (May 2015): 282-306. 24     N. Bleichrodt and M. P. Born, “Meta-Analysis of Research on Iodine and Its Relationship to Cognitive Development,” In: ed. J. B. Stanbury, "The Damaged Brain of Iodine Deficiency," Cognizant Communication Corporation, New York, (1994): 195-200; "Iodine status worldwide: WHO Global Database on Iodine Deficiency," World Health Organization, Geneva, (2004). 25     Mohd Fareed and Mohammad Afzal, "Estimating the Inbreeding Depression on Cognitive Behavior: A Population Based Study of Child Cohort," PLOS ONE 9:12, (October 2015): e109585. 26     H. de Wit, J. D. Flory, A. Acheson, M. McCloskey, and S. B. Manuck, "IQ And Nonplanning Impulsivity Are Independently Associated With Delay Discounting In Middle-Aged Adults," Personality and Individual Differences 42:1, (January 2007): 111-121; W. Mischel and R. Metzner, "Preference For Delayed Reward As A Function Of Age, Intelligence, And Length Of Delay Interval," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 64:6, (July 1962): 425-31. 27     James Flynn, “IQ decline and Piaget: Does the rot start at the top?” Lifetime Achievement Award Address, 18th Annual meeting of ISIR, (July 2017). 28     For a good discussion of these issues, please see Richard J. Haier, “The Neuroscience of Intelligence,” Cambridge Fundamentals of Neuroscience in Psychology, (December 2016). 29     "The Future of In-Vitro Fertilization and Gene Editing," Psychology Today, (December 2018). 30     "DNA Tests For IQ Are Coming, But It Might Not Be Smart To Take One," MIT Technology Review, (April 2018). 31     Michael Lynch, "Rate, Molecular Spectrum, And Consequences Of Human Mutation," Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107:3, (January 2010): 961-968. 32     Geoffrey Miller, "What *Should* We Be Worried About?" Edge, (2013). 33     Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren, "Evidence Of Dysgenic Fertility In China," Intelligence 57, (April 2016): 15-24.

Bank Credit Analyst

Highlights Global equity markets have managed to recoup some of last year’s plunge since we upgraded stocks to overweight in late December. The equity rally has been tentative, however, and so far feels more like a technical bounce from oversold levels than a resumption of the bull market. One driving factor behind last year’s market swoon was that policy uncertainty spiked at a time when the last pillar of global growth, the U.S., was showing signs of cracking. Investors thus welcomed the Fed’s signal that it would pause in March. Nonetheless, shrinkage in the Fed’s balance sheet is proving to be troublesome. Quantitative tightening does not necessarily imply permanently higher risk premia, but it will be a source of volatility. There are hopeful but tentative signs that a U.S. slowdown is not the precursor to a recession. The hit to GDP from the U.S. government shutdown will be reversed next quarter. The FOMC has also signaled that policymakers are attuned to the economic risks associated with tightening financial conditions, and that the calm inflation backdrop provides room to maneuver. The FOMC will stand pat in March, but should restart rate hikes in June as the economic soft patch ends. We still see only a modest risk of a U.S. recession this year. In contrast, our outlook for growth outside the U.S. remains downbeat for at least the first half of the year. Among the advanced economies, Japan and Europe are being the most affected by the Chinese economic slowdown and global trade tensions. This means that monetary policy divergence will continue to be a tailwind for the dollar. China continues to stimulate at the margin, but efforts so far have been insufficient to put a floor under growth. The contraction in Chinese exports has just begun. It is still too early to upgrade EM assets or base metals. Despite the cloud still surrounding Brexit, sterling is beginning to look attractive as a long-term punt. Our decision to upgrade corporate bonds to overweight this month, similar to our reasoning for upgrading equities in December, is based on improved value and a sense that investor pessimism had become excessive. Just as the selloff in risk assets was overdone, so too was the rally in government bonds. It is highly unlikely that the Fed is done tightening, as is currently discounted in the money market curve. A resumption of Fed rate hikes around mid-year means that the 10-year Treasury yield will move back above 3% by year end. Feature Global equity markets have managed to recoup some of last year’s plunge since we upgraded the asset class back to overweight in the latter half of December. A decline in the VIX and high-yield bond spreads are also positive signs that global risk appetite is recovering, following an overdone investor ‘panic attack’ last quarter. The equity rally has been tentative, however, and so far feels more like a simple technical bounce from oversold levels than a resumption of the bull market. One problem is that policy uncertainty has spiked at a time when the last pillar of global growth, the U.S., is showing signs of cracking (Chart I-1). Investors are skittish while they await a clear de-escalation of U.S./China trade tensions, an end to the U.S. economic soft patch, an end to the U.S. government shutdown, and signs that global growth is bottoming (especially in China). There has only been some modestly positive news on a couple of these issues. Chart I-1Policy Uncertainty Has Spiked Another factor that appeared to play a role in last quarter’s market swoon is the fear that the end of asset purchases by the European Central Bank and the normalization of the Fed’s balance sheet necessarily imply a structural de-rating for all risk assets. A related worry is that the de-rating might intensify the global economic slowdown, resulting in a self-reinforcing negative feedback loop. Does QT Imply Lower Multiples? The question of balance sheet normalization is a difficult one because there is widespread disagreement on how, or even whether, quantitative easing (QE) works. We have always maintained that QE was not about creating a wave of central bank liquidity that flowed into asset prices. Central banks did not “print money” – they created bank reserves. These reserves did not result in a major acceleration in broader measures of money growth, including M1 and M2, largely because there was little demand for loans and because banks tightened lending standards. In other words, the credit channel of monetary policy was broken. The implication is that investors should not worry that quantitative tightening (QT) implies a withdrawal of central bank liquidity that must mechanically come from the sale of risk assets. Rather, we believe that QE operates mostly through the portfolio balance effect. There are two ways to think about this channel. First, the central bank forced investors to move into riskier assets by purchasing large amounts of “safe” assets, such as government bonds. Investors had little choice but to redeploy the capital into other riskier areas, pushing up asset prices. The second perspective is that central bank purchases of government bonds depressed both the yield curve and bond volatility. Volatility fell because investors could forecast the policy rate with certainty – it would be glued to zero (or negative) for the foreseeable future in most of the advanced economies. This is akin to strong forward guidance that flattened the yield curve. Aggressive monetary stimulus, such as QE, also helped to reduce the perceived risk that the economy would succumb to secular stagnation or fall back into recession. Reduced bond volatility, lower bond yields, and less economic risk all increased the attractiveness of the riskier asset classes. These explanations represent two sides of the same coin. Either way, QE boosted a broad array of asset prices. If this is true, then unwinding QE must be bearish for risk assets, all else equal. In the case of the U.S., the fed funds rate is much more difficult to forecast than was the case when the Fed was buying bonds. Higher yields and bond volatility imply a lower equilibrium multiple in the equity market and wider equilibrium corporate bond spreads. Nonetheless, all else is not equal. If interest rates and bond volatility are rising in the context of healthy economic and profit growth, then it is likely that the perceived risk of secular stagnation is falling. It would be a sign that the economy has finally put the financial crisis firmly in the rear-view mirror. It could be the case that the upgrade in economic confidence overwhelms the negative impact of the reverse portfolio balance effect related to quantitative tightening, allowing risk assets to rise. No one can prove this thesis one way or the other and we are not making the case that unwinding the Fed’s balance sheet will necessarily go smoothly, especially since interest rates are rising at the same time. The problem is that both investors and the Fed are trying to figure out where the neutral fed funds rate lies. If the so-called level of R-star is still very low, then the Fed might have already made a policy mistake by raising rates too far. We discussed in last month’s Overview the market implications of four scenarios for the level of R-star and the Fed’s success in correctly guessing it. If the economy holds up and the economic soft patch ends in the coming months as we expect, then investors will revise their estimate of the neutral rate higher and risk assets will rally even as bond yields rise. The Doom Loop One risk to our base-case scenario is the so-called financial conditions “doom loop”. Irrespective of whether or not QT is playing a role, the doom loop scenario involves a shock to investor confidence that leads to a tightening in financial conditions and market liquidity as stock prices fall and credit spreads widen. More onerous financial conditions, in turn, undermine economic activity, which then feeds back into even tighter financial conditions. One could make the argument that risk assets are even more exposed to this type of negative feedback loop today than in past monetary tightening cycles because of program trading, the Fed’s balance sheet shrinkage and investors’ lingering shell shock from the Great Recession and financial crisis. Nonetheless, there are a few mitigating factors to consider. We believe that a doom loop is more likely to unfold when economic growth becomes very sensitive to changes in financial conditions. This normally happens when economic and financial imbalances are elevated. On a positive note, unlike in the lead-up to the last two recessions, the U.S. private sector is a net saver whose income outstrips spending by 2.1% of GDP (Chart I-2). The highly cyclical parts of the U.S. economy are not stretched to the upside as a share of GDP, reducing the risk that overspending in one part of the economy will required a deep contraction to correct the imbalance (Chart I-3). Chart I-2U.S. Private Sector: A New Saver Chart I-3U.S. Cyclical Spending Not Extended In terms of financial excesses, the good news is that the U.S. household sector is in its best shape in decades. Our main concern is debt accumulation in the corporate sector. We reviewed the related risks in a Special Report published in the November 2018 issue.1 We concluded that corporate leverage will not cause the next U.S. recession, because high levels of debt will only become a problem when profits begin to contract (i.e. when the economic downturn is already underway). Nonetheless, when a recession does occur, corporate spreads will widen by more than in the past for any given degree of economic contraction (see below). ‘Fed Put’ Still In Play Another factor that tempers the risk of a doom loop is that the so-called ‘Fed Put’ is still operating. The December FOMC Minutes and comments by various FOMC members communicated to investors that the Fed is attuned to the economic risks associated with tightening financial conditions, and that the calm inflation backdrop provides policymakers with room to maneuver. Chair Powell even said he was willing to adjust the Fed’s balance sheet run-off if necessary. One important reason for policymakers’ willingness to be flexible is that the fed funds rate is still not far from the zero-lower-bound, making it potentially more difficult for the FOMC to respond adequately in the event of a recession this year because the fed funds rate can only be cut by 250 basis points. Several U.S. data releases have been delayed due the government shutdown, but what has been released has been mixed. The downdraft in the January reading of the manufacturing ISM was eye-opening, highlighting that the global manufacturing slowdown has reached U.S. shores. The good news is that the non-manufacturing ISM and the small business survey, although off their peaks, remain consistent with solid underlying growth. The December U.S. payroll report revealed that wage growth continued to accelerate on the back of gangbusters job creation at the end of the year. There have also been some recent hints that the soft patch in capital spending and housing is ending (Chart I-4). Existing home sales fell sharply in December, but extremely low inventories suggest that it is more of a supply than a demand problem. The impressive bounce in home mortgage applications for purchases is a hopeful sign. U.S. commercial and industrial loan growth is also accelerating. Chart I-4Some Tentative Signs These tentative signs that the economic soft patch is close to an end will not be enough to get the FOMC to tighten in March, after so many members have gone out of their way to signal a pause in recent weeks. Nonetheless, we believe the economy will remain strong enough for the Fed to resume hiking in June. The U.S. government shutdown will complicate interpreting incoming economic data. Ultimately, while its impact on Q1 real GDP growth will be non-trivial, it will be reversed the following quarter and we do not expect any permanent damage to be done. U.S. inflation should edge higher by mid-year, supporting our view that the Fed will resume tightening in June. The decline in oil prices will continue to feed into a lower headline inflation rate in the coming months, but that does not mean that the core rate will fall. Indeed, core CPI has increased by roughly 0.2% in each of the past three months, translating into an annualized rate of approximately 2.4%. Base effects will depress annual core inflation in February but, thereafter, this effect will begin to reverse. The acceleration in wage growth according to measures such as average hourly earnings and the Employment Cost Index highlights that underlying inflationary pressures continue to percolate (Chart I-5). The implication is that the Treasury bond market is overly complacent in discounting that the fed funds rate has peaked for the cycle. Chart I-5U.S. Wage Pressure Is Percolating Looking further ahead, our base case remains that the next U.S. recession will not occur until 2020, and will be the result of tighter fiscal policy and further Fed tightening that takes short-term rates a step too far. No Bottom Yet For Global Growth Our outlook for growth outside the U.S. remains downbeat for at least the first half of the year. Our global economic indicators still show no sign of a turnaround, except for a bottoming in the diffusion index based on BCA’s Global Leading Economic Indicator (Chart I-6). The global ZEW economic sentiment index continued to fall in January, while business and consumer confidence readings in the advanced economies eroded heading into year end. Chart I-6Global Leading Indicators Still Deteriorating A better global growth dynamic awaits more serious policy stimulus in China. Real GDP growth decelerated further to 6.4% year-over-year in the last quarter of 2018. This is no disaster, but the point is that there are still no signs of stabilization. The Chinese authorities continue to tweak the policy dials at the margin, most recently providing some tax cuts and a liquidity injection into the banking system. Nonetheless, the central government has so far abstained from stimulating the property market due to existing speculative excesses. This is very different from the previous two policy easing episodes, including 2015/16 (Chart I-7). Chart I-7China: No Property Market Stimulus... The stimulus undertaken so far has been insufficient in terms of putting a floor under growth according to our 12-month Credit Impulse (Chart I-8). It is a hopeful sign that broad money growth is trying to bottom, but this does not guarantee that the credit impulse is about to turn. The latter is required to confirm that Chinese import demand will accelerate, providing a lift to EM exporters, EM asset prices and commodity prices. Without a positive credit impulse, China’s investment and construction activity will continue to moderate, leading to lower imports of machinery and raw materials. Chart I-8...And No Credit Impulse The economic situation in China is likely to get worse before it gets better. Dismal trade figures in December confirmed that the trade war is beginning to bite. The period of export ‘front-running’ related to higher U.S. tariffs is over as total exports fell by 4.4% year-over-year. Last year’s collapse in export orders indicates that the woes are just beginning. In turn, moderating production related to the Chinese export sector will bleed into domestic consumption and imports, suggesting that it is too early to expect a durable rally in EM assets or commodity prices. Lackluster Chinese demand and growing trade concerns have weighted on global business confidence, contributing to the pullback in capital goods orders, manufacturing PMIs and industrial production in the advanced economies (Chart I-9). Even the average service sector PMI and consumer confidence index in the advanced economies have fallen in recent months, although both remain at a high level. Chart I-9The Fallout From Trade Europe and Japan, in particular, are feeling the pinch. German GDP only grew 1.5% in 2018, implying that Q4 GDP growth was in the vicinity of just 0.2% QoQ. Meanwhile, European industrial production contracted by 3.3% year-over-year in December. The German Ifo and ZEW surveys do not point to any significant improvements in this trend. A few idiosyncratic factors explain some of this poor performance, including new emissions testing standards that have weighted on the German auto industry, a tightening in financial conditions in Italy, and the ‘gilets jaunes’ protests in France. Nonetheless, the euro area slowdown cannot be fully explained by one-off factors. The economy is highly sensitive to global trade fluctuations given that 18% of the euro area’s gross value added is generated in the manufacturing sector. Hence, China’s poor economic health has been painful for Europe, and the trend in Chinese credit does not bode well for the near term (Chart I-10). The European Central Bank (ECB) is likely to stay on the defensive as a result, especially as euro area core inflation, which has been stuck near 1% for three years, is unlikely to pick up if growth remains on the back foot. The ECB stuck with the view that the economic soft patch is temporary after the January policy meeting, but policymakers will consider providing more stimulus in March if the economy does not pick up (using forward guidance or a new TLTRO). This will weigh on the euro. Chart I-10China's Woes Are Infecting Europe Japan is suffering from similar ills. Exports are no longer growing, and foreign machinery and factory orders are contracting at a 4.1% and 4.3% pace, respectively. This weakness is not mimicked in domestic growth, but the disproportionate contribution of the external sector to Japan’s overall economic health means that this country is also falling victim to the malaise witnessed in China and emerging markets, the destination of 19% and 45% of Japanese shipments, respectively (Chart I-11). Collapsing oil prices and a firming trade-weighted yen have amplified this deflationary backdrop. It is therefore far too early to bet that the Bank of Japan will tighten the monetary dials. Chart I-11Japan Hit By The Chinese Cold As Well If we are correct that the U.S. economic soft patch will soon end, then the dollar will once again look to be the best of a bad lot. Interest rate expectations will move in favor of the dollar. We expect the dollar to rise by about 6% this year on a trade-weighted basis, appreciating most strongly against the AUD and SEK. As for sterling, it is beginning to look attractive as a long-term punt. Brexit Deadlock We are a month closer to the end-March deadline and a Brexit deal seems even farther out of reach. It could play out in one of three ways: (1) a “no deal” where the U.K. leaves the EU with no alternative in place; (2) a “soft Brexit” involving an agreement to form a permanent customs union or some sort of “Norway plus” arrangement; or (3) a decision to reverse the results of the original referendum and stay in the EU. There is no support for the “no deal” option in Parliament, which means that it won’t happen. We do not have a strong view on which of the latter two scenarios will occur. The odds of another referendum are rising and the polls are swinging away from any sort of Brexit, suggesting that the original referendum result may be over-turned via another referendum (Chart I-12). Nonetheless, for investors, it does not matter much whether it is scenario 2 or 3; either outcome would be welcomed by markets. Overweight sterling positions are attractive as a long-term play, although it could be some time before the final solution emerges. Chart I-12Brexit Result May Be Overturned Upgrade Corporate Bonds To Overweight Given the recent global economic dynamics, it is perhaps surprising that U.S. corporate financial health actually improved in 2018 according to our Corporate Health Monitors (CHM). We highlighted in the aforementioned Special Report the risks facing U.S. corporate bonds when the economic expansion ends. High levels of corporate leverage mean that the interest coverage ratio for the median corporation in the Barclays-Bloomberg index will plunge to near or below all-time historic lows. The potential for a large wave of fallen angels implies that downgrade activity will be particularly painful for corporate bond investors. The surge in lower-quality issuance has led to a downward trend in the average credit rating and has significantly raised the size of the BBB-rated bonds relative to the IG index and relative to the broader universe of corporate bonds. Moreover, poor market liquidity and covenant erosion will intensify pressure for corporate spreads to widen when the bear market arrives. Rapid debt accumulation is reflected in our bottom-up Corporate Health Monitors (CHM) for the U.S. investment-grade and high-yield sectors (Chart I-13). The CHMs are constructed from six financial ratios that the rating agencies use when rating individual companies. The companies in our bottom-up sample were chosen so as to mimic the sector and quality distribution in the Bloomberg-Barclay’s corporate bond index. Chart I-13U.S. Corporate Health The debt-to-book-value of equity ratio for both the U.S. IG and HY sample of companies has risen to nose-bleed levels, although the ratio appears to have flattened off for the latter. Despite rising leverage, the HY CHM has shifted into “improved health” territory and the IG CHM is on the verge of doing the same. Last year’s upturn in the profitability measures, such as the return on capital, overwhelmed the deteriorating leverage trend. In Europe, where we distinguish between domestic and foreign issuers, rising leverage has been concentrated among the latter until recently (Chart I-14). In any event, the CHM for both types of issuers is close to the neutral zone. Chart I-14Euro Area Corporate Health Improving U.S. corporate health on its own would not justify increasing exposure to corporate bonds within balanced portfolios or moving down in quality. Profit growth is likely to moderate this year, especially in Europe, such that last year’s improvement in corporate health is likely to reverse. And, as previously discussed, the economic cycle is well advanced and this sector is particularly vulnerable to a recession. Nonetheless, value has improved enough to warrant a tactical upgrade to overweight within fixed-income portfolios, at a time when the FOMC has signaled a pause and the next recession is at least a year away. Implied volatility should continue to moderate and spreads should narrow, similar to dynamics in 2016, the last time that the Fed signaled patience following a period of market turmoil (Chart I-15). Chart I-15Fed Patience To Narrow Spreads Spreads have already narrowed from the peak in late December, but 12-month breakeven spreads for most credit tiers are all still close to or above their historical means, except for AA-rated issues (Chart I-16). For example, the 12-month breakeven spread2 for the Baa credit tier is 46%. This means that the spread has been tighter than its current level 46% of the time since 1988 and wider than its current level 54% of the time. Historically, spreads tend to hover within the tight-end of their historical range during this phase of the credit cycle, and only cheapen significantly when the yield curve inverts and the default rate moves higher. Chart I-16Value Restored In IG Corporates... For U.S. high yield, our estimate of the spread adjusted for expected defaults has risen to 237 bps (Chart I-17). This implies that investors are discounting a 2019 default rate of 3.2%, in line with Moody's forecast. Since we do not foresee recession this year, high-yield bonds are not expensive enough to be avoided within a portfolio. Chart I-17...And In HY Too Value has also improved in the European corporate bond market, but our global fixed-income team still recommends favoring the U.S. market for global credit investors. Leverage is higher in the U.S., especially relative to domestic issuers in Europe, but the U.S. economic and profit outlook for 2019 is better. Conclusions Our decision to upgrade corporate bonds this month, similar to our reasoning for upgrading equities to overweight in December, is based on improved value and a sense that investor pessimism had become excessive. For the equity market, the S&P 12-month forward P/E is an attractive 15.4 as we go to press, and bottom-up estimates for 2019 EPS have been slashed to a very reasonable 8%. Just as the selloff in risk assets late last year was overdone, so too was the rally in government bonds. It is highly unlikely that the Fed is done tightening. A resumption of Fed rate hikes, probably in June, means that the 10-year Treasury yield will move back above 3% by year end. Across the major countries, market expectations for yields 5-10 years from now are close to current levels, which is extremely complacent (Chart I-18). Investors should keep duration short of benchmark. Chart I-18Forward Rates Far Too Low Our shift to overweight in both equities and corporate bonds is tactical in nature. We fully expect to move back to neutral and then to underweight later this year or into 2020, as the peak in U.S. GDP draws nearer. Timing will be difficult as always, which means that investors should be prepared to trim risk exposure earlier than implied by our base-case economic timeline.  The tactical upgrade does not imply that we have become more sanguine on the economic and geopolitical risks for 2019. We do not believe that quantitative tightening or U.S. corporate leverage will truncate the U.S. expansion prematurely. Nonetheless, there is a plethora of other risks to keep us up at night. These include a Fed policy mistake, a hard economic landing in China, a full-blown financial crisis in Italy and an escalation in U.S./China trade tensions. The last one has diminished marginally in probability. We have a sense that the recent equity market downdraft unnerved President Trump, such that he now has a diminished appetite for upsetting investors with talk of an escalating trade war ahead of next year’s election. Outside of these well-known risks, our geopolitical team has recently published its “Black Swans” report for 2019. These are deemed to be risks that are off of most investors’ radar screens, but that would have profound implications if they were to occur: It is premature to expect armed conflict over Taiwan, but an outbreak of serious tensions between China and Taiwan is possible as Sino-American strategic distrust continues to build. Russia and Ukraine may have a shared incentive to renew hostilities this year. Saudi Arabia has received a “blank cheque” from Donald Trump, and thus it may continue to be provocative. This could boost the geopolitical risk premium in oil prices. Tensions are building in the Balkans. A renewed conflict on Europe’s doorstep could be the next great geopolitical crisis. A “Lame Duck” Trump could stage a military intervention in Venezuela. We encourage interested readers to see our Special Report for details.3 As for emerging market assets and base metals, we continue to shy away until we receive confirmation that China is aggressively stimulating. We expect better news on this front by mid-year, but watch our China Credit Impulse indicator for timing. In contrast, investors should be overweight oil and related assets now because our commodity specialists still see the price of Brent rising above US$80/bbl sometime this year. Recent political turmoil in Venezuela buttresses our bullish oil view. Finally, this month’s fascinating Special Report, penned by BCA’s Chief Global Strategist, Peter Berezin, examines the long-term implications of the peaking in the average IQ in the advanced economies. Average intelligence is falling for both demographic and environment reasons. The impact will be far from benign, potentially leading to lower productivity growth, lower equity multiples, larger budget deficits and higher equilibrium bond yields. The report begins on page 20. Mark McClellan Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Mathieu Savary Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy January 31, 2019 Next Report: February 28, 2019   II. The Most Important Trend In The World Has Reversed And Nobody Knows Why After rising for thousands of years, human intelligence has begun to decline in developed economies. This can be seen in falling IQ scores and a decline in math and science test scores. Environmental factors appear to account for the bulk of this decline, but no one knows what these factors are. If left unchecked, falling intelligence will severely undermine productivity growth. This could lead to lower equity multiples, larger budget deficits, and ultimately, much higher government bond yields. Technological advances, particularly in the genetic realm, promise to radically raise IQs. In a complete abandonment of its one-child policy, China will combine these controversial technologies with pro-natal measures in order to boost sagging birth rates. The coming Eugenic Wars will be one of the most important economic and geopolitical developments of the 21st century. Part 1: What The Tame Fox Says In 1959, a Soviet scientist named Dmitry Belyaev embarked on an ambitious experiment: to domesticate the silver fox. A geneticist by training, Belyaev wanted to replicate the process by which animals such as cats and dogs came to live side-by-side with humans. It was a risky endeavor. The Soviets had essentially banned the study of Mendelian genetics in favor of the blank slate ideology that is popular in progressive circles today. Belyaev persevered. Working under the guise of studying vulpine physiology, he selected foxes based on only one trait – tamability. Less than 10% of foxes made it to the subsequent generation, with the other 90% being sent off to fur farms. By the fourth generation, the changes were undeniable. Rather than fleeing humans, the foxes sought out their attention with no prompting whatsoever. They even wagged their tails and whined and whimpered like dogs do. The tame foxes also displayed physical changes. Their ears flopped over. Their snouts became shorter and their tails stood upright. "By intense selective breeding, we have compressed into a few decades an ancient process that originally unfolded over thousands of years," wrote Lyudmila Trut, who began as Belyaev’s assistant and took over the project when her boss died in 1985.  Genetically Capitalist? Evolution can broadly proceed in two ways. The first way is through random mutations. This form of evolution, which scientists sometimes refer to as genetic drift, can take thousands of years to yield any discernable changes. The second way is through natural selection, a process that exploits existing variations in genetic traits. As the Russian fox experiment illustrates, evolution driven by selective pressures (either natural or artificial) can occur fairly quickly. Did selective pressures manifest themselves in human evolution in the lead up to the Industrial Revolution? Did humans, in some sense, domesticate themselves? In his book, A Farewell To Alms, economic historian Gregory Clark argued in the affirmative. Clark documented that members of skilled professions in Medieval England had twice as many surviving children as unskilled workers (Chart II-1). Indeed, the fledgling middle class of the time had even more surviving children than the aristocracy, who were often out fighting wars. As a result, the wages of craftsmen declined by a third relative to laborers between 1200 and 1800, implying that the supply of skilled labor was growing more quickly than the demand for skilled workers over this period. In subsequent work, Clark and Neil Cummins argued that the spread of bourgeois values across pre-industrial England was more consistent with a model of genetic transmission than a cultural one (see Box II-1 for details). Similar developments occurred in other parts of the world. For example, in China, the gateway into the bureaucracy for a thousand years was the highly competitive imperial exam. Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee showed that high-status men had more surviving children during the eighteenth- and nineteenth-centuries (Chart II-2).4 The 10,000 Year Explosion Stephen Jay Gould famously said that “There’s been no biological change in humans in 40,000 or 50,000 years. Everything we call culture and civilization we’ve built with the same body and brain.” Gould was wrong. Data from the International HapMap Project show that human evolution accelerated by 100-fold starting around 10,000 years ago (Chart II-3). In their book The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution, Gregory Cochran and the late Henry Harpending explained why evolution sped up so rapidly.5 The advent of agriculture led to a surge in population levels. This, in turn, increased the absolute number of potentially beneficial genetic mutations that could be subject to selection effects. Farming and the rise of city states also completely reshaped the environment in which people lived. Basic biology teaches us that environmental dislocations of this kind tend to generate selective pressures that cause evolution to accelerate. John Hawks, professor of anthropology and genetics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, put it best: “We are more different genetically from people living 5,000 years ago than they were different from Neanderthals.” Many of the changes to our genomes relate to diet and diseases. The various genetic resistances that people have built up to malaria are all less than 10,000 years old. Mutations to the LCT gene, which confers lactose tolerance into adulthood, occurred independently in three different geographical locations: one in East Asia, one in the Middle East, and one in Africa. The Middle Eastern variant was probably responsible for the rapid enlargement of the Indo-European language group, which now stretches from India to Ireland. The African variant likely facilitated the Bantu expansion, which started near the present-day border of Nigeria and Cameroon, and then spread out across almost all of sub-Saharan Africa. Evolution Of The Human Brain About half of the genes in the human genome regulate some aspect of brain function. Given the rapid acceleration in evolution, it would be rather surprising if our own brains had not been affected. And indeed, there is plenty of evidence that they were. The frontal lobe of the brain has increased in size over the past 10,000 years. This is the part of the brain that regulates such things as language, memory, and long-term planning. Testosterone levels have also declined. That may explain the steady reduction in violent crime rates (Chart II-4). We know that certain genes that are associated with higher intelligence have been under recent selective pressure. For example, the gene that leads to torsion dystonia – a debilitating movement disorder – appears to have increased in frequency. Why would a gene that causes a known disease become more widespread? The answer is that individuals who have this particular mutation tend to have IQs that are around 10-to 20-points above the population average. Why IQ Matters IQ has a long and contentious history. Yet, despite numerous efforts to jettison the concept, it has endured for one simple reason: It has more predictive power than virtually anything else in the psychological realm. A simple 30-minute IQ test can help predict future educational attainment, job performance, income, health, criminality, and fertility choices (Table II-1 and Chart II-5). IQ even predicts trader performance!6   Like most physiological traits, IQ is highly heritable.7 The genetic contribution to IQ increases from 20% in early childhood to as high as 80% by one’s late teens and remains at that level well into adulthood.8 This makes IQ almost as heritable as height (Chart II-6). Although there is a great deal of variation among individuals, on average, more intelligent people earn higher incomes (Chart II-7). If the same relationship existed in the pre-industrial era, as seems likely, then human intelligence probably increased in a way that facilitated the economic explosion that we associate with the Industrial Revolution. The stunning implication is that the emergence of the modern era was a question of “when, not if.” Part 2: The Flynn Effect By the late-19th century, it had become clear that the rich were no longer having as many children as the poor. This realization, together with the growing popularity of Darwin’s theories, helped galvanize the eugenics movement. Contrary to popular belief, this movement was not a product of the far-right. In fact, the most vocal proponents of eugenics were among the progressive left. John Maynard Keynes, for example, served as the Director of the British Eugenics Society between 1937 and 1944. Yet, a funny thing happened on the road to idiocracy: The concerns of eugenicists did not come to pass. Rather than becoming dimmer, people became smarter. This phenomenon is now known as the Flynn Effect, named after James Flynn, a psychologist who was among the first to document it. Chart II-8 shows the evolution of IQ scores in a sample of countries between 1940 and 1990. The average country recorded IQ gains of three points per decade over this period, a remarkably large increase over such a relatively short period of time. Explaining The Flynn Effect The Flynn Effect must have been entirely driven by environmental factors since genetic factors – namely the tendency of less-educated people to have more children, and to have them at an earlier age – would have reduced average IQs over the past two hundred years. But how could environmental factors have played the dominant role in light of the strong role of genes discussed above? The answer was proposed by geneticist Richard Lewontin in the 1970s. Lewontin suggested imagining a genetically-diverse sack of seed corn randomly distributed between two large identical fields. One field had fertilizer added to it while the other did not. Genetic variation would explain all of the differences in the height of corn stalks within each field, while environmental factors (the addition of fertilizer) would explain all of the difference in the average height of corn stalks between the two fields. This logic explains why genes can account for the bulk of the variation in IQs within any demographic group, while environmental effects may explain most of the variation across groups, as well as why average scores have changed over time. And what environmental effects are these? The truth is that no one really knows. Plenty of theories have been advanced, but so far there is still little consensus on the matter. Bigger, Healthier Brains It has long been known that learning increases the amount of grey matter in the brain. For example, a recent study showed that the hippocampi of London taxi drivers tend to be larger due to the need for drivers to memorize and navigate complex routes.9 The emergence of modern societies likely kicked off a virtuous circle where the need to solve increasingly complex tasks forced people to hone their learning skills, leading to higher IQs and further technological progress. The introduction of universal primary education amplified this virtuous circle. Better health undoubtedly helped as well. Early childhood diseases reduce IQ by diverting the body’s resources away from mental development towards fighting off infections. There is a strong correlation between measured IQ and disease burden across countries (Chart II-9). A number of studies have documented a strong relationship between the timing of malaria eradication in the U.S. and other parts of the world and subsequent observed gains in childhood IQs.10 Brain size and IQ are positively correlated. Forensic evidence from the U.S. suggests that the average volume of adult human skulls has increased by 7% since the late 1800s, or roughly the size of a tennis ball.11 Part 3: The End Of A 10,000 Year Trend The problem with environmental effects is that they eventually run into diminishing returns. This appears to have happened with the Flynn Effect. In fact, not only does the recent evidence suggest that the Flynn Effect has ended, but the data suggest that IQs are starting to decline. Chart II-10 shows that average math and science test scores fell in the OECD’s Program For International Scholastic Achievement (PISA) between 2009 and 2015, the latest year of the examination. The drop in math and science test scores has been mirrored in falling IQ scores. Flynn observed a decade ago that IQs of British teenagers were slipping.12 Similar results have been documented in France, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, and most recently, Norway. The Norwegian results, published last year, are particularly noteworthy.13 Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg examined three-decades worth of data on IQ tests of Norwegian military conscripts. Military duty has been mandatory for almost all men in Norway since 1814, which means that the study’s authors were able to collect comprehensive data on most Norwegian men and their fathers.  Their paper clearly shows that IQ peaked with the generation born in the mid-1970s and declined by about five points, or one-third of a standard deviation, for the one born in 1990 (Chart II-11). For the first time in recorded history, Norwegian kids today are not scoring as well as their parents. A Mystery What caused the sudden reversal of the Flynn Effect in Norway and most other developed economies? Nobody knows. We can, however, offer three possible theories: New Technologies For much of human history, rising intelligence and technological innovation were complementary processes, meaning that the smartest people were the ones who could best exploit the new technologies that were coming their way. Moreover, as noted above, even those who were less gifted benefited from the mental stimulation that a technologically advanced society provided. It remains to be seen how future technological advances such as generalized AI will affect human intelligence, but recent technological advances seem to have had a dumbing down effect.14 For example, the GPS has obviated the need for people to navigate unfamiliar locations, thus blunting the development of their visuospatial skills. Modern word processors have made spelling skills less important. Having all the information in the world just a click away is a wonderful thing, but it has reduced the need for our brains to retain and codify what we learn. Meanwhile, the constant bombardment of information to which we are subject has made it difficult to concentrate on anything for long. How many youth today can read a report of this length without checking their Facebook feed multiple times? My guess is not many. Diminishing Returns To Education The ability to take young bright minds, who would have otherwise spent their lives doing menial labor, and provide them with an education was probably the greatest tailwind to growth that the 20th century enjoyed. There is undoubtedly still scope to continue this process, but the low-hanging fruits have been picked. Educational attainment has slowed dramatically in most of the world (Chart II-12). Economist James Heckman estimates that U.S. high-school graduation rates, properly measured, peaked over 40 years ago.15 Despite billions of dollars spent, efforts to improve school performance have generally fallen flat. A recent high-level report by the U.S. Department of Education concluded that “The panel did not find any empirical studies that reached the rigor necessary to determine that specific turnaround practices produce significantly better academic outcomes.”16 This gets to a point that most parents already know, which is that when people talk about “bad schools," they are really talking about “bad students.” Deteriorating Health Better health probably contributed to the Flynn Effect. But is it possible to have too much of a good thing? More calories are welcome when people are starving, but today’s calorie-rich, nutrient-poor diets have led to a surge in obesity rates. A clean environment reduces the spread of germs, but it also makes children hypersensitive to foreign substances. Following German reunification, researchers observed that allergies were much more common among West German children than their Eastern peers, presumably because of the West’s more salubrious environment.17 All sorts of weird and concerning physiological changes are occurring. Sperm counts have fallen by nearly 60% since the early 1970s.18 Testosterone levels in young men are dropping. Among girls, the age of first menarche has declined by two years over the past century.19 Are chemical agents in the environment responsible? If they are, what impact are they having on cognitive development? Nobody knows. Reported mental illness is also on the rise. The share of U.S. teenagers with a reported major depressive episode over the prior year surged by over 60% between 2010 and 2017 (Chart II-13). The fraction of young adults that made suicide plans nearly doubled.20 More than 20% of U.S. women over the age of 40 are on antidepressants.21 Five percent of U.S. children are receiving ADHD medication.22 Implications For Economic Growth And Asset Markets So far, the reversal of the Flynn Effect has been largely confined to the developed economies. Test scores are still rising in the developing world, albeit from fairly low levels. For example, two recent studies have documented significant IQ gains in Kenya and Brazil.23 In the poorest countries, opportunities for improving health abound. Even small steps such as fortifying salt with iodine (which costs about five cents per person per year) have been shown to boost IQ by nearly one standard deviation.24 Measures to reduce inbreeding are also likely to boost IQ scores.25 Yet, we should not underestimate the importance of falling cognitive skills in developed economies. Chart II-14 shows that there is a clear positive correlation between student score on math and science and per capita incomes. Most technological innovation still takes place in developed economies. There is an extremely tight relationship between visuospatial IQ and the likelihood of becoming an inventor (Chart II-15). Since IQ is distributed along a bell curve, a 0.1 standard deviation drop in IQs across the entire distribution will result in an 8% decline in the share of people with IQs over 100, a 14% decline in those with IQs over 115, and a 21% decline in those with an IQ over 130 (by convention, each standard deviation on an IQ test is worth 15 points). Falling IQs could result in slower productivity growth, which could further strain fiscal balances. Lower IQs are also associated with decreased future orientation.26 People who live for the moment tend to save less. A decline in savings would push up real rates, leading to less capital accumulation. History suggests that a deceleration in productivity growth and higher real rates will put downward pressure on equity multiples (Chart II-16). Part 4: Generation E For 200 years, the environmentally-driven Flynn Effect disguised the underlying genetically-driven decline in IQs that began not long after the dawn of the Industrial Revolution. Flynn has acknowledged this himself, noting at the 2017 International Society For Intelligence Research Conference that “I have no doubt that there has been some deterioration of genetic quality for intelligence since the late Victorian times.”27 Now that the Flynn Effect has reversed, both genes and the environment are working together to reduce cognitive abilities in developed economies. This means that the most important trend in the world – a trend that allowed the human population to increase during the Malthusian era and later allowed output-per-worker to soar following the Industrial Revolution – has broken down. Yet, there may be another twist in the story – one that began just a few months ago: the first members of Generation E were born. E Is For Edited ... Or Eugenics Lulu and Nana will be like most other children, but with one key difference: They will be the first humans ever to have their genomes edited through a procedure know as CRISPR-Cas9. Rogue Chinese scientist He Jiankui deactivated their CCR5 gene, which the HIV virus uses as a gateway into the body. His actions were rightfully condemned around the world for endangering the twins’ health by using a procedure that has not yet been fully vetted in animal studies, let alone in human trials (Lulu and Nana’s father is HIV+ but it is debatable whether the children were at an elevated risk of infection). He Jiankui remains under house arrest at the university where he worked. But whatever his fate, the dam has been broken. For better or for worse, the era of personal eugenics has arrived. The Return Of The Silver Fox It is easier to delete a gene than to add one. It is even more difficult to swap out a large number of genes in a way that achieves a predictable outcome. Thus, the successful manipulation of highly polygenic traits such as intelligence — traits that are linked to hundreds of different genes – may still be decades away.28 Predicting a trait is much simpler than modifying it, however. The cost of sequencing a human genome has fallen by more than 99% since 2001 (Chart II-17). Start-up company Genomic Prediction has already developed a test for fertilized embryos for IVF users that predicts height within a few centimetres and IQ with a correlation of 0.3-to-0.4, roughly as accurate as standardized tests such as the SAT or ACT.29 Other companies are following suit.30 Some will recoil in horror at the prospect of selecting prospective children in this manner. They will argue that such technologies, beyond being simply immoral, will widen social inequality between those who can afford them and those who cannot. Others will counter that screening embryos for certain traits is not that dissimilar to what people already do with prospective romantic partners. They will also point out that mass usage of these technologies will drive down prices to the point that even poor people will be able to access them, thus giving low IQ parents the chance to have high IQ kids. They might also note that such technologies may be the only way to reverse the ongoing accumulation of deleterious mutations within the human germline that has been the unintended by-product of the proliferation of life-saving medicines.31 We will not wade into this thorny debate, other than to note that there will be huge incentives for people to avail themselves of these technologies. The Coming Eugenic Wars And not just individuals either – governments too. While the initial impact of eugenic technologies will be small, the effects will compound over time. Carl Shulman and Nick Bostrom estimate that genetic screening could boost average IQs by up to 65 points in five generations (Table II-2). China has been investing heavily in genetic technologies. As Geoffrey Miller has argued, China’s infatuation with eugenics spans into the modern day.32 Like most other countries, fertility in China is negatively correlated with IQ. Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren estimate that China is currently losing nearly one-third of a point in generalized intelligence per decade, with the loss having accelerated rapidly between the 1960s and mid-1980s.33 The decline in the genetic component of Chinese IQs is coming at a time when the population itself is about to shrink. According to the UN’s baseline forecast, China will lose 450 million working-age people by the end of the century (Chart II-18). Meanwhile, the country is saddled with debt, the result of an economic model that has, for decades, recycled copious household savings into debt-financed fixed-investment spending in an effort to shore up domestic demand. The authorities may be tempted to tackle all three problems simultaneously by adopting generous pro-natal measures – call it the “at least one-child policy”– which increasingly harnesses emerging eugenic technologies. The resulting baby boom would strengthen domestic demand, thus making the economy less dependent on exports, while ensuring China’s long-term geopolitical viability. The Eugenic Wars are coming, and they will be unlike anything the world has seen before. BOX II-1 The Diffusion Of Bourgeois Values: Culture Or Genes? Higher-income people had more surviving children in the centuries leading up to the Industrial Revolution. Real per capita income was broadly stable during this period. This implies that there must have been downward social mobility, with sons, on average, being less wealthy than their fathers. This downward mobility, in turn, spread the characteristics of higher-income people across the broad swathe of society. What were these characteristics? Cultural values that emphasized thrift, diligence, and literacy were undoubtedly part of what was passed on to future generations. But surprisingly, it also appears that genetic transmission played an important, and perhaps pivotal, role. Models of genetic transmission make very concrete predictions about the correlations in economic status that one would expect to see among relatives. Biological brothers share 50% of their genes, as do fathers and sons. Likewise, first cousins share 25% of their genes, the same as grandfathers and sons. These facts yield two testable predictions: The first is that the correlation coefficient on status measures such as wealth, occupation, and education should be the same for relatives that share the same fraction of genes such as sibling pairs and father-son pairs. Box Chart II-1 shows that this is borne out by the data. The second prediction is that the correlation between status and genetic distance should follow a linear trend so that, for example, the correlation in wealth among brothers is twice that of first cousins and four times that of second cousins. Box Chart II-2 shows that this is also borne out by the data.   Other evidence supports the importance of genes in the transmission of status across generations. The correlation in measures such as wealth, education, and occupation is much higher among identical twins than fraternal twins. Adopted children turn out to be more similar to their biological parents on these measures when they reach adulthood than their adopted parents, even when the children have never met their biological parents. The parent-child correlation also remains the same regardless of family size, suggesting that spreading the same resources over more children may not harm life outcomes to any discernible degree, at least on the measures listed above. Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy III. Indicators And Reference Charts Our tactical equity upgrade to overweight last month has still not been confirmed by most of our proprietary indicators. Our Willingness-to-Pay (WTP) indicator for the U.S. is falling fast. It is also eroding for Europe, although it has ticked higher in Japan. The WTP indicators track flows, and thus provide information on what investors are actually doing, as opposed to sentiment indexes that track how investors are feeling. Investors have clearly moved funds away from the U.S. equity market and there is no sign yet that this is reversing. Our Revealed Preference Indicator (RPI) for stocks continued to issue a ‘sell’ signal in January. The RPI combines the idea of market momentum with valuation and policy measures. It provides a powerful bullish signal if positive market momentum lines up with constructive signals from the policy and valuation measures. Conversely, if constructive market momentum is not supported by valuation and policy, investors should lean against the market trend. While the RPI is still cautious, value has improved significantly according to BCA’s composite valuation indicator. It is a composite of 11 different valuation measures. This indicator almost reached the fair value line in December. Moreover, our Monetary Indicator has suddenly shifted out of negative territory for stocks, rising to the neutral line in December. Calming words from the Fed has improved the monetary backdrop by removing expected rate hikes from the money market curve. Given the improvement in both value and the monetary backdrop, the RPI could generate a ‘buy’ signal next month. Our Composite Technical indicator for stocks broke down last month, providing a clear ‘sell’ signal, and has not yet delivered a ‘buy’. However, sentiment is now washed out and earnings expectations have been revised heavily downward. These signals are bullish from a contrary perspective.  The 10-year Treasury yield is in the neutral range according to our valuation model. Bonds are not overbought, despite the rally in December, because they were still working off oversold conditions. Contrary to the bond valuation model, the 10-year term premium moved further into negative territory in January, suggesting that yields are unsustainably low. Our bond-bearish bias is consistent with the view that the Fed rate hike cycle is not over. The U.S. dollar is somewhat overbought and very expensive on a PPP basis. Nonetheless, we believe it will become more expensive in the first half of 2019, before its structural downtrend resumes in broad trade-weighted terms. EQUITIES: Chart III-1U.S. Equity Indicators   Chart III-2Willingness To Pay For Risk Chart III-3U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators Chart III-4Revealed Preference Indicator   Chart III-5U.S. Stock Market Valuation Chart III-6U.S. Earnings Chart III-7Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Chart III-8Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance FIXED INCOME: Chart III-9U.S. Treasurys And Valuations Chart III-10Yield Curve Slopes Chart III-11Selected U.S. Bond Yields   Chart III-1210-Year Treasury Yield Components Chart III-13U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor Chart III-14Global Bonds: Developed Markets Chart III-15Global Bonds: Emerging Markets CURRENCIES: Chart III-16U.S. Dollar And PPP   Chart III-17U.S. Dollar And Indicator   Chart III-18U.S. Dollar Fundamentals   Chart III-19Japanese Yen Technicals Chart III-20Euro Technicals Chart III-21Euro/Yen Technicals Chart III-22Euro/Pound Technicals COMMODITIES: Chart III-23Broad Commodity Indicators   Chart III-24Commodity Prices Chart III-25Commodity Prices Chart III-26Commodity Sentiment Chart III-27Speculative Positioning ECONOMY: Chart III-28U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop   Chart III-29U.S. Macro Snapshot   Chart III-30U.S. Growth Outlook Chart III-31U.S. Cyclical Spending Chart III-32U.S. Labor Market Chart III-33U.S. Consumption Chart III-34U.S. Housing Chart III-35U.S. Debt And Deleveraging Chart III-36U.S. Financial Conditions   Chart III-37Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Chart III-38Global Economic Snapshot: China Mark McClellan Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst   Footnotes 1       Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report "The Long Shadow Of The Financial Crisis," dated October 25, 2018, available at bca.bcaresearch.com 2       The amount of spread widening required for corporate returns to break-even with duration-matched U.S. Treasuries on a one-year horizon. 3       Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report "Five Black Swans In 2019," dated January 16, 2019, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 4       Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee, "Descent Line Growth and Extinction From A Multigenerational Perspective, Extended Abstract," American Sociological Review 80:3, (April 21, 2015): 574-602. 5       Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending, "The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution," Basic Books, (2009). 6       Mark Grinblatt, Matti Keloharju, and Juhani T. Linnainmaa, “IQ, Trading Behavior, and Performance,” Journal of Financial Economics, 104:2, (May 2012): 339-362. 7       Thomas Bouchard, "Genetic Influence On Human Psychological Traits - A Survey," Current Directions in Psychological Science 13:4, (August 2004): 148-151. 8      The tendency for the genetic contribution to IQ to increase until early adulthood and then to remain at high levels until old age is known as the Wilson Effect. There is no consensus on what causes it, but it probably reflects a number of factors: 1) It may take some children longer than normal to reach full intellectual maturity. Testing their IQs at a young age will result in scores that are lower than those expected based on their parents’ IQs. The opposite is true for children whose IQs increase relatively quickly in young age, but possibly top out earlier; 2) Environmental effects are probably more important in young age when a child’s brain is still quite malleable; 3) Self-reinforcing gene-environment interactions tend to increase with age. Children do not have much control over their environment, but as they get older, they will seek out activities that are more in keeping with their genetic predispositions. For example, a studious child may pursue a career that reinforces their love of learning. 9       "Cache Cab: Taxi Drivers' Brains Grow to Navigate London's Streets," Scientific American, (December 2011). 10       Atheendar Venkataramani, "Early Life Exposure to Malaria and Cognition in Adulthood: Evidence from Mexico," Journal of Health Economics 31:5, (July 2012): 767-780; Hoyt Bleakley, "Health, Human Capital and Development," Annual Review of Economics 2, (March 2010): 283-310; Hoyt Bleakley, "Malaria Eradication in the Americas: A Retrospective Analysis of Childhood Exposure," American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2, (April 2010): 1-45. 11       "Anthropologists Find American Heads Are Getting Larger," ScienceDaily, (May 2012). 12       "British Teenagers Have Lower IQs Than Their Counterparts Did 30 Years Ago," The Telegraph, (February 2009). 13     Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg, "Flynn Effect And Its Reversal Are Both Environmentally Caused," Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115:26, (June 2018): 6674-6678. 14     On the face of it, artificial intelligence would appear to be a substitute for human intelligence. Many applications of AI would undoubtedly have this feature, especially those that allow computers to perform complex mental tasks that humans now must do. However, there are several ways that AI may eventually come to complement human intelligence. First, and most obviously, AI could be used to augment human capabilities either directly by hardwiring it into our brains, or indirectly through the development of drugs or genetic techniques which improve cognition. Second, looking further out, the benefits of highly intelligent AI systems would be limited if humans did not possess the requisite intelligence to understand certain concepts that are currently beyond our mental reach. No matter how well intentioned, trying to explain string theory to a mouse is not going to succeed. There are probably a multitude of ideas that AI could reveal that we simply cannot comprehend at current levels of human intelligence. 15     James Heckman and Paul La Fontaine, "The American High School Graduation Rate: Trends and Levels," The Review of Economics and Statistics 92:2, (May 2010): 244–262. 16     "Turning Around Chronically Low-Performing Schools," The Institute of Education Sciences (IES), (May 2008). 17     E. von Mutius, F.D. Martinez, C. Fritzsch, T. Nicolai, G. Roell, and H. H. Thiemann, "Prevalence Of Asthma And Atopy In Two Areas Of West Germany And East Germany," American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine 149:2, (February 1994): 358-64. 18     "Sperm Counts In The West Plunge By 60% In 40 Years As ‘Modern Life’ Damages Men’s Health," Independent, (July 2017). 19     Kaspar Sørensen, Annette Mouritsen, Lise Aksglaede, Casper P. Hagen, Signe Sloth Mogensen, and Anders Juul, "Recent Secular Trends in Pubertal Timing: Implications for Evaluation and Diagnosis of Precocious Puberty," Hormone Research in Paediatrics 77:3, (May 2012): 137-145. 20     “Results from the 2017 National Survey On Drug Use And Health: Detailed Tables,” Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality, Rockville (Maryland), (September, 2018). 21     Laura A. Pratt, Debra J. Brody, and Qiuping Gu, "Antidepressant Use Among Persons Aged 12 and Over: United States, 2011–2014," NCHS Data Brief No. 283, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (August 2017). 22     Some, but not all, of the increase in reported rates of mental illness may be due to more aggressive diagnosis by health practitioners. For example, a recent study revealed that children born in August were 30% more likely to receive an ADHD diagnosis than those born in September, simply because they were less mature compared to other kids in the first few years of elementary school. See: Timothy J. Layton, Michael L. Barnett, Tanner R. Hicks, and Anupam B. Jena, "Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity Disorder and Month of School Enrollment," New England Journal of Medicine 379:22, (November 2018): 2122-2130. 23     Tamara C. Daley, Shannon E. Whaley, Marian D. Sigman, Michael P. Espinosa, and Charlotte Neumann, "IQ On The Rise: The Flynn Effect In Rural Kenyan Children," Psychological Science 14:3, (June 2003): 215-9; Jakob Pietschnig and Martin Voracek, "One Century of Global IQ Gains: A Formal Meta-Analysis of the Flynn Effect (1909-2013)," Perspectives on Psychological Science 10:3, (May 2015): 282-306. 24     N. Bleichrodt and M. P. Born, “Meta-Analysis of Research on Iodine and Its Relationship to Cognitive Development,” In: ed. J. B. Stanbury, "The Damaged Brain of Iodine Deficiency," Cognizant Communication Corporation, New York, (1994): 195-200; "Iodine status worldwide: WHO Global Database on Iodine Deficiency," World Health Organization, Geneva, (2004). 25     Mohd Fareed and Mohammad Afzal, "Estimating the Inbreeding Depression on Cognitive Behavior: A Population Based Study of Child Cohort," PLOS ONE 9:12, (October 2015): e109585. 26     H. de Wit, J. D. Flory, A. Acheson, M. McCloskey, and S. B. Manuck, "IQ And Nonplanning Impulsivity Are Independently Associated With Delay Discounting In Middle-Aged Adults," Personality and Individual Differences 42:1, (January 2007): 111-121; W. Mischel and R. Metzner, "Preference For Delayed Reward As A Function Of Age, Intelligence, And Length Of Delay Interval," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 64:6, (July 1962): 425-31. 27     James Flynn, “IQ decline and Piaget: Does the rot start at the top?” Lifetime Achievement Award Address, 18th Annual meeting of ISIR, (July 2017). 28     For a good discussion of these issues, please see Richard J. Haier, “The Neuroscience of Intelligence,” Cambridge Fundamentals of Neuroscience in Psychology, (December 2016). 29     "The Future of In-Vitro Fertilization and Gene Editing," Psychology Today, (December 2018). 30     "DNA Tests For IQ Are Coming, But It Might Not Be Smart To Take One," MIT Technology Review, (April 2018). 31     Michael Lynch, "Rate, Molecular Spectrum, And Consequences Of Human Mutation," Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107:3, (January 2010): 961-968. 32     Geoffrey Miller, "What *Should* We Be Worried About?" Edge, (2013). 33     Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren, "Evidence Of Dysgenic Fertility In China," Intelligence 57, (April 2016): 15-24. EQUITIES:FIXED INCOME:CURRENCIES:COMMODITIES:ECONOMY: