Inflation/Deflation

Highlights Dear Client, This week's BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy features our 2017 Outlook for the Gold market. We will address the other precious metals markets early in the New Year. We model gold as a currency. While fundamental data - supply, demand and inventories - are important, they do not drive gold prices. Gold has been our window on market expectations for Fed policy, given it is highly sensitive to the central bank's preferred inflation gauge - the Personal Consumption Expenditure (PCE) core index (ex food and energy prices) - and the evolution of key variables driven by Fed actions: the broad trade-weighted dollar (USD, in our usage), and 5- and 10-year real rates. Gold prices also are highly sensitive to broad macroeconomic variables - e.g., U.S. real wages and EM income growth. In addition to behaving like a currency, gold has continuing appeal to investors as a safe haven, particularly in turbulent markets and especially outside a deflationary context. Our research confirms gold provides an excellent portfolio hedge against inflation - particularly vs. core PCE inflation. Before getting to our gold outlook, a housekeeping note: We are closing our long Dec/17 WTI futures vs. short Dec/18 WTI futures basis Tuesday's mark-to-market value of $0.89/bbl for an indicated profit 493.3% (vs. the $0.15/bbl level at which we opened the position). We put the position on as the market was correcting from its earlier rally, just before the Saudi oil minister made his "whatever it takes" remarks in Vienna on Saturday. We also are closing our long 2017Q1 natural gas position as of Tuesday's mark-to-market close for an indicated profit of 16.3%. We remain bullish the backwardation trade and will look for opportunities to re-set the position on sell-offs in the front of the curve. We also remain bullish U.S. natural gas near-term, we expect U.S. production growth to resume next year. We trust you will find this week's report useful going into the New Year. Kindest regards, Robert P. Ryan, Managing Editor Feature Precious Metals: What Is Gold Pricing To? After falling some 16% from its recent high of $1,374/oz, gold appears to have found support just above $1,150/oz as the year winds down. Part of this sell-off no doubt was induced by investors liquidating ETFs and futures ahead of yesterday's FOMC meeting, where the Fed, as expected, raised its overnight rate 25 basis points (Chart 1). Even before the Fed's rate hike yesterday, which markets were pricing in with near 100% certainty (Chart 1, bottom panel), monetary conditions had been tightening going into the FOMC meeting; The broad trade-weighted USD was up some 7% since the bottoming for the year in May, while the St. Louis Fed's 5-year 5-year forward inflation expectation rate was up almost 70 basis points (at 2.09%) since bottoming in June. The other part of gold's price evolution reflects uncertainty surrounding U.S. fiscal and monetary policy, particularly as markets grope for insight on the fiscal policies that will be pursued by the incoming Trump administration. In addition to their direct implications for U.S. economic growth, these policy decisions will profoundly influence EM growth, which is the critical variable for commodity prices generally. Unsurprisingly, the combination of increasing financial stress brought about by contracting monetary conditions, and policy uncertainty emanating from the U.S. has lifted gold volatility (Chart 2). Chart 1Gold Corrects Chart 2Increasing Financial Stress ##br##Pulls Gold Volatility Higher The tightening of financial conditions likely will, over the short-term, induce a slowing in economic growth at the margin going into 2017Q1, which will, all else equal, cause the USD to weaken, according to our colleagues at BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy service.1 In addition, it likely will cause U.S. interest rates to retreat, consistent with our House view. Short-term, both of these effects should be bullish gold, which is why we're recommending investors go tactically long if prices retrace to $1,150/oz (see below). Forming A Strategic View On Gold Becomes More Difficult The proximate cause of the heightened risk in financial markets that is showing up in gold volatility is the uncertainty surrounding U.S. monetary and fiscal policy next year in the U.S., and an increasingly fragmented commercial and political backdrop globally. Forming a longer term view on gold is difficult, given the huge amount of incomplete economic information available to markets, much of which will only become clear over the next quarter or two. There are, of course, a host of geopolitical risks - i.e., the types of risk investors typically use gold to hedge against - but we will leave those assessments to our colleagues at BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service.2 The incoming U.S. presidential administration has promised greater fiscal stimulus, which is bullish for growth, and, at the same time, has signaled its hostility to the Fed. On the back of higher growth expectations - overlaid against a labor market in the U.S. that is close to full employment - inflation expectations are rising. This is coloring interest-rate expectations - particularly the path for real rates - and contributing to the strengthening of the USD. Among risk factors, these three - higher inflation, a stronger USD and rising real rates - rank at the top of most investors' hierarchies, regardless of how they allocate. Realistically, it will take time for the incoming Trump administration to draft the legislation that deploys fiscal stimulus - at least six months. It will then take even more time to see this legislation have effect. Given this reality, we agree with the assessment of our colleagues on the FX and bond desks that key U.S. monetary variables - chiefly the USD and real rates - have moved too far too fast, and likely will correct. The increased inflation expectations we've seen in the forward markets, however, probably are warranted. Going Tactically Long, Expecting Higher Inflation Chart 3Fiscal Stimulus Will Lift Real Wages,##br## Then Core PCE Given this expectation, we believe the correction in gold was warranted. We will get tactically long spot gold at tonight's close, with a stop loss of 5%. This will position us for what we believe will be a strategic opportunity to be long gold once U.S. fiscal policy comes into focus. With the U.S. at or close to full employment, we expect the fiscal stimulus introduced next year - tax cuts, deregulation, increased defense spending, and more money for infrastructure - to provide a significant boost to the economy beginning in 2017H2. This will, we believe, result in stronger wage growth, which will lead to higher inflation. All else equal, this will lift core PCE (Chart 3): Our modeling indicates a 1% increase in real U.S. nonfarm wages translates into a 0.62% increase in core PCE.3 As good as this sounds, we have to account for the Fed's likely response. Presently, we expect two rate hikes next year. Depending on how strong growth comes in, we might even get a third hike in the Fed funds rate next year, as Fed Chair Yellen suggested at her press conference yesterday. If, as we expect, the USD corrects over the short term, this would imply another rally in the dollar next year, as markets once again price in a tighter U.S. monetary policy against a backdrop of global monetary accommodation. The big unknown is how far out ahead of the expected inflation increase the Fed will get vis-à-vis its interest-rate policy. If Janet Yellen and her colleagues decide to allow the economy to run hot, and keep monetary policy "behind the curve" - i.e., slowly raise real rates while the economy is expanding and inflation is increasing - that will be bullish for gold. If, on the other hand, the Fed wants to get out "ahead of the curve" - i.e., raise rates in anticipation of higher inflation before it actually materializes - that would be bearish. We believe the Fed will err on the side of allowing the economy to run hot and will keep monetary policy "behind the curve" next year, and most likely in 2018. So, in addition to core PCE picking up, we would expect the USD to rise, but not by as much as it would if the Fed were more aggressive in its policy stance. Most important for commodity markets, we believe real rates will not surge ahead with the Fed continuing to maintain a relatively accommodative policy. This is a bullish backdrop for gold. But it's not enough to compel us to get long strategically. Why We Won't Go All-In On Gold Chart 4A Relatively Accommodative ##br##Fed Will Be Bullish For Gold We believe the Fed will err on the side of continued relative accommodation for two reasons: The U.S. central bank will be restrained by the continued massive accommodation of other systemically important central banks - i.e., it cannot unilaterally tighten policy too aggressively in a world where accommodation reigns: It would send the USD through the roof and kill off whatever expansion the U.S. could muster under the Trump administration's fiscal policy. The Fed's core PCE inflation target is symmetric, with an indicated target level of 2% p.a. change. For the past 20 years, the average p.a. change in core PCE has been 1.7%. The Fed can allow inflation to overshoot for years before the symmetry of its target is violated: Among other things, this would allow the Fed to further distance itself from the zero lower bound on interest rates, which appears to be a goal of many of the central bankers. Our modeling suggests that if the Fed remains behind the curve as inflation is increasing gold prices could appreciate substantially after the expected U.S. fiscal stimulus kicks in. A 1% increase in core PCE translates into an increase in gold prices exceeding 4%. A 1% decrease in real rates implies a 6% increase in gold prices. And a 1% decrease in the USD translates to close to a 3% increase in gold prices (Chart 4).4 We're comfortable with a short-term gold position, but we are not ready to go all-in on gold as a strategic allocation at present because we do not know what to expect from the incoming Trump administration in terms of fiscal policy initiatives. Nor do we know whether the president-elect will assume office openly hostile to the sitting Fed Chair, Dr. Yellen. Trump has indicated dissatisfaction with her leadership of the Fed, and has indicated he will not reappoint her when her term is up, given the accommodation the Fed pursued while she was in charge. If the relationship becomes acrimonious while she continues to run the Fed, the independence of the Fed may come under question, and the coherence of policy might be placed in doubt. An openly hostile relationship between the U.S. chief executive and the head of the country's independent central bank will make it difficult to form macro expectations, particularly around gold prices. Perhaps such uncertainty would improve gold's appeal as a safe-haven, which would keep the metal bid in the event of such an outcome. Of course, the next logical question would be, who would Trump appoint to replace Yellen? If his beef with the central bank was that policy was too accommodative, does that mean he's likely to appoint a more hawkish Chair when Yellen's term is up? If so, this would be decidedly bearish gold and commodities in general. Hence the inability to take a clear position strategically. EM Growth Will React To U.S. Policy, And Affect Gold What happens in Washington doesn't stay in Washington. Fed policy is extremely important for EM growth, which has been picking up recently (Chart 5). The global driver of increasing commodity demand - and U.S. core PCE - has been EM income growth (Chart 6), which we proxy using non-OECD oil consumption and world base metals demand, given 50% of base metals demand comes from China.5 Chart 5EM Growth At Risk ##br##If Fed Gets Aggressive Chart 6EM Oil and Base Metals Demand##br## Highly Correlated With U.S. Core PCE Too aggressive a policy stance by the Fed - e.g., getting too far out "ahead of the curve" - would suffocate EM income growth by encouraging capital flight and increasing the burden of USD-denominated debt in those countries. Bottom Line: We are recommending a tactically long gold position, given our expectation the USD and interest rates will correct after moving too far too fast in anticipation of stronger U.S. economic growth following the election of Donald Trump as the 45th president of the United States. Although we do expect significant stimulus from the incoming administration's to-be-announced fiscal policies will stoke inflation going forward - especially with the U.S. economy at or close to full employment - we are uncomfortable going strategically long gold until we gain greater clarity on these policies. In addition, we await a clear signal on the sort of relationship the executive office will have with the Fed. Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President rryan@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Research's Foreign Exchange Strategy "Cyclical And Tactical Divergences," dated December 9, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook "Strategy Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Real nonfarm hourly compensation follows the same long-term trend as core PCE - i.e., these variables are cointegrated. The adjusted-R2 for the cointegrating regression is 0.99. 4 This is a long-term estimate (2000 to present). The adjusted-R2 for the cointegrating regression using these inputs is 0.95. Of course, if the Fed gets out "ahead of the curve" these effects will work in the opposite direction: Increasing real rates, falling core PCE and a stronger USD will militate against any price appreciation. 5 We have noted in previous research that oil and base metals demand frequently are used to approximate EM income growth, given the income elasticity of demand for these commodities approaches 1.0. The OECD notes, "Non-OECD countries are found to have a higher income elasticity of oil demand than OECD countries. On average across countries, a one per cent rise in real GDP pushes up oil demand by half a per cent in OECD countries over the medium to long run, whereas the figure is closer to unity for most non-OECD countries." Please see "The Price of Oil - Will It Start Rising Again?" OECD Economics Department Working Paper No. 1031, p. 6 (2013). The evolution of these real EM demand variables shares a common trend with U.S. money supply (M2), real rates in the U.S., and the trade-weighted USD. In addition, these real variables also are highly correlated with EM exchange rates, as is to be expected. Please see issue of BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy "Memo TO Fed: EM Oil, Metals Demand Key To U.S. Inflation," dated August 4, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Closed Trades

Highlights Multipolarity will peak in 2017 - geopolitical risks are spiking; Globalization is giving way to zero-sum mercantilism; U.S.-China relations are the chief risk to global stability; Turkey is the most likely state to get in a shooting war; Position for an inflation comeback; Go long defense, USD/EUR, and U.S. small caps vs. large caps. Feature Before the world grew mad, the Somme was a placid stream of Picardy, flowing gently through a broad and winding valley northwards to the English Channel. It watered a country of simple beauty. A. D. Gristwood, British soldier, later novelist. The twentieth century did not begin on January 1, 1900. Not as far as geopolitics is concerned. It began 100 years ago, on July 1, 1916. That day, 35,000 soldiers of the British Empire, Germany, and France died fighting over a couple of miles of territory in a single day. The 1916 Anglo-French offensive, also known as the Battle of the Somme, ultimately cost the three great European powers over a million and a half men in total casualties, of which 310,862 were killed in action over the four months of fighting. British historian A. J. P. Taylor put it aptly: idealism perished on the Somme. How did that happen? Nineteenth-century geopolitical, economic, and social institutions - carefully nurtured by a century of British hegemony - broke on the banks of the Somme in waves of human slaughter. What does this have to do with asset allocation? Calendars are human constructs devised to keep track of time. But an epoch is a period with a distinctive set of norms, institutions, and rules that order human activity. This "order of things" matters to investors because we take it for granted. It is a set of "Newtonian Laws" we assume will not change, allowing us to extrapolate the historical record into future returns.1 Since inception, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has argued that the standard assumptions about our epoch no longer apply.2 Social orders are not linear, they are complex systems. And we are at the end of an epoch, one that defined the twentieth century by globalization, the spread of democracy, and American hegemony. Because the system is not linear, its break will cause non-linear outcomes. Since joining BCA's Editorial Team in 2011, we have argued that twentieth-century institutions are undergoing regime shifts. Our most critical themes have been: The rise of global multipolarity;3 The end of Sino-American symbiosis;4 The apex of globalization;5 The breakdown of laissez-faire economics;6 The passing of the emerging markets' "Goldilocks" era.7 Our view is that the world now stands at the dawn of the twenty-first century. The transition is not going to be pretty. Investors must stop talking themselves out of left-tail events by referring to twentieth-century institutions. Yes, the U.S. and China really could go to war in the next five years. No, their trade relationship will not prevent it. Was the slaughter at the Somme prevented by the U.K.-German economic relationship? In fact, our own strategy service may no longer make sense in the new epoch. "Geopolitics" is not some add-on to investor's asset-allocation process. It is as much a part of that process as are valuations, momentum, bottom-up analysis, and macroeconomics. To modify the infamous Milton Friedman quip, "We are all geopolitical strategists now." Five Decade Themes: We begin this Strategic Outlook by updating our old decade themes and introducing a few new ones. These will inform our strategic views over the next half-decade. Below, we also explain how they will impact investors in 2017. From Multipolarity To ... Making America Great Again Our central theme of global multipolarity will reach its dangerous apex in 2017. Multipolarity is the idea that the world has two or more "poles" of power - great nations - that pursue their interests independently. It heightens the risk of conflict. Since we identified this trend in 2012, the number of global conflicts has risen from 10 to 21, confirming our expectations (Chart 1). Political science theory is clear: a world without geopolitical leadership produces hegemonic instability. America's "hard power," declining in relative terms, created a vacuum that was filled by regional powers looking to pursue their own spheres of influence. Chart 1Frequency Of Geopolitical Conflicts Increases Under Multipolarity The investment implications of a multipolar world? The higher frequency of geopolitical crises has provided a tailwind to safe-haven assets such as U.S. Treasurys.8 Ironically, the relative decline of U.S. power is positive for U.S. assets.9 Although its geopolitical power has been in relative decline since 1990, the U.S. bond market has become more, not less, appealing over the same timeframe (Chart 2) Counterintuitively, it was American hegemony - i.e. global unipolarity after the Soviet collapse - that made the rise of China and other emerging markets possible. This created the conditions for globalization to flourish and for investors to leave the shores of developed markets in search of yield. It is the stated objective of President-elect Donald Trump, and a trend initiated under President Barack Obama, to reduce the United States' hegemonic responsibilities. As the U.S. withdraws, it leaves regional instability and geopolitical disequilibria in its wake, enhancing the value-proposition of holding on to low-beta American assets. We are now coming to the critical moment in this process, with neo-isolationist Trump doubling down on President Obama's aloof foreign policy. In 2017, therefore, multipolarity will reach its apex, leading several regional powers - from China to Turkey - to overextend themselves as they challenge the status quo. Chaos will ensue. (See below for more!) The inward shift in American policy will sow the seeds for the eventual reversal of multipolarity. America has always profited from geopolitical chaos. It benefits from being surrounded by two massive oceans, Canada, and the Sonora-Chihuahuan deserts. Following both the First and Second World Wars, the U.S.'s relative geopolitical power skyrocketed (Chart 3). Chart 2America Is A Safe-Haven,##br## Despite (Because Of?) Relative Decline Chart 3America Is Chaos-Proof Over the next 12-24 months, we expect the chief investment implications of multipolarity - volatility, tailwind to safe-haven assets, emerging-market underperformance, and de-globalization - to continue to bear fruit. However, as the U.S. comes to terms with multipolarity and withdraws support for critical twentieth-century institutions, it will create conditions that will ultimately reverse its relative decline and lead to a more unipolar tendency (or possibly bipolar, with China). Therefore, Donald Trump's curious mix of isolationism, anti-trade rhetoric, and domestic populism may, in the end, Make America Great Again. But not for the reasons he has promised-- not because the U.S. will outperform the rest of the world in an absolute sense. Rather, America will become great again in a relative sense, as the rest of the world drifts towards a much scarier, darker place without American hegemony. Bottom Line: For long-term investors, the apex of multipolarity means that investing in China and broader EM is generally a mistake. Europe and Japan make sense in the interim due to overstated political risks, relatively easy monetary policy, and valuations, but even there risks will mount due to their high-beta qualities. The U.S. will own the twenty-first century. From Globalization To ... Mercantilism "The industrial glory of England is departing, and England does not know it. There are spasmodic outcries against foreign competition, but the impression they leave is fleeting and vague ... German manufacturers ... are undeniably superiour to those produced by British houses. It is very dangerous for men to ignore facts that they may the better vaunt their theories ... This is poor patriotism." Ernest Edwin Williams, Made in Germany (1896) The seventy years of British hegemony that followed the 1815 Treaty of Paris ending the Napoleonic Wars were marked by an unprecedented level of global stability. Britain's cajoled enemies and budding rivals swallowed their wounded pride and geopolitical appetites and took advantage of the peace to focus inwards, industrialize, and eventually catch up to the U.K.'s economy. Britain, by providing expensive global public goods - security of sea lanes, off-shore balancing,10 a reserve currency, and financial capital - resolved the global collective-action dilemma and ushered in an era of dramatic economic globalization. Sound familiar? It should. As Chart 4 shows, we are at the conclusion of a similar period of tranquility. Pax Americana underpinned globalization as much as Pax Britannica before it. There are other forces at work, such as pernicious wage deflation that has soured the West's middle class on free trade and immigration. But the main threat to globalization is at heart geopolitical. The breakdown of twentieth-century institutions, norms, and rules will encourage regional powers to set up their own spheres of influence and to see the global economy as a zero-sum game instead of a cooperative one.11 Chart 4Multipolarity And De-Globalization Go Hand-In-Hand At the heart of this geopolitical process is the end of Sino-American symbiosis. We posited in February that Charts 5 and 6 are geopolitically unsustainable.12 China cannot keep capturing an ever-increasing global market share for exports while exporting deflation; particularly now that its exports are rising in complexity and encroaching on the markets of developed economies (Chart 7). China's economic policy might have been acceptable in an era of robust global growth and American geopolitical confidence, but we live in a world that is, for the time being, devoid of both. Chart 5China's Share Of Global##br## Exports Has Skyrocketed... Chart 6And Now China ##br##Is Exporting Deflation China and the U.S. are no longer in a symbiotic relationship. The close embrace between U.S. household leverage and Chinese export-led growth is over (Chart 8). Today the Chinese economy is domestically driven, with government stimulus and skyrocketing leverage playing a much more important role than external demand. Exports make up only 19% of China's GDP and 12% of U.S. GDP. The two leading economies are far less leveraged to globalization than the conventional wisdom would have it. Chart 7China's Steady Climb Up ##br##The Value Ladder Continues Chart 8Sino-American ##br##Symbiosis Is Over Chinese policymakers have a choice. They can double down on globalization and use competition and creative destruction to drive up productivity growth, moving the economy up the value chain. Or they can use protectionism - particularly non-tariff barriers, as they have been doing - to defend their domestic market from competition.13 We expect that they will do the latter, especially in an environment where anti-globalization rhetoric is rising in the West and protectionism is already on the march (Chart 9). Chart 9Protectionism On The March The problem with this likely choice, however, is that it breaks up the post-1979 quid-pro-quo between Washington and Beijing. The "quid" was the Chinese entry into the international economic order (including the WTO in 2001), which the U.S. supported; the "quo" was that Beijing would open its economy as it became wealthy. Today, 45% of China's population is middle-class, which makes China potentially the world's second-largest market after the EU. If China decides not to share its middle class with the rest of the world, then the world will quickly move towards mercantilism - particularly with regard to Chinese imports. Mercantilism was a long-dominant economic theory, in Europe and elsewhere, that perceived global trade to be a zero-sum game and economic policy to be an extension of the geopolitical "Great Game" between major powers. As such, net export growth was the only way to prosperity and spheres of influence were jealously guarded via trade barriers and gunboat diplomacy. What should investors do if mercantilism is back? In a recent joint report with the BCA's Global Alpha Sector Strategy, we argued that investors should pursue three broad strategies: Buy small caps (or microcaps) at the expense of large caps (or mega caps) across equity markets as the former are almost universally domestically focused; Favor closed economies levered on domestic consumption, both within DM and EM universes; Stay long global defense stocks; mercantilism will lead to more geopolitical risk (Chart 10). Chart 10Defense Stocks Are A No-Brainer Investors should also expect a more inflationary environment over the next decade. De-globalization will mean marginally less trade, less migration, and less free movement of capital across borders. These are all inflationary. Bottom Line: Mercantilism is back. Sino-American tensions and peak multipolarity will impair coordination. It will harden the zero-sum game that erodes globalization and deepens geopolitical tensions between the world's two largest economies.14 One way to play this theme is to go long domestic sectors and domestically-oriented economies relative to export sectors and globally-exposed economies. The real risk of mercantilism is that it is bedfellows with nationalism and jingoism. We began this section with a quote from an 1896 pamphlet titled "Made in Germany." In it, British writer E.E. Williams argued that the U.K. should abandon free trade policies due to industrial competition from Germany. Twenty years later, 350,000 men died in the inferno of the Somme. From Legal To ... Charismatic Authority Legal authority, the bedrock of modern democracy, is a critical pillar of civilization that investors take for granted. The concept was defined in 1922 by German sociologist Max Weber. Weber's seminal essay, "The Three Types of Legitimate Rule," argues that legal-rational authority flows from the institutions and laws that define it, not the individuals holding the office.15 This form of authority is investor-friendly because it reduces uncertainty. Investors can predict the behavior of policymakers and business leaders by learning the laws that govern their behavior. Developed markets are almost universally made up of countries with such norms of "good governance." Investors can largely ignore day-to-day politics in these systems, other than the occasional policy shift or regulatory push that affects sector performance. Weber's original essay outlined three forms of authority, however. The other two were "traditional" and "charismatic."16 Today we are witnessing the revival of charismatic authority, which is derived from the extraordinary characteristics of an individual. From Russia and the U.S. to Turkey, Hungary, the Philippines, and soon perhaps Italy, politicians are winning elections on the back of their messianic qualities. The reason for the decline of legal-rational authority is threefold: Elites that manage governing institutions have been discredited by the 2008 Great Recession and subsequent low-growth recovery. Discontent with governing institutions is widespread in the developed world (Chart 11). Elite corruption is on the rise. Francis Fukuyama, perhaps America's greatest political theorist, argues that American political institutions have devolved into a "system of legalized gift exchange, in which politicians respond to organized interest groups that are collectively unrepresentative of the public as a whole."17 Political gridlock across developed and emerging markets has forced legal-rational policymakers to perform like charismatic ones. European policymakers have broken laws throughout the euro-area crisis, with the intention of keeping the currency union alive. President Obama has issued numerous executive orders due to congressional gridlock. While the numbers of executive orders have declined under Obama, their economic significance has increased (Chart 12). Each time these policymakers reached around established rules and institutions in the name of contingencies and crises, they opened the door wider for future charismatic leaders to eschew the institutions entirely. Chart 11As Institutional Trust Declines, ##br##Voters Turn To Charismatic Leaders Chart 12Obama ##br##The Regulator Furthermore, a generational shift is underway. Millennials do not understand the value of legal-rational institutions and are beginning to doubt the benefits of democracy itself (Chart 13). The trend appears to be the most pronounced in the U.S. and U.K., perhaps because neither experienced the disastrous effects of populism and extremism of the 1930s. In fact, millennials in China appear to view democracy as more essential to the "good life" than their Anglo-Saxon peers. Chart 13Who Needs Democracy When You Have Tinder? Charismatic leaders can certainly outperform expectations. Donald Trump may end up being FDR. The problem for investors is that it is much more difficult to predict the behavior of a charismatic authority than a legal-rational one.18 For example, President-elect Trump has said that he will intervene in the U.S. economy throughout his four-year term, as he did with Carrier in Indiana. Whether these deals are good or bad, in a normative sense, is irrelevant. The point is that bottom-up investment analysis becomes useless when analysts must consider Trump's tweets, as well as company fundamentals, in their earnings projections! We suspect that the revival of charismatic leadership - and the danger that it might succeed in upcoming European elections - at least partly explains the record high levels of global policy uncertainty (Chart 14). Markets do not seem to have priced in the danger fully yet. Global bond spreads are particularely muted despite the high levels of uncertainty. This is unsustainable. Chart 14Are Assets Fully Pricing In Global Uncertainty? Bottom Line: The twenty-first century is witnessing the return of charismatic authority and erosion of legal-rational authority. This should be synonymous with uncertainty and market volatility over the next decade. In 2017, expect a rise in EuroStoxx volatility. From Laissez-Faire To ... Dirigisme The two economic pillars of the late twentieth century have been globalization and laissez-faire capitalism, or neo-liberalism. The collapse of the Soviet Union ended the communist challenge, anointing the U.S.-led "Washington Consensus" as the global "law of the land." The tenets of this epoch are free trade, fiscal discipline, low tax burden, and withdrawal of the state from the free market. Not all countries approached the new "order of things" with equal zeal, but most of them at least rhetorically committed themselves to asymptotically approaching the American ideal. Chart 15Debt Replaced Wages##br## In Laissez-Faire Economies The 2008 Great Recession put an end to the bull market in neo-liberal ideology. The main culprit has been the low-growth recovery, but that is not the full story. Tepid growth would have been digested without a political crisis had it not followed decades of stagnating wages. With no wage growth, households in the most laissez-faire economies of the West gorged themselves on debt (Chart 15) to keep up with rising cost of housing, education, healthcare, and childcare -- all staples of a middle-class lifestyle. As such, the low-growth context after 2008 has combined with a deflationary environment to produce the most pernicious of economic conditions: debt-deflation, which Irving Fisher warned of in 1933.19 It is unsurprising that globalization became the target of middle-class angst in this context. Globalization was one of the greatest supply-side shocks in recent history: it exerted a strong deflationary force on wages (Chart 16). While it certainly lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in developing nations, globalization undermined those low-income and middle-class workers in the developed world whose jobs were most easily exported. World Bank economist Branko Milanovic's infamous "elephant trunk" shows the stagnation of real incomes since 1988 for the 75-95 percentile of the global income distribution - essentially the West's middle class (Chart 17).20 It is this section of the elephant trunk that increasingly supports populism and anti-globalization policies, while eschewing laissez faire liberalism. In our April report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy," we posited that the pivot away from laissez-faire capitalism would be most pronounced in the economies of its greatest adherents, the U.S. and U.K. We warned that Brexit and the candidacy of Donald Trump should be taken seriously, while the populist movements in Europe would surprise to the downside. Why the gap between Europe and the U.S. and U.K.? Because Europe's cumbersome, expensive, inefficient, and onerous social-welfare state finally came through when it mattered: it mitigated the pernicious effects of globalization and redistributed enough of the gains to temper populist angst. Chart 16Globalization: A Deflationary Shock Chart 17Globalization: No Friend To DM Middle Class This view was prescient in 2016. The U.K. voted to leave the EU, Trump triumphed, while European populists stumbled in both the Spanish and Austrian elections. The Anglo-Saxon median voter has essentially moved to the left of the economic spectrum (Diagram 1).21 The Median Voter Theorem holds that policymakers will follow the shift to the left in order to capture as many voters as possible under the proverbial curve. In other words, Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders are not political price-makers but price-takers. Diagram 1The Median Voter Is Moving To The Left In The U.S. And U.K. How does laissez-faire capitalism end? In socialism or communism? No, the institutions that underpin capitalism in the West - private property, rule of law, representative government, and enforcement of contracts - remain strong. Instead, we expect to see more dirigisme, a form of capitalism where the state adopts a "directing" rather than merely regulatory role. In the U.S., Donald Trump unabashedly campaigned on dirigisme. We do not expand on the investment implications of American dirigisme in this report (we encourage clients to read our post-election treatment of Trump's domestic politics).22 But investors can clearly see the writing on the wall: a late-cycle fiscal stimulus will be positive for economic growth in the short term, but most likely more positive for inflation in the long term. Donald Trump's policies therefore are a risk to bonds, positive for equities (in the near term), and potentially negative for both in the long term if stagflation results from late-cycle stimulus. What about Europe? Is it not already quite dirigiste? It is! But in Europe, we see a marginal change towards the right, not the left. In Spain, the supply-side reforms of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy will remain in place, as he won a second term this year. In France, right-wing reformer - and self-professed "Thatcherite" - François Fillon is likely to emerge victorious in the April-May presidential election. And in Germany, the status-quo Grand Coalition will likely prevail. Only in Italy are there risks, but even there we expect financial markets to force the country - kicking and screaming - down the path of reforms. Bottom Line: In 2017, the market will be shocked to find itself face-to-face with a marginally more laissez-faire Europe and a marginally more dirigiste America and Britain. Investors should overweight European assets in a global portfolio given valuations, relative monetary policy (which will remain accommodative in Europe), a weak euro, and economic fundamentals (Chart 18), and upcoming political surprises. For clients with low tolerance of risk and volatility, a better entry point may exist following the French presidential elections in the spring. From Bias To ... Conspiracies As with the printing press, the radio, film, and television before it, the Internet has created a super-cyclical boom in the supply and dissemination of information. The result of the sudden surge is that quality and accountability are declining. The mainstream media has dubbed this the "fake news" phenomenon, no doubt to differentiate the conspiracy theories coursing through Facebook and Twitter from the "real news" of CNN and MSNBC. The reality is that mainstream media has fallen far short of its own vaunted journalistic standards (Chart 19). Chart 18Europe's Economy Is Holding Up Chart 19 We are not interested in this debate, nor are we buying the media narrative that "fake news" delivered Trump the presidency. Instead, we are focused on how geopolitical and political information is disseminated to voters, investors, and ultimately priced by the market. We fear that markets will struggle to price information correctly due to three factors: Low barriers to entry: The Internet makes publishing easy. Information entrepreneurs - i.e. hack writers - and non-traditional publications ("rags") are proliferating. The result is greater output but a decrease in quality control. For example, Facebook is now the second most trusted source of news for Americans (Chart 20). Cost-cutting: The boom in supply has squeezed the media industry's finances. Newspapers have died in droves; news websites and social-media giants have mushroomed (Chart 21). News companies are pulling back on things like investigative reporting, editorial oversight, and foreign correspondent desks. Foreign meddling: In this context, governments have gained a new advantage because they can bring superior financial resources and command-and-control to an industry that is chaotic and cash-strapped. Russian news outlets like RT and Sputnik have mastered this game - attracting "clicks" around the world from users who are not aware they are reading Russian propaganda. China has also raised its media profile through Western-accessible propaganda like the Global Times, but more importantly it has grown more aggressive at monitoring, censoring, and manipulating foreign and domestic media. Chart 20Facebook Is The New Cronkite? Chart 21The Internet Has Killed Journalism The above points would be disruptive enough alone. But we know that technology is not the root cause of today's disruptions. Income inequality, the plight of the middle class, elite corruption, unchecked migration, and misguided foreign policy have combined to create a toxic mix of distrust and angst. In the West, the decline of the middle class has produced a lack of socio-political consensus that is fueling demand for media of a kind that traditional outlets can no longer satisfy. Media producers are scrambling to meet this demand while struggling with intense competition from all the new entrants and new platforms. What is missing is investment in downstream refining and processing to convert the oversupply of crude information into valuable product for voters and investors.23 Otherwise, the public loses access to "transparent" or baseline information. Obviously the baseline was never perfect. Both the Vietnam and Iraq wars began as gross impositions on the public's credulity: the Gulf of Tonkin Incident and Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction. But there was a shared reference point across society. The difference today, as we see it, is that mass opinion will swing even more wildly during a crisis as a result of the poor quality of information that spreads online and mobilizes social networks more rapidly than ever before. We could have "flash mobs" in the voting booth - or on the steps of the Supreme Court - just like "flash crashes" in financial markets, i.e. mass movements borne of passing misconceptions rather than persistent misrule. Election results are more likely to strain the limits of the margin of error, while anti-establishment candidates are more likely to remain viable despite dubious platforms. What does this mean for investors? Fundamental analysis of a country's political and geopolitical risk is now an essential tool in the investor toolkit. If investors rely on the media, and the market prices what the media reports, then the same investors will continue to get blindsided by misleading probabilities, as with Brexit and Trump (Chart 22). While we did not predict these final outcomes, we consistently advised clients, for months in advance, that the market probabilities were too low and serious hedging was necessary. Those who heeded our advice cheered their returns, even as some lamented the electoral returns. Chart 22Get Used To Tail-Risk Events Bottom Line: Keep reading BCA's Geopolitical Strategy! Final Thoughts On The Next Decade The nineteenth century ended in the human carnage that was the Battle of the Somme. The First World War ushered in social, economic, political, geopolitical, demographic, and technological changes that drove the evolution of twentieth-century institutions, rules, and norms. It created the "order of things" that we all take for granted today. The coming decade will be the dawn of the new geopolitical century. We can begin to discern the ordering of this new epoch. It will see peak multipolarity lead to global conflict and disequilibrium, with globalization and laissez-faire economic consensus giving way to mercantilism and dirigisme. Investors will see the benevolent deflationary impulse of globalization evolve into state intervention in the domestic economy and the return of inflation. Globally oriented economies and sectors will underperform domestic ones. Developed markets will continue to outperform emerging markets, particularly as populism spreads to developing economies that fail to meet expectations of their rising middle classes. Over the next ten years, these changes will leave the U.S. as the most powerful country in the world. China and wider EM will struggle to adapt to a less globalized world, while Europe and Japan will focus inward. The U.S. is essentially a low-beta Great Power: its economy, markets, demographics, natural resources, and security are the least exposed to the vagaries of the rest of the world. As such, when the rest of the world descends into chaos, the U.S. will hide behind its Oceans, and Canada, and the deserts of Mexico, and flourish. Five Themes For 2017: Our decade themes inform our view of cyclical geopolitical events and crises, such as elections and geopolitical tensions. As such, they form our "net assessment" of the world and provide a prism through which we refract geopolitical events. Below we address five geopolitical themes that we expect to drive the news flow, and thus the markets, in 2017. Some themes are Red Herrings (overstated risks) and thus present investment opportunities, others are Black Swans (understated risks) and are therefore genuine risks. Europe In 2017: A Trophy Red Herring? Europe's electoral calendar is ominously packed (Table 1). Four of the euro area's five largest economies are likely to have elections in 2017. Another election could occur if Spain's shaky minority government collapses. Table 1 Europe In 2017 Will Be A Headline Risk We expect market volatility to be elevated throughout the year due to the busy calendar. In this context, we advise readers to follow our colleague Dhaval Joshi at BCA's European Investment Strategy. Dhaval recommends that BCA clients combine every €1 of equity exposure with 40 cents of exposure to VIX term-structure, which means going long the nearest-month VIX futures and equally short the subsequent month's contract. The logic is that the term structure will invert sharply if risks spike.24 While we expect elevated uncertainty and lots of headline risk, we do not believe the elections in 2017 will transform Europe's future. As we have posited since 2011, global multipolarity increases the logic for European integration.25 Crises driven by Russian assertiveness, Islamic terrorism, and the migration wave are not dealt with more effectively or easily by nation states acting on their own. Thus far, it appears that Europeans agree with this assessment: polling suggests that few are genuinely antagonistic towards the euro (Chart 23) or the EU (Chart 24). In our July report called "After BREXIT, N-EXIT?" we posited that the euro area will likely persevere over at least the next five years.26 Chart 23Support For The Euro Remains Stable Chart 24Few Europeans Want Out Of The EU Take the Spanish and Austrian elections in 2016. In Spain, Mariano Rajoy's right-wing People's Party managed to hold onto power despite four years of painful internal devaluations and supply-side reforms. In Austria, the establishment candidate for president, Alexander Van der Bellen, won the election despite Austria's elevated level of Euroskepticism (Chart 24), its central role in the migration crisis, and the almost comically unenthusiastic campaign of the out-of-touch Van der Bellen. In both cases, the centrist candidates survived because voters hesitated when confronted with an anti-establishment choice. Next year, we expect more of the same in three crucial elections: The Netherlands: The anti-establishment and Euroskeptic Party for Freedom (PVV) will likely perform better than it did in the last election, perhaps even doubling its 15% result in 2012. However, it has no chance of forming a government, given that all the other parties contesting the election are centrist and opposed to its Euroskeptic agenda (Chart 25). Furthermore, support for the euro remains at a very high level in the country (Chart 26). This is a reality that the PVV will have to confront if it wants to rule the Netherlands. Chart 25No Government For Dutch Euroskeptics Chart 26The Netherlands & Euro: Love Affair France: Our high conviction view is that Marine Le Pen, leader of the Euroskeptic National Front (FN), will be defeated in the second round of the presidential election.27 Despite three major terrorist attacks in the country, unchecked migration crisis, and tepid economic growth, Le Pen's popularity peaked in 2013 (Chart 27). She continues to poll poorly against her most likely opponents in the second round, François Fillon and Emmanuel Macron (Chart 28). Investors who doubt the polls should consider the FN's poor performance in the December 2015 regional elections, a critical case study for Le Pen's viability in 2017.28 Chart 27Le Pen's Polling: ##br##Head And Shoulder Formation? Chart 28Le Pen Will Not Be##br## Next French President Germany: Chancellor Angela Merkel's popularity is holding up (Chart 29), the migration crisis has abated (Chart 30), and there remains a lot of daylight between the German establishment and populist parties (Chart 31). The anti-establishment Alternative für Deutschland will enter parliament, but remain isolated. Chart 29Merkel's Approval Rating Has Stabilized Chart 30Migration Crisis Is Abating Chart 31There Is A Lot Of Daylight... The real risk in 2017 remains Italy. The country has failed to enact any structural reforms, being a laggard behind the reform poster-child Spain (Chart 32). Meanwhile, support for the euro remains in the high 50s, which is low compared to the euro-area average (Chart 33). Polls show that if elections were held today, the ruling Democratic Party would gain a narrow victory (Chart 34). However, it is not clear what electoral laws would apply to the contest. The reformed electoral system for the Chamber of Deputies remains under review by the Constitutional Court until at least February. This will make all the difference between further gridlock and a viable government. Chart 32Italy Is Europe's Chart 33Italy Lags Peers On Euro Support Chart 34Italy's Next Election Is Too Close To Call Investors should consider three factors when thinking about Italy in 2017: The December constitutional referendum was not a vote on the euro and thus cannot serve as a proxy for a future referendum.29 The market will punish Italy the moment it sniffs out even a whiff of a potential Itexit referendum. This will bring forward the future pain of redenomination, influencing voter choices. Benefits of the EU membership for Italy are considerable, especially as they allow the country to integrate its unproductive, poor, and expensive southern regions.30 Sans Europe, the Mezzogiorno (Southern Italy) is Rome's problem, and it is a big one. The larger question is whether the rest of Italy's euro-area peers will allow the country to remain mired in its unsustainable status quo. We think the answer is yes. First, Italy is too big to fail given the size of its economy and sovereign debt market. Second, how unsustainable is the Italian status quo? OECD projections for Italy's debt-to-GDP ratio are not ominous. Chart 35 shows four scenarios, the most likely one charting Italy's debt-to-GDP rise from 133% today to about 150% by 2060. Italy's GDP growth would essentially approximate 0%, but its impressive budget discipline would ensure that its debt load would only rise marginally (Chart 36). Chart 35So What If Italy's Debt-To-GDP Ends Up At 170%? Chart 36Italy Has Learned To Live With Its Debt This may seem like a dire prospect for Italy, but it ensures that the ECB has to maintain its accommodative stance in Europe even as the Fed continues its tightening cycle, a boon for euro-area equities as a whole. In other words, Italy's predicament would be unsustainable if the country were on its own. Its "sick man" status would be terminal if left to its own devices. But as a patient in the euro-area hospital, it can survive. And what happens to the euro area beyond our five-year forecasting horizon? We are not sure. Defeat of anti-establishment forces in 2017 will give centrist policymakers another electoral cycle to resolve the currency union's built-in flaws. If the Germans do not budge on greater fiscal integration over the next half-decade, then the future of the currency union will become murkier. Bottom Line: Remain long the nearest-month VIX futures and equally short the subsequent month's contract. We have held this position since September 14 and it has returned -0.84%. The advantage of this strategy is that it is a near-perfect hedge when risk assets sell off, but pays a low price for insurance. Investors with high risk tolerance who can stomach some volatility should take the plunge and overweight euro-area equities in a global equity portfolio. Solid global growth prospects, accommodative monetary policy, euro weakness, and valuations augur a solid year for euro-area equities. Politics will be a red herring as euro-area stocks climb the proverbial wall of worry in 2017. U.S.-Russia Détente: A Genuine Investment Opportunity Trump's election is good news for Russia. Over the past 16 years, Russia has methodically attempted to collect the pieces from the Soviet collapse. Putin sought to defend the Russian sphere of influence from outside powers (Ukraine and Belarus, the Caucasus, Central Asia). Putin also needed to rally popular support at various times by distracting the public. We view Ukraine and Syria through this prism. Lastly, Russia acted aggressively because it needed to reassure its allies that it would stand up for them.31 And yet the U.S. can live with a "strong" Russia. It can make a deal if the Trump administration recognizes some core interests (e.g. Crimea) and calls off the promotion of democracy in Russia's sphere, which Putin considers an attempt to undermine his rule. As we argued during the Ukraine invasion, it is the U.S., not Russia, which poses the greatest risk of destabilization.32 The U.S. lacks constraints in this theater. It can be aggressive towards Russia and face zero consequences: it has no economic relationship with Russia and does not stand directly in the way of any Russian reprisals, unlike Europe. That is why we think Trump and Putin will reset relations. Trump's team may be comfortable with Russia having a sphere of influence, unlike the Obama administration, which explicitly rejected this idea. The U.S. could even pledge not to expand NATO further, given that it has already expanded as far as it can feasibly and credibly go. Note, however, that a Russo-American truce may not last long. George W. Bush famously "looked into Putin's eyes and ... saw his soul," but relations soured nonetheless. Obama went further with his "Russian reset," removing European missile defense plans from Poland and the Czech Republic. These are avowed NATO allies, and this occurred merely one year after Russian troops marched on Georgia. And yet Moscow and Washington ended up rattling sabers and meddling in each other's internal affairs anyway. Chart 37Thaw In Russian-West##br## Cold War Is Bullish Europe Ultimately, U.S. resets fail because Russia is in structural decline and attempting to hold onto a very large sphere of influence whose citizens are not entirely willing participants.33 Because Moscow must often use blunt force to prevent the revolt of its vassal states (e.g. Georgia in 2008, Ukraine in 2014), it periodically revives tensions with the West. Unless Russia strengthens significantly in the next few years, which we do not expect, then the cycle of tensions will continue. On the horizon may be Ukraine-like incidents in neighboring Belarus and Kazakhstan, both key components of the Russian sphere of influence. Bottom Line: Russia will get a reprieve from U.S. pressure. While we expect Europe to extend sanctions through 2017, a rapprochement with Washington will ultimately thaw relations between Europe and Russia by the end of that year. Europe will benefit from resuming business as usual. It will face less of a risk of Russian provocations via the Middle East and cybersecurity. The ebbing of the Russian geopolitical risk premium will have a positive effect on Europe, given its close correlation with European risk assets since the crisis in Ukraine (Chart 37). Investors who want exposure to Russia may consider overweighing Russian equities to Malaysian. BCA's Emerging Market Strategy has initiated this position for a 55.6% gain since March 2016 and our EM strategists believe there is more room to run for this trade. We recommend that investors simply go long Russia relative to the broad basket of EM equities. The rally in oil prices, easing of the geopolitical risk premium, and hints of pro-market reforms from the Kremlin will buoy Russian equities further in 2017. Middle East: ISIS Defeat Is A Black Swan In February 2016, we made two bold predictions about the Middle East: Iran-Saudi tensions had peaked;34 The defeat of ISIS would entice Turkey to intervene militarily in both Iraq and Syria.35 The first prediction was based on a simple maxim: sustained geopolitical conflict requires resources and thus Saudi military expenditures are unsustainable when a barrel of oil costs less than $100. Saudi Arabia overtook Russia in 2015 as the globe's third-largest defense spender (Chart 38)! Chart 38Saudi Arabia: Lock And Load The mini-détente between Iran and Saudi Arabia concluded in 2016 with the announced OPEC production cut and freeze. While we continue to see the OPEC deal as more of a recognition of the status quo than an actual cut (because OPEC production has most likely reached its limits), nevertheless it is significant as it will slightly hasten the pace of oil-market rebalancing. On the margin, the OPEC deal is therefore bullish for oil prices. Our second prediction, that ISIS is more of a risk to the region in defeat than in glory, was highly controversial. However, it has since become consensus, with several Western intelligence agencies essentially making the same claim. But while our peers in the intelligence community have focused on the risk posed by returning militants to Europe and elsewhere, our focus remains on the Middle East. In particular, we fear that Turkey will become embroiled in conflicts in Syria and Iraq, potentially in a proxy war with Iran and Russia. The reason for this concern is that the defeat of the Islamic State will create a vacuum in the Middle East that the Syrian and Iraqi Kurds are most likely to fill. This is unacceptable to Turkey, which has intervened militarily to counter Kurdish gains and may do so in the future. We are particularly concerned about three potential dynamics: Direct intervention in Syria and Iraq: The Turkish military entered Syria in August, launching operation "Euphrates Shield." Turkey also reinforced a small military base in Bashiqa, Iraq, only 15 kilometers north of Mosul. Both operations were ostensibly undertaken against the Islamic State, but the real intention is to limit the Syrian and Iraqi Kurds. As Map 1 illustrates, Kurds have expanded their territorial control in both countries. Map 1Kurdish Gains In Syria & Iraq Conflict with Russia and Iran: President Recep Erdogan has stated that Turkey's objective in Syria is to remove President Bashar al-Assad from power.36 Yet Russia and Iran are both involved militarily in the country - the latter with regular ground troops - to keep Assad in power. Russia and Turkey did manage to cool tensions recently. Yet the Turkish ground incursion into Syria increases the probability that tensions will re-emerge. Meanwhile, in Iraq, Erdogan has cast himself as a defender of Sunni Arabs and has suggested that Turkey still has a territorial claim to northern Iraq. This stance would put Ankara in direct confrontation with the Shia-dominated Iraqi government, allied with Iran. Turkey-NATO/EU tensions: Tensions have increased between Turkey and the EU over the migration deal they signed in March 2016. Turkey claims that the deal has stemmed the flow of migrants to Europe, which is dubious given that the flow abated well before the deal was struck. Since then, Turkey has threatened to open the spigot and let millions of Syrian refugees into Europe. This is likely a bluff as Turkey depends on European tourists, import demand, and FDI for hard currency (Chart 39). If Erdogan acted on his threat and unleashed Syrian refugees into Europe, the EU could abrogate the 1995 EU-Turkey customs union agreement and impose economic sanctions. The Turkish foray into the Middle East poses the chief risk of a "shooting war" that could impact global investors in 2017. While there are much greater geopolitical games afoot - such as increasing Sino-American tensions - this one is the most likely to produce military conflict between serious powers. It would be disastrous for Turkey. The broader point is that the redrawing of the Middle East map is not yet complete. As the Islamic State is defeated, the Sunni population of Iraq and Syria will remain at risk of Shia domination. As such, countries like Turkey and Saudi Arabia could be drawn into renewed proxy conflicts to prevent complete marginalization of the Sunni population. While tensions between Turkey, Russia, and Iran will not spill over into oil-producing regions of the Middle East, they may cloud Iraq's future. Since 2010, Iraq has increased oil production by 1.6 million barrels per day. This is about half of the U.S. shale production increase over the same time frame. As such, Iraq's production "surprise" has been a major contributor to the 2014-2015 oil-supply glut. However, Iraq needs a steady inflow of FDI in order to boost production further (Chart 40). Proxy warfare between Turkey, Russia, and Iran - all major conventional military powers - on its territory will go a long way to sour potential investors interested in Iraqi production. Chart 39Turkey Is Heavily Dependent On The EU Chart 40Iraq Is The Big, And Cheap, Hope This is a real problem for global oil supply. The International Energy Agency sees Iraq as a critical source of future global oil production. Chart 41 shows that Iraq is expected to contribute the second-largest increase in oil production by 2020. And given Iraq's low breakeven production cost, it may be the last piece of real estate - along with Iran - where the world can get a brand-new barrel of oil for under $13. In addition to the risk of expanding Turkish involvement in the region, investors will also have to deal with the headline risk of a hawkish U.S. administration pursuing diplomatic brinkmanship against Iran. We do not expect the Trump administration to abrogate the Iran nuclear deal due to several constraints. First, American allies will not go along with new sanctions. Second, Trump's focus is squarely on China. Third, the U.S. does not have alternatives to diplomacy, since bombing Iran would be an exceedingly complex operation that would bog down American forces in the Middle East. When we put all the risks together, a geopolitical risk premium will likely seep into oil markets in 2017. BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy argues that the physical oil market is already balanced (Chart 42) and that the OPEC deal will help draw down bloated inventories in 2017. This means that global oil spare capacity will be very low next year, with essentially no margin of safety in case of a major supply loss. Given the political risks of major oil producers like Nigeria and Venezuela, this is a precarious situation for the oil markets. Chart 41Iraq Really Matters For Global Oil Production Chart 42Oil Supply Glut Is Gone In 2017 Bottom Line: Given our geopolitical view of risks in the Middle East, balanced oil markets, lack of global spare capacity, the OPEC production cut, and ongoing capex reductions, we recommend clients to follow BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy view of expecting widening backwardation in the new year.37 U.S.-China: From Rivalry To Proxy Wars President-elect Trump has called into question the U.S.'s adherence to the "One China policy," which holds that "there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China" and that the U.S. recognizes only the People's Republic of China as the legitimate Chinese government. There is widespread alarm about Trump's willingness to use this policy, the very premise of U.S.-China relations since 1978, as a negotiating tool. And indeed, Sino-U.S. relations are very alarming, as we have warned our readers since 2012.38 Trump is a dramatic new agent reinforcing this trend. Trump's suggestion that the policy could be discarded - and his break with convention in speaking to the Taiwanese president - are very deliberate. Observe that in the same diplomatic document that establishes the One China policy, the United States and China also agreed that "neither should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region or in any other region." Trump is initiating a change in U.S. policy by which the U.S. accuses China of seeking hegemony in Asia, a violation of the foundation of their relationship. The U.S. is not seeking unilaterally to cancel the One China policy, but asking China to give new and durable assurances that it does not seek hegemony and will play by international rules. Otherwise, the U.S. is saying, the entire relationship will have to be revisited and nothing (not even Taiwan) will be off limits. The assurances that China is expected to give relate not only to trade, but also, as Trump signaled, to the South China Sea and North Korea. Therefore we are entering a new era in U.S-China relations. China Is Toast Asia Pacific is a region of frozen conflicts. Russia and Japan never signed a peace treaty. Nor did China and Taiwan. Nor did the Koreas. Why have these conflicts lain dormant over the past seventy years? Need we ask? Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong have seen their GDP per capita rise 14 times since 1950. China has seen its own rise 21 times (Chart 43). Since the wars in Vietnam over forty years ago, no manner of conflict, terrorism, or geopolitical crisis has fundamentally disrupted this manifestly beneficial status quo. As a result, Asia has been a region synonymous with economics - not geopolitics. It developed this reputation because its various large economies all followed Japan's path of dirigisme: export-oriented, state-backed, investment-led capitalism. This era of stability is over. The region has become the chief source of geopolitical risk and potential "Black Swan" events.39 The reason is deteriorating U.S.-China relations and the decline in China's integration with other economies. The Asian state-led economic model was underpinned by the Pax Americana. Two factors were foundational: America's commitment to free trade and its military supremacy. China was not technically an ally, like Japan and Korea, but after 1979 it sure looked like one in terms of trade surpluses and military spending (Chart 44).40 For the sake of containing the Soviet Union, the U.S. wrapped East Asia under its aegis. Chart 43The Twentieth Century Was Kind To East Asia Chart 44Asia Sells, America Rules It is well known, however, that Japan's economic model led it smack into a confrontation with the U.S. in the 1980s over its suppressed currency and giant trade surpluses. President Ronald Reagan's economic team forced Japan to reform, but the result was ultimately financial crisis as the artificial supports of its economic model fell away (Chart 45). Astute investors have always suspected that a similar fate awaited China. It is unsustainable for China to seize ever greater market share and drive down manufacturing prices without reforming its economy to match G7 standards, especially if it denies the U.S. access to its vast consumer market. Today there are signs that the time for confrontation is upon us: Since the Great Recession, U.S. household debt and Chinese exports have declined as a share of GDP, falling harder in the latter than the former, in a sign of shattered symbiosis (see Chart 8 above). Chinese holdings of U.S. Treasurys have begun to decline (Chart 46). China's exports to the U.S., both as a share of total exports and of GDP, have rolled over, and are at levels comparable to Japan's 1980s peaks (Chart 47). China is wading into high-tech and advanced industries, threatening the core advantages of the developed markets. The U.S. just elected a populist president whose platform included aggressive trade protectionism against China. Protectionist "Rust Belt" voters were pivotal to Trump's win and will remain so in future elections. China is apparently reneging on every major economic promise it has made in recent years: the RMB is depreciating, not appreciating, whatever the reason; China is closing, not opening, its capital account; it is reinforcing, not reforming, its state-owned companies; and it is shutting, not widening, access to its domestic market (Chart 48). Chart 45Japan's Crisis Followed Currency Spike Chart 46China Backing Away From U.S. Treasuries There is a critical difference between the "Japan bashing" of the 1980s-90s and the increasingly potent "China bashing" of today. Japan and the U.S. had established a strategic hierarchy in World War II. That is not the case for the U.S. and China in 2017. Unlike Japan, Korea, or any of the other Asian tigers, China cannot trust the United States to preserve its security. Far from it - China has no greater security threat than the United States. The American navy threatens Chinese access to critical commodities and export markets via the South China Sea. In a world that is evolving into a zero-sum game, these things suddenly matter. Chart 47The U.S. Will Get Tougher On China Trade Chart 48China Is De-Globalizing That means that when the Trump administration tries to "get tough" on longstanding American demands, these demands will not be taken as well-intentioned or trustworthy. We see Sino-American rivalry as the chief geopolitical risk to investors in 2017: Trump will initiate a more assertive U.S. policy toward China;41 It will begin with symbolic or minor punitive actions - a "shot across the bow" like charging China with currency manipulation or imposing duties on specific goods.42 It will be critical to see whether Trump acts arbitrarily through executive power, or systematically through procedures laid out by Congress. The two countries will proceed to a series of high-level, bilateral negotiations through which the Trump administration will aim to get a "better deal" from the Xi administration on trade, investment, and other issues. The key to the negotiations will be whether the Trump team settles for technical concessions or instead demands progress on long-delayed structural issues that are more difficult and risky for China to undertake. Too much pressure on the latter could trigger a confrontation and broader economic instability. Chart 49China's Demographic Dividend Is Gone The coming year may see U.S.-China relations start with a bang and end with a whimper, as Trump's initial combativeness gives way to talks. But make no mistake: Sino-U.S. rivalry and distrust will worsen over the long run. That is because China faces a confluence of negative trends: The U.S. is turning against it. Geopolitical problems with its periphery are worsening. It is at high risk of a financial crisis due to excessive leverage. The middle class is a growing political constraint on the regime. Demographics are now a long-term headwind (Chart 49). The Chinese regime will be especially sensitive to these trends because the Xi administration will want stability in the lead up to the CCP's National Party Congress in the fall, which promises to see at least some factional trouble.43 It no longer appears as if the rotation of party leaders will leave Xi in the minority on the Politburo Standing Committee for 2017-22, as it did in 2012.44 More likely, he will solidify power within the highest decision-making body. This removes an impediment to his policy agenda in 2017-22, though any reforms will still take a back seat to stability, since leadership changes and policy debates will absorb a great deal of policymakers' attention at all levels for most of the year.45 Xi will also put in place his successors for 2022, putting a cap on rumors that he intends to eschew informal term limits. Failing this, market uncertainty over China's future will explode upward. The midterm party congress will thus reaffirm the fact that China's ruling party and regime are relatively unified and centralized, and hence that China has relatively strong political capabilities for dealing with crises. Evidence does not support the popular belief that China massively stimulates the economy prior to five-year party congresses (Chart 50), but we would expect all means to be employed to prevent a major downturn. Chart 50Not Much Evidence Of Aggressive Stimulus Ahead Of Five-Year Party Congresses What this means is that the real risks of the U.S.-China relationship in 2017 will emanate from China's periphery. Asia's Frozen Conflicts Are Thawing Today the Trump administration seems willing to allow China to carve a sphere of influence - but it is entirely unclear whether and where existing boundaries would be redrawn. Here are the key regional dynamics:46 The Koreas: The U.S. and Japan are increasingly concerned about North Korea's missile advances but will find their attempts to deal with the problem blocked by China and likely by the new government in South Korea.47 U.S. threats of sanctioning China over North Korea will increase market uncertainty, as will South Korea's political turmoil and (likely) souring relations with the U.S. Taiwan: Taiwan's ruling party has very few domestic political constraints and therefore could make a mistake, especially when emboldened by an audacious U.S. leadership.48 The same combination could convince China that it has to abandon the post-2000 policy of playing "nice" with Taiwan.49 China will employ discrete sanctions against Taiwan. Hong Kong: Mainland forces will bring down the hammer on the pro-independence movement. The election of a new chief executive will appear to reinforce the status quo but in reality Beijing will tighten its legal, political, and security grip. Large protests are likely; political uncertainty will remain high.50 Japan: Japan will effectively receive a waiver from Trump's protectionism and will benefit from U.S. stimulus efforts; it will continue reflating at home in order to generate enough popular support to pass constitutional revisions in 2018; and it will not shy away from regional confrontations, since these will enhance the need for the hawkish defense component of the same revisions. Vietnam: The above issues may provide Vietnam with a chance to improve its strategic position at China's expense, whether by courting U.S. market access or improving its position in the South China Sea. But the absence of an alliance with the U.S. leaves it highly exposed to Chinese reprisals if it pushes too far. Russia: Russia will become more important to the region because its relations with the U.S. are improving and it may forge a peace deal with Japan, giving it more leverage in energy negotiations with China.51 This may also reinforce the view in Beijing that the U.S. is circling the wagons around China. What these dynamics have in common is the emergence of U.S.-China proxy conflicts. China has long suspected that the Obama administration's "Pivot to Asia" was a Cold War "containment" strategy. The fear is well-grounded but the reality takes time to materialize, which is what we will see playing out in the coming years. The reason we say "proxy wars" is because several American allies are conspicuously warming up to China: Thailand, the Philippines, and soon South Korea. They are not abandoning the U.S. but keeping their options open. The other ASEAN states also stand to benefit as the U.S. seeks economic substitutes for China while the latter courts their allegiance.52 The problem is that as U.S.-China tensions rise, these small states run greater risks in playing both sides. Bottom Line: The overarching investment implications of U.S.-China proxy wars all derive from de-globalization. China was by far the biggest winner of globalization and will suffer accordingly (Chart 51). But it will not be the biggest loser, since it is politically unified, its economy is domestically driven, and it has room to maneuver on policy. Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore are all chiefly at risk from de-globalization over the long run. Chart 51Globalization's Winners Will Be De-Globalization's Losers Japan is best situated to prosper in 2017. We have argued since well before the Bank of Japan's September monetary policy shift that unconventional reflation will continue, with geopolitics as the primary motivation for the country's "pedal to the metal" strategy.53 We will look to re-initiate our long Japanese equities position in early 2017. ASEAN countries offer an opportunity, though country-by-country fundamentals are essential. Brexit: The Three Kingdoms The striking thing about the Brexit vote's aftermath is that no recession followed the spike in uncertainty, no infighting debilitated the Tory party, and no reversal occurred in popular opinion. The authorities stimulated the economy, the people rallied around the flag (and ruling party), and the media's "Bregret" narrative flopped. That said, Brexit also hasn't happened yet.54 Formal negotiations with Europe begin in March, which means uncertainty will persist for much of the year as the U.K. and EU posture around their demands for a post-exit deal. However, improving growth prospects for Britain, Europe, and the U.S. all suggest that the negotiations are less likely to take place in an atmosphere of crisis. That does not mean that EU negotiators will be soft. With each successive electoral victory for the political establishment in 2017, the European negotiating position will harden. This will create a collision of Triumphant Tories and Triumphant Brussels. Still, the tide is not turning much further against the U.K. than was already the case, given how badly the U.K. needs a decent deal. Tightercontrol over the movement of people will be the core demand of Westminster, but it is not necessarily mutually exclusive with access to the common market. The major EU states have an incentive to compromise on immigration with the U.K. because they would benefit from tighter immigration controls that send highly qualified EU nationals away from the U.K. labor market and into their own. But the EU will exact a steep price for granting the U.K. the gist of what it wants on immigration and market access. This could be a hefty fee or - more troublingly for Britain - curbs on British financial-service access to euro markets. Though other EU states are not likely to exit, the European Council will not want to leave any doubt about the pain of doing so. The Tories may have to accept this outcome. Tory strength is now the Brexit voter base. That base is uncompromising on cutting immigration, and it is indifferent, or even hostile, to the City. So it stands to reason that Prime Minister Theresa May will sacrifice the U.K.'s financial sector in the coming negotiations. The bigger question is what happens to the U.K. economy in the medium and long term. First, it is unclear how the U.K. will revive productivity as lower labor-force growth and FDI, and higher inflation, take shape. Government "guidance" of the economy - dirigisme again - is clearly the Tory answer. But it remains to be seen how effectively it will be done. Second, what happens to the United Kingdom as a nation? Another Scottish independence referendum is likely after the contours of the exit deal take shape, especially as oil prices gin up Scottish courage to revisit the issue. The entire question of Scotland and Northern Ireland (both of which voted to stay in the EU) puts deeper constitutional and governmental restructuring on the horizon. Westminster is facing a situation where it drastically loses influence on the global stage as it not only exits the European "superstate" but also struggles to maintain a semblance of order among the "three kingdoms." Bottom Line: The two-year timeframe for exit negotiations ensures that posturing will ratchet up tensions and uncertainty throughout the year - invoking the abyss of a no-deal exit - but our optimistic outlook on the end-game (eventual "soft Brexit") suggests that investors should fade the various crisis points. That said, the pound is no longer a buy as it rises to around 1.30. Investment Views De-globalization, dirigisme, and the ascendancy of charismatic authority will all prove to be inflationary. On the margin, we expect less trade, less free movement of people, and more direct intervention in the economy. Given that these are all marginally more inflationary, it makes sense to expect the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," as our colleague Peter Berezin argued in July.55 That said, Peter does not expect the bond bull market to end in a crash - and neither do we. There are many macroeconomic factors that will continue to suppress global yields: the savings glut, search for yield, and economic secular stagnation. In addition, we expect peak multipolarity in 2017 and thus a rise in geopolitical conflict. This geopolitical context will keep the U.S. Treasury market well bid. However, clients may want to begin switching their safe-haven exposure to gold. In a recent research report on safe havens, we showed that gold and Treasurys have changed places as safe havens in the past.56 Only after 2000 did Treasurys start providing a good hedge to equity corrections due to geopolitical and financial risks. The contrary is true for gold - it acted as one of the most secure investments during corrections until that time, but has since become correlated with S&P 500 total returns. As deflationary risks abate in the future, we suspect that gold will return to its safe-haven status. In addition to safe havens, U.S. and global defense stocks will be well bid due to global multipolarity. We recommend that clients go long S&P 500 aerospace and defense relative to global equities on a strategic basis. We are also sticking with our tactical trade of long U.S. defense / short U.S. aerospace. On the equity front, we have closed our post-election bullish trade of long S&P 500 / short gold position for an 11.53% gain in just 22 days of trading. We are also closing our long S&P 600 / short S&P 100 position - a play on de-globalization - for an 8.4% gain. Instead, we are initiating a strategic long U.S. small caps / short U.S. large caps, recommended jointly with our colleague Anastasios Avgeriou of the BCA Global Alpha Sector Strategy. We are keeping our EuroStoxx VIX term-structure hedge due to mounting political risk in Europe. However, we are looking for an opening into European stocks in early 2017. For now, we are maintaining our long USD/EUR - return 4.2% since July - and long USD/SEK - return 2.25% since November. The first is a strategic play on our view that the ECB has to remain accommodative due to political risks in the European periphery. The latter is a way to articulate de-globalization via currencies, given that Sweden is one of the most open economies in the world. We are converting it from a tactical to a strategic recommendation. Finally, we are keeping our RMB short in place - via 12-month NDF. We do not think that Beijing will "blink" and defend its currency more aggressively just because Donald Trump is in charge of America. China is a much more powerful country than in the past, and cannot allow RMB appreciation at America's bidding. Our trade has returned 7.14% since December 2015. With the dollar bull market expected to continue and RMB depreciating, the biggest loser will be emerging markets. We are therefore keeping our strategic long DM / short EM recommendation, which has returned 56.5% since November 2012. We are particularly fond of shorting Brazilian and Turkish equities and are keeping both trades in place. However, we are initiating a long Russian equities / short EM equities. As an oil producer, Russia will benefit from the OPEC deal and the ongoing risks to Iraqi stability. In addition, we expect that removing sanctions against Russia will be on table for 2017. Europe will likely extend the sanctions for another six months, but beyond that the unity of the European position will be in question. And the United States is looking at a different approach. We wish our clients all the best in health, family, and investing in 2017. Thank you for your confidence in BCA's Geopolitical Strategy. Marko Papic Senior Vice President Matt Gertken Associate Editor Jesse Anak Kurri Research Analyst 1 In Michel Foucault's famous The Order of Things (1966), he argues that each period of human history has its own "episteme," or set of ordering conditions that define that epoch's "truth" and discourse. The premise is comparable to Thomas Kuhn's notion of "paradigms," which we have referenced in previous Strategic Outlooks. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2012," dated January 27, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2013," dated January 16, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think," dated October 4, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Underestimating Sino-American Tensions," dated November 6, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, and "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2014 - Stay The Course: EM Risk - DM Reward," dated January 23, 2014, and Special Report, "The Coming Bloodbath In Emerging Markets," dated August 12, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Stairway To (Safe) Haven: Investing In Times Of Crisis," dated August 25, 2016, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Multipolarity And Investing," dated April 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 A military-security strategy necessary for British self-defense that also preserved peace on the European continent by undermining potential aggressors. 11 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Trump And Trade," dated December 8, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "De-Globalization," dated November 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see Max Weber, "The Three Types Of Legitimate Rule," Berkeley Publications in Society and Institutions 4 (1): 1-11 (1958). Translated by Hans Gerth. Originally published in German in the journal Preussische Jahrbücher 182, 1-2 (1922). 16 We do not concern ourselves with traditional authority here, but the obvious examples are Persian Gulf monarchies. 17 Please see Francis Fukuyama, Political Order And Political Decay (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2014). See also our review of this book, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Transformative Vs. Transactional Leadership," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see Irving Fisher, "The Debt-deflation Theory of Great Depressions," Econometrica 1(4) (1933): 337-357, available at fraser.stlouisfed.org. 20 Please see Milanovic, Branko, "Global Income Inequality by the Numbers: in History and Now," dated November 2012, Policy Research Working Paper 6250, World Bank, available at worldbank.org. 21 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 22 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints And Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 In some way, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy was designed precisely to fill this role. It is difficult to see what would be the point of this service if our clients could get unbiased, investment-relevant, prescient, high-quality geopolitical news and analysis from the press. 24 Please see BCA European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Roller Coaster," dated March 31, 2016, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 25 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst, "Europe's Geopolitical Gambit: Relevance Through Integration," dated November 2011, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 26 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "After BREXIT, N-EXIT?" dated July 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 27 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "Will Marine Le Pen Win?" dated November 16, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 28 Despite winning an extraordinary six of the 13 continental regions in France in the first round, FN ended up winning zero in the second round. This even though the election occurred after the November 13 terrorist attack that ought to have buoyed the anti-migration, law and order, anti-establishment FN. The regional election is an instructive case of how the French two-round electoral system enables the establishment to remain in power. 29 Please see BCA European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Italy: Asking The Wrong Question," dated December 1, 2016, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 30 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Europe's Divine Comedy: Italian Inferno," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 31 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Cold War Redux?" dated March 12, 2014, and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Russia: To Buy Or Not To Buy?" dated March 20, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 32 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Russia-West Showdown: The West, Not Putin, Is The 'Wild Card,'" dated July 31, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 33 Please see BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Russia's Trilemma And The Coming Power Paralysis," dated February 21, 2012, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 34 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Middle East: Saudi-Iranian Tensions Have Peaked," in Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 35 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Scared Yet? Five Black Swans For 2016," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 36 President Erdogan, speaking at the first Inter-Parliamentary Jerusalem Platform Symposium in Istanbul in November 2016, said that Turkey "entered [Syria] to end the rule of the tyrant al-Assad who terrorizes with state terror... We do not have an eye on Syrian soil. The issue is to provide lands to their real owners. That is to say we are there for the establishment of justice." 37 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "2017 Commodity Outlook: Energy," dated December 8, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 38 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Power And Politics In East Asia: Cold War 2.0?" dated September 25, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 39 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think," dated October 4, 2013, and "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 40 In recent years, however, China's "official" defense budget statistics have understated its real spending, possibly by as much as half. 41 Please see "U.S. Election Update: Trump, Presidential Powers, And Investment Implications" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Socialism Put," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 42 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 43 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 44 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "China: Two Factions, One Party - Part II," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 45 The National Financial Work Conference will be one key event to watch for an updated reform agenda. 46 Please see "East Asia: Tensions Simmer ... Will They Boil?" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Partem Mirabilis," dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 47 Please see "North Korea: A Red Herring No More?" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Partem Mirabilis," dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 48 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Scared Yet? Five Black Swans For 2016," dated February 10, 2016, and "Taiwan's Election: How Dire Will The Straits Get?" dated January 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 49 The Trump administration has signaled a policy shift through Trump's phone conversation with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen. The "One China policy" is the foundation of China-Taiwan relations, and U.S.-China relations depend on Washington's acceptance of it. The risk, then, is not so much an overt change to One China, a sure path to conflict, but the dynamic described above. 50 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Hong Kong: From Politics To Political Economy," dated September 8, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 51 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Can Russia Import Productivity From China?" dated June 29, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 52 Please see "Thailand: Upgrade Stocks To Overweight And Go Long THB Versus KRW" in BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "The EM Rally: Running Out Of Steam?" dated October 19, 2016, and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Philippine Elections: Taking The Shine Off Reform," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 53 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Japan: The Emperor's Act Of Grace," dated June 8, 2016, and "Unleash The Kraken: Debt Monetization And Politics," dated September 26, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 54 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit," dated September 16, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 55 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 56 Please see Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Stairway To (Safe) Haven: Investing In Times Of Crisis," dated August 15, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights This week we elaborate on the issues that we believe will be critical to investors going into 2017: Feature 1. Is China beginning to export inflation? Not yet. As long as the RMB depreciates faster than the rate of domestic inflation, China will be exporting deflation to the rest of the world. 2. Is the selloff in so-called search-for-yield beneficiaries over? Most likely not. There is still meaningful upside in global bond yields as well as downside in prices of bond proxies and search-for-yield beneficiaries. 3. Will China recover or will it have another growth slump in 2017? China's industrial cycle will be topping out in the next couple of months and will relapse thereafter. 4. Will strong U.S./DM growth lift EM economies in 2017? Not really. EM will continue to be driven by its domestic credit cycle and commodities prices. If anything, higher U.S. interest rates and a strong U.S. dollar are bearish for both the EM credit cycle and commodities prices. Overall, we expect EM stocks, currencies, credit markets and domestic bonds to sell off and underperform their U.S./DM peers well into 2017. Is China Beginning To Export Inflation? With various inflation measures in China rising (Chart I-1A and Chart I-1B), the key question is whether China will soon export inflation rather than deflation to the rest of the world. Chart I-1AInflation In RMB Terms, ##br##Deflation In USD Terms Chart I-1BInflation In RMB Terms, ##br##Deflation In USD Terms Investors often confuse domestic inflation in China with China exporting inflation beyond its borders. The missing link is the exchange rate. Because of the yuan's depreciation, China is still exporting deflation, even though its domestic inflation rate is rising. Specifically: Chinese core consumer price inflation, consumer services inflation and ex-factory producer price inflation are all negative in U.S. dollar terms even though they are accelerating in local currency terms (Chart I-1A and Chart I-1B). Importantly, Chinese export prices and U.S. import prices from China are deflating in U.S. dollar terms but rising in RMB terms (Chart I-2). A rise in input costs in China has, so far, not translated into higher U.S. dollar prices of mainland goods shipped overseas. The reason is that the RMB's depreciation has allowed export companies to reduce U.S. dollar prices while receiving more RMBs per a unit. In China, labor compensation and unit labor costs are rising much faster in RMB terms than in U.S. dollar terms due to the currency's depreciation (Chart I-3). Chart I-2Chinese Export Prices ##br##Are Not Rising In USD Terms Chart I-3Chinese Unit Labor Costs ##br##Are Rising In RMB But Not In USD Income per capita (a proxy for employee compensation) is growing at an annual rate of 8% in nominal RMB terms, 6% in real (inflation-adjusted) terms and 2.5% in U.S. dollar terms (Chart I-4). Hence, the RMB's depreciation over the past year has reduced the pace of labor cost increases to Chinese producers in U.S. dollar terms. This has allowed producers to tolerate lower selling prices in U.S. dollars. Finally, there is thus far no evidence worldwide that tradable manufacturing goods (non-commodities) prices are rising. Specifically, Korean and Taiwanese export prices as well as manufactured export goods prices in Mexico have stabilized but are not yet rising (Chart I-5). Chart I-4Income Growth: ##br##Nominal, Real Terms & In USD Chart I-5Global Manufacturing ##br##Goods Prices: No Inflation Yet Bottom Line: Even though domestic price inflation has risen, China's export prices are still falling in U.S. dollar terms. The exchange rate is the key: As and if the RMB depreciates much further - and we expect it to depreciate 12% versus the greenback and to reach USD/CNH 7.8 by the end of 2017 - China will still be exporting deflation to the rest of the world. Is The Selloff In Search-For-Yield Beneficiaries Over? The selloff in so-called search-for-yield beneficiaries - trades that have in recent years benefited from a low interest rate environment globally - will likely persist in the first few months of 2017. Back in July,1 we argued that U.S./DM bond yields were set to rise considerably. Currently, we still expect bond yields to climb further. We believe there is still prevailing investor complacency about U.S./global bond yields as well as bond proxies elsewhere. U.S. bond yields in general, and inflation-adjusted (TIPS) yields in particular, are still very depressed and could rise meaningfully (Chart I-6). There is no reason why 5- and 10-year TIPS yields cannot reach their late 2015 levels - a move of about 30-50 basis points from current levels. At the moment, the market is pricing only 52 basis points in Federal Reserve rate hikes in 2017. This is not enough as animal spirits are rising in America at a time when the labor market is tight, and wages and unit labor costs are accelerating. All of this combined warrants meaningfully higher U.S. bond yields. Critically, in recent years a lot of money has flown into funds that invest in bonds and bond proxies. As U.S. bond yields rise, it is natural to expect some outflows from these funds. Odds are that these outflows could occur in January when many investors review their portfolios. Bond proxies such U.S. dividend aristocrat stocks, U.S. REITs, utilities and telecom share prices have barely corrected. EM local currency bond yield spreads over duration-matched U.S. Treasurys have not widened at all (Chart I-7, top panel). This does not make sense, as EM local bonds have benefited substantially from the so-called global search-for-yield of the past several years, and thereby should suffer meaningfully as U.S. bond yields are rising. Besides, EM currencies have weakened, and their outlook is worrisome.2 In fact, the EM local currency bond index has massively underperformed duration-matched U.S. Treasurys in common currency terms, and will likely continue to do so in the next six months (Chart I-7, bottom panel). Asian corporate spreads in general, and Chinese offshore corporate spreads in particular, have not widened yet (Chart I-8, top panel). More importantly, Chinese offshore corporate spreads over sovereigns have continued to narrow, and now stand at only 65 basis points (Chart I-8, bottom panel). In sum, there has so far been little setback in Asia/China credit markets. Chart I-6U.S. TIPS ##br##Yields Are Too Low Chart I-7EM Local Currency Bond ##br##Yields To Rise Much Further Chart I-8Asian And Chinese ##br##Corporate Spreads Are Too Low It would be strange if after years of blind search-for-yield there is no meaningful retrenchment in search-for-yield beneficiaries as U.S. bond yields shoot up. Finally, the S&P 500 is making new highs, indicating U.S. bond yields have not yet become restrictive. Odds are that U.S. bond yields will continue to rise until they hurt economic growth or the S&P 500. In other words, bond yields will likely overshoot before rolling over. Bottom Line: The path of least resistance for U.S. bond yields remains up. Hence, the current selloff in global bonds, bond proxies and search-for-yield beneficiaries will continue. China: Another Growth Slump In 2017? From our investor meetings on both the east and west coasts of the U.S. over the past month, we got a sense that investor sentiment toward China has improved considerably. While many U.S. investors are not upbeat about China's long-term outlook, the majority have seemingly become complacent on mainland growth for 2017. The common viewpoint is that ahead of Communist party leadership changes at the Party Congress next fall, the authorities will ensure that growth conditions remain very firm. As a result, the reasoning goes that China-related plays will do well in 2017. The missing point, however, is that Chinese policymakers have lately been marginally tightening liquidity/credit conditions amid the lingering credit bubble, and are no longer easing policy. On a rate-of-change basis, this policy stance no longer supports growth acceleration. On the contrary, it warrants a top-out in the nation's industrial cycle in early 2017 and probably a slowdown later in 2017. Chart I-9Interbank Liquidity Tightening In China Not only have Chinese corporate bond yields climbed alongside rising global bond yields, but the People's Bank of China (PBoC) has also tightened liquidity in the interbank market for non-bank financial institutions (Chart I-9). This is intended to limit speculative activities among non-bank financial organizations (shadow banking). This policy move is consistent with PBoC Governor Zhou Xiaochuan's statement this past October at the annual World Bank/IMF meetings in Washington, namely: "With the gradual recovery of the global economy, China will control its credit growth."3 As U.S. and European growth is firming up, Chinese policymakers will be emboldened to moderate unsustainable credit growth and not repeat the massive fiscal push of early this year. In a bid to curb excessive bank credit growth and discourage "window dressing" accounting, the PBoC announced in late October that going forward it will include off-balance-sheet wealth management products (WMPs) in the calculation of banks' quarterly Macro Prudential Assessment ratios, starting from the third quarter.4 The clampdown on WMP accounting will reduce banks' capital adequacy ratios, curbing their ability to originate loans. Finally, property market tightening measures implemented of late are expected to lead to a slowdown in sales and renewed contraction in property starts. This will depress Chinese construction and demand for industrial commodities/materials as well as capital goods. Notably, both credit and fiscal impulses in China have already peaked over (Chart I-10). With no major new fiscal spending initiatives and credit growth gradually moderating, the credit and fiscal impulses will likely diminish. Chart I-11 illustrates that the recovery in industrial electricity consumption (a reliable proxy for industrial activity), industrial profits and manufacturing PMI since early this year has been largely due to combined credit and fiscal impulses. As these impulses wane, the industrial cycle will roll over. Chart I-10China: Credit And Fiscal ##br##Impulses Have Petered Out Chart I-11China: Industrial Sector ##br##Growth To Peter Out In Early 2017 Some clients may wonder why we are placing so much emphasis on the pending rollover of credit and fiscal impulses now, while placing little emphasis on these same indicators in early in 2016 when they were recovering. The rationale is as follows: when there is a credit bubble - as there is in China now - we tend to downplay the importance of policy easing and put more significance on policy tightening. The opposite also holds true: when the credit/banking system is healthy, we tend to downplay the impact of moderate policy tightening and put greater emphasis on policy easing. In a credit bubble, it does not take much tightening to trigger a downtrend/unwind of excesses. Similarly, moderate tightening in a healthy credit system should not be feared. While base metals prices have surged, tracking improvement in China's industrial sector, there is little evidence that the magnitude of this rally is justified by improvement in underlying demand. Chart I-12 demonstrates that China's imports of base metals have been flat since 2010, with all swings due to inventory cycles. The mainland's iron ore consumption has also been mediocre since late 2014 (Chart I-12, bottom panel). The recent rally in copper and other base metals prices is somewhat, though not entirely, due to financial demand. Chart I-13 reveals that commercial firms (producers) have been selling (shorting) copper while financial investors (non-commercial enterprises) have been buying according to data from Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC). Copper prices are now sitting at their long-term moving average that often marks tops in bear market rallies and bottoms in bull market selloffs (Chart I-13, bottom panel). We expect copper prices to face a major resistance at their current levels, and relapse sooner than later. The U.S. consumes about seven times less copper and other industrial metals compared with China. Therefore, acceleration in U.S. growth and capital spending will be more than offset by a renewed slump in Chinese growth. Several Chinese and China-related financial markets are at a critical juncture (Chart I-14). Their breakdown from current levels will confirm our bias that China's industrial cycle will enter another slump in 2017. Chart I-12China: Net Imports Of Industrial ##br##Metals And Iron Ore Consumption Chart I-13Copper Rally Is Driven ##br##By Financial Demand Chart I-14China Related Plays ##br##Are At A Critical Juncture Bottom Line: China's industrial/capital spending cycle will peter out and will decelerate again in 2017. Will Strong DM Growth Lift EM Economies? Strengthening/robust growth in the U.S. and other developed economies will not be sufficient to lift EM growth. First, in the 1997-98 period, real GDP growth was 4.5% in the U.S. and 3.5% in Europe. In particular, U.S. import volume growth was booming at a double-digit pace (Chart I-15) yet it did not prevent widespread crises throughout the EM during this period. In a nutshell, these 1997-98 crises occurred amid plunging U.S./DM bond yields. Chart I-15The U.S. Growth/Import Boom In 1997-98 Did Not Preclude EM Crises Given the economic boom and falling bond yields in the U.S. and Europe did not prevent the 1997-98 EM financial crises, strong U.S./DM growth now is unlikely to help developing countries much. The importance of U.S. and European economies to EM has declined tremendously since the late 1990s, while the importance of China and intra-EM trade has grown. U.S. import volumes have been weak the past 12 months and will likely recover in 2017, yet this will not be enough to prevent an EM growth slump. The EM crises in 1997-98 were due to poor EM fundamentals and the latter are not much better now. Second, EM growth is primarily driven by the domestic credit cycle and commodities prices. We are bearish on both. Chart I-16 shows EM EPS growth and the aggregate EM credit impulse with projections. Assuming credit growth in each individual EM country converges with its nominal GDP growth in the next 12 months, and in China's case in the next 24 months, the 2017 projected EM credit impulse (equity market cap-weighted) will be negative. Historically, the credit impulse has been a good indicator for EPS (Chart I-16).5 Chart I-16EM EPS Growth To Relapse Again In 2017 In short, EM EPS will improve in the near-term but relapse later in 2017. Share prices are forward looking and their rally early this year is probably already discounting near-term EPS improvement. Thereby, EM share prices are at risk at the moment. Third, real capital spending (inflation-adjusted) in EM ex-China and China is as large as the U.S. and EU (Chart I-17). As the capital spending downturn in China and the rest of EM persists (Chart I-18), this will offset any capex recovery in DM and weigh on commodities, primarily industrial metals, as well as global machinery stocks. Chart I-17Capital Spending By Regions: ##br##EM/China As Large As U.S. And EU Chart I-18EM Ex-China Capex ##br##Has Been Contracting Bottom Line: EM growth will disappoint and EM listed companies' EPS will continue shrinking in 2017, despite the likely profit improvement in the very near term. 2017: The Beginning Of The End Of The EM Bear? Chart I-19 illustrates that this relative equity bear market in EM versus DM is getting late from a duration standpoint. That said, the magnitude of this bear market has been smaller compared with the previous one. Although we do not expect EM stocks to underperform as much as they did in the previous cycle, we still believe there is sizable downside in the months ahead. In short, EM share prices appear very vulnerable technically (Chart I-20), and will likely relapse in absolute terms and also underperform DM markets. Investors should stay short/underweight EM equities versus DM. Chart I-19The EM Bear Market Is Late But Not Over Chart I-20EM Stocks Are Technically Vulnerable For dedicated EM equity investors, our overweights are Korea, Taiwan, China, India, Thailand, Russia and central Europe. Our underweights are Malaysia, Indonesia, Turkey, Brazil and Peru. EM bank stocks hold the key, and their underperformance versus DM banks has further to run. Maintain the short EM banks / long U.S. banks equity position. EM currencies will depreciate further (odds of new lows are considerable for many of them) and local currency bonds will sell off. In our November 30 Weekly Report,6 we discussed the outlooks for EM local bond markets and exchange rates at great length, and offered asset allocation recommendations across EM local bond markets. EM sovereign and corporate credit spreads will widen versus U.S. corporate spreads. Stay underweight EM credit markets. Within EM sovereign credit, our overweights are Russia, Mexico and Argentina, Hungary, Peru and other defensive credit. In turn, our underweights are South Africa, Turkey, Brazil, Indonesia and Malaysia. As usual, the complete list of our equity, fixed-income and currency recommendations is available at the end of each week's report (please refer to pages 16 and 17). Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy & Frontier Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Reports, dated July 13 and July 27, 2016; available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, titled " Will The Carnage In EM Local Bonds Persist?," dated November 30, 2016; a link is available on page 18. 3 Please see http://www.pbc.gov.cn/goutongjiaoliu/113456/113469/3155686/index.html 4 Please see http://www.pbc.gov.cn/goutongjiaoliu/113456/113469/3183204/index.html 5 For more details, please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, titled "Gauging EM/China Credit Impulses," dated August 31, 2016; a link is available on page 18. 6 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, titled " Will The Carnage In EM Local Bonds Persist?," dated November 30, 2016; a link is available on page 18. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

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President-elect Trump and the specter of his spendthrift policy proposals have generated significant client interest/inquiries on equities and inflation - not asset prices, but of the more traditional kind: consumer price inflation. Chart 1 shows that a little bit of inflation would be positive for the broad equity market, further fueling the high-risk, liquidity-driven blow off phase. However, when inflation has reached 3.7%-4% in the past, the broad equity market has stumbled (Chart 2). Sizeable tax cuts, increased infrastructure and defense spending (i.e. loose fiscal policy), protectionism and a tougher stance on immigration are inherently inflationary policies (and bond price negative) ceteris paribus. Chart 1A Whiff Of Inflation##br## Is Good For Stocks... Chart 2...But Too Much ##br##Is Restrictive However, our working assumption is that in the next 9-12 months, CPI headline inflation will only renormalize, rather than surge. Importantly, the magnitude and timing of the implementation of Trump's policy pledges is unknown. Moreover, the Fed's reaction function is also uncertain, and the resulting economic growth and U.S. dollar impact will be critical in determining whether any lasting inflation acceleration occurs. Table 1 For global inflation to take root beyond the short term, Europe and Japan would also have to follow Canada's and America's fiscal largesse to swing the global deflation/inflation pendulum toward sustained inflation. The Fed's Reaction Function Our sense is that a Yellen-led Fed will allow for some inflation overshoot to materialize. This view was originally posited in her 2012 "optimal control"1 speech and more recently reiterated with her mid-October speech emphasizing "temporarily running a "high-pressure economy," with robust aggregate demand and a tight labor market."2 The Fed has credible tools to deal with inflation. If economic growth does not soar, but rather sustains its post-GFC steady 2-2.5% real GDP growth profile as we expect, then taking some inflation risk is a high-probability. The implication is that the Fed will likely not rush to abruptly tighten monetary policy, a view confirmed by the bond market , which is penciling in only 40bps for 2017 (Chart 3). A sustainable breakout in bond yields would require inflation (and to a lesser extent real GDP growth) to significantly surprise to the upside and thus compel the Fed to aggressively raise the fed funds rate. Is that on the horizon? While wage inflation has perked up, unit labor cost inflation has a spotty track record in terms of leading core consumer goods prices. Why? About 20% of the CPI and PCE inflation baskets are produced abroad, underscoring that domestic costs are not a factor in setting prices. There is a tighter correlation between unit labor costs and service sector inflation, but even here there is not a consistent relationship (Chart 4). Consequently, there is minimal pressure on the Fed to get aggressive, suggesting that most of the cyclical back up in long-term yields may have already occurred. Chart 3Fed Will Be Late, As Always Chart 4Wage And CPI Inflation Often Diverge The 1960s Analogy The 1960s period provides an instructive guide for today. Then, an extremely tight labor market and a positive output gap was initially ignored by the Fed, i.e. the economy was allowed to overheat (Chart 5). This ultimately led to the surge of inflation in the 1970s, especially given the then highly unionized labor market (see appendix Chart A1). While there are similarities between the current backdrop and the 1960s, namely an extended business cycle, full employment, narrowing output gap, easy monetary and a path to easing fiscal policies, and rising money multiplier, there are also striking differences. At the current juncture, wage inflation is half of what it was in the mid-1960s. Even unit labor costs heated up to over 8% back then, nearly four times the current level. Chart 5The 1960's... Chart 6... And Today Full employment has only been recently attained (Chart 6) and in order to pose a long-term inflation worry, it would have to stay near 5% for another three years. True, the output gap is almost closed, and is forecast to turn marginally positive in 2017/2018, but much will depend on the timing of fiscal stimulus. Industrial production has diverged negatively from the output gap of late, suggesting that excess capacity still lingers in some parts of the economy (Chart 7). The upshot is that inflationary pressures may stay contained for some time, especially if the U.S. dollar continues to firm. The global environment remains marked by deficient demand, not scarce resources. Chart 8 shows that the NFIB survey of the small business sector has a good track record in leading core inflation. The survey shows that businesses are still finding it difficult to lift selling prices. That is confirmed by deflation in the retail price deflator. Chart 7Divergent Economic Slack Messages Chart 8Pricing Power Trouble Finally, while the money multiplier has troughed, it would have to jump to a level of 4.9 to parallel the 1960s (Chart 9). This is a tall order and it would really require the Fed to very aggressively wind down its balance sheet. Chart 9Monitoring The Money Multiplier Therefore, a 1960s repeat would be a tail risk, and not our base case forecast. What About The Greenback? Chart 10 shows that inflation decelerates during U.S. dollar bull markets. Our Foreign Exchange Strategy service believes that the currency has more cyclical upside3, given that it has not yet overshot on a valuation basis and interest rate differentials will favor the U.S. for the foreseeable future. Accordingly, it may be difficult for inflation to rise on a sustained basis. Chart 10Appreciating Dollar Is##br## Always Disinflationary So What? Accelerating inflation is a modest risk, but not our base case forecast. Nevertheless, for investors that are more worried about the prospect of higher inflation, the purpose of this Special Report is to serve as an equity sector positioning roadmap if inflationary pressures become more acute sooner than we anticipate. Historically, inflation has been synonymous with an aggressive Fed and hard asset outperformance, suggesting that deep cyclical sectors would be primary beneficiaries. Table 1 on Page 2 shows that over the last six major inflationary cycles, energy, materials, real estate and health care have been consistent outperformers. Utilities, tech and telecom have been clear underperformers. The remaining sectors have been a mixed bag. However, this cycle, potential growth is much lower than in the past, underscoring that the hit to overall profits from tighter monetary policy could be pronounced, potentially undermining equity market risk premiums. If inflation rises too quickly and the Fed hits the economic brakes, then it is hard to envision cyclical sectors putting in a strong market performance, especially given their high debt loads and shaky balance sheets, i.e. they are at the epicenter of corporate sector vulnerability if interest rates rise too quickly. Owning shaky balance sheets in a sluggish global economy is a strategy fraught with risk. On the flipside, the recent knee jerk sell off in more defensive sectors represents a reversal of external capital flows, and is not representative of an underlying vulnerability in their earnings prospects. As a result of this shift, valuations now favor more defensive sectors by a wide margin. Ultimately, we expect relative profit trends to dictate relative performance on a cyclical investment horizon, and are not rushing to position our portfolio for accelerating inflation. Anastasios Avgeriou, Vice President Global Alpha Sector Strategy anastasios@bcaresearch.com 1 https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/yellen20120411a.htm 2 https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/yellen20161014a.htm 3 https://fes.bcaresearch.com/articles/view_report/20812 Health Care (Overweight) Health care stocks have consistently outperformed during the six inflationary periods we studied. Over the long haul it has paid to overweight this sector given the structural uptrend in relative share prices. Spending on health care services is non-cyclical and demand for such services is also on a secular rise around the globe: in the developed markets driven largely by the aging population and in the emerging markets by the adoption of health care safety nets (Chart 11). Health care pricing power is expanding at a healthy clip, outshining overall CPI. Importantly, recent geopolitical uncertainty had cast a shadow on the sector's pricing power prospects that suffered from a constant derating. Now that political and pricing power uncertainty is lifting, a rerating looms. Finally, the health care sector's dividend yield allure is the lowest among defensive sectors and remains 44bps below the broad market, somewhat insulating the sector from the inflation driven selloff in the bond market (Chart 12). Chart 11Health Care Chart 12Health Care Consumer Staples (Overweight) Similar to the health care sector, consumer staples stocks have been stellar outperformers over the past 55 years. The sector's track record during the six inflationary periods we studied is split down the middle. Most consumer staples companies are global conglomerates and their efforts have been focused on building global consumer brands, allowing them to implement a stickier pricing strategy. As a result, overall inflation/deflation pressures are more benign (Chart 13). Relative consumer staples pricing power is expanding and has been in an uptrend for the past five years. As the U.S. dollar has been in a bull market since 2011, short-circuiting the commodity super cycle, consumer staples manufacturers have been beneficiaries of falling commodity input costs. The implication is that profit margins have been expanding due to both rising pricing power and lower input costs (Chart 14). Chart 13Consumer Staples Chart 14Consumer Staples Telecom Services (Overweight - High Conviction) Relative telecom services performance and inflation appear broadly inversely correlated since the early 1970s, underperforming 60% of the time when core PCE prices accelerate. Importantly, in two of the periods we studied (during the late-70s and the TMT bubble) the drawdowns were massive, skewing the mean results portrayed in Table 1 on page 2. This fixed income proxy sector tends to suffer in times of inflation as competing assets dilute its yield appeal and vice versa (Chart 15). Telecom services pricing power has been declining over time as the government deregulated this once monopolistic industry. As more entrants forayed into the sector boosting competition, pricing power erosion accelerated. While relative sector pricing power has been mostly mired in deflation with a few rare expansionary spurts, there is an offset as the industry has entered a less volatile selling price backdrop: communications equipment costs are also constantly sinking (they represent a major input cost), counterbalancing the industry's profit margin outlook (Chart 16). Chart 15Telecom Services Chart 16Telecom Services Consumer Discretionary (Overweight) While the overall trend in consumer discretionary stocks has been higher since the mid-1970s, relative performance mostly declines during inflationary times. Consumer spending takes the backseat as a performance driver when interest rates rise on the back of higher inflation. In addition, previous inflationary periods have also coincided with surging energy prices, representing another source of diminishing consumer discretionary purchasing power (Chart 17). Consumer discretionary selling prices are expanding relative to overall wholesale price inflation, but they have been losing some steam of late. Were energy prices to sustain their recent cyclical advance, as BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy service expects, that would represent a minor headwind to discretionary outlays. True, the tightening in monetary conditions could also be a risk, but we doubt the Yellen-led Fed would slam on the brakes at a time when the greenback is close to 15 year highs. The latter continues to suppress import prices and act as a tailwind to consumer spending and more than offsetting the energy and interest rate headwinds (Chart 18). Chart 17Consumer Discretionary Chart 18Consumer Discretionary Real Estate (Overweight) REITs have been outperforming the overall market during the five inflationary periods we analyzed, exemplifying their hard asset profile. While the 1976-81 iteration skewed the mean results, REITs still come out with the third best showing among the top eleven sectors even on median return basis (see Table 1 on page 2). Real estate prices tend to appreciate when inflation is accelerating, because landlords have consistently raised rents at least on a par with inflation (Chart 19). REITs pricing power has outpaced overall CPI. Apartment REITs rental inflation has been on a tear since the GFC, and the multi-family construction boom will eventually act as a restraint. The selloff in the bond market represents another risk to REITs relative returns as this index falls under the fixed income proxied equity basket, but the sector is now attractively valued (Chart 20). Chart 19Real Estate Chart 20Real Estate Energy (Neutral) The energy sector comes out on top of the median relative return results in times of inflation, and second best in average terms (Table 1 on page 2). Oil price surges are typically synonymous with other forms of inflation. During the six inflationary periods we analyzed, all but one period were associated with relative share price outperformance. Oil producers in particular benefit from the increase in the underlying commodity almost immediately (assuming little to no hedging), which also serves as an excellent inflation hedge (Chart 21). While relative energy pricing power had stabilized following the tumultuous GFC, Saudi Arabia's decision in late 2014 to refrain from balancing the oil market triggered a plunge in oil prices, similar to the mid-1980s collapse. The OPEC deal reached last week to curtail oil production should rebalance the market more quickly, assuming OPEC cheating will be limited, removing downside price risks. Nevertheless, any oil price acceleration to the $60/bbl level will likely prove self-limiting, as supply will come to the market and producers would rush to lock in prices by hedging forward (Chart 22). Chart 21Energy Chart 22Energy Financials (Neutral) Financials relative returns are neither hot nor cold when inflation rears its ugly head. In fact they sit in the middle of the pack in terms of relative median and mean returns. This lack of consistency reflects different factors that exerted significant influence in some of these inflationary periods. Moreover, Chart 23 shows that relative share prices have been mean reverting since the 1960s, likely blurring the inflation influence. Ultimately, the yield curve, credit growth and credit quality determine the path of least resistance for the relative share price ratio of this early cyclical sector. Financials sector pricing power has jumped by about 400bps over the past 18 months. Given the recent steepening of the yield curve, the odds are high that sector pricing power will remain firm via rising net interest margins. Any easing in the regulatory backdrop could also provide a fillip to margins (Chart 24). Chart 23Financials Chart 24Financials Utilities (Neutral) Utilities relative returns during inflationary bouts are the second worst among the top eleven sectors on an average basis and dead last on a median return basis. In five out of the six inflationary phases we examined, utilities stocks suffered a setback. The industry's lack of economic leverage and fixed income attributes anchor the relative share price ratio during inflationary times (Chart 25). Our utilities sector pricing power proxy has sprung to life recently moderately outpacing overall inflation. Natural gas prices, the industry's marginal price setter, have experienced a V-shaped recovery since the March trough, as excess inventories have been whittled down, signaling that recent pricing power gains have more upside. Nevertheless, the recent inflation driven jack up in interest rates has dealt a blow to this high dividend yielding defensive sector. Barring a sustained selloff in the bond market at least a technical rebound in relative share prices is looming (Chart 26). Chart 25Utilities Chart 26Utilities Tech (Underweight) Technology stocks have underperformed every time inflation has accelerated with two exceptions, in the mid-to-late 1960s and mid-to-late 1970s. Creative destruction forces in the tech industry are inherently deflationary. As a result, tech business models have evolved to thrive during disinflationary periods. Moreover, tech stocks have become more mature than typically perceived, having more stable cash flows and paying dividends. The implication is that the negative correlation with inflation will likely remain in place (Chart 27). Tech companies are constantly mired in deflation. While relative pricing power has been in an uptrend since 2011, it has recently relapsed into the deflationary zone. Worrisomely, deflation pressures are likely to intensify as the U.S. dollar appreciates, eating into the sector's earnings growth prospects. Finally, as a reminder, among the top eleven sectors tech stocks have the highest international sales exposure (Chart 28). Chart 27Tech Chart 28Tech Industrials (Underweight - High Conviction) The industrials sector tends to outperform during inflationary periods. In fact, relative share prices have risen 50% of the time since the mid-1960s when inflation was accelerating. The two oil shocks in the 1970s raised the profile of all commodity-related sectors as investors were scrambling to find reliable inflation hedges (Chart 29). Industrials pricing power is sinking steadily, weighed down by the multi-year commodity plunge on the back of China's economic growth deceleration, rising U.S. dollar and increasing supplies. While infrastructure spending is slated to increase at some point in late-2017 or early-2018, we doubt a lot of shovel ready projects will get off the ground quickly enough to satisfy the recent spike in expectations. We are in a wait and see period and remain skeptical that all this fiscal spending enthusiasm will translate into a sustainable earnings driven outperformance phase (Chart 30). Chart 29Industrials Chart 30Industrials Materials (Underweight) Materials equities have a tight positive correlation with accelerating inflation. Resource-related stocks are the closest representation of hard assets, given their ability to store value among the eleven GICS1 sectors. As inflation takes root and commodity prices rise, materials sales and EPS growth get a boost with relative share prices following right behind (Chart 31). From peak-to-trough relative materials prices collapsed by over 35 percentage points and only recently have managed to stage a modest comeback. Our relative pricing power gauge is flirting with the zero line, but may not move much higher. Deleveraging has not even commenced in the emerging markets, and the soaring U.S. dollar is highly deflationary. It will be extremely difficult for materials prices to advance sustainably if EM financial stress intensifies, given the inevitable backlash onto regional economic growth (Chart 32). Chart 31Materials Chart 32Materials Appendix Chart A1 Chart A2 Chart A3 Chart A4 Chart A5 Chart A6

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Highlights Trump is adding stimulus and potential rigidities to the U.S. economy as the labor market slack vanishes. This evocates the 1970s and stagflation. This risk could resonate among investors as there are enough similarities with the late 1960s / early 1970s. But as well, crucial differences greatly reduce the likelihood of such a scenario. Ultimately, the Fed holds the key. If the Fed stays behind the curve for too long, inflation will emerge. Our bet is that the Fed will not fall behind the curve significantly. On a cyclical basis, the dollar will remain strong and the yen will underperform massively. Feature On November 11 we argued that the first round effect of a Trump victory would be to boost an already improving U.S. economy, giving the Fed more reason to increase interest rates faster than was priced in by markets.1 However, we did conclude our economic assessment of Trump by highlighting the potential for a dangerous outcome: "In the long-run, the Trump growth dividend is likely to require a payback, but this discussion is for another day." What will be the nature of this payback? Goosing up the economy as the U.S. approaches full employment evokes the inflationary policies of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Back then, the Vietnam War caused the Federal government deficit to increase while economic slack was limited. Stagflation ensued. While this parallel is appealing, it is also too simplistic. Trump's policies will be inflationary, but, key structural factors will prevent the fiery inflationary inferno that engulfed the 1970s. Policymakers will need to be careful, however, because while stagflation and the 1970s are only distant risks today, a Pandora's box is being opened. The Similarities The first similarity between the late 1960s / early 1970s is that Trump promises to inject stimulus exactly as the economy hits full employment. When President Johnson increased the U.S.'s involvement in Vietnam, the U.S. output gap was already closed. The result of this fiscal stimulus was to create excess demand. This excess demand not only put upward pressure on wages and prices, but also caused the U.S. current account deficit to balloon. Trump wants to cut taxes by US$6.2 trillion, as expected by the Tax Policy Institute. Before November 8, the labor market had already tightened and wage growth was already accelerating (Chart 1). Stimulating in this context could unleash potent inflationary forces. The second similarity to Vietnam-era stagflation is that Trump's fiscal stimulus will materialize as monetary policy remains easy. By 1969, U.S. real short rates were already hovering near 0%, and were negative for three years between 1974 and 1977 (Chart 2). Today, we are also experiencing deeply negative real rates. However, back then these easy monetary conditions were being felt at the tail end of a multi-decade boom. Today, they reflect the aftermath of a financial crisis that has greatly increased the demand for precautionary savings and depressed the private sector's appetite for credit. Chart 1Tightening Labor Market Chart 2Similarity: Low Real Rates The third parallel comes from the liquidity on bank balance sheets. Today, as was the case in the late 1960s and early 1970s, banks are flush with liquid assets (Chart 3). Thus, banks have the fuel to aggressively lend and create money. Outside of banking crises, the willingness of banks to lend is often closely correlated with the demand for loans.2 Both respond to the same economic shocks, whether positive or negative. After the 1970 recession, the Fed eased aggressively, and business investment rebounded quickly. Today, Trump's fiscal reflation could revive animal spirits in a similar fashion. In both instances, banks have the wherewithal to support growing capex and loan demand. Another troubling resemblance is the illiquid state of household balance sheets. Today, household liquidity represents as small a share of disposable income as it did in 1970 (Chart 4). In fact, compared to total liabilities, household liquidity remains in the lower end of the historical distribution. Why does this matter? Chart 3Similarity: Bank Liquidity Chart 4Similarity: Household Illiquidity Under this set of circumstances, households will have a higher political tolerance for inflation. Except for the rich, the average household has little to lose from inflation, especially if the rise in prices emanates from an over-stimulated labor market. Inflation does decrease the real value of household liquid assets, but it does the same thing to their much larger debt burdens. The large increase over the past 30 years in U.S. income inequality only reinforces these dynamics (Chart 5). Chart 5Growing Inequalities The last parallel is the potential for a return to pre-Reagan economic rigidities. Trump has talked about imposing tariffs on global exporters in order "to make America great again." He also mentioned limiting immigration in the U.S. Neither of these promises are clear, and like the fiscal stimulus, they could be greatly dialed back compared to the campaign-trail promises. What would be the impact of such a move away from globalization? Our Global Investment Strategy service argues that the growth impact would be limited. Academic models show that since 1990, only 5% of the increase in global GDP growth can be attributed to deeper trade linkages.3 However, the integration of China in the global supply chain and the expansion of the American labor force through immigration has depressed wages for less skilled U.S. workers. Yet, the emergence of new markets outside of the G10 has boosted profits for U.S. multinationals. This has accentuated income inequality. Meanwhile, the marginal propensity to save of rich households is around 60%, while that of the middle class and the poor sits much closer to zero. Thus, the change in the U.S. income distribution has depressed U.S. consumption by 3% since 1980 (Chart 6). This has created a strong deflationary impact on in the economy. Chart 6Unequal Income Depresses Consumption Therefore, if Trump does implement a protectionist and anti-immigration agenda, it would likely put upward pressure on prices by causing both a small inward shift in U.S. aggregate supply as well as from the increase in demand resulting from higher middle class wages (and therefore consumption). Bottom Line: Today, like in the late 1960s / early 1970s, five conditions are present to lift inflation: Trump is set to stimulate the economy as it is hitting full employment; Monetary policy is extremely accommodative; Banks have plenty of liquidity to fuel any resurgence in excess demand; household balance sheet make them politically friendly to inflationary dynamics; And by moving away from globalization and immigration, Trump may add further fuel to any inflationary developments The Differences While there are troubling parallels between Trump and the 1970s, key differences could prove to be just as important if not even more so than the similarities. The first difference between now and then is the structure of the labor market. Unionization rates have collapsed from 30% of employees in 1960 to 11% today. The accompanying fall in the weight of wages and salaries in national income demonstrates the decline in the power of labor (Chart 7). Without this power, it is much more difficult for household income to grow as fast as it did in the 1960s and 1970s. In conjunction, cost-of-living-adjustment clauses have vanished from U.S. labor contracts (Chart 8). Hence, the key mechanism that fed the vicious inflationary circle between wages and prices is now extinct. Chart 7Difference: Labor Has Lost Its Power Chart 8With No Bargaining Power, Concessions To Labor Ceased... Second, the broad capacity utilization picture could not be more different than in the 1970s. In 1970, the U.S was at the tail end of a decade of strong cyclical spending, which was powered by consumer durable-goods purchases, not by capex and capacity growth (Chart 9). In fact, the stock of fixed assets as a percent of GDP is much higher today than it was back then, pointing to excess capacity in the system, at least relative to the 1970s (Chart 10). Chart 9Difference: Cyclical Spending Chart 10Difference: Capital Stock Corroborating this image, capacity utilization remains quite low by historical standards. Interestingly, this series continues to hold good explanatory power for inflation (Chart 11). While a Trump stimulus would cause this measure to perk up, and for deflationary risk to vanish, we are nowhere near levels associated with a major inflation outbreak. Chart 11Difference: Capacity Utilization Even when we look at capacity in the labor market, the picture is once again markedly different. Today, unemployment is only beginning to flirt with its equilibrium after nearly nine years of deep labor market slack. In contrast, by the late 1960s, the unemployment gap had been negative for seven years. It barely moved into positive territory during the 1970 recession and only surged higher after 1974 (Chart 12). This was a very inflationary labor market. Mirroring the U.S., global capacity utilization is depressed and the rest of the world remains a deflationary anchor (Chart 13). In the late 1960s and early 1970s, non-U.S. inflation was just as high as U.S. inflation, as global capacity was tight and global money growth was strong. Today, heavy capex in EM means that despite a sharp slowdown in DM investment after 2000, global capex has remained at 25% or so of global GDP - a very high level compared to history - for 7 out of the last 10 years. Chart 12Difference: Labor Market Chart 13Global Capacity Utilization Is Low Third, in the 1960s and 1970s, animal spirits were running wild. Despite growing government deficits and rising borrowing costs, the crowding out of the private sector never materialized (Chart 14). This was a testament to the optimistic belief of the era, a belief fed by the resilience of the economy since 1950, as well as by the implicit support created by decades of Keynesian policies. Today, fiscal stimulus and rising consumer spending could resurrect animal spirits. However, this would be a nascent phenomenon, not a multi-decade one, implying a very different set of expectations for investors, consumers, and business than in the late 1960s / early 70s. Fourth, the monetary picture is very different. Today, both the money multiplier and money velocity are extremely depressed, a sign that monetary constipation still defines our age. In the 1960s and 1970s, money velocity and the money multiplier were both elevated or experiencing sharp upturns (Chart 15). This is why low real rates of that era did translate into accelerated economic activity and inflation, unlike the uninspiring effects of low rates or QE programs today. Chart 14Raging Animal Spirits Chart 15Difference: Monetary Backdrop Finally and most crucially, the rising inflation of the late 1960s only mutated into genuine stagflation after the economy was hit by a massive supply shock: the 1973 oil embargo. In the wake of the Yom Kippur War, OPEC tripled the price of oil - the commodity powering the modern economic machine. Global capacity utilization was already tight, but this shock created a massive inward shift in global aggregate supply, ratcheting aggregate price levels higher while hurting aggregate output (Chart 16). But the true coup de grace only emerged when fiscal and monetary authorities massively eased policy in response to this shock: The U.S. federal deficit skyrocketed from 2.3% of GDP in 1974 to 8% in 1975 and short rates fell from 8.9% in 1974 to 4.9% in 1976. This boosted aggregate demand back to its original level, but with sharply more elevated price levels (Chart 16). Chart 16Mechanics Of A Supply Shock Today, we have seen oil prices collapse by 56% since 2014 in response to a positive supply shock, and global capacity utilization is low. Thus, while fiscal stimulus could push aggregate price levels upward as it lifts aggregate demand, the effect on inflation should prove much more muted than when such policies are implemented in the face of a supply shock. Bottom Line: Important similarities exist between the potential effect of Trump's suggested policies and the economic environment of the late 1960s / early 1970s. However, five structural and cyclical differences suggest that Trump is not bound to recreate stagflation: The de-unionization of the labor force has removed its pricing power, capacity utilization is now infinitely more benign than back then, animal spirits are only recovering today while they were running wild in the late 1960s / early 1970s, the monetary environment backdrop is also much less inflationary, and finally, we are not experiencing the kind of supply shock and mistaken policy response that hit the world in the wake of the 1973 oil embargo. Question Marks Key to the outlook is the Fed itself. Trump's policies will put upward pressure on prices. However, the Fed continues to avoid committing to a tighter policy path beyond this December. The Fed has good reasons to do so: Trump has offered the world no clarity regarding his actual plans while in office. With little labor market slack, any stimulus is inflationary; how inflationary will be a function of the details. So should be the Fed's response. For inflation to truly emerge in the system, the Fed will need to keep policy easy even as Trump's plans become clearer. In the 1970s, a too-easy Fed spurred excess demand that lifted inflation and inflation expectations. Moreover, if the Fed had not cut rates as aggressively as it did in 1974 - a policy that boosted demand but that did nothing to compensate for the shortfall in aggregate supply - the inflationary shock from the oil embargo should have proven much more transitory. The Fed's recent talk of a "high-pressure" economy evokes a repeat of the 1970s mistake. However, there is no guarantee that this error will be repeated. For one, the references to a "high-pressure" economy predated the Trump victory. Second, fiscal stimulus is what the Fed has wanted for a long time. Trump is giving the FOMC the cover they have needed to do what they have tried to do since 2014: increase rates. Finally, inflation expectations are beginning to move upward. This is what the Fed needs to push interest rates higher. Moreover, this is happening as long-term inflation expectations begin decoupling from oil prices (Chart 17). This is important as it suggests that the economy is gaining traction and that markets are starting to anticipate a lift off from the zero lower bound. Thus, while we think a lagging Fed is a risk, it is not currently our base-case scenario. The second question mark is the dollar. One of the key factors that prompted the dis-anchoring of inflation and inflation expectations in the early 1970s was the suspension of the dollar's convertibility to gold in August 1971. This unleashed a period of weakness for the greenback that culminated in a 30% devaluation by 1980 (Chart 18). Moreover, a weak dollar fueled the commodity bull market. Chart 17The Fed Must Enjoy This Chart 18The Dollar Added To Inflation Today, the dollar is strong and expensive, creating a deflationary anchor in the U.S. economy. Our expectations that the Fed will not fall behind the curve once the nature of the Trump stimulus becomes clearer would re-inforce this trend. However, a failure by the Fed to tighten monetary policy appropriately, leaving the U.S. central bank behind the curve, would have a negative impact on the dollar. Not only would it put downward pressure on real rate differentials between the U.S. and the rest of the world, but it would also depress the PPP fair value of the dollar by increasing domestic inflation. Bottom Line: The two key swing factors are the Fed's policy response and the dollar. In the late 1960s / early 1970s, the Fed kept policy too easy. Not only did this greatly fan the underlying inflationary dynamics that were already present in the economy, but it also created a very negative environment for the dollar, prompting the end of the dollar peg in August 1971. This further lifted inflation in the economy. The Endgame And Investment Conclusion Given all these conflicting forces, how will this experiment end? Pure stagflation with late 1970s-style inflation is out of the picture. However, inflation of 4% to 5% is very possible, but it could take time to show up in the data. In the 1960s, it took U.S. inflation until mid-1968 to hit 4%. By that time, the output gap had been positive for around 5 years, hitting 6% of GDP in 1966 (Chart 19). Unemployment had been below its equilibrium rate since 1963, and by 1968 was 2.5% below NAIRU. Chart 19No Slack In The 1960s This suggests that unless the Fed falls significantly behind the curve, even 4% inflation may take a long time to emerge this cycle. However, inflationary risks will grow considerably after the next recession. We do not know when this recession will happen, but we know what the result will be: more policy easing. It took until the 1970 recession and the associated policy boost to genuinely dis-anchor inflation expectations in the U.S. Today, an easing in policy and an associated fall in the dollar are likely to be the key criteria to generate real inflation risk in the U.S. As for currency implications, the lack of an inflationary outburst along with a responsible Fed will continue to support the dollar and hurt precious metals. In terms of exchange rates, USD/JPY should perform particularly well. The Japanese economy is near full employment and the Abe administration also is talking about additional stimulus. Yet, while the Fed will not stay behind the curve for long, the BoJ is explicitly aiming at staying behind the curve. This is a recipe for a higher dollar/yen on a 12-18 months basis. The euro is likely to continue to weaken as there remains more slack in the euro area than the U.S. However, this slack is diminishing and the ECB would respond to its disappearance, which implies that EUR/USD has less downside than the yen on a 12-18 months basis. Commodities are unlikely to repeat their amazing performance seen in the 1970s. Thus, commodity currencies should continue to suffer from dollar strength. The pound will be dominated by its own set of dynamics. While the probability of a soft Brexit has been growing ever since the High Court's ruling was issued, the appeal decision still needs to be made. Moreover, headline risk remains very elevated. Thus while valuation argues in favor of GBP, buying GBP today is a high-risk gamble. Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "Reaganomics 2.0?", dated November 11, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 2 William F. Bassett, Mary Beth Chosak, John C. Driscoll, and Egon Zakrajsek, "Changes In Bank Lending Standards And The Macroeconomy," Journal of Monetary Economics 62 (2014): pp. 23-40. 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Elusive Gains From Globalization", dated November 25, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

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Highlights The economy is near full employment, which means that a more fertile cyclical environment for wage hikes is getting underway. However, the aging of the U.S. workforce is exerting powerful downward pressure on overall wage inflation. The policy implication is that the Fed is unlikely to find itself behind the inflation curve and the Fed rate cycle will ultimately be shallow relative to recent cycles. The extent to which cyclical wage pressures exert upward pressure on CPI inflation will depend on the ability of companies to raise prices to protect profit margins. The evidence so far suggests that wage growth acceleration will prove difficult to pass on via price hikes. The global environment remains highly competitive and the general problem is inadequate demand, not scarce resources. Feature The wage and employment outlook remains critical for investors. The speed and timing of a renormalization of interest rates and the outlook for Treasury yields hinges critically on the Fed's assessment of labor market slack and the speed at which wage growth will feed into higher generalized inflation. For stocks, the key question is whether wage gains will lead to better top-line growth or simply continue to eat away at margins (Chart 1). Chart 1Will Wages Spark Generalized Inflation? Throughout this report, we use the employment cost index as our primary measure of wage inflation. We use this metric because we view it as the best index for measuring the cost of employing workers. It measures compensation growth within the same firms and occupational groups and its construction is analogous to the CPI index for the price of goods and services. But there are several other wage trackers and indices published and each one is slightly different. In the Appendix on page 16, we list the main ones and describe their usefulness. Our analysis concludes that the lackluster performance of wage growth since the beginning of the recovery reflected both cyclical and structural forces. However, a more fertile cyclical environment for wage hikes is underway, as most indicators suggest that the U.S. economy is nearing full employment. From a structural perspective, there are enough headwinds to believe that a wage-price spiral will not get out of hand. This reinforces our view that the Fed rate cycle will ultimately be shallow relative to recent cycles, and that policymakers are unlikely to find themselves behind the inflation curve. Why This Cycle Is Harder To Gauge Gauging the tightness of the labor market has been more uncertain this cycle because there have been strong structural trends at work that have clouded the cyclical picture. Importantly, it is unclear to what extent a lower participation rate is due to demographics versus a very long shadow on the Great Recession. Indeed, forecasting changes in the participation rate is more difficult than normal because it has declined for two different reasons. On the cyclical side, an unusually large number of people dropped out of the labor force during and after the Great Recession (Chart 2). As is typical in recession, workers became discouraged by the poor quantity and quality of jobs on offer, and stopped looking for work. Some of these workers are now returning to the workforce as the economy improves and jobs become more plentiful, but not all will return: the long-term unemployed rarely return to the job market.1 Nonetheless, there is a pro-cyclical component to the participation rate, which is in effect. In contrast, structural factors are working in the opposite direction. Demographic trends are depressing the structural, or "equilibrium," participation rate. The equilibrium shown in Chart 3 is the rate that would have emerged if the Great Recession had not occurred and there was no discouraged-worker effect. The underlying (structural) participation rate has fallen by almost 0.25 percentage points per year since 2007, as aging baby boomers move into the over-55 age cohorts, which have a lower average participation rate. Chart 2Dropped Out Chart 3Structural Factors Suppressing Wages Moreover, the underlying labor force participation of the 16-24 year-old segment has been eroding for more than two decades. Youth now stay in school longer. Labor force attachment for youth tends to be more sensitive to business cycles. Prior to the 2001 recession, youth were "first out" (losing jobs early in recessions) and "first in" (getting hired in the early stages of a recovery). But the last two recessions saw massive permanent drops in their participation rate. Finally, the rise of the gig economy has made it less clear what percentage of young people are truly looking for work. Participation for the 25-34 year old cohort is still under 82% and is lagging the pick-up in participation of their older peers. It is unclear to us why labor participation among this cohort is still falling. Perhaps some of the drop is due to a failure of statistics to adequately measure participation in the sharing economy (Uber, AirBnB, etc), but even if only half the decline is "real," it is still alarming. The remainder of this report is divided into three sections. First, we gauge the force of secular headwinds. In the second section, we examine how much cyclical labor market slack is left. Finally, taking the structural and cyclical backdrops together, we present the implications for Fed policy and Treasuries, and risks to the corporate sector. There Are Structural Headwinds To Wage Gains... The long-term slowdown in wage growth in the past 35 years has been, in part, reflective of the aging of the workforce. Recent research from the Federal Reserve Bank of NY shows that across all education cohorts, rapid real wage growth occurs early in a worker's career, with positive real wage growth ending when the worker is in his/her forties. This is followed by a period of either flat to declining real wages. By age 55, all education categories are experiencing negative real wage growth, on average (Chart 4). Chart 4Wage Inflation Is An Early Career Phenomenon The rapid real wage growth early in a worker's career is explained by a combination of on-the-job learning and better matching of workers to jobs. In early career, workers will change jobs more often in search of a position that optimally utilizes their skills. As workers age, the decline in the pace of their real wage growth reflects a diminished incentive to invest in new skills (remaining work life is shorter) and fewer job changes (because they have found a good job match). As the labor force ages, more workers will transition from the fast to the slow or negative real wage growth phases of their careers. This is precisely what is happening today. And in fact, researchers at the FRBNY go on to conclude that since 1982, changing demographics and aging of the U.S. adult population has reduced the real wage growth rate by about one-third. According to their work, this slowdown is likely to continue in the years ahead as more individuals approach retirement and experience negative real wage growth. This is corroborated by the expected evolution of the U.S. population profile through 2020 (Charts 5A, 5B and 5C). Chart 5A1990 U.S. Population Chart 5B2015 U.S. Population Chart 5C2025 U.S. Population (Projected) Another factor to consider is the composition of the work force. As baby boomers retire, the fraction of exits from the labor force that have a wage that is above the median is getting larger, reflecting the relatively high level of earnings of older workers. In other words, as high-paid older workers leave the workforce, the vast majority of new entrants to full-time employment do so at below-median wages, putting downward pressure on median earnings growth.2 Another important structural factor is the impact of automation of production across the wage spectrum. In the past 25 years, employment has become concentrated at the tails of the occupational skill distribution (Chart 6). Academics refer to this as the polarization of job opportunities, i.e. employment growth is concentrated in relatively high-skill, high-wage and in low-skill, low-wage jobs, at the expense of "middle skill" jobs that are routine in nature and can be codified in computer software and performed by machines (or sent electronically to foreign worksites and performed by lower wage workers). Since 1988, wages both above and below the median rose relative to the median (median wages have stagnated for over the past thirty years, and has thus become a misleading measure of wage dynamics).3 Chart 6The Hollowing Out Of Middle Skills Jobs The bottom line is that both the aging of the workforce and the exiting of higher-paid mature workers are suppressing overall measures of wage growth. Even if the labor market is at full employment, wage growth is likely to be muted relative to past cycles given the demographic drags. In other words, the Phillips Curve - inverse relationship between the level of unemployment and the rate of inflation - is quite flat. Even if the Fed allows the economy to "run hot," wage pressures will take longer to accumulate. ...Although Cyclical Wage Pressures Are Building The above analysis suggests that demographics will dampen wage growth throughout the business cycle. The implication is that since wages are being depressed by factors outside of the business cycle, the pace of wage growth may not actually fully reflect the amount of slack in the labor market. Below, we look at a range of indicators to gauge how much slack is left in the labor market. Unemployment Rate Relative To NAIRU: The Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate of Unemployment (NAIRU) is a theoretical threshold at which the economy is in balance and inflation pressures are neither rising nor falling. Since the unemployment rate is now below the Fed's best guess of the NAIRU, it would suggest that wage pressures are building. Chart 7 shows historically, the unemployment gap correctly corresponded with the direction of wage growth. However, estimates of NAIRU are revised with the benefit of hindsight such that the resulting labor market gap lines up with changes in the trend in inflation. In real time, it is extremely difficult to estimate NAIRU. The Fed itself has repeatedly misjudged NAIRU: since August 2013, the Fed has revised down its estimate of NAIRU six times, from 5.6% to 4.9%. But even if further revisions, say to 4.5% are forthcoming, it is clear from the chart that the bulk of excess labor has been absorbed. Chart 7Near Full Employment... Takeaway: The concept of employment slack is simple in theory, but tough to quantify in practice. Nonetheless, even if NAIRU is half a percent lower, this concept supports the view that slack is almost gone. Participation Rate Gap: In the previous discussion, we highlighted that the decline in labor force participation has both a cyclical and structural component. The labor force participation rate peaked in 2000, when the first of the baby boomers started leaving the labor market. However, in every recession and recovery, there is nonetheless a cyclical recovery in participation, as previously discouraged workers are enticed back into the labor market. As shown in Chart 8, this has finally started to occur in the past twelve months. However, the large gap between the actual participation rate and the demographically adjusted participation rate suggests that there is still some way to go. It is unclear if this gap will fully close since, as highlighted above, the long-term unemployed rarely return to the job market. Chart 8...But Still Some Slack Here? If we assume that due to the long-term unemployed effect, the participation rate makes it only halfway back to the demographically adjusted trend line, i.e. to 63.2%, then it will require a further 1.1 million jobs to be created by the end of 2017 in order to close the gap.4 If payrolls continue to average 150,000 per month, then it would take about an extra two quarters to create enough jobs to absorb these workers. Is it possible that discouraged workers return in such droves that the unemployment rate rises despite reasonable payroll gains? History is not much help, since the labor market has never seen such a mass exodus from the labor market due to discouragement. However, it seems unlikely that the absorption of discouraged workers would cause the unemployment rate to head higher at this point in the cycle. Until 2016, annual labor force growth had stayed under 1% per year since the beginning of the recession (Chart 9). In the past year, it has shot to 2%, which is on par with the cyclical highs in previous business cycles dating back to 1990. This strength has only managed to halt the decline in the unemployment rate. Takeaway: The labor force participation rate remains lower than what demographics predict. Part of that gap may be permanent since the long-term unemployed may never return to the labor force. But even with some improvement in participation, it is unlikely that full employment would be delayed by more than a couple of quarters. Underemployed Gap: One feature of this recovery is the massive pool of idle or unemployed workers. There are several ways to measure this; one popular way is the U-6 unemployment rate which includes discouraged and marginally attached workers (Chart 10). The U-6 rate peaked at 17% at the height of the recession and has nearly - but not quite - fallen back to pre-recession rates. Is this "not quite" significant? A back of the envelope calculation shows that if part-time workers for economic reasons fell back to its historic average, i.e. by another 1.5%, this would constitute an additional 2.4 million workers moving back into full-time work. At average payroll growth of 150,000 per month, it would take another 12-18 months to absorb these extra workers. Chart 9Labor Force Growth Already Popped Chart 10Some Slack Here? Takeaway: The still elevated number of employees working part-time for economic reasons represents an extra source of labor market slack. Nominal Wage Rigidity: The inability or unwillingness of employers to accept nominal pay cuts is known as downward wage rigidity. In recessions, employers tend to avoid reducing pay because cuts to nominal wages threaten to reduce morale. The implication of this behavior is that the price of labor does not accurately reflect underlying supply and demand conditions for work. Zero wage inflation continues to be the rule rather than the exception. In Chart 11, the bar that spikes at zero indicates the number of workers who report no change in wages over one year. The data in the chart shows a snapshot from 2011, but Chart 12 notes that the picture has not changed since the early days of the Great Recession. This chart shows that the proportion of workers whose wages have stayed exactly the same (i.e. wage growth of zero) increased substantially during the recession and has remained elevated since then. This makes sense since; if employers "overpaid" during recession, then businesses will try to delay wage hikes when market conditions tighten. Chart 11(Part I) Wage Hikes Stuck At Zero? Chart 12(Part II) Wage Hikes Stuck At Zero? Strictly speaking, the wage rigidity phenomenon does not help us better understand the current amount of slack. Nonetheless, there is a cyclical element behind the high rates of zero wage increases. Monitoring nominal wage rigidity may help understand the extent that employers are still "catching up" even once employment slack is completely gone. Takeaway: The proportion of workers receiving zero wage hikes is unchanged since the recession took hold and is historically very elevated. Businesses do not appear under pressure to offer substantial pay raises. Chart 13Wage And CPI Inflation Often Diverge Conclusions And Investment Implications Gauging full employment and therefore the likelihood of substantial wage inflation is tricky. The Fed is also struggling to interpret the data. At the November FOMC meeting, two members of the committee voted for an immediate rate hike, primarily arguing that the economy is already at full employment, and that "monetary policy was unable to affect the longer-run growth potential of the economy." Participants expressed uncertainty about how long the participation rate could be expected to continue rising, particularly in light of the downward structural trend in the series. But they also argued that, given the depressed level of prime-age male participation, participation should head higher! Our take is that, for years, cyclical and structural forces pulled in the same direction to produce a very poor backdrop for wage inflation. The same structural forces continue to restrain wage growth. But cyclically, various indicators described above suggest that the economy is near full employment. Therefore, for the remainder of the business cycle, the direction of wage growth inflation is (mildly) up. Since the mid-1980s, total compensation growth has peaked around 4%. In the last business cycle, when some of these structural headwinds were just beginning, compensation growth failed to breach 3.5% (Chart 13). Given that the structural forces are stronger today, the economy will have to run even hotter if wage inflation were to climb to that level. To what extent will cyclical wage pressures exert upward pressure on CPI inflation? That will depend on the ability of companies to raise prices in order to protect profit margins. Chart 13 shows that wage inflation trends do not lead, and sometimes diverge from, inflation in goods and services. That is because about 20% of the CPI and PCE baskets are not produced on U.S. soil and therefore, domestic costs are not a factor in production. Service sector inflation has a much tighter relationship with wage inflation, albeit even here, wage price growth does not consistently lead services growth. Theory suggests that there is a two-way relationship between wages and prices. Sometimes inflation starts in the labor market and spills over into consumer prices (cost-push inflation), and sometimes it is the other way around (demand-pull inflation). For bonds, wages play an important role in determining the pace and magnitude of Fed rate hikes. Most likely, secular wage trends that mute the cyclical signal for full employment will, on the margin, reduce the likelihood of an aggressive tightening cycle: the Fed is unlikely to find itself behind the curve. This suggests that, while Treasury yields will likely trend higher over the next year or more, a vicious and prolonged bond bear market can be avoided. Chart 14Businesses: It's Not Easy To Raise Prices Table 1Industry Group Pricing Power For stocks, we are monitoring the ability of companies to pass on input costs very closely. Table 1 shows a breakdown of pricing power at the industry level. Pricing power has been improving over the past twelve months, but is still weak. Retail prices are still falling and surveys do not indicate businesses are on the cusp of raising prices. Chart 14 shows that NFIB surveys of price hikes does a good job of leading goods and services price inflation. The current message is that strongly rising prices are unlikely in the near future and that wage growth acceleration in the next several months will prove difficult to pass on via price hikes. The global environment remains highly competitive and the general problem is inadequate demand, not scarce resources. We will update the pricing table on a monthly basis, with particular emphasis on the evolution of industries with domestically sourced revenues and cost structures (i.e. that are most exposed to domestic labor costs). Lenka Martinek, Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy lenka@bcaresearch.com Appendix: Which Measure Of Wage Inflation? There are various measures of wage trends published by different U.S. statistical offices. None of them are perfect. Below, we provide a definition of the key gauges, as well as their main virtues and flaws (Chart 15). Chart 15Various Measures Of Wage Inflation Employment Cost Index (ECI): The ECI is the broadest measure of average compensation of all workers in the private sector. Total compensation is calculated as the average compensation (for jobs tracked in the survey) multiplied by the number of workers in that industry and occupation. The trend in wages and salaries can be tracked independently of other benefits. The wage component tracks mostly similar readings as other wage measures, but the total compensation index captures changes in the structure of compensation packages - the mix of wages and various forms of benefits. Average Hourly Earnings (AHE): AHE is a timely data set, released alongside monthly payroll numbers. It includes average earnings of private non-farm production and non-supervisory positions. The major disadvantages of this measure is that hourly wage earners represent only about 58% of workers and do not account for trends in salaried jobs. Earnings do not include bonus bay or employee benefits. The data are available beginning only in 2006. Compensation Per Hour: This measure covers private nonfarm workers including all types of employment (employees, proprietors, and unpaid family members) for all forms of compensation (wages, stock options, benefits, and employer payroll taxes). It is the most comprehensive in terms of sources of compensation. It has the most history, beginning in 1947. The major drawback of this data is late release dates: the quarterly data are typically reported five weeks after the end of quarter and are subject to revisions one month later. The data also tend to be more volatile, making it more difficult in real-time to establish the trend. Unit Labor Costs: Unit labor is compensation per hour divided by output per hour (productivity). The data are released alongside compensation per hour data (described above) and suffers from the same long time lags and revisions. Atlanta Fed Wage Tracker: The wage tracker measures the growth in wages for the same worker over a 12-month period. The main problem with the tracker is that it tends to be biased upward, since it includes an "experience premium", i.e. it tends to follow older workers that stay in jobs longer and does not account for churn in the job market. But following the same workers also means that it is less susceptible to compositional or demographic changes in the economy. In this sense, it is a better indicator of cyclical wage trends. The tracker also differs from other indices because it publishes the median percent gain (loss) in wages irrespective of the level of earnings. 1 Please see "How Tight Is The Labor Market?," Alan B. Kreuger, NBER Reporter 2015 Number 3. 2 "What's Up With Wage Growth?," FRBSF Economic Letter, March 7, 2016 Mary C. Daly, Bart Hobijn, and Benjamin Pyle. 3 "The Trend Is The Cycle: Job Polarization And Jobless Recoveries", NBER Working Paper 18334, http://www.nber.org/papers/w18334.pdf 4 Our calculation further assumes that labor force will continue to grow at 0.8% per year as per BLS forecasts.

Highlights Sweden Yield Curve: The drivers behind our Sweden 5-year/10-year curve flattener trade - a Riksbank stance that appeared too dovish, a cautious global risk landscape and the strength of Sweden's economic expansion - have become less compelling. We advocate closing that trade, at a profit of +84bps. Swedish Rates: The Riksbank rate liftoff will start earlier than priced in the market. We recommend entering a new trade, paying the 18-month Sweden Overnight Index Swap rate. NZ Rates: New Zealand's inflation will surprise to the upside in 2017 and put upward pressure on short-term interest rates. To position for this, pay 12-month rates on the New Zealand Overnight Index Swap curve. Korea vs. Japan: The rationale behind our recommended trade favoring 5-year Korean government debt versus 5-year Japanese government bonds has changed. We are closing the trade at a profit of +260bps. Feature The surprising U.S. election victory of President-elect Trump, on a policy platform that is both reflationary and protectionist, has shaken up the global macro landscape. The shock has been even more acute for small, open and export-oriented economies like Sweden, New Zealand and Korea. This triggers a necessary re-assessment of our positions. In this Weekly Report, we revisit three previously recommended trades included in our "Overlay Trades Portfolio" that are most exposed to the changing global backdrop. Sweden: Closing Our Flattener Trade... Last year, we were of the view that the Riksbank would shift to a more hawkish policy stance during 2016.1 Fast forward to today, and this has not panned out as we expected with the Riksbank persistently sticking with its dovish bias. We are no longer comfortable facing the stiff resolve of the Riksbank and, therefore, we are closing our recommended Swedish 5-year/10-year yield curve flattener trade (Chart 1). Chart 1Closing Our Sweden Flattener Chart 2The Dovish Rhetoric Is Paying Off The message has been clear - Sweden's central bank will stay accommodative as long as it takes to get inflation back on a sustainable upward trajectory. In a unified fashion, the most senior Riksbank officials have communicated the following: 2 Monetary policy is set to escape low inflation as fast as possible. Currency intervention to weaken the Krona cannot be ruled out. There is no problem in extending the Riksbank's asset purchase program, since it has worked well so far in keeping government bond yields at accommodative levels and helping depress the Krona. The exchange rate is now notably weaker throughout the entire Riksbank forecast period than previously assumed, but this has not been sufficient to counteract the lower underlying inflationary pressures in Sweden.3 In a nutshell, the Riksbank wants to bring about higher inflation through a depreciation of the currency. The strategy has started to work of late (Chart 2). A very accommodative monetary policy, combined with rising inflation pressures from a cheapening Krona, now points to a prolonged period of low real policy rates that will keep the Swedish yield curve under steepening pressure. Aside from the monetary policy rhetoric, the global political landscape is no longer favorable for a yield curve flattening trade either, even in Sweden. In June, when Brexit surprised the planet, our Sweden flattener trade performed well, as global uncertainty spiked and a risk-off environment supported lower longer-term bond yields. Donald Trump's upset election earlier this month had the exact opposite effect, however, triggering a massive curve steepening in most bond markets, including Sweden (Chart 3).4 Going forward, if the effects of Trump's proposed policies - such as a decent fiscal impulse and protectionist trade measures - linger, as we expect, a Swedish flattener will likely underperform. Global bond markets will continue to be heavily influenced by a steepening U.S. Treasury curve. Moreover, our optimism on Swedish growth has dimmed recently, with certain parts of the economy slowing down. At the business level, weakening new orders data signal lower industrial production growth ahead. In addition, exporter order books have rolled over, resulting in a build-up of inventories (Chart 4). Chart 3Same Populism, Different Outcome Chart 4Dimming Optimism In turn, Swedish households are feeling the pinch. Slower wages and employment growth are reducing consumption. Growth in retail sales and car registrations has decelerated and private bankruptcies have started to rise (Chart 5). Since household consumption is a vital part of Sweden's economy, the recent robust expansion will moderate in the next few quarters. Consequently, the gap between the Riksbank's dovish monetary stance and the economic backdrop can no longer be deemed unsustainable, as we have described it in the past. This reality has been well depicted in the latest Riksbank Monetary Policy Report (MPR), where 2016 GDP growth is now forecasted to be only 1.8%. This seems reasonable considering the decline in actual demand - observable through the slowing growth of Swedish imports - and the Riksbank's own forward-looking economic activity index (Chart 6). The Riksbank is now projecting only a modest growth rebound to 2.5% in 2017, but this implies a meaningful reacceleration in growth to an above-trend pace later on in the year. Chart 5Swedish Households: Feeling The Pinch Chart 6Swedish GDP Growth Will Slow Further Bottom Line: The drivers behind our Sweden 5-year/10-year curve flattener trade - a Riksbank stance that appeared too dovish, a cautious global risk landscape and the strength of Sweden's economic expansion - have become less compelling. We advocate closing that trade, at a profit of +84bps. ...And Placing A New Bet On Rising Swedish Inflation Currently, the Swedish Overnight Index Swap (OIS) curve is expecting monetary policy stability in the first half of next year, pricing in only a 10% probability of a rate cut and a mere 2% chance of a rate hike by July 2017. Of the two, a rate hike is most likely, in our view, given the growing risks of upside inflation surprises stemming from a weaker Krona and rising energy prices. With such a low probability of a hike currently priced into the curve, the risk/reward potential for a trade is compelling. Today, we enter into a new position: paying 18-month Swedish OIS rates (Chart 7). Chart 7Pay 18-Month Sweden OIS Rates Chart 8Energy Prices Are Crucial For Swedish Inflation In the Riksbank's October MPR, the first rate increase was pushed forward from the second quarter of 2017 to the first quarter of 2018.5 At that point, the central bank's forecast becomes slightly lower than the interest rate expectation now priced in the OIS market. Even with our more sober view of the Swedish economy, the next rate hike is now expected to occur too far into the future. It will likely happen beforehand as upside surprises on inflation will force the Riksbank to begin tightening sooner than planned. Sweden's inflation path is mainly influenced by two factors: the Krona and energy prices. If the Krona's weakness accelerates and energy prices resume their uptrend, inflation will jump. In turn, if inflation reaches its target earlier, the central bank will start normalizing rates sooner than expected. Chart 9Can Sweden Still Overheat? As stated above, the Riksbank members' dovish rhetoric has been successful in pushing the Krona lower. Much to our astonishment, they seem ready to continue moving in that direction, despite the potential negative spillovers. The bubbly Swedish housing market - fueled by low interest rates and lacking the macro-prudential measures to stop its expansion - does not appear to be a major concern of the Riskbank for the time being. In addition to the exchange rate, the path of energy prices is crucial for inflation; it represents the bulk of the deflationary pressure over the last few years (Chart 8). Although this situation has changed recently, with a positive contribution to inflation in the last four months, energy prices will need to appreciate again to keep consumer price advances on track. This is likely to happen. Our Commodity strategists believe that the markets are understating the odds of Brent exceeding $50/bbl by the end of this year, given their expectation that Saudi Arabia and Russia will announce production cuts of 500k b/d each at the OPEC meeting scheduled for November 30th in Vienna.6 If such meaningful production cuts come to fruition, energy prices will rise and add to Sweden's inflationary pressure. Moreover, the bigger structural picture in Sweden remains very inflationary, despite the short term cyclical weakness stated earlier. GDP, employment and hours worked are all expanding faster than the Riksbank's assessment of the long-run trend growth rates. Plus, according to the Economic Tendency Survey, companies are reporting labor shortages in all major business sectors.7 In sum, with resource utilization already stretched, keeping real interest rates low for longer can only prolong the steadfast Swedish credit expansion, potentially overheating the economy and creating additional inflation surprises (Chart 9). This will set the stage for an eventual shift by the Riksbank to a more hawkish posture. Bottom Line: The Riksbank rate liftoff will start earlier than priced in the market. We recommend entering a new trade, paying the 18-month Sweden Overnight Index Swap rate. New Zealand: Inflation To Re-Surface Here, As Well Chart 10Global Output Gaps Have Narrowed On November 9th, the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) cut its overnight rate to 1.75% and signaled that it would probably be on hold for the foreseeable future. From here, things could go both ways; another rate cut is not inconceivable in 2017. Yet the market is expecting a stable rate backdrop, pricing in only a 5% chance of a rate cut and a 6% probability of a rate hike by June 2017. Such an "undecided" market is not surprising. On one hand, inflation remains below target. On the other hand, the economy has been humming along with no signs of any major slowdown on the horizon. In our view, monetary policy risks are tilted towards rate hikes. Similar to Sweden's case, inflation has the potential to surprise on the upside in 2017. Several factors have contributed to the current stubbornly low inflation environment. However, going forward, those forces will abate and push inflation and, eventually, short term interest rates higher. 1.A more inflationary global backdrop New Zealand's low inflation problem comes from the tradable components. Simply put, because of the global deflationary environment of the last few years, and because of the Kiwi's strength, New Zealand has imported lower prices from abroad. But this phenomenon will move in the other direction going forward. The global inflationary backdrop has slowly changed. As noted by our Chief Global Investment Strategist, Peter Berezin, spare capacity within the developed economies has shrunk substantially over the last few years (Chart 10).8 Unemployment rates are lower than the non-accelerating inflation rates of unemployment (NAIRU) in most major countries, with the exception of France and Italy. Looking ahead, the current cyclical upswing in global growth, coming at a time of narrowing output gaps and increasing supply-side constraints, will put upward pressure on global inflation. This will eventually trigger a rise in New Zealand's import price inflation, although the impact might not be felt in the very short term. 2.A continued boost from China Closer to home for New Zealand, China's backdrop has become less deflationary. As we pointed out in a recent Special Report, China has turned into a cyclical tailwind for the global economy, putting upward pressure on inflation and bond yields in the near-term.9 Our "GFIS China Check List", composed of our favored indicators, highlights that China is in the expansionary phase of its economic cycle (Table 1). Table 1The GFIS China Checklist Most striking is that Chinese final goods producer prices have turned positive. This could prove to be a major development for New Zealand tradable goods prices, if it lasts; the correlation between Chinese PPI inflation and the tradable goods contribution to New Zealand's headline CPI has historically been elevated (Chart 11). 3.A weaker kiwi dollar Donald Trump's U.S. election victory could help raise New Zealand inflation through the exchange rate. If his ambitious fiscal plan and protectionist inclinations gain traction, the Fed might have to raise rates more aggressively than expected, putting upward pressure on the U.S. dollar. Under such a scenario, the Kiwi will re-price lower, potentially reversing the prior dampening effect on import prices from a strengthening currency. This would relieve policymakers on the RBNZ, who have consistently pointed to the currency's strength as the main reason inflation has missed the target (Chart 12). Chart 11China: A New Tailwind For Prices Chart 12The Kiwi Is Problematic 4.A stronger dairy sector Over the past couple of years, the Achilles heel for New Zealand has been its dairy sector, with plunging prices eroding confidence throughout the economy. Fortunately, this bad predicament is about to change as well. The exogenous factors depressing dairy prices are abating and prices are surging anew (Chart 13). The Global Dairy Trade price index has advanced in seven out of the last eight dairy auctions.10 If this impulse is prolonged, both New Zealand's export prices and domestic wages will begin to reflate. 5.A reversal of migration inflows The massive flow of migration into New Zealand since 2013 has been the main factor capping wage growth by increasing the supply of labor (Chart 14). The bulk of this inflow has been composed of young workers, aged between 15 & 29 years old.11 It is unclear if this migration will become permanent or prove to be transitory. Chart 13NZ Dairy Prices Have Rebounded Chart 14NZ Inward Migration To Stabilize... Much of this inflow can be explained by the weakness in the Australian economy, which has triggered migration back into New Zealand from those who left for work in Australia. As such, if the Aussie economy improves, the migration flow could conceivably reverse, at least to some extent. As a result, the domestic supply of workers would recede and the invisible ceiling on New Zealand wages would progressively disappear. This scenario is highly plausible. The latest surge in Australia's terms of trade could be an early signal of a commodity sector revival. Much of this is due to China's growth upturn this year. However, the wave of optimism towards a potential fiscal stimulus in the U.S. - especially through longer-term infrastructure projects - is a possible boost to demand that could support higher global commodity prices higher over the next few years.12 If this proves correct, New Zealand migration towards Australia could be renewed, shrinking the domestic pool of skilled labor, and pushing wages higher (Chart 15). An unwind of these disinflationary forces would coincide with improving cyclical growth prospects. A mix of strong credit growth, decent construction sector activity and robust corporate earnings should support job creation and wages in the short term (Chart 16). In this environment, consumption will accelerate. Since the output gap is already closed, faster spending will cause inflationary pressures to build (Chart 17). Chart 15...If Australian Mining Revives Chart 16An Inflationary Backdrop Chart 17Inflation Surprises Ahead Traders can benefit from a turnaround in New Zealand inflation prospects by playing the Overnight Index Swap market. Since April 12th of this year, we have recommended payer positions in 6-month New Zealand Overnight Index Swap (OIS) rates.13 This trade has not worked as planned, due to the stubbornly low trend of New Zealand inflation, and today we are closing that trade recommendation at a loss of -30bps. The market is currently pricing in a 23% chance of a rate hike by the September 28, 2017 RBNZ meeting. Due to the inflation risks cited above, the probability should be higher than that, in our view. As such, we are entering a 12-month OIS payer. This trade offers modest downside risk versus for a decent potential gain, i.e. a risk/reward ratio of about 3:1. Bottom Line: New Zealand's inflation will surprise to the upside in 2017 and put upward pressure on short-term interest rates. To position for this, pay 12-month rates on the New Zealand Overnight Index Swap curve. Closing Our Japan/Korea Relative Value Trade This week, we are unwinding our Japan/Korea relative value trade, where we were long 5-year Korean government bonds versus 5-year Japanese Government Bonds (JGBs) on a currency-unhedged basis. While the currency leg did allow for a profitable trade, the Korea/Japan yield differential widened by +52bps. Several unpredictable events have negatively impacted Korean bonds since the trade was initiated. Chart 18Political Scandal = Higher Risk Premium Chart 19Trump: Catastrophic For Korean Bonds Too First, a scandal surrounding the Korean president, a.k.a. Choi-Gate, has erupted. As more details of the affair have been revealed, the president's approval rating has plunged - standing now at 5% - and the Government has become dysfunctional (Chart 18). In the near future, the geopolitical risks surrounding Korean assets should remain elevated as the prosecutors will continue the process of investigating the president and her associates; the risk premium on Korean bond yields might increase further. Chart 20The Korea 5-Year Bond Model Second, Trump's victory has been catastrophic for bond markets across the globe, including those related to open and export-oriented economies linked to the emerging markets, like Korea (Chart 19). Yet the impact on JGBs has been more contained since the Bank of Japan (BoJ) moved to a yield curve targeting framework back in September. The BoJ surprised many by adopting that policy of anchoring longer-term JGB yields. This has substantially reduced the volatility of JGBs, even during the recent backup in global yields. In turn, this has lowered the payoff potential of shorting JGBs, both in absolute terms and versus Korean bonds. Finally, the appeal of our Korea vs Japan trade has decreased from a valuation perspective. A simple model that we have developed for the Korean 5-year government bond yield now points towards rising yields in 2017 (Chart 20).14 With all of these factors now working against our trade, we are choosing to close it out. The trade has generated a profit from the currency exposure, which we decided not to hedge. However, when events move against the original reasons for putting on a trade, the prudent strategy is to unwind that position and look for other opportunities. Bottom Line: The rationale behind our recommended trade favoring 5-year Korean government debt versus 5-year Japanese government bonds has changed. We are closing the trade at a profit of +260bps. Jean-Laurent Gagnon, Editor/Strategist jeang@bcaresearch.com Robert Robis, Senior Vice President Global Fixed Income Strategy rrobis@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "Riksbank: Close To An Inflection Point", dated September 22, 2015, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com 2 Source: Bloomberg Finance L.P. NSN OG2NHA6JIJUO GO. NSN OGD9GRSYF01S GO. NSN OGFQO26S972O GO 3 http://www.riksbank.se/Documents/Protokoll/Penningpolitiskt/2016/pro_penningpolitiskt_161026_eng.pdf 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications", dated November 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 5 For details, please see http://www.riksbank.se/en/Press-and-published/Published-from-the-Riksbank/Monetary-policy/Monetary-Policy-Report/ 6 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "Raising The Odds Of A KSA-Russia Oil-Production Cut", dated November 3, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com 7 Private services, retail trade, construction and manufacturing 8 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Slack Around The World", dated November 4, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com 9 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "How To Assess The 'China Factor' For Global Bonds", dated November 8, 2016, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com 10 https://www.globaldairytrade.info/en/product-results/ 11 For details, please see "Understanding low inflation in New Zealand", Dr, John McDermott, October 11, 2016 available at http://www.rbnz.govt.nz/news/2016/10/understanding-low-inflation-in-new-zealand 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications", dated November 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 13 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "New Zealand: More Than Just Dairy", dated April 12, 2016, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com 14 This model is based upon a regression of Korean yields on U.S. 5-year treasury yield, Korean Trade-weighted currency, Brent crude price in USD, and Korea's headline CPI. Forecasts are based on financial market futures data and the ministry of finance's inflation forecast. Recommendations Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Highlights Tighter global oil markets resulting from the production cut we expect to be announced November 30 at OPEC's Vienna meeting, along with fiscal stimulus from the incoming Trump administration in the U.S., will continue to stoke inflation expectations. We believe gold is well suited for hedging investors' medium-term inflation exposure, given its sensitivity to 5-year/5-year CPI swaps in the U.S. and eurozone. If the Fed decides to get out ahead of this expected pick-up in inflation and inflation expectations by raising rates aggressively next year, we would expect any increase in gold prices - and oil prices, for that matter - to be challenged. For OPEC and non-OPEC producers, a larger production cut may be required to offset a stronger USD next year. Near term, we still like upside oil exposure, given our expectation that production will be cut. Energy: Overweight. We remain long Brent call spreads expiring at year-end, and long WTI front-to-back spreads in 2017H2, in anticipation of an oil-production cut. Base Metals: Neutral. We expect nickel to outperform zinc in 2017. Precious Metals: Neutral. We are long gold at $1,227/oz after our buy-stop was elected on November 11. We are including a 5% stop-loss for this position. Ags/Softs: Underweight. Our long Mar/17 wheat vs. beans order was filled on November 14. We still look to go long corn vs. sugar. Feature Chart of the WeekBrent, WTI Curves Will Flatten, ##br##Then Backwardate Following Oil-Production Cut Continuing production increases from sundry sources outside OPEC, which the International Energy Agency estimates will lift output almost 500k b/d in 2017, are turning the heat up on the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia to agree a production cut at the Cartel's meeting in Vienna later this month. It's either that or risk another downdraft that takes prices closer to the bottom of our long-standing $40-to-$65/bbl price range that defines U.S. shale-oil economics. The unexpected strength in production growth outside OPEC likely will require KSA and Russia to come up with a production cut that exceeds the 1mm b/d we projected earlier this month would be required to lift prices into the mid-$50s/bbl range. On the back of the expected cuts, we recommended getting long a February 2017 Brent call spread - long the $50/bbl strike vs. short the $55/bbl strike at $1.21/bbl. As of Tuesday's close, when we mark our positions to market every week, the position was up 9.09%. Reduced output from KSA and Russia - and, most likely, Gulf allies of KSA - will force refiners globally to draw down crude in storage, and for refined product inventories to draw as well. This will lift the forward curves for Brent and WTI futures (Chart of the Week). We expect oil prices will increase by approximately $10/bbl, following the joint cuts of 500k b/d each we expect KSA and Russia, which will be announced November 30. This also will lift 3-year forward WTI futures prices, which, as we showed in previous research, share a common trend with 5y5y CPI swaps. As stocks continue to draw next year, we expect the forward Brent and WTI curves to flatten, and, in 2017H2, to backwardate - that is to say, prompt-delivery prices will trade above the price of oil delivered in the future. For this reason, we are long August 2017 WTI futures vs. short November 2017 WTI futures, expecting the price difference between the two, which favors the deferred contract at present (i.e., a contango curve), to flip in favor of the Aug/17 contract. Chart 2Longer-dated WTI Futures, ##br##Inflation Expectations Rising Fiscal Stimulus Expected in the U.S. The election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th president of the U.S. likely will usher in significant fiscal stimulus beginning next year, particularly as Republicans now control the Presidency and Congress for the first time since 2005 - 06, when George W. Bush was president. Trump campaigned on a promise of significant fiscal stimulus, which likely will, among other things, stoke inflation expectations as money starts to flow to infrastructure projects and tax cuts toward the end of next year. Even before Trump's election 5-year/5-year (5y5y) CPI swaps were ticking higher, as oil markets rebalanced and started to discount the drawdown in global inventories this year and next (Chart 2). As the outlines of the Trump administration's fiscal policy take shape and money starts to flow to infrastructure projects, we expect inflation expectations to continue to rise. In previous research, we showed 5y5y CPI swaps and 3-year forward WTI futures are cointegrated, meaning they follow the same long-term trend. Indeed, we can specify 5y5y CPI swaps in the U.S. and eurozone directly as a function of 3-year forward WTI futures.1 Gold Will Lift With Rising Inflation Expectations... In the post-Global Financial Crisis (GFC) markets, gold prices have shared a common trend with U.S. CPI 5y5y swaps and real interest rates, which we show in a new model (Chart 3A, top panel).2 Using this specification, we find a 1% increase in the U.S. 5y5y CPI swaps increases gold prices by slightly more than 9%. Similarly, we find a 1% increase in EMU 5y5y CPI swaps increases gold prices by slightly more than 10% (Chart 3B, top panel).3 Of course, investors always can go straight to Treasury Inflation Protected Securities (TIPS) for inflation protection, given the evolution of the respective CPIs in the U.S. and eurozone drives returns for these securities (Chart 4). However, we believe gold gives investors higher leverage to actual inflation and expected inflation. Chart 3AGold Prices Ticking Higher With ##br##U.S. CPI Inflation Expectations Chart 3BEMU Inflation Expectations ##br##Vs. 3-year Forward WTI Chart 4Inflation Expectations And TIPS ##br##Are Highly Correlated, As Well ...But The USD's Evolution Matters, Too The combination of tighter oil markets and fiscal stimulus in the U.S. will continue to push inflation and inflation expectations higher. The Fed will not sit idly by and just watch inflation expectations move higher next year. Indeed, prior to the election, we expected two rate hikes next year, following a likely rate increase at the FOMC's meeting next month. With expectations of a tightening oil market, and a fresh round of fiscal stimulus from the incoming Trump administration, the odds of an even stronger USD increase. We had been expecting the USD will appreciate 10% over the next year or so, as a result of the upcoming December rate hike and two additional hikes next year. This could change, since, as, our Foreign Exchange Strategy service noted, "Trump's electoral victory only re-enforces our bullish stance on the dollar."4 A stronger USD, all else equal, is bearish for commodities generally, since it raises the cost of dollar-denominated commodities ex-U.S., and lowers the costs of commodity producers in local-currency terms. The former effect depresses demand at the margin, while the latter raises supply at the margin. Both effects would combine to reduce oil prices at the margin (Chart 5). This would, in turn, lower inflation expectations, which would feed into lower gold prices (Chart 6). Chart 5A Stronger USD Would Be Bearish For Oil Chart 6And Gold Prices As It Would Lower Inflation Expectations Our FX view, is complicated by the possibility the Fed might want to run a "high-pressure economy" next year, and the potential for additional Chinese fiscal stimulus going into the 19th Communist Party Congress next fall. If both the U.S. and China deploy significant fiscal stimulus next year, the growth in these economies could overwhelm the negative effects of a stronger USD, and industrial commodities - chiefly base metals, iron ore and steel - could rally as demand picks up. Oil demand also would be expected to pick up as a result of the combined fiscal stimulus coming out of the U.S. and China, both from infrastructure build-outs and income growth. KSA - Russia Oil-Production Cut Gets Complicated These considerations will complicate the calculus of KSA and Russia and their respective oil-producing allies as the November 30 OPEC meeting in Vienna draws near. If the Fed moves to get out ahead of increasing inflation expectations by adding another rate hike or two next year, oil prices will encounter a significant headwind. OPEC and non-OPEC producers could very well find themselves back at the bargaining table negotiating additional cuts, as prices come under pressure next year from higher U.S. interest rates. It is too early to act on any speculation regarding fiscal policy in the U.S. or China next year. However, given our expectation for an oil-production cut announcement later this month at OPEC's Vienna meeting, we are confident staying long the Brent $50/$55 call spread, and the long Jul/17 vs. short Nov/17 WTI spread position we recommended earlier this month. As greater clarity emerges on U.S. and Chinese fiscal policy going into next year, we will update our assessments. Bottom Line: We expect global oil markets to tighten as KSA and Russia engineer a production cut, which will be announced at OPEC's Vienna meeting later this month. Fiscal stimulus from the incoming Trump administration in the U.S., and possible fiscal stimulus in China next year could put a bid under commodities. However, if the Fed gets out ahead of the expected pick-up in inflation and inflation expectations by raising rates aggressively next year, any increase in commodity prices - oil and gold, in particular - will be challenged. KSA and Russia could find themselves back at the bargaining table, negotiating yet another production cut to offset a stronger USD. That said, we are retaining our upside oil exposure via a Brent $50/$55 call spread expiring at the end of this year, and our long Jul/17 WTI vs. short Nov/17 WTI futures, which will go into the money as the forward curve flattens and then goes into a backwardation. Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President Commodity & Energy Strategy rryan@bcaresearch.com BASE METALS China Commodity Focus: Base Metals Nickel: A Good Buy, Especially Versus Zinc Chart 7Nickel: More Upside Ahead We are bullish on nickel prices, both tactically and strategically. Its supply deficit is likely to widen on rising stainless steel demand and falling nickel ore supply in 2017. China will continue to increase its refined nickel imports to meet strong domestic stainless steel production growth. We remain strategically bearish zinc even though our short Dec/17 LME zinc position got stopped out at $2500/MT with a 4% loss. We expect nickel to outperform zinc considerably in 2017. We recommend buying Dec/17 LME nickel contract versus Dec/17 LME zinc contract at 4.3 (current level: 4.38). If the order gets filled, we suggest putting a stop-loss level for the ratio at 4.15. Nickel prices have gone up over 50% since bottoming in February (Chart 7, panel 1). The global nickel supply deficit reached a record high of 75 thousand metric tons (kt) for the first eight months of this year, based on the World Bureau of Metal Statistics (WBMS) data (Chart 7, panel 2). More upside for nickel in 2017 On the supply side, the outlook is not promising in 2017. Global nickel ore and refined nickel production fell 5.2% and 1.1% yoy for the first eight months of this year, respectively, according to the WBMS data (Chart 7, panel 3). The newly elected Philippine government is clearly aiming for "responsible mining," and has been highly restrictive on domestic nickel mining activities, actions that likely will reduce the country's nickel ore production in 2017. The Philippines became the world's biggest nickel ore producer and exporter after Indonesia banned nickel ore exports in January 2014. The Philippines has implemented a national audit on domestic mines from July to September and has halted 10 mines for their environmental violations since July. Eight of them are nickel producers, which account for about 10% of the country's total nickel output. In late September, the government further declared that 12 more mines (mostly nickel) were recommended for suspension, and 18 firms are also subject to a further review. Stringent policy oversight will be the on-going theme for Philippine mines. We expect more suspensions in the country next year. There is no sign the export ban will be removed by the Indonesian government. Since Indonesia banned nickel ore exports in January 2014, the country's nickel ore output has declined 84% from 2013 to 2015. This occurred even though smelters were built locally, which will allow more nickel ore output in Indonesia. However, the incremental Indonesian output is unlikely to make up for the global nickel ore shortage next year. Global nickel demand is on the rise again (Chart 7, panel 4). According to the International Stainless Steel Forum (ISSF), global stainless steel production grew by 11.5% in 2016Q2 from only 3.7% yoy in 2016Q1. Comparatively, in 2015, the growth was a negative 0.3%. Due to fiscal and monetary stimulus in China this year, we expect continued growth in global stainless steel production in 2017. Why China Is Important To Global Nickel Markets China is the world's biggest nickel producer, consumer and importer. Its primary effect on nickel prices is through refined nickel imports. It also influences global stainless steel prices through stainless steel exports. In comparison to the global supply deficit of 75 kt, the deficit in China widened to 346 kt for the first eight months of this year - the highest physical shortage ever (Chart 8, panel 1). China has driven the global growth of both refined nickel production and nickel consumption since 2010 (Chart 8, panels 2 and 3). During the first eight months of this year, Chinese nickel production dropped sharply to 40.5 kt, nearly three times the global nickel output loss of 13.6 kt. For the same period, China's nickel demand growth accounted for 67% of global growth. In addition, the country produces about 53% of global stainless steel and exports about 10% of domestic-made stainless steel products to the rest of world (Chart 8, panel 4). Clearly, China is extremely important to both the global stainless steel and nickel markets. China Needs To Import More Nickel in 2017 Looking forward, China is likely to continue increasing its nickel imports to meet a growing domestic supply deficit (Chart 9, panel 1). The country's ore imports have been declining because of Indonesia's ban since 2014, and further dropped this year on the Philippine's suspensions (Chart 9, panel 2). Scarcer ore supply drove down Chinese refined nickel and nickel pig iron (NPI) output every year for the past three consecutive years (including this year). Chart 8China: A Key Factor For Nickel Market Chart 9Chinese Nickel Imports Are Set To Rise Prior to 2014, China imported nickel ores from Indonesia to produce NPI, which is used in its domestic stainless steel production. In 2013, only 20% of domestic nickel demand was met by unwrought nickel imports. After 2014, China's higher nickel ore imports from the Philippines were not able to make up the import losses from Indonesia (Chart 9, panel 3). As a result, in 2015, the percentage of domestic nickel demand met by unwrought nickel imports jumped to 47%. Furthermore, for the first eight months of this year, imports accounted for 57% of Chinese demand. Before the Indonesian ban in 2014, Chinese stainless steel producers and NPI producers built up mammoth nickel ore inventories for their stainless steel ore NPI production (Chart 9, panel 4). Now, Chinese laterite ore inventories are much lower than three years ago. Plus, most of the inventories likely are low nickel-content Philippines ore. Besides the tight ore inventory, China's stainless-steel output is accelerating. According to Beijing Antaike Information Development Co., a state-backed research firm, for the first nine months of 2016, Chinese nickel-based stainless steel output grew 11.3% yoy, a much stronger growth rate than the 4% seen during the same period last year. Given falling domestic nickel output and increasing nickel demand from the stainless steel sector, China seems to have no other choice but to import more refined nickel or NPI from overseas. Downside Risks Nickel prices could fall sharply in the near term if massive LME inventories are released to the global market. After all, global nickel inventories currently are at a high level of more than 350 kt, which is more than enough to meet the supply deficit of 75 kt (Chart 10, panel 1). However, as prices are still at the very low end of the range over the past 13 years, we believe that the odds of a massive, sudden inventory release is small. Inventory holders will be hesitant to sell their precious inventory too quickly, therefore the inventory release will likely be gradual, especially given the continuing export ban in Indonesia and a likely increase in the suspension of mines in the Philippines. In the longer term, if Indonesian refined nickel output continues growing at the pace registered in the past two years, the global nickel supply deficit may be much less than the market expects (Chart 10, panel 2). In that scenario, nickel prices will also fall. Due to power supply shortages, poor infrastructure and funding problems, many of the smelters and stainless steel plants' development have got delayed, so we believe these problems will continue to be headwinds for Indonesian nickel output growth. A five-million capacity stainless steel project, funded by three Chinese companies, potentially making Indonesia the world's second biggest stainless steel producer, will only be in production by 2018. Therefore, we believe next year is still a good window for a further rally in nickel prices. In addition, global stainless steel output may weaken again after this year's stimulus from China runs out of steam, which will also weigh on nickel prices (Chart 10, panel 3). We will monitor these risks closely. Investment strategy We expect nickel to outperform zinc considerably in 2017. Nickel has underperformed zinc massively since 2010 with the nickel/zinc price ratio tumbling to a 17-year low (Chart 11, panel 1). Chart 10Downside Risks To Watch Chart 11Nickel Likely To Outperform Zinc In 2017 Even though our short Dec/17 LME zinc position was stopped out at $2500/MT with a 4% loss due to the short-term turbulence, we remain strategically bearish zinc, as we expect supply to rise in 2017 (Chart 11, panel 2).5 Given our assessments of the nickel and zinc markets, we recommend buying Dec/17 LME nickel contract versus Dec/17 LME zinc contract at 4.3 (current level: 4.38) (Chart 11, panel 3). If the order gets filled, we suggest putting a stop-loss level for the ratio at 4.15. Ellen JingYuan He, Editor/Strategist ellenj@bcaresearch.com 1 Our updated estimates of the cointegrating regressions for U.S. and eurozone 5y5y CPI swaps indicate 3-year forward WTI futures explain close to 87% of the U.S. swap levels and 82% of the eurozone swaps, in the post-GFC period (January 2010 to present). Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report "Inflation Expectations Will Lift As Oil Rebalances," dated March 31, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 We also found that, over a longer period encompassing pre-GFC markets, gold prices shared a common trend with U.S. 5y5y CPI swaps, as well. Indeed, the evolution of 5y5y CPI swaps explained 84% of gold's price from 2004, when the 5y5y CPI swap time series begins, to present. 3 Previously, we estimated a gold model using the Fed's core PCE and the St. Louis Fed's 5y5y U.S. TIPS inflation index and found a 1% increase in the core PCE translates to a 4% increase in gold prices. Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report "A 'High-Pressure Economy' Would Be Bullish For Gold," dated October 20, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report "Reaganomics 2.0?," dated November 11, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report for zinc section "The Lithium Battery Supply Chain: Efficient Exposure To Electric-Vehicle Market," dated October 27, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Closed Trades

Highlights De-globalization is accelerating. Europe is holding together, with populism in check. China power consolidation reflects extreme risks. Brexit is more likely, not less, after court ruling. Feature Chart I-1America Has Soured On Globalization The world woke up on Wednesday to President-elect Donald J. Trump. It will take time for the markets to digest the new regime in Washington D.C., but something tells us that it will not be business-as-usual over the next four years. We give our post-mortem assessment in the enclosed In Focus Special Report, starting on page 28. The divisive campaign reached epic lows in decorum and polarization, but both candidates did have one major thing in common: They shared a negative view of globalization, representing a paradigm shift in geopolitics and macroeconomics. Investors often take policymakers to be agents of political supply. Political rhetoric is taken seriously, analyzed, and its implications for various assets are discussed with confidence. But this approach gets the causality all wrong. Politicians are merely supplying what the political marketplace is demanding. In those terms, Donald Trump was not an agent of change. He was merely a product of his environment. So what is the American median voter demanding? Judging by the success of Donald Trump - and Senator Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary race - the answer is less free trade, more government spending, and a promise to keep entitlement spending at current, largely unsustainable levels. Americans empirically support globalization at a lower level than the average of advanced, emerging, or developing economies (Chart I-1). What is the problem with globalization? In our 2014 report titled "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," we argued that globalization was under assault due to three dynamics:1 Deflation is politically pernicious: Globalization was one of the greatest supply-side shocks in recent history and thus exerted a strong deflationary force (Chart I-2). A persistently low growth environment that flirts with deflation is unacceptable for the majority of the population in advanced economies. Citizens have already experienced a combination of wage suppression and debt escalation. And while globalization produced disinflationary forces on the price of labor and tradeable goods, it has done little to check the rising costs of education, health care, child care, and housing (Chart I-3), which cannot be outsourced to China or Mexico. Chart I-2Globalization Was A Major Supply-Side Shock Chart I-3You Can't Ship Daycare To China The death of the Debt Supercycle: The 2008 Great Recession shifted the demand curve inward. BCA coined the "debt supercycle" framework in the 1970s to characterize the overarching trend of rising debt in a world where political leaders, with the Great Depression and Second World War in the back of their mind, continually resorted to reflationary policies to overcome each new recession. However, the 2008 economic shock permanently shifted household preferences in the West, reducing demand by turning consumers into savers (Chart I-4A and Chart I-4B). This contributes to the global savings glut and reinforces the deflationary environment. Chart I-4AGlobal Demand Engine ... Chart I-4B...Is Not Coming Back Multipolarity: Global leadership by a dominant superpower can overcome ideological challenges and demand deficiencies by providing a consumer of last resort. In game-theory terms, such a global hegemon acts as an exogenous coordinator, turning a non-cooperative game into a cooperative one. But in today's world, geopolitical and economic power is becoming more diffuse. We know from history that intense competition between a number of leading nations imperils globalization (Chart I-5). This is particularly the case in a low-growth environment. Geopolitical and economic multipolarity increase market risk premiums. Chart I-5Multipolarity Imperils Globalization These factors imperiled globalization well before Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, Jeremy Corbyn, and Nigel Farage came to dominate the news flow in 2016. The macroeconomic and geopolitical context guaranteed that anti-globalization rhetoric would prove successful at the ballot box. Chart I-6Sino-American Macroeconomic Symbiosis Ended##br## In 2008 Sino-American Symbiosis Is Over In addition to these structural challenges to globalization, the next U.S. administration will also have to handle the increasingly complex Sino-American relationship. The future of the post-Bretton Woods macroeconomic and geopolitical system will be decided by these two great powers. And we fear that both economic and geopolitical tensions will worsen.2 China and the U.S. are no longer in a symbiotic relationship. The close embrace between U.S. household leverage and Chinese export-led growth is over (Chart I-6). Today the Chinese economy is domestically driven, with government stimulus and skyrocketing leverage playing a much more important role than external demand. Chinese policymakers have a choice. They can double down on globalization and use competition and creative destruction to drive up productivity growth - moving the economy up the value chain. Or, they can use protectionism - particularly non-tariff barriers to trade - to defend their domestic market from competition.3 We expect that they will do the latter, especially in an environment where anti-globalization rhetoric is rising in the West. The problem with this choice, however, is that it breaks up the post-1979 quid-pro-quo between Washington and Beijing. The "quid" was the Chinese entry into global trade (including the WTO in 2001), which the U.S. supported; the "quo" was that Beijing would open up its economy as it became wealthy. Today, 45% of China's population is middle class, which makes China potentially the world's second largest market after the EU. If China decides not to share its middle class with the rest of the world, then the world will quickly move towards mercantilism.4 What should investors expect in a world that has less globalization, more populism, and rising Sino-American tensions? We think there are five structural investment themes afoot: Chart I-7Globalization And MNCs: A Tight Embrace Inflation is back: Globalization has been one of the most important pillars of a multi-decade deflationary era. If it is imperiled, political capital will swing from capitalists to the owners of labor. Sovereign bonds are not pricing in this paradigm shift, which is why investors should position themselves for the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market."5 We are long German 10-year CPI swaps as a strategic play on this theme. USD strength: The market got the USD wrong. Trump is not bad for the greenback. More government spending and higher inflation will allow U.S. monetary policy to be tighter than that of its global peers. Furthermore, U.S. policymakers will not look to arrest the dollar bull market. "Main street" loves a strong dollar, particularly U.S. households and consumers. King Dollar will be the righteous agent of plebeian retribution against the patrician corporations used to getting their way on Capitol Hill. And finally, more geopolitical risk will mean more safe haven demand. RMB weakness: China needs to depreciate its currency in order to ease domestic monetary policy and is therefore constrained by its slowing and over-leveraged economy. But in doing so, it will export deflation and ensure that a trade war with the U.S. ensues. In addition, China's EM peers will suffer as their competitiveness vis-à-vis their main export market - China - declines. We expect that China will hasten its ongoing turn towards protectionism itself. This means that if investors want to take advantage of China's rise, they should buy Chinese companies, not the foreign firms looking to grab a share of China's middle-class market. Long defense stocks: Global multipolarity is correlated with armed conflict. We have played this theme by being long U.S. defense / short aerospace equities. Our colleague Anastasios Avgeriou, Chief Strategist of BCA's Global Alpha Sector Strategy, recommends investors initiate a structural overweight in the global defense index.6 Long SMEs / Short MNCs: A world with marginally less free trade, and marginally more populism, will favor domestically oriented sectors. Small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the U.S., for example. Multinational corporations (MNCs) have particularly benefited from free trade and laissez faire economics. The relationship between globalization and S&P 500 operating earnings has been tight for the past 50 years (Chart I-7). Not anymore. In the new environment, investors will want to be long domestically-oriented sectors and economies against externally-oriented ones. These are structural themes supported by structural trends. We would have recommended these five investment themes irrespective of who won the U.S. election. In this Monthly Report, we focus on leadership races around the world. Our In Focus section gives a post-mortem on the U.S. presidential election. The rest of this Global Overview focuses on upcoming elections in Europe (as well as the December 4 Italian constitutional referendum) and the impending Chinese leadership rotation in 2017. We also give our two cents on recent developments related to Brexit in the U.K. Europe: Election Fever Continues Chart I-8Italian Referendum: Likely A 'No' The Netherlands, France, Germany, and potentially, Italy could all hold elections over the next 12 months, a recipe for market volatility. These four countries are part of the EMU-5 and account for 71% of the currency union's GDP and 66% of its population. Should investors expect a paradigm shift? We think the answer is yes, but surprisingly, not towards more Euroskepticism. Our view is that continental Europe - unlike its Anglo-Saxon peers, the U.K. and the U.S. - is actually moving marginally towards the center.7 The median voter in Europe is not becoming more Euroskeptic and even appears to support modest, pro-business, structural reforms! Wait... what? Indeed. Read on. Italy The constitutional referendum being held on December 4 remains too close to call, although we suspect that it will fail (Chart I-8). However, we doubt very much that the defeat of the government's position will initiate a sequence of events that takes Italy out of the euro area. As we argued in a recent Special Report titled "Europe's Divine Comedy: Italian Inferno," Italian policymakers are using Euroskepticism to extract concessions from Europe. But Italy is structurally constrained from exiting European institutions because of its bifurcated economy.8 Moreover, a failed referendum outcome is not a strategic risk to Europe: Euro support: Italians continue to support euro area membership, albeit at a lower level than in the past (Chart I-9). As such, the Euroskeptic Five Star Movement (M5S) has political reasons to become less opposed to euro area membership, as its anti-establishment peers have done in Greece, Portugal, and Spain. Bicameralism: If the constitutional referendum fails, then the Senate will remain a fully empowered chamber in the Italian Parliament. Given Italy's complicated electoral laws, M5S will be unable to capture both houses in Italy's notoriously bicameral legislative body, unless it does very well in the next election. But M5S has consistently trailed the incumbent, pro-establishment Democratic Party (PD) in the polls (Chart I-10). Sequence: As Diagram I-1 shows, the contingent probability of the December constitutional referendum leading to an Italian exit from the euro area is 1.2%. Chart I-9Italy & Euro: OK (For Now) Chart I-10Italy: Euroskeptics Peaking? Diagram I-1From Referendum To Referendum: Contingent Probability Of Italy ##br##Leaving The Euro Area Following The Constitutional Referendum Vote Investors should not translate our sanguine view into a positive view of Italy. As we outlined in the above-cited Special Report, we remain skeptical that Italy can improve its potential growth rate by boosting productivity. But there is a big leap between more-of-the-same in Italy and a euro area collapse. The Netherlands The anti-establishment and Euroskeptic Party for Freedom (PVV) is set to perform poorly in the upcoming March 15 Dutch election. Polls suggest that it will roughly repeat its 10% performance from the 2012 election (Chart I-11). This is extremely disappointing given its polling earlier in the year. PVV's support has collapsed recently, most likely the result of the immigration crisis abating (Chart I-12) and the Brexit referendum in June. Many Dutch may be interested in casting a protest vote against the establishment, but a large majority still support euro area membership (Chart I-13). As such, they are put off by the vociferous Euroskepticism represented by the PVV. Chart I-11The Netherlands: Euroskeptics Collapsing Chart I-12Read Our Chart: Migration Crisis Is Over Chart I-13The Netherlands & Euro: Love Affair The Netherlands is a very important euro area member state. Its economy is large enough that its views matter, despite its small population. Euroskepticism in the Netherlands is notable, but it does not mean that the country's leadership will contemplate a referendum on membership. More likely, the establishment will seek to counter the populist PVV by becoming stricter on immigration and looser on budget discipline. Investors can live with both. France The French election is a two-round affair that will be held on April 23 and May 7. The key question is who will win the November 20 primary of the center-right party, Les Républicains, formerly known as the Union for a Popular Movement. According to the latest polls, former Prime Minister (1995-1997) Alain Juppé is set to win the primary over former President Nicolas Sarkozy (Chart I-14). Who is Alain Juppé? The 70-year old has been the mayor of Bordeaux since 2006, but he is better remembered for the failed social welfare reforms (the Juppé Plan) that caused epic strikes in France back in 1995. He is pro-euro, pro-EU, and pro-economic reforms. In other words, he is everything that Brexit and Trump/Sanders/Corbyn are not. According to the latest polls, Juppé is a heavy favorite against the anti-establishment candidate Marine Le Pen (Chart I-15). This is unsurprising as Le Pen's popularity peaked in 2013, as we have been stressing to clients for years (Chart I-16). Chart I-14Please Google Alain Juppe... Chart I-15...The Next President Of France Chart I-16Le Pen's Popularity In A Secular Decline Why has Le Pen struggled to gain traction in an era of terrorism, migration crises, and the success of anti-establishment peers such as Brexiters and Donald Trump? There are two major reasons. First, she continues to oppose France's membership in the euro area, despite very large support levels for the common currency in the country (Chart I-17). Second, she is holding together a coalition of northern and southern National Front (FN) members. This coalition pins together a diverse group. Northern right-wing FN members are more akin to their Dutch peers, or the "alt-right" movement in the U.S. They are anti-globalization, anti-political correctness (PC), and anti-immigration - specifically, further immigration of Muslims to France. However, this northern FN faction is ambivalent on social issues such as homosexuality (in fact, many of Le Pen's closest advisors from the north of France are openly gay), and they oppose Islam from a position that Muslim immigrants are incompatible with French liberal values. The southern FN faction is far more traditionally conservative, drawing their roots from the old anti-Gaullist, staunchly Catholic right wing. When Le Pen loses the 2017 presidential election, it will spell doom for the National Front. The only thing holding the two factions together is her leadership. Therefore, not only is France likely to elect a pro-reform president from the political establishment, but also its anti-establishment, Euroskeptic movement may be facing an internal struggle. Germany The German federal election is expected to be held sometime after August 2017. Chancellor Angela Merkel faces a decline in popularity (Chart I-18) and a challenge from the populist Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), which performed well in two Lander (state) elections this year. Nonetheless, the migration crisis that rocked Merkel's hold on power has abated. As Chart I-12 shows, migrant flows into Europe peaked at 220,000 last October and began to plummet well before the EU-Turkey deal that the press continues to erroneously cite as the reason for the reduction in migrant flows. As we controversially explained at the height of the crisis, every migration crisis ultimately abates as border enforcement strengthens, liberal attitudes towards refugees wane, and the civil wars prompting the flow exhaust themselves.9 Germany's centrist parties maintain a massive lead over the upstart AfD and Die Linke, the left-wing successor of East Germany's Communist establishment (Chart I-19). However, AfD's successes in Mecklenburg West Pomerania and Berlin have prompted investors to ask whether it will garner greater national support in the general election. Chart I-17France & Euro: Loveless Marriage,##br## But Together For The Kids Chart I-18Merkel's Popularity Has Suffered,##br## But Stabilized Chart I-19There Is A##br## Lot Of Daylight... We doubt it. Both states are sort of oddballs in German politics. For example, Mecklenburg West Pomerania is known for a strong anti-establishment sentiment. AfD largely took votes away from the National Democratic Party (ultra-far-right, neo-Nazis) and Die Linke. These two parties won a combined 25% of the vote in 2011. In 2016, the combined anti-establishment vote, including AfD, was 33%. Clearly this is a notable gain for the non-centrist parties, but it is hardly a paradigm shift. In Berlin, the AfD gained a solid 14% of the vote, but the sensationalist media conveniently avoided mentioning that it came in fifth in the final count. By our "back-of-the-envelope" calculation, AfD managed to take only about 8% of the vote from establishment parties. The bulk of its success once again came from taking votes from other populist parties. For example, Berlin's Pirate Party - yes, "pirates" - took 8% of the vote in the last election and none in 2016. Nonetheless, we suspect that time may be running out for Angela Merkel. She has been in power since 2005 and many voters have lost confidence in her. Merkel may choose not to contest the election at the CDU party conference in early December, or she may step aside as the leader following the election. Why? Because polls suggest that Merkel's CDU will have to once again rely on a Grand Coalition with its center-left opponent, the SPD, to govern. Politically, this is a failure for Merkel as the Grand Coalition was always intended to be a one-term arrangement. If Merkel decides to retire, how will the ruling CDU choose its successor? The process is relatively closed off and dominated by the party elites. The Federal Executive Board of the CDU selects the candidates for chairperson and the party delegates must choose the leader with a majority. The outcome is largely preordained, and Merkel has typically won above 90% of the party congress delegate vote. The possibility of a chancellor from the CDU's Bavarian sister-party, the Christian Social Union (CSU), is also decided by the elites. Therefore, the likelihood of an anti-establishment candidate hijacking the CDU/CSU leadership is minimal. How will the markets react to Merkel's resignation? Investors are overstating Merkel's role as the "anchor" of euro area stability. She has, in fact, dithered multiple times throughout the crisis. In 2011, for example, Merkel delayed the decision on whether to set up a permanent euro area fiscal backstop mechanism due to upcoming Lander elections in Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden Württemberg. In addition, her likely successor will not mark a paradigm shift in terms of Germany's pro-euro outlook (Box I-1). Bottom Line: Investors may wake up in mid-2017 to find that the U.K. is firmly on its way out of the EU and that the U.S. is embroiled in deepening political polarization. Meanwhile, France and Spain will be led by reformist governments, Italy will remain in the euro area, and Germany will be mid-way through a rather boring electoral campaign featuring pro-euro establishment parties. What is keeping the European establishment in power? In early 2016, we argued that it was its large social welfare state. Unlike the laissez-faire economies of the U.S. and the U.K., European "socialism" has managed to redistribute the gains of globalization sufficiently to keep the populists at bay. As such, European voters are not flocking to populist alternatives, despite considerable challenges such as the migration crisis and terrorism. Populists are gaining votes in Europe nonetheless. To counter that trend, we should expect to see Europe's establishment parties turn more negative towards immigration, positive on fiscal activism, and more assertive towards security and defense policy. But on the key investment-relevant issue of euro area membership and European integration, we see the consensus remaining with the status quo. China: Xi Is A "Core" Leader... So What? Chinese President Xi Jinping's recent designation as the "core" of the Chinese leadership should be seen as a marginally market-positive event in an otherwise bleak outlook. Not because the president has a new title, but because of the underlying reality that he is consolidating power ahead of the 19th National Party Congress. Set for the fall of 2017, the Congress will feature a major rotation of top Communist Party leaders and mark the halfway point of his 10-year administration. The new title was not a surprise when it trickled out of the Chinese Communist Party's Sixth Plenary meeting on October 24-27. But the media took the opportunity once again to decry President Xi's "ever-expanding power."10 As our readers know, we do not think there has been a palace coup in China. That is, we do not think Xi has overthrown the "collective leadership" model, i.e. rule by the Politburo Standing Committee, established after the death of Chairman Mao.11 Instead, we think he is presiding over a major centralization phase in Chinese politics. Xi's status as the "core" feeds into the broader idea of re-centralization that we identified as a key theme for this administration when it began its term back in 2012.12 The Sixth Plenum reinforced this view in various ways:13 Xi is clearly in charge: A smattering of local party officials started calling him the core leader earlier this year, but now it has been endorsed in official documents at the highest level. Again, it is not the title itself that matters, but the fact that Xi compelled the whole party to give him the title. This distinguishes him from his two predecessors, Presidents Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, and in this way he resembles his mighty predecessor Deng Xiaoping. Xi already developed a strong track record for re-centralizing the political system prior to receiving the new title.14 Collective leadership persists: Deng invented the idea of the "core" leader specifically as a way to assert the need for a top leader or chief executive without reverting to Maoist absolutism. The core leader is the supreme leader within a collective leadership system. This interpretation was expressly reaffirmed by the communique issued at the Sixth Plenum, which denounced ruling by a single person and praised the current system.15 Corruption purge has not split the party: The focus of the plenum was the Communist Party's rules for disciplining its own members. This specifically highlighted Xi's harsh anti-corruption campaign, which has netted numerous party officials, and has not yet concluded (Chart I-20). The fact that this campaign has continued longer than expected without prompting significant resistance shows that centralization is acceptable to the party (and anti-corruption is positive for the party's public image). Policy coherence could improve: A rash of rumors suggest that Xi will not only promote his allies but also tweak party rules and norms in order to ensure he retains a factional majority on the Politburo Standing Committee after 2017. This should be positive for policymaking since the cohort of leaders ready to rise up the ranks is weighted against his faction as a result of the previous administration's appointments. These developments would be negative if Xi avoids appointing successors next year and thus appears ready to cling to power beyond 2022.16 Unified government is a plus amid crisis: Deng initiated the "core leader" concept in the dark days after the Tiananmen massacre, when the party faced internal rifts and potential regime collapse. In other words, it is in times of crisis that the party needs to reaffirm that rule-by-committee still requires a final arbiter at the top. This latter point is the most relevant for investors. It suggests that China's party leadership perceives itself to be in the midst, or on the brink, of a crisis. Why should this be the case? There has been an improvement in China's economic situation in 2016 - stimulus efforts have stabilized the economy and growth momentum is picking up (Chart I-21). Economic relations with Asian nations are also improving. All of this information has supported the China bulls, who argue that China is not particularly overleveraged, still has a long way to go in terms of economic development, and needs to stimulate demand in order to outgrow any problems it faces from debt and overcapacity (Chart I-22). Chart I-20Anti-Corruption ##br##Campaign Reaccelerating Chart I-21Chinese Economy##br## Improved This Year Chart I-22Chinese Capacity Utilization: ##br##A Historical Perspective Nevertheless, the latest reflation efforts have peaked (Chart I-23), and there are clear warning signs for what lies ahead. The RMB continues to weaken, capital outflows may reaccelerate as a result, the yield curve is flattening, and economic policy uncertainty remains markedly elevated (Chart I-24). As such, the China bears argue that exorbitant credit growth cannot continue indefinitely (Chart I-25). When credit growth slows, the credit-reliant economy will slow too, and China will face a cascade of bad loans and insolvent companies and banks. Chart I-23Latest Mini-Stimulus##br## Is Over Chart I-24China:##br## Who Is Driving This Bus? Chart I-25China's Corporate And Household Credit: ##br##The Sky's The Limit? While economists can argue over the nature of things, politicians do not have that luxury: China's government must be prepared for the worst-case scenario. The China bears may be right even if their economic analysis proves overly pessimistic or poorly timed, because policymakers may eventually decide they must do more to tackle excessive leverage and overcapacity. Chart I-26Rebalancing Is Slowing Down An optimistic long-term assumption about Xi's consolidation of power has been that he eventually intends to use that power to pursue painful structural reforms, as outlined at the Third Plenum in 2013.17 However, the intervening three years have shown that he is pragmatic and does not want to impose aggressive reforms that would undercut an already weak and slowing economy (Chart I-26). Thus, deep reforms are only going to occur if they are forced upon the leaders as a result of an intense bout of instability, uncertainty, and market riots. The implication of this is that Xi is concentrating power in preparation for further crisis points that may be thrust upon his administration. For instance, if recent efforts to tamp down on property prices end up bursting the bubble, then eventually China could be plunged into socio-political (as well as financial) turmoil. By that time, the party would not be able to re-centralize and consolidate power carefully and gradually. It would either have loyal tools at its disposal already, or would lose precious time (and likely make mistakes) trying to assemble them. Thus Xi's moves to consolidate power are marginally market-positive in an overall negative climate. He is making himself and the Politburo Standing Committee better prepared to handle a crisis, which suggests that he believes that a crisis is either occurring or close at hand. In short, the Communist Party is girding for war; a war for regime stability if and when the massive credit risks materialize. What about the 19th National Party Congress, set to take place next fall? We will revisit this topic in the future, but for now the key point is this: It would require a surprise and/or a new political dynamic to prevent Xi from getting his way in forming the Politburo Standing Committee next year. While there is a mixed record of policy stimulus for the years preceding the Chinese midterm leadership reshuffle, we certainly do not expect aggressive structural reforms to occur before then (Chart I-27). Policy tightening in the real estate sector and SOE restructuring efforts will be gradual. Chart I-27Unimpressive Record Of Stimulus Before Five-Year Party Congresses Only around the time of the party congress will it be possible to find out whether Xi wants his administration to be remembered for anything other than power consolidation - such as ambitious reforms. One reform effort we are confident will continue amid rising centralization, however, is tougher government policy against pollution. Pollution threatens social stability, especially among the restless new middle class, and stimulus efforts perpetuate the heavily polluting industries. Environmental spending has been the biggest growth category in government spending under Premier Li Keqiang.18 To capitalize on the darkening short-term outlook for stocks and Xi's policy momentum, we suggest shorting Chinese utilities, whose profit margins and share prices trade inversely with rising environmental spending (Chart I-28). Bottom Line: We remain overweight China relative to EM: The government has resources and is unified. However, the long-term outlook is mixed. Investors should steer clear of Chinese risk assets in absolute terms. Short utilities as a play on rising environmental spending and regulation, and stay short the RMB. Brexit Update: The "Legion Memorial" Is Alive And Well Chart I-28Anti-Pollution Push Hurts Utilities The Brexit movement encountered its first apparent setback last week when the country's High Court ruled that parliament must vote on invoking Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty to initiate the withdrawal from the European Union. We have always held a high-conviction view that parliament approval would ultimately be necessary, as we wrote in July.19 But, politically, it matters a great deal whether parliament votes before or after the exit negotiations. The High Court ruling is an obstacle to the government's Brexit plan because it could result in (1) the parliament's outright blocking Brexit, though this outcome is highly unlikely; (2) the parliament's insisting on a "soft Brexit" that leaves U.K.-EU relations substantially the same as before the referendum on matters like immigration and market access. However, the saga is nowhere near finished. The government is appealing the ruling, the Welsh assembly is contesting the appeal, and the Supreme Court will decide the matter in December. Until then, we expect U.K. markets to benefit marginally, ceteris paribus, from the belief that the odds of a soft Brexit are rising. Investors could be encouraged by the continuation of monetary stimulus and a new blast of fiscal stimulus, which we think will surprise to the upside on November 23 when the annual Autumn Statement is released by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The High Court-prompted rebound in U.K. assets will remain vulnerable for the following reasons: The Supreme Court has not yet ruled: It is not certain that the Supreme Court will uphold the High Court's insistence on a parliamentary role. Both views have legitimate arguments and the issue is not settled until the Supreme Court rules. Parliament's role is political, not merely legal: Assuming parliament gets to vote on whether to trigger the process of leaving the EU, the decision will depend on politics. For instance, it is highly unlikely that the Commons will flatly reject the popular referendum, and the House of Lords can at best delay it. Yes, parliament is sovereign, but that is because it represents the people. While the 1689 Glorious Revolution established the Bill of Rights and parliamentary supremacy, in as early as 1701 there was a crisis over whether parliament should flatly overrule popular will. At that time, the writer Daniel Defoe, representing "the people," delivered the so-called Legion Memorial directly to the Speaker of the Commons. It read: "Our name is Legion, for we are Many."20 Parliament backed down. The politics of the moment favor the government: Polling shows a stark divergence in popular opinion since the referendum in favor of the Tories (Chart I-29). This is a clear signal - on top of the referendum outcome and the sweeping Tory election win in 2015 - that the popular will favors leaving the European Union. It is also a clear signal that Prime Minister Theresa May has the mandate to do it her way. Her approval rating has waned a bit (Chart I-30), but she is still supported by nearly half the population. If the government fails to win parliamentary support on Brexit, it would likely lead to a vote of no confidence and early elections. Yet the current dynamics suggest an early election would return a Conservative majority with a clear mandate to vote for Brexit. Until those dynamics undergo a change, "Brexit means Brexit." Economics favor the government: One danger for the anti-Brexit coalition is that the Supreme Court may compel a parliamentary vote in the near future. The economy has not yet suffered much from Brexit, whatever it may do in future, so there is little motivation for widespread "Bregret," i.e. the desire to reverse course and stay in the EU. By contrast, in two years' time, the negative economic consequences and uncertainties of the actual exit plan, combined with ebbing popular enthusiasm, would likely give parliament a stronger position from which to soften or reverse Brexit. Although Article 50 is arguably irrevocable, it seems hard to believe that the EU would not find a way to allow the U.K. to stay in the union if its domestic politics shifted in favor of staying, since that is clearly in the EU's interest. The President of the European Council Donald Tusk has implied as much.21 Chart I-29Brexit Helped Tories, Hurt Labour Chart I-30Prime Minister May's Popularity Still Strong From the arguments above we can draw three conclusions. First, parliament will not simply repudiate the popular referendum. Second, if parliament must vote, the political context suggests it will vote on a bill that substantially favors the government's approach toward Brexit. If that happens, the High Court ruling this week will be only a pyrrhic victory for the Bremain camp. However, parliamentary involvement does imply a softer Brexit than otherwise, and it is possible that parliament could extract major concessions. Third, the High Court ruling makes Brexit more, not less, likely. This is because it is forcing parliamentarians to vote on Brexit so early in the process, when Brexit's negative consequences are yet not evident. What do the latest Brexit twists and turns portend for European and global growth? We do not see them as particularly damaging. The British turn toward greater fiscal spending adds yet another to the list of those countries supporting one of our key investment themes: "The Return of G," or government spending.22 As we predicted, Canada is overshooting its budget deficits, Japan is engaging in coordinated monetary and fiscal stimulus, and Italy is expanding spending and daring Germany and the European Council to stop it, especially in the face of badly needed earthquake reconstruction and the ongoing immigration crisis (Chart I-31). Chart I-31G7 Fiscal Thrust Is Going Up This leaves the United States and Germany as two outstanding questions. The U.S. election means that Trump will launch potentially large spending increases with a GOP-held Congress. As for Germany, the CDU/CSU appears to be shifting toward more government spending, but the direction will not be clear until the election in the fall of 2017. Bottom Line: The High Court ruling has made Brexit more rather than less likely. By forcing the parliament to make a ruling on Brexit before the economic damage is clear, the High Court has put parliamentarians in the difficult position of going against the public. We are closing our long FTSE 100 / short FTSE 250 Brexit hedge in the meantime. The market may, incorrectly, price a lower probability of Brexit, while domestic stimulus will aid the home-biased FTSE 250. Nonetheless, we remain short U.K. REITs to capitalize on the long-term uncertainty, as well as negative cyclical and structural factors that are affecting commercial real estate. We also expect the GBP/USD to remain relatively weak and vulnerable relative to the pre-Brexit period. We would expect the GBP/USD to retest its mid-October-low of 1.184 over the next two years. BOX I-1 Likely Successors To German Chancellor Angela Merkel If Merkel decides to retire, who are her potential successors? Wolfgang Schäuble, Finance Minister (CDU): The bane of the financial community, Schäuble is seen as the least market-friendly option due to his hardline position on bailouts and the euro area. In our view, this is an incorrect interpretation of Schäuble's heavy-handedness. He is by all accounts a genuine Europhile who believes in the integrationist project. At 74 years old, he comes from a generation of policymakers who consider European integration a national security issue for Germany. He has pursued a tough negotiating position in order to ensure that the German population does not sour on European integration. Nonetheless, we doubt that he will chose to take on the chancellorship if Merkel retires. He suffered an assassination attempt in 1990 that left him paralyzed and he has occasionally had to be hospitalized due to health complications left from this injury. As such, it is unlikely that he would replace Merkel, but he may stay on as Finance Minister and thus be as close to a "Vice President" role as Germany has. Ursula von der Leyen, Defense Minister (CDU): Most often cited as the likely replacement for Merkel, Leyen nonetheless is not seen favorably by most of the population. She is a strong advocate of further European integration and has supported the creation of a "United States of Europe." Leyen has gone so far as to say that the refugee crisis and the debt crisis are similar in that they will ultimately force Europe to integrate further. As a defense minister, she has promoted the creation of a robust EU army. She has also been a hardliner on Brexit, saying that the U.K. will not re-enter the EU in her lifetime. While the markets and pro-EU elites in Europe would love Leyen, the problem is that her Europhile profile may disqualify her from chancellorship at a time when most CDU politicians are focusing on the Euroskeptic challenge from the right. Thomas De Maizière, Interior Minster (CDU): Maizière is a former Defense Minister and a close confidant of Chancellor Merkel. He was her chief of staff from 2005 to 2009. Like Schäuble, he is somewhat of a hawk on euro area issues (he drove a hard bargain during negotiations to set up a fiscal backstop, the European Financial Stability Fund, in 2010) and as such could be a compromise candidate between the Europhiles and Eurohawks within the CDU ranks. However, he has also been implicated in scandals as Defense Minister and may be tainted by the immigration crisis due to his position as the Interior Minister. Julia Klöckner, Executive Committee Member, Deputy Chair (CDU): A CDU politician from Rhineland-Palatinate, Klöckner is a socially conservative protégé of Merkel. While she has taken a more right-wing stance on the immigration crisis, she has remained loyal to Merkel otherwise. She is a staunch Europhile who has portrayed the Euroskeptic AfD as "dangerous, sometimes racist." We think that she would be a very pro-market choice as she combines the market-irrelevant populism of anti-immigration rhetoric with market-relevant centrism of favoring further European integration. Hermann Gröhe, Minister of Health (CDU): Gröhe is a former CDU secretary general and very close to Merkel. He is a staunch supporter of the euro and European integration. Markets would have no problem with Grohe, although they may take some time to get to know who he is! Volker Bouffier, Minister President of Hesse (CDU): As Minister President of Hesse, home of Germany's financial center Frankfurt, Bouffier may be disqualified from leadership due to his apparent close links with Deutsche Bank. Nonetheless, he is a heavyweight within the CDU's leadership and a staunch Europhile. Fritz Von Zusammenbruch, Hardline Euroskeptic (CDU): This person does not exist! Section II: U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications Highlights Trump won by stealing votes from Democrats in the Midwest. His victory implies a national shift to the left on economic policy. Checks and balances on Trump are not substantial in the short term. U.S. political polarization will continue. Trump is good for the USD, bad for bonds, neutral for equities. Favor SMEs over MNCs. Close long alternative energy / short coal. Feature "Most Americans do not find themselves actually alienated from their fellow Americans or truly fearful if the other party wins power. Unlike in Bosnia, Northern Ireland or Rwanda, competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." — Newt Gingrich, January 2, 2001 Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (and a potential Secretary of State pick), was asked on NBC's Meet the Press two days before the U.S. election whether he still thought that "competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." Gingrich made the original statement in January 2001, merely weeks after one of the most contentious presidential elections in U.S. history was resolved by the Supreme Court. Gingrich's answer in 2016? "I think, tragically, we have drifted into an environment where ... it will be a continuing fight for who controls the country." Despite an extraordinary victory - a revolution really - by Donald J. Trump, the fact of the matter remains that the U.S. is a polarized country between Republican and Democratic voters. As of publication time of this report, Trump lost the popular vote to Secretary Hillary Clinton. His is a narrower victory than either the epic Richard Nixon win in 1968 or George W. Bush squeaker in 2000. Over the next two years, the only thing that matters for the markets is that the U.S. has a unified government behind a Republican president-elect and a GOP-controlled Congress. We discuss the investment implications of this scenario below and caution clients to not over-despair. On the other hand, we also see this election as more evidence that America remains a deeply polarized country where identity politics continue to play a key role. What concerns us is that these identity politics appear to transcend the country's many cultural, ethical, political, and economic commonalities. Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. are fusing into almost ethnic-like groupings. To bring it back to Gingrich's quote at the top, that would suggest that the U.S. is no longer that much different from Bosnia or Northern Ireland.23 Election Post-Mortem Chart II-1Election Polls Usually##br## Miss By A Few Points Donald Trump has won an upset over Hillary Clinton, but his campaign was not as much of a long-shot as the consensus believed. U.S. presidential polls have frequently missed the final tally by +/- 3% of the vote, which was precisely the end result of the 2016 election (Chart II-1). Therefore, as we pointed out in our last missive on the election, Trump's victory was not a "wild mathematical oddity."24 Why Did Trump Win The White House? Where Trump really did beat expectations was in the Midwest, and Wisconsin in particular. He ended up outperforming the poll-of-polls by a near-incredible 10%!25 His victories in Florida, Ohio, and Pennsylvania were well within the range of expectations. For example, the last poll-of-polls had Trump leading in both Florida (by a narrow 0.2%) and Ohio (by a solid 3.5%), whereas Clinton was up in Pennsylvania by the slightest of margins (just 1.9% lead). He ended up exceeding poll expectations in all three (by 2% in Florida, 6% in Ohio, and 3% in Pennsylvania), but not by the same wild margin as in Wisconsin. When all is said and done, Trump won the 2016 election by stealing votes away from the Democrats in the traditionally "blue" Midwest states of Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. This was a far more significant result than his resounding victories in Ohio (which Obama won in 2012) or Florida (where Obama won only narrowly in 2012). Our colleague Peter Berezin, Chief Strategist of the Global Investment Strategy, correctly forecast that Trump would be competitive in all three Midwest states back in September 2015! We highly encourage our clients to read his "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," as it is one of the best geopolitical calls made by BCA in recent history.26 As Peter had originally thought, Trump cleaned up the white, less-educated, male vote in all of the three crucial Midwest states. He won 68% of this vote in Michigan, 71% in Pennsylvania, and 69% in Wisconsin. To do so, Trump campaigned as an unorthodox Republican, appealing to the blue-collar white voter by blaming globalization for their job losses and low wages, and by refusing to accept Republican orthodoxy on fiscal austerity or entitlement spending. Instead, Trump promised to outspend Clinton and protect entitlements at their current levels. This mix of an outsider, anti-establishment, image combined with a left-of-center economic message allowed Trump to win an extraordinary number of former Obama voters. Exit polls showed that Obama had a positive image in all three Midwest states, including with Trump voters! For example, 30% of Trump voters in Michigan approved of the job Obama was doing as president, 25% in Pennsylvania, and 27% in Wisconsin. That's between a quarter and a third of eventual people who cast their vote for Trump. These are the voters that Republicans lost in 2012 because they nominated a former private equity "corporate raider" Mitt Romney as their candidate. Romney had famously argued in a 2008 New York Times op-ed that he would have "Let Detroit go bankrupt." Obama repeatedly attacked Romney during the 2011-2012 campaign on this point. Back in late 2011, we suspected that this message, and this message alone, would win President Obama his re-election.27 Why is the issue of the Midwest Obama voters so important? Because investors have to know precisely why Donald Trump won the election. It wasn't his messages on immigration, law and order, race relations, and especially not the tax cuts he added to his message late in the game. It was his left-of-center policy position on trade and fiscal spending. Trump is beholden to his voters on these policies, particularly in the Midwest states that won him the election. Final word on race. Donald Trump actually improved on Mitt Romney's performance with African-American and Hispanic voters (Table II-1). This was a surprise, given his often racially-charged rhetoric. Meanwhile, Trump failed to improve on the white voter turnout (as percent of overall electorate) or on Romney's performance with white voters in terms of the share of the vote. To be clear, Republicans are still in the proverbial hole with minority voters and are yet to match George Bush's performance in 2004. But with 70% of the U.S. electorate still white in 2016, this did not matter. Table II-1Exit Polls: Trump's Win Was Not Merely About Race Congress: No Gridlock Ahead Republicans exceeded their expectations in the Senate, losing only one seat (Illinois) to Democrats. This means that the GOP control of the Senate will remain quite comfortable and is likely to grow in the 2018 mid-term elections when the Democrats have to defend 25 of 33 seats. Of the 25 Senate seats they will defend, five are in hostile territory: North Dakota, West Virginia, Ohio, Montana, and Missouri. In addition, Florida is always a tough contest. Republicans, on the other hand, have only one Senate seat that will require defense in a Democrat-leaning state: Nevada (and in that case, it will be a Republican incumbent contesting the race). Their other seven seats are all in Republican voting states. As such, expect Republicans to hold on to the Senate well into the 2020 general election. In the House of Representatives, the GOP will retain its comfortable majority. The Tea Party affiliated caucuses (Tea Party Caucus and the House Freedom Caucus) performed well in the election. The Tea Party Caucus members won 35 seats out of 38 they contested and the House Freedom Caucus won 34 seats out of 37 it contested. The race to watch now is for the Speaker of the House position. Paul Ryan, the Speaker of the incumbent House, is likely to contest the election again and win. Even though his support for Donald Trump was lukewarm, we expect Republicans to unify the party behind Trump and Ryan. A challenge from the right could emerge, but we doubt it will materialize given Trump's victory. The campaign for the election will begin immediately, with Republicans selecting their candidate by December (the official election will be in the first week of January, but it is a formality as Republicans hold the majority). Bottom Line: Trump's victory was largely the product of former Obama voters in the Midwest switching to the GOP candidate. This happened because of Trump's unorthodox, left-of-center, message. Trump will have a friendly Congress to work with for the next four years. How friendly? That question will determine the investment significance of the Trump presidency. Investment Relevance Of A United Government Most clients we have spoken to over the past several months believe that Donald Trump will be constrained on economic policies by a right-leaning Congress. His more ambitious fiscal spending plans - such as the $550 billion infrastructure plan and $150 billion net defense spending plan - will therefore be either "dead on arrival" in Congress, or will be significantly watered down by the legislature. Focus will instead shift to tax cuts and traditional Republican policies. We could not disagree more. GOP is not fiscally conservative: There is no empirical evidence that the GOP is actually fiscally conservative. First, the track record of the Bush and Reagan administrations do not support the adage that Republicans keep fiscal spending in check when they are in power (Chart II-2). Second, Republican voters themselves only want "small government" when the Democrats are in charge of the White House (Chart II-3). When a Republican President is in charge, Republicans forget their "small government" leanings. Chart II-2Republicans Are##br## Not Fiscally Responsible Chart II-3Big Government Is Only ##br##A Problem For Opposition Presidents get their way: Over the past 28 years, each new president has generally succeeded in passing their signature items. Congress can block some but probably not all of president's plans. Clinton, Bush, and Obama each began with their own party controlling the legislature, which gave an early advantage that was later reversed in their second term. Clinton lost on healthcare, but achieved bipartisan welfare reform. For Obama, legislative obstructionism halted various initiatives, but his core objectives were either already met (healthcare), not reliant on Congress (foreign policy), or achieved through compromise after his reelection (expiration of Bush tax cuts for upper income levels). Median voter has moved to the left: Donald Trump won both the GOP primary and the general election by preaching an unorthodox, left-of-center sermon. He understood correctly that the American voter preferences on economic policies have moved away from Republican laissez-faire orthodoxies.28 Yes, he is also calling for significant lowering of both income and corporate tax rates. However, tax cuts were never a focal point of his campaign, and he only introduced the policy later in the race when he was trying to get traditional Republicans on board with his campaign. Newsflash: traditional Republicans did not get Trump over the hump, Obama voters in the Midwest did! Investors should make no mistake, the key pillars of Trump's campaign are de-globalization, higher fiscal spending, and protecting entitlements at current levels. And he will pursue all three with GOP allies in Congress. What are the investment implications of this policy mix? USD: More government spending, marginally less global trade, and pressure on multi-national corporations (MNCs) to scale back their global operations should be positive for inflation. If growth surprises to the upside due to fiscal spending, it will allow the Fed to hike more than the current 57 bps expected by the market by the end of 2018. Given easy monetary stance of central banks around the world, and lack of significant fiscal stimulus elsewhere, economic growth surprise in the U.S. should be positive for the dollar in the long term. At the moment, the market is reacting to the Trump victory with ambivalence on the USD. In fact, the dollar suffered as Trump's probability of victory rose in late October. We believe that this is a temporary reaction. We see both Trump's fiscal and trade policies as bullish. BCA's currency strategist Mathieu Savary believes that the dollar could therefore move in a bifurcated fashion in the near term. On the one hand, the dollar could rise against EM currencies and commodity producers, but suffer - or remain flat - against DM currencies such as the EUR, CHF, and JPY.29 Bonds: More inflation and growth should also mean that the bond selloff continues. In addition, if our view on globalization is correct, then the deflationary effects of the last three decades should begin to reverse over the next several years. BCA thesis that we are at the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market" should therefore remain cogent.30 As one of our "Trump hedges," our colleague Rob Robis, Chief Strategist of the BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy, suggested a 2-year / 30-year Treasury curve steepener. This hedge is now up 18.7 bps and we suggest clients continue to hold it. Fed policy: Trump's statements about monetary policy have been inconsistent. Early on in his campaign he described himself as "a low interest rate guy", but he has more recently become critical of current Federal Reserve policy - and Fed Chair Janet Yellen in particular - claiming that while higher interest rates are justified, the Fed is keeping them low for "political reasons." What seems certain is that Janet Yellen will be replaced as Fed Chair when her term expires in February 2018. Yellen is unlikely to resign of her own volition before then and it would be legally difficult for the President to remove a sitting Fed Chair prior to the end of her term. But Trump will get the opportunity to re-shape the composition of the Fed's Board of Governors as soon as he is sworn in. There are currently two empty seats on the Board need to be filled and given that many of Trump's economic advisers have "hard money" leanings, it is very likely that both appointments will go to inflation hawks. Equities: In terms of equities, Trump will be a source of uncertainty for U.S. stocks as the market deals with the unknown of his presidency. In addition, markets tend to not like united government in the U.S. as it raises the specter of big policy moves (Table II-2). However, Trump should be positive for sectors that sold off in anticipation of a Clinton victory, such as healthcare and financials. We also suspect that he will continue the outperformance of defense stocks, although that would have been the case with Clinton as well. Table II-2Election: Industry Implications In the long term, Trump's proposal for major corporate tax cuts should be good for U.S. equities. However, we are not entirely sure that this is the case. First, the effective corporate tax rate in the U.S. is already at its multi-decade lows (Chart II-4). As such, any corporate tax reform that lowers the marginal rate will not really affect the effective rate. Why does this matter? Because major corporations already have low effective tax rates. Any lowering of the marginal rate will therefore benefit the small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and the domestic oriented S&P 500 corporations. If corporate tax reform also includes closing loopholes that benefit the major multi-national corporations (MNCs), then Trump's policy will not necessarily benefit all firms in the U.S. equally. Chart II-4How Low Can It Go? Investors have to keep in mind that Trump has not run a pro-corporate campaign. He has accused American manufacturing firms of taking jobs outside the U.S. and tech companies of skirting taxes. It is not clear to us that his corporate tax reform will therefore necessarily be a boon for the stock market. In the long term, we like to play Trump's populist message by favoring America's SMEs over MNCs. If we are ultimately correct on the USD and growth, then export-oriented S&P 500 companies should suffer in the face of a USD bull market and marginally less globalization. Meanwhile, lowering of the marginal corporate tax rate will benefit the SMEs that do not get the benefit of K-street lobbyist negotiated tax loopholes. Global Assets: The global asset to watch over the next several weeks is the USD/RMB cross. China is forced by domestic economic conditions to continue to slowly depreciate its currency. We have expected this since 2015, which is why we have shorted the RMB via 12-month non-deliverable forwards (NDF). Risk to global assets, particularly EM currencies and equities, would be that Beijing decides to depreciate the RMB before Trump is inaugurated on January 20. This could re-visit the late 2015 panic over China, particularly the narrative that it is exporting deflation. Our view is that even if China does not undertake such actions over the next two months, Sino-American tensions are set to escalate. It is much easier for Trump to fulfill his de-globalization policies with China - a geopolitical rival with which the U.S. has no free trade agreement - than with NAFTA trade partners Canada and Mexico. This will only deepen geopolitical tensions between the two major global powers, which has been our secular view since 2011. Finally, a quick note on the Mexican peso. The Mexican peso has already collapsed half of its value in the past 18 months and we believe the trade is overdone. Investors have used the currency cross as a way to articulate Trump's victory probability. It is no longer cogent. We believe that the U.S. will focus on trade relations with China under a Trump presidency, rather than NAFTA trade partners. Our Emerging Markets Strategy believes that it is time to consider going long MXN versus other EM currencies, such as ZAR and BRL. Investors should also watch carefully the Cabinet appointments that Trump makes over the next two months. Since Carter's administration, cabinet announcements have occurred in early to mid-December. Almost all of these appointments were confirmed on Inauguration Day (usually January 20 of the year after election, including in 2017) or shortly thereafter. Only one major nomination since Carter was disapproved. These appointments will tell us how willing Trump is to reach to traditional Republicans who have served on previous administrations. We suspect that he will go with picks that will execute his fiscal, trade, and tax policies. Bottom Line: After the dust settles over the next several weeks, we suspect that Trump will signal that he intends to pursue his fiscal, trade, immigration, and tax policies. These will be, in the long term, positive for the USD, negative for bonds (including Munis, which will lose their tax-break appeal if income taxes are reduced), and likely neutral for equities. Within the equity space, Trump will be positive for U.S. SMEs and negative for MNCs. This means being long S&P 600 over S&P 100. Lastly, close our long alternative energy / short coal trade for a loss of -26.8%. Constraints: Don't Bet On Them Domestically, the American president can take significant action without congressional support through executive directives. Lincoln raised an army and navy by proclamation and freed the slaves; Franklin Roosevelt interned the Japanese; Truman tried to seize steel factories to keep production up during the Korean War. Truman's case is almost the only one of a major executive order being rebuffed by the Supreme Court. The Reagan and Clinton administrations have shown that a president thwarted by a divided or adverse congress will often use executive directives to achieve policy aims and satisfy particular interest groups and sectors. Though the number of executive orders has gone down in recent administrations (Chart II-5), the economic significance has increased along with the size and penetration of the bureaucracy (Chart II-6). The economic impact of executive orders is always debatable, but the key point is that the president's word tends to carry the day.31 Chart II-5Rule By Decree Chart II-6Executive Branch Is Growing Trade is a major area where Trump would have considerable sway. He has repeatedly signaled his intention to restrict American openness to international trade. The U.S. president can revoke international treaties solely on their own authority. Congressionally approved agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) cannot be revoked by the president, but Trump could obstruct its ongoing implementation.32 He would also have considerable powers to levy tariffs, as Nixon showed with his 10% "surcharge" on most imports in 1971.33 Bottom Line: Presidential authority is formidable in the areas Trump has made the focus of his campaign: immigration and trade. Without a two-thirds majority in Congress to override him, or an activist federal court, Trump would be able to enact significant policies simply by issuing orders to his subordinates in the executive branch. Long-Term Implications: Polarization In The U.S. Does the Republican control of Congress and the White House signal that polarization in America will subside? We began this analysis by focusing on the investment implications when Republicans control the three houses of the American government. But long-term implications of polarization will not dissipate. Investors may overstate the importance of a Republican-controlled government and thus understate the relevance of continued polarization. We doubt that Donald Trump is a uniting figure who can transcend America's polarized politics, especially given his weak popular mandate (he lost the popular vote as Bush did in 2000) and the sub-50% vote share. And, our favorite chart of the year remains the same: both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton have entered the history books as the most disliked presidential candidates ever on the day of the election (Chart II-7). Chart II-7Clinton And Trump Are Making (The Wrong Kind Of) History According to empirical work by political scientists Keith Poole and Howard Rosenthal, polarization in Congress is at its highest level since World War II (Chart II-8). Their research shows that the liberal-conservative dimension explains approximately 93% of all roll-call voting choices and that the two parties are drifting further apart on this crucial dimension.34 Chart II-8The Widening Ideological Gulf In The U.S. Congress Meanwhile, a 2014 Pew Research study has shown that Republicans and Democrats are moving further to the right and left, respectively. Chart II-9 shows the distribution of Republicans and Democrats on a 10-item scale of political values across the last three decades. In addition, "very unfavorable" views of the opposing party have skyrocketed since 2004 (Chart II-10), with 45% of Republicans and 41% of Democrats now seeing the other party as a "threat to the nation's well-being"! Chart II-9U.S. Political Polarization: Growing Apart Chart II-10Live And Let Die Much ink has been spilled trying to explain the mounting polarization in America.35 Our view remains that politics in a democracy operates on its own supply-demand dynamic. If there was no demand for polarized politics, especially at the congressional level, American politicians would not be so eager to supply it. We believe that five main factors - in our subjective order of importance - explain polarization in the U.S. today: Income Inequality and Immobility The increase in political polarization parallels rising income inequality in the U.S. (Chart II-11). The U.S. is a clear and distant outlier on both factors compared to its OECD peers (Chart II-12). However, Americans are not being divided neatly along income levels. This is because Republicans and Democrats disagree on how to fix income inequality. For Donald Trump voters, the solutions are to put up barriers to free trade and immigration while reducing income taxes for all income levels. For Hillary Clinton voters, it means more taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, while putting up some trade barriers and expanding entitlements. This means that the correlation between polarization and income inequality is misleading as there is no causality. Rather, rising income inequality, especially when combined with a low-growth environment, shifts the political narrative from the "politics of plenty" towards "politics of scarcity." It hardens interest and identity groups and makes them less generous towards the "other." Chart II-11Inequality Breeds Polarization Chart II-12Opportunity And Income: Americans Are Outliers Generational Warfare The political age gap is increasing (Chart II-13). This remains the case following the 2016 election, with 55% Millennials (18-29 year olds) having voted for Hillary Clinton. The problem for older voters, who tend to identify far more with the Republican Party, is that the Millennials are already the largest voting bloc in America (Chart II-14). And as Millennial voters start increasing their turnout, and as Baby Boomers naturally decline, the urgency to vote for Republican policymakers' increases. Chart II-13The Age Gap In American Politics Chart II-14Millennials Are The Biggest Bloc Geographical Segregation Noted political scientist Robert Putnam first cautioned that increasing geographic segregation into clusters of like-minded communities was leading to rising polarization.36 This explains, in large part, how liberal elites have completely missed the rise of Donald Trump. Left-leaning Americans tend to live in a left-leaning community. They share their morning cup-of-Joe with Liberals and rarely mix with the plebs supporting Trump. And of course vice-versa. University of Toronto professors Richard Florida and Charlotta Mellander have more recently shown in their "Segregated City" research that "America's cities and metropolitan areas have cleaved into clusters of wealth, college education, and highly-paid knowledge-based occupations."37 Their research shows that American neighborhoods are increasingly made up of people of the same income level, across all metropolitan areas. Florida and Mellander also show that educational and occupational segregation follows economic segregation. Meanwhile, the same research shows that Canada's most segregated metropolitan area, Montreal, would be the 227th most segregated city if it were in the U.S.! This form of geographic social distance fosters increasing polarization by allowing voters to remain aloof of their fellow Americans, their plight, needs, and concerns. The extreme urban-rural divide of the 2016 election confirms this thesis. Immigration Much as with income inequality, there is a close correlation between political polarization and immigration. The U.S. is on its way to becoming a minority-majority country, with the percent of the white population expected to dip below 50% in 2045 (Chart II-15). Hispanic and Asian populations are expected to continue rising for the rest of the century. For many Americans facing the pernicious effects of low-growth, high debt, and elevated income inequality, the rising impact of immigration is anathema. Not only is the country changing its ethnic and cultural make-up, but the incoming immigrants tend to be less educated and thus lower-income than the median American. They therefore favor - or will favor, when they can vote - redistributive policies. Many Americans feel - fairly or unfairly - that the costs of these policies will have to be shouldered by white middle-class taxpayers, who are not wealthy enough to be indifferent to tax increases, and may be unskillful enough to face competition from immigrants. There is also a security component to the rising concern about immigration. Although Muslims are only 1% of the U.S. population, many voters perceive radical Islam to be a vital security threat to the nation. As such, immigration and radical Islamic terrorism are seen as close bedfellows. Media Polarization The 2016 election has been particularly devastating for mainstream media. According to the latest Gallup poll, only 32% of Americans trust the mass media "to report the news fully, accurately and fairly." This is the lowest level in Gallup polling history. The decline is particularly concentrated among Independent and Republican respondents (Chart II-16). With mainstream media falling out of favor for many Americans, voters are turning towards social media and the Internet. Facebook is now as important for political news coverage as local TV for Americans who get their news from the Internet (Chart II-17). Chart II-15Racial Composition Is Changing Chart II-16A War Of Words Chart II-17New Sources Of News Not Always Credible The problem with getting your news coverage from Facebook is that it often means getting news coverage from "fake" sources. A recent experiment by BuzzFeed showed that three big right-wing Facebook pages published false or misleading information 38% of the time while three large left-wing pages did so in nearly 20% of posts.38 The Internet allows voters to self-select what ideological lens colors their daily intake of information and it transcends geography. Two American families, living next to each other in the same neighborhood, can literally perceive reality from completely different perspectives by customizing their sources of information. Chart II-18Gerrymandering Reduces Competitive Seats In addition to these five factors, one should also reaffirm the role of redistricting, or "gerrymandering." Over the last two decades, both the Democrats and Republicans (but mainly the latter) have redrawn geographical boundaries to create "ideologically pure" electoral districts. Of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives, only about 56 are truly competitive (Chart II-18). This improves job security for incumbent politicians and legislative-seat security for the party; but it also discourages legislators from reaching across the ideological aisle in order to ensure re-election. Instead, the main electoral challenge now comes from the member's own party during the primary election. For Republicans, this means that the challenge is most often coming from a candidate that is further to the right. Incumbent GOP politicians in Congress therefore have an incentive to maintain highly conservative records lest a challenge from the far-right emerges in a primary election. Given that the frequency of elections is high in the House of Representatives (every two years), legislators cannot take even a short break from partisanship. Redistricting deepens polarization, therefore, by changing the political calculus for legislators facing ideologically pure electorates in their home districts. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is a product of structural factors that are here to stay. Trump's narrow victory will in no way change that. But How Much Worse? Chart II-19Party Is The Chief Source Of Identity Political polarization is not new. Older readers will remember 1968, when social unrest over the Vietnam War was at its height. Richard Nixon barely got over the finish line that year, beating Vice-President Hubert Humphrey by around 500,000 votes.39 Another contested election in a contested era. Our concern is that the Republican and Democrat "labels" - or perhaps conservative and liberal labels - appear to be ossifying. For example, Pew Research showed in 2012 that the difference between Americans on 48 values is the greatest between Republicans and Democrats. This has not always been the case, as Chart II-19 shows. We suspect that the data would be even starker today, especially after the divisive 2016 campaign that has bordered on hysterical. This means that "Republican" and "Democrat" labels have become real and almost "sectarian" in nature. In fact, one's values are now determined more by one's party identification than race, education, income, religiosity, or gender! This is incredible, given America's history of racial and religious divisions. Why is this happening? We suspect that the shift in urgency and tone is motivated at least in part by the changing demographics of America. Two demographic groups that identify the most with the Republican Party - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are in a structural decline (the first in absolute terms and the second in relative terms). Both see the writing on the political wall. Given America's democratic system of government, their declining numbers (or, in the case of suburban whites, declining majorities) will mean significant future policy decisions that go against their preferences. America is set to become more left-leaning, favor more redistribution, and become less culturally homogenous. Not only are Millennials more socially liberal and economically left-leaning, but they are also "browner" than the rest of the U.S. As we pointed out early this year, 2016 was an election that the GOP could reasonably attempt to win by appealing exclusively to white and older voters. The "White Hype" strategy was mathematically cogent ... at least in 2016.40 It will get a lot more difficult to pursue this strategy in 2020 and beyond. Not impossible, but difficult. We suspect that conservative voters know this. As such, there was an urgency this year to lock-in structural changes to key policies before it is too late. Donald Trump may have been a flawed messenger for many voters, but it did not matter. The clock is ticking for a large segment of America and therefore Trump was an acceptable vehicle of their fears and anger. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is likely to increase. Two key Republican/conservative constituencies - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are backed into the corner by demographic trends. But it also means that a left counter-revolution is just around the corner. And we doubt that the Democratic Party will chose as centrist of a candidate the next time around. Final Thoughts: What Have We Learned 1. Economics trump PC: Civil rights remain a major category of the American public's policy concerns. However, the Democratic Party's prioritization of social issues on the margins of the civil rights debate has not galvanized voters in the face of persistent negative attitudes about the economy. More specifically, the surge in cheap credit since 2000 that covered up the steady decline of wages as a share of GDP has ended, leaving households exposed to deleveraging and reduced purchasing power (Chart II-20). American households have lost patience with the slow, grinding pace of economic recovery, they reject the debt consequences of low inflation with deflationary tail risks, and they resent disappointed expectations in terms of job security and quality. Concerns about certain social preferences - as opposed to basic rights - pale in comparison to these economic grievances. Chart II-20Credit No Longer Hides Stagnant Income 2. Polls are OK, but beware the quant models that use them: On two grave political decisions this year, in two advanced markets with the "best" quality of polling, political modeling turned out to be grossly erroneous. To be fair, the polls themselves prior to both Brexit and the U.S. election were within a margin of error. However, quantitative models relying on these polls were overconfident, leading investors to ignore the risks of a non-consensus outcome. As we warned in mid-October - with Clinton ahead with a robust lead - the problem with quantitative political models is that they rely on polling data for their input.41 To iron-out the noise of an occasional bad poll, political analysts aggregate the polls to create a "poll-of-polls." But combining polls is mathematically the same as combining bad mortgages into securities. The philosophy behind the methodology is that each individual object (mortgage or poll) may be flawed, but if you get enough of them together, the problems will all average out and you have a very low risk of something bad happening. Well, something bad did happen. The quantitative models were massively wrong! We tried to avoid this problem by heavily modifying our polls-based-model with structural factors. Many of these structural variables - economic context, political momentum, Obama's approval rating - actually did not favor Clinton. Our model therefore consistently gave Donald Trump between 35-45% probability of winning the election, on average three and four times higher than other popular quant models. This caused us to warn clients that our view on the election was extremely cautious and recommend hedges. In fact, Donald Trump had 41% chance of winning the race on election night, according to the last iteration of our model, a very high probability.42 3. Professor Lichtman was right: Political science professor Allan Lichtman has once again accurately called the election - for the ninth time. The result on Nov. 8 strongly supports his life's work that presidential elections in the United States are popular referendums on the incumbent party of the last four years. Structural factors undid the Democrats (Table II-3), and none of the campaign rhetoric, cross-country barnstorming, or "horse race" polling mattered a whit. The Republicans had momentum from previous midterm elections, Clinton had suffered a strong challenge in her primary, the Obama administration's achievements over the past four years were negligible (the Affordable Care Act passed in his first term). These factors, along with the political cycle itself, favored the Republicans. Trump's lack of charisma did not negate the structural support for a change of ruling party. Investors should take note: no amount of mathematical horsepower, big data, or Silicon Valley acumen was able to beat the qualitative, informed, contemplative work of a single historian. Table II-3Lichtman's Thirteen Keys To The White House* 4. Non-linearity of politics: Lichtman's method calls attention to the danger of linear assumptions and quantitative modeling in attempting the art of political prediction. Big data and quantitative econometric and polling models have notched up key failures this year. They cannot make subjective judgments regarding whether a president has had a major foreign policy success or failure or a major policy innovation - on all three of those counts, the Democrats failed from 2012-16. There really is no way to quantify political risk because human and social organizations often experience paradigm shifts that are characterized by non-linearity. Newtonian Laws will always work on planet earth and as such we are not concerned about what will happen to us if we board an airplane. Laws of physics will not simply stop working while we are mid-air. However, social interactions and political narratives do experience paradigm shifts. We have identified several since 2011: geopolitical multipolarity, de-globalization, end of laissez-faire consensus, end of Chimerica, and global loss of confidence in elites and institutions.43 5. No country is immune to decaying institutions: The United States has, with few exceptions, the oldest written constitution among major states, and it ensures checks and balances. But recent decades have shown that the executive branch has expanded its power at the expense of the legislative and judicial branches. Moreover, executives have responded to major crisis - like the September 11 attacks and the 2008 financial crisis - with policy responses that were formulated haphazardly, ideologically divisive, and difficult to implement: the Iraq War and the Affordable Care Act. The result is that the jarring events that have blindsided America over the past sixteen years have resulted in wasted political capital and deeper polarization. The failure of institutions has opened the way for political parties to pursue short-term gains at the expense of their "partners" across the aisle, and to bend and manipulate procedural rules to achieve ends that cannot be achieved through consensus and compromise. 6. U.S. is shifting leftward when it comes to markets: Inequality and social immobility have, with Trump's election, entered the conservative agenda, after having long sat on the liberals' list of concerns. The shift in white blue-collar Midwestern voters toward Trump reflects the fact that voters are non-partisan in demanding what they want: they want to retain their existing rights, privileges, and entitlements, and to expand their wages and social protections. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Global Alpha Sector Strategy Special Report, "Brothers In Arms," dated October 28, 2016, available at gss.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Europe's Divine Comedy: Italian Inferno," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Great Migration - Europe, Refuges, And Investment Implications," dated September 23, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 The BBC is exemplary of the mainstream Western press on this point. Please see Stephen McDonell, "The Ever-Growing Power Of China's Xi Jinping," BBC News, China Blog, dated October 29, 2016, available at www.bbc.com. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Two Factions, One Party - Part II," dated September 12, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see the "Eighteenth Communist Party Of China Central Committee Sixth Plenary Session Communique," dated October 27, 2016, available at cpc.people.com.cn. 14 Jiang Zemin, China's ruler from roughly 1993 to 2002, was also referred to as the "core" leader, but he received this moniker from Deng Xiaoping. Xi is following in Deng's footsteps by declaring himself to be the core and winning support from the party. As for his centralizing efforts, prior to being named the "core leader," Xi had already waged a sweeping crackdown on political opponents and dissidents. He had used his position as head of the party, the state bureaucracy, and the armed forces to reshuffle personnel in these bodies extensively. He had already created new organizational bodies, including the National Security Commission, and initiated plans to restructure the military to emphasize joint-operations under regional battle commands. A weak leader would not have advanced so quickly. 15 Deng named Mao the "core" of the first generation of leaders, but it was evident that he sought a different leadership model. 16 Specifically, Xi could prevent the preferment of successors for 2022, he could reduce the size of the Politburo Standing Committee further to five members, or he could modify or make exceptions to the informal rule that top officials must not be promoted if they are 68 or older. Please see Minxin Pei, "A Looming Power Struggle For China?" dated October 28, 2016, available at www.cfr.org. 17 Please see "Communique of the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China," dated January 15, 2014 [adopted November 12, 2013], available at www.china.org.cn. 18 Please see "China: The Socialist Put And Rising Government Leverage," in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Brexit Update: Does Brexit Really Mean Brexit?" dated July 15, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. For the High Court ruling, please see the U.K. Courts and Tribunals Judiciary, "R (Miller) -V- Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union," dated November 3, 2016, available at www.judiciary.gov.uk. 20 At that time a Tory majority in the House of Commons had enraged the populace by imprisoning a group of petitioners from Kent. Both the Kentish Petition and the Legion Memorial demanded that parliament heed the will of the populace. 21 Presumably, the European Council could vote unanimously under Article 50 to extend the negotiation period for a very long time. 22 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Nuthin' But A G Thang," dated August 12, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 Except that it is better armed. 24 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "U.S. Election: Trump's Arrested Development," dated November 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 25 However, Wisconsin polling was rather poor as most pollsters assumed that it was a shoe-in for Democrats. One problem with polling in Midwest states is that they were, other than Pennsylvania and Ohio, assumed to be safe Democratic states. Note for example the extremely tight result in Minnesota and the absolute dearth of polling out of that state throughout the last several months. 26 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," dated September 4, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 27 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. General Elections And Scenarios: Implications," dated July 11, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 28 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 29 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It," dated November 4, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 30 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 31 Only a two-thirds majority of Congress, or a ruling by a federal court, can undo an executive action, and that is exceedingly rare. The real check on executive orders is the rotation of office: a president can undo with the stroke of a pen whatever his predecessor enacted. Congress has the power of the purse, but it is sporadic in its oversight and has challenged less than 5% of executive orders, even though those orders often re-direct the way the executive branch uses funds Congress has allocated. More often, Congress votes to codify executive orders rather than nullify them. 32 Trump is not alone in calling for renegotiating or even abandoning NAFTA. Clinton called for renegotiation in 2008, and Senator Bernie Sanders has done so in 2016. 33 In Proclamation 4074, dated August 15, 1971, Nixon suspended all previous presidential proclamations implementing trade agreements insofar as was required to impose a new 10% surcharge on all dutiable goods entering the United States. He justified it in domestic law by invoking the president's authority and previous congressional acts authorizing the president to act on behalf of Congress with regard to trade agreement negotiation and implementation (including tariff levels). He justified the proclamation in international law by referring to international allowances during balance-of-payments emergencies. 34 The "primary dimension" of Chart II-8 is represented by the x-axis and is the liberal-conservative spectrum on the basic role of the government in the economy. The "second dimension" (y-axis) depends on the era and is picking up regional differences on a number of social issues such as the civil rights movement (which famously split Democrats between northern Liberals and southern Dixiecrats). 35 We have penned two such efforts ourselves. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Polarization In America: Transient Or Structural Risk?," dated October 9, 2013, and "A House Divided Cannot Stand: America's Polarization," dated July 11, 2012," available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 36 Putnam, Robert. 2000. Bowling Alone. New York: Simon and Schuster. 37 Please see Martin Prosperity Institute, "Segregated City," dated February 23, 2015, available at martinprosperity.org. 38 Please see BuzzFeedNews, "Hyperpartisan Facebook Pages Are Publishing False And Misleading Information At An Alarming Rate," dated October 20, 2016, available at buzzfeed.com. 39 Nonetheless, due to the third-party candidate George Wallace carrying the then traditionally-Democratic South, Nixon managed to win the Electoral College in a landslide. 40 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Election: The Great White Hype," dated March 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 41 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "You've Been Trumped!," dated October 21, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 42 For comparison, Steph Curry, the greatest three-point shooter in basketball history, and a two-time NBA MVP, has a career three-point shooting average of 44%. With that average, he is encouraged to take every three-pointer he can by his team. In other words, despite being less than 50%, this is a very high percentage. 43 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategy Outlook 2015 - Paradigm Shifts," dated January 21, 2015, and "Strategy Outlook 2016 - Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Dear Client, In addition to this week's regular Weekly Report, you should have also received a Client Note written by my colleague Marko Papic discussing the upcoming U.S. presidential election. Marko argues that the election is now too close to call. Donald Trump's resilience in the polls continues to baffle most observers. Not us. Back in September of 2015, when most pundits were laughing off Trump's chances, we wrote a report arguing that Trump's rhetoric would resonate with voters much more than most people thought possible. That report, entitled "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," is as relevant today as it was back then. Best regards, Peter Berezin Highlights Spare capacity has narrowed substantially within the developed world. Most of the decline in spare capacity is attributable to lackluster supply, rather than stronger demand. Potential GDP growth is likely to remain weak over the coming years. Narrowing output gaps will put upward pressure on inflation. We are long Japanese and German inflation protection. As spare capacity continues to dwindle, forward guidance will become a more effective tool for central banks. At least in this respect, central bankers may find themselves with a few more bullets in their arsenals. Stay long the dollar and position for gradually higher government bond yields. Global equities are highly vulnerable to a near-term correction, owing to a more hawkish Fed and growing U.S. election uncertainty. Once the dust has settled, European and Japanese stocks will outperform their U.S. peers. Feature Spare Capacity Is Dwindling A persistent shortfall of aggregate demand has been the defining feature of the global economic landscape ever since the financial crisis erupted. This chronic lack of spending has kept inflation below target in most developed economies, forcing central banks to adopt ever more radical easing policies. That is starting to change. Spare capacity continues to decline, allowing once dormant supply-side constraints to reimpose themselves. In this week's report, we take stock of where we are in this process. Mind The (Output) Gap The simplest measure of spare capacity is the so-called output gap, which estimates the difference between what economies are actually producing and what they are capable of producing without putting undue upward pressure on inflation. According to the IMF, the output gap for advanced economies has narrowed from a high of 3.8% of GDP in 2009 to 0.8% at present. The OECD's measure shows a similar decline (Chart 1). Chart 1AOutput Gaps Have Narrowed Chart 1BOutput Gaps Have Narrowed The IMF reckons that the output gap has nearly closed in the U.S. and the U.K. The Fund estimates that Japan's output gap currently stands at 1.5% of GDP. The OECD also sees the U.K. output gap as being fully closed. However, it calculates a smaller output gap for Japan but a larger output gap for the U.S. than the IMF does. Both institutions peg the euro area's output gap at around 1%-to- 1.5%. Not surprisingly, there is a fair bit of variation within continental Europe. The output gap in Germany has fully disappeared, but still stands at 2%-to-3% of GDP in Italy and Spain. Naturally, one should take these numbers with a grain of salt. Output gaps are notoriously difficult to calculate and are subject to large revisions. The OECD, for example, tends to rely on statistical approaches to estimate output gaps.1 These typically involve employing tools such as the so-called "Hodrick-Prescott filter" to smooth out historical GDP data and then treating the resulting trendline as an estimate for potential GDP. Such methods have their uses, but they can go badly awry in situations where GDP is slow to return to its "true" underlying trend. This is a particular worry in the current environment, considering that recoveries following burst asset bubbles tend to be lethargic even in the best of times. The fact that fiscal policy has been fairly tight and monetary policy has been constrained by the zero lower bound has further dampened the recovery. With that in mind, rather than relying on purely statistical techniques, it is useful to measure spare capacity directly. We do this by gauging the extent to which the existing factors of production - labor and capital - are being effectively deployed across the major developed economies. As we argue below, this approach suggests that slack may be modestly higher in Japan than what the IMF and the OECD calculate, and more meaningfully understated in peripheral Europe. The Message From Headline Unemployment Rates Unemployment has been falling in almost all major developed economies (Chart 2). In the U.S. and the U.K., the jobless rate is back to pre-crisis levels. In Germany and Japan, it is below where it was before the Great Recession. As such, it is unlikely that unemployment can decline much in these economies. Chart 2AUnemployment Rates Have Declined Chart 2BUnemployment Rates Have Declined In contrast, while unemployment rates in peripheral Europe have been trending lower over the past three years, they are still quite high by historical standards. There is some debate over whether they can fall much further. The OECD, for example, contends that Spain is already close to full employment, even though the country's unemployment rate still stands at nearly 20%. We find this implausible. The OECD essentially takes a moving average to calculate structural unemployment rates in various economies. As noted above, this can be highly misleading in circumstances where the forces pushing an economy towards full employment are impaired. In general, this suggests that both the IMF and the OECD estimates of labor market slack in the euro area are too low. This is consistent with a recent ECB research paper, which calculated that the euro area's output gap was 6% of GDP in 2015, a far cry from the European Commission's estimate of 1.1%.2 Disguised Unemployment The unemployment rate is probably the single best measure of labor market slack. However, it can understate the true amount of spare capacity during periods when many people have stopped looking for work, or when those who are employed are not working as much or as intensively as they would like. The nature of this additional labor market slack differs from region to region. In the U.S., it has mainly manifested itself in lower labor force participation rates; whereas in Europe - perhaps in keeping with the more egalitarian nature of European society - it has mainly taken the form of fewer hours worked and a higher incidence of involuntary part-time employment. Chart 3 shows that labor force participation rates among prime-age workers (those between the ages of 25-and-54) in Europe are generally higher now than they were before the financial crisis. In contrast, the share of workers who have part-time jobs but desire full-time employment remains elevated across most of continental Europe (Chart 4). The average annual number of hours worked per employee has also declined in most European economies (Chart 5). Chart 3ALabor Force Participation Rate ##br##Has Risen In Europe, But Fallen In The U.S. Chart 3BLabor Force Participation Rate ##br##Has Risen In Europe, But Fallen In The U.S. Chart 4AEurope: Higher Incidence Of ##br##Involuntary Part-Time Employment Chart 4BEurope: Higher Incidence ##br##Of Involuntary Part-Time Employment In the U.S., the prime-age labor force participation rate is still 1.9 points lower than it was in 2007. Part of this is cyclical. As long as the labor market continues to improve, participation rates among prime-age workers should continue to recover. That's the good news. The bad news is that ongoing structural forces are likely to prevent the participation rate from returning back to its pre-crisis levels. Chart 6 shows that labor force participation rates among U.S. prime-aged males has been trending lower since the 1960s. The decline has been particularly acute among less-educated workers. Why this has happened remains a source of intense debate. Conservative commentators have argued that cultural shifts have reduced the social pressure on men to maintain gainful employment. Liberal commentators have contended that falling real wages at the lower end of the skill distribution have reduced the incentive to work. Whatever the reason, it will be difficult to boost labor participation substantially from current levels. At present, 11% of U.S. prime-aged nonparticipants report wanting a job, only modestly higher than before the recession (Chart 7). It is possible that some fraction of those who do not want to work will change their minds - indeed, this year has seen a modest inflow of "disabled" people back into the labor force. Realistically, however, this is unlikely to boost labor participation by more than one percentage point. Chart 5Hours Worked ##br##In Europe Have Declined Chart 6U.S.: The Less Educated ##br##Are Shunning The Labor Force Chart 7U.S.: Fewer Potential Workers ##br##On The Sidelines Chart 8Japan's Underutilized Labor Force The incidence of involuntary part-time employment in Japan has returned to where it was prior to the Great Recession. However, in absolute terms, it remains quite high - in fact, nearly as high as in Europe. Japanese full-time employees may also not be as productively engaged as they could be. As evidence, note that output-per-hour in Japan is 37% lower than in the U.S. and 33% lower than in Germany (Chart 8). From this we conclude that there is somewhat more labor market slack in Japan than the headline unemployment rate suggests. Industrial Capacity Utilization Goods-producing sectors typically account for less than a third of GDP in most advanced economies. Nevertheless, because the demand for goods tends to be more volatile than the demand for services, fluctuations in industrial production often account for the bulk of the changes in output gaps. As Chart 9 shows, after a brisk recovery following the financial crisis, the U.S. industrial capacity utilization rate has been trending lower for the past two years. It currently stands at 75.4%, 5.6 percentage points lower than at its pre-recession peak. The Institute for Supply Management's semi-annual capacity utilization survey also suggests that many U.S. manufacturing businesses are operating substantially below potential (Chart 10). Much of the deterioration in U.S. industrial utilization reflects the effects of the energy bust and a stronger dollar. Business capex has decelerated sharply as a consequence of these forces, falling by over two-thirds in the case of energy capex. This should cut into excess capacity. Chart 9U.S.: Industrial Capacity ##br##Utilization Remains Low Chart 10U.S.: Less Slack In Services ##br##Than Manufacturing The dearth of new investment elsewhere in the world should also help prop up utilization rates (Chart 11). Industrial utilization is close to its historic average in Europe. Unlike in the case of labor markets, there is not a lot of regional variation in capacity utilization rates across the euro area. If anything, Italian spare capacity is actually closer to its pre-recession level than Germany's. Chart 11AEurope: Idle Industrial Capacity Is Shrinking Chart 11BEurope: Idle Industrial Capacity Is Shrinking Chart 12Excess Capacity Has Declined In Japan Capacity utilization has also returned to its long-term trend in Japan. Encouragingly, the Tankan Factor Utilization Index has risen to its highest level since the early 1990s (Chart 12). Nevertheless, the strong yen is starting to put pressure on Japan's industrial sector. This suggests that further monetary easing from the BoJ will be necessary. Economic And Investment Implications Our analysis suggests that spare capacity has narrowed substantially within the developed world, although for some countries not quite as much as output gap estimates from the IMF and the OECD indicate (particularly in the case of peripheral Europe). Unfortunately, most of the decline in spare capacity is attributable to lackluster supply, rather than faster demand growth (Chart 13). Interestingly, a cyclically-induced withdrawal of workers from the labor market has only played a modest role in explaining the slowdown in potential GDP growth and the resulting decline in output gaps. Instead, most of the deceleration in potential GDP growth stems from lower productivity gains. Chart 13AWeak Supply Growth Has Narrowed Output Gaps Chart 13BWeak Supply Growth Has Narrowed Output Gaps Some of the decline in productivity growth reflects cyclical factors, especially weak business investment. However, as we have discussed in past reports, much of it reflects structural forces such as declining educational achievement and a shift in focus of internet innovation away from business productivity applications towards consumer services such as social media.3 Looking out, narrowing output gaps will put upward pressure on inflation. We are long Japanese and German inflation protection via the CPI swap market. Governor Kuroda has made it clear that he wants Japanese inflation to rise above 2% to make up for the fact that inflation has perpetually undershot the BoJ's target. The Bundesbank may not want higher inflation, but the ECB's need to reflate Southern Europe all but guarantees such an outcome. As spare capacity continues to dwindle, forward guidance will become a more effective tool for central banks. The essence of forward guidance is the commitment to keeping monetary policy ultra loose even when the economy begins to overheat. If people believe that the central bank will keep the punch bowl filled, this could cause long-term inflation expectations to rise, leading to lower real yields and increased spending today. Such a commitment is likely to be regarded as more credible if people expect it to be carried out over the next few years, rather than at some distant point in the future. The Bank of Japan has already moved in that direction with its pledge to engineer an inflation overshoot by keeping the 10-year JGB yield anchored at zero. Chart 14China: On The Mend, Cyclically The U.S. has the smallest output gap, but the highest neutral interest rate, among the major developed economies. This week's FOMC statement strongly hinted at a December rate hike. As we discussed two weeks ago, in addition to one hike this year, we expect the FOMC to hike rates twice next year.4 This should cause the real broad trade-weighted dollar to appreciate by 10% over the next 12 months. A stronger dollar will mitigate some of the upward pressure on U.S. bond yields. Nevertheless, as slack continues to erode and inflation shifts higher, Treasury yields, along with bond yields elsewhere, should continue trending higher. Global equities are currently highly vulnerable to a near-term correction, owing to a more hawkish Fed and growing U.S. election uncertainty. We are currently short the NASDAQ 100 futures as a hedge, a trade that has gained 3.1% since we initiated it. Once the dust has settled, European and Japanese stocks will outperform their U.S. peers. This is partly because U.S. stocks are relatively expensive, but it is also because an ascending dollar will hurt U.S. multinationals. Investors should overweight Japanese and European stocks on a currency-hedged basis within the developed market universe. The outlook for emerging markets is mixed. On the one hand, the recent uptick in Chinese growth - as evidenced by this week's better-than-expected PMI data (Chart 14) - should provide some support to commodity prices and EM assets. On the other hand, a stronger dollar will weigh on commodities, while making it more onerous for some emerging market companies to refinance their dollar-denominated loans. Higher U.S. rates could also reduce the global pool of dollar liquidity, making it difficult for some emerging markets to finance their current account deficits. On balance, a modestly underweight stance towards EM assets is warranted. Peter Berezin, Senior Vice President Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 The IMF uses a more ad hoc approach. Desk economists have significant leeway in how they estimate output gaps for their respective economies. Most economists rely on statistical models and production function calculations, intermixed with educated guesswork. 2 Marek Jarocinski, and Michele Lenza, "How Large Is The Output Gap In The Euro Area," ECB Research Bulletin 2016, July 1, 2016. 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Slower Potential Growth: Causes And Consequences," dated May 29, 2015; and Special Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame The Statisticians," dated March 25, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Better U.S. Economic Data Will Cause The Dollar To Strengthen," dated October 14, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends* Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades