Brasil

Having surged on the back of Congress’s initial approval of the social security reform, Brazilian financial markets are attempting to break above important technical resistance levels both in absolute and relative terms (Chart II-1 and Chart II-2). If the Bovespa decisively breaks above these technical resistance lines, it would mean it is in a structural bull market. A failure to break out will lead to a sizable setback. Chart II-1Are Markets Poised For A Breakout In Absolute Terms... Chart II-2…And Relative Terms?     We upgraded Brazilian equity and fixed-income markets right after the first round of presidential elections on October 7, but then downgraded them in early April. In retrospect, the downgrade was a miscalculation. Presently, investor confidence in Brazil is very high, sentiment is very bullish and markets are overbought. Faced with the choice of chasing the market higher or waiting, we are opting for the latter. Pension Reform: Necessary But Not Sufficient Chart II-3Public Debt-To-GDP Ratio Will Rise Further The nation’s pension bill is a very positive and much-needed step in the structural reform process. However, in its current form, it is insufficient to make public debt dynamics sustainable – i.e., halt the rise in the government debt-to-GDP ratio (Chart II-3). Table II-1 illustrates the savings from the social security reform adopted in the lower house. As estimated by the Independent Fiscal Institute, an advisory think-tank of the Senate, the reform would bring only BRL 744 billion of savings over the next decade. Is this sufficient to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio? One way these reforms could contain the rise in the public debt-to-GDP ratio is if the savings generated significantly exceed the primary fiscal deficits over the next several years – i.e., the government runs continuous robust primary fiscal surpluses. Yet, the pension bill falls short of achieving this goal. The estimated savings in the first four years will likely be around BRL 130 billion. This amounts to annual savings of BRL 33 billion. Chart II-4 demonstrates that savings from the reform are too small to flip the government’s (often optimistic) projected primary fiscal deficit into a surplus in the forecast period. Another scenario for stabilizing the public debt-to-GDP ratio is for interest rates to drop meaningfully below nominal GDP growth. Having plummeted amid very benign global and domestic backdrops, local currency bond yields still remain about 100 basis points above current nominal GDP growth (Chart II-5). It remains to be seen whether local currency borrowing costs will drop and stay below nominal GDP in the years to come. Chart II-4Primary Fiscal Balance Will Remain Negative Despite Pension Reform Chart II-5Borrowing Costs Remain Above Nominal GDP Growth   Overall, the pension reform in current form does not guarantee public debt sustainability in Brazil: It is simply insufficient to get the government to run recurring primary fiscal surpluses. Another prerequisite – nominal GDP growth exceeding local bond yields over next several years – is contingent on further reforms as well as on a substantial improvement in confidence among investors, companies and households. It Is All About Confidence The sustainability of public debt, economic growth and financial markets are interlinked, with the common thread being confidence. In a virtuous cycle, financial markets typically rally while the currency stays firm. Subdued inflation will allow the central bank to rapidly reduce interest rates. This will help boost confidence among businesses and consumers, buoying the economy. In turn, lower policy rates could sustain the stampede into domestic bonds, pushing government borrowing costs below rising nominal GDP growth. At that point, the country’s public debt dynamics will become sustainable, the risk premium will continue to fall, and the nation’s financial markets will be in a secular bull market. On the contrary, a vicious cycle is possible if there is a negative external or internal shock that prompts the Brazilian real to depreciate by more than 10%. In this case, the central bank cannot slash interest rates. On the contrary, government bond yields – which are presently at record lows – could or will likely rise (Chart II-6 and Chart II-7). These events will hurt confidence and suppress nominal GDP growth below borrowing costs. This could aggravate investors’ anxiety over Brazil’s public debt, leading them to demand a higher risk premium. As a result, a vicious cycle could unfold. Chart II-6Government Bond Yields Are At Historical Lows Chart II-7Credit Spreads Are Very Tight   Chart II-8Commodity Prices And The BRL: Positive Correlation To be clear, we are not presently forecasting the onset of a vicious cycle. Nevertheless, given our negative view on EM risk assets and currencies, we expect a pullback in the Brazilian real and risk assets in the near term. The U.S. dollar is about to rally, as we discussed in detail in last week’s report. Commodities prices will tumble as China’s growth downshift persists. Given that the Brazilian real is a high-beta currency and is often positively correlated with commodities prices (Chart II-8), it could depreciate quite a bit. Patience is especially warranted in the case of Brazilian equities because share prices have decoupled from corporate profits and the business cycle. Stock prices have surged despite plummeting net EPS revisions and contracting profits of non-financial and non-resource companies (Chart II-9) and relapsing economic growth (Chart II-10). Clearly, the rally has been driven by expanding equity multiples due to progress on the social security reform. Chart II-9Stock Prices Are Diverging From Corporate Profits Chart II-10Domestic Demand Has Stalled   Bottom Line: A lot of good news has been priced into Brazilian financial markets. For now, the risk-reward profile is not attractive: investors should wait for a better entry point. This is true for both absolute return investors and dedicated EM equity and fixed-income managers. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Risk-weighted asset is a bank's assets or off-balance sheet exposures, weighted according to risk. It is used in determining the capital requirement or Capital Adequacy Ratio (CAR) for a financial institution. Usually, different classes of assets have different risk weights associated with them.

Highlights Analysis on Brazil is available below. If banks in China are forced by regulators to properly recognize and provision for non-performing assets, large banks would become substantially undercapitalized while many small- and medium-sized banks (SMBs) would have little equity capital left. That would hammer their ability to finance the economy. Provided on aggregate SMBs have actually outgrown larger ones in terms of balance sheet size, the precarious state of the former’s financial health has become a matter of macro significance. The principal danger to shareholders of mainland banks is equity dilution. We reiterate our long U.S. banks/short Chinese bank shares trade, and within the latter our long large/short SMB stocks position. Feature Chinese Banks: A Value Trap Chart I-1Chinese Bank Share Prices Are On Edge Banks are crucial to financing the private sector as well as all levels of government in China. Not only do banks originate a substantial share of credit, but also they account for 82% of purchases of government bonds. That is why today we revisit the fundamentals of the Chinese banking sector. Besides, their equity valuations appear very cheap, and many investors are tempted to buy their shares. Chinese banks’ financial ratios look healthy and valuations appear extremely cheap because they have not recognized and provisioned for non-performing assets. By expanding their balance sheets enormously and not provisioning for bad assets, their profits have mushroomed. Banks have retained a share of these profits, boosting their capital. Yet, their share prices have been flat over the past 10 years. Recently, investable bank stocks have been lingering around their December lows. Another gap down could be lurking around the corner (Chart I-1). We highlight their poor financial health in the section below, where we perform stress tests for both large as well as small and medium sized banks (SMB). The principal danger to shareholders is equity dilution that will continue occurring among mainland banks (Chart I-2). Our bearish view on Chinese bank stocks has not been contingent on a systematic financial crisis but on inevitable and substantial equity dilution. Investment conclusions: Absolute return investors should stay clear of Chinese bank stocks – they are the ultimate value trap. For relative value traders, we reiterate our long U.S. banks/short Chinese bank shares trade, and within the latter our long large/short SMB stocks position (Chart I-3). Chart I-2Beware Of Equity Dilution Chart I-3Our Trades On Chinese Banks   Large Versus Small And Medium Banks China’s banking system consists of five large banks (Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, China Construction Bank, Bank of China, Agricultural Bank of China, and Bank of Communications) and about 3150 small- and medium-sized banks (SMBs). All five large banks are publically listed but the central government still holds about 70-80% of their equity. About 36 of the SMBs are also listed but the central authorities in Beijing have a stake in some of the medium-sized banks. Notably, the central government has no equity in any of the small banks. In recent years, SMBs have been playing a greater role in sustaining the credit boom: First, on aggregate SMBs have actually outgrown the five large banks in terms of balance sheet size. The former’s risk-weighted assets1 (RWAs) of RMB 73 trillion exceeds the RMB 65 trillion of large banks (Chart I-4). Recently, investable bank stocks have been lingering around their December lows. Another gap down could be lurking around the corner. The value of RWAs emphasizes banks’ claims on enterprises, non-bank financial institutions and households over holdings of government bonds. Hence, RWAs of banks are a more pertinent measure of non-government financing than total assets. Second, over the past 12 months large banks and SMBs have accounted for 40% and 60% of the rise in the aggregate banking system’s RWAs, respectively (Chart I-5). Therefore, further credit acceleration will be difficult to engineer if – as we discuss below – SMBs begin retrenching under regulatory pressures and amid tighter market financing in the wake of the Baoshang bank failure. Chart I-4SMBs Have Outgrown Large Ones Chart I-5SMBs Have Contributed Enormously To The Credit Boom   Finally, there has so far been no deleveraging among SMBs. Large banks’ RWAs-to-nominal GDP ratio has been in decline since 2014, but the same ratio for SMBs has not dropped at all (Chart I-6). This chart corroborates that the credit boom between 2015 and 2017 was driven by SMBs, rather than by large banks. In fact, SMBs along with shadow banking are what primarily drove the credit boom that occurred over the past decade. This confirms the thesis that the unprecedented credit bubble has spiraled beyond the central authorities’ control. While China’s entire banking system is in poor health, SMBs are in considerably worse shape than large ones. In particular: SMBs have much more assets classified as equity and other investments than large banks (Chart I-7). Equity and other investments stands for non-standard credit assets that are typically much riskier than loans and corporate bonds. This is the principal reason why in our stress test we use higher ratios of non-performing assets for SMBs than for large banks. Chart I-6No Deleveraging Among SMBs Chart I-7SMBs Exposure To Non-StandarD Credit Assets Is Huge Chart I-8Large Banks Versus SMBs Big banks are better capitalized than SMBs. The capital adequacy ratio among big banks is higher compared with the other banks (Chart I-8, top panel). Similarly, the ratio of non-performing loans (NPL) to total loans is considerably lower for large banks than for SMBs (Chart I-8, bottom panel). On the liquidity side, SMBs are more dependent on the wholesale funding market than their larger peers. Interbank transactions account for 10% of SMBs own liabilities. On the other hand, big banks are the main lenders in the interbank market. Bottom Line: SMBs have become more important than large ones in providing financing to companies and households. Yet these SMBs are much more vulnerable. A Stress Test We conducted separate stress tests on large banks and SMBs. Our findings are not optimistic. Some 71% of equity of SMBs will be wiped out if 14% of their RWAs turn sour (Table I-1). 43% of large banks’ equity will be impaired if 12% of their RWAs become non-performing (Table I-2). The reason we use RWAs rather than loans is because banks have been accumulating claims on enterprises, non-bank financial institutions and households beyond their loan books. Hence, RWAs better captures all credit assets. We use a higher impairment rate for SMBs than for large banks because the former have substantially more non-standard credit assets. Typically, the quality of non-standard credit assets is inferior to those of corporate bonds or loans. We used the following assumptions in our stress tests: For large banks, we assumed non-performing assets (NPAs) ratios of 10% in the optimistic scenario, 12% (baseline), and 14% (pessimistic) (Table I-2). For SMBs, we employed NPAs ratios of 12% (optimistic), 14% (baseline), and 16% (pessimistic) (Table I-1). The magnitude and duration of China’s current credit boom has considerably surpassed that of the 1990s, when Chinese banks held over 25% of non-performing loans (Chart I-9). Therefore, our stress test assumption that the NPAs ratio will rise above 10% is reasonable. Chart I-9China's Credit Booms In Perspective We applied a 30% recovery rate on NPAs. The recovery rate on Chinese banks’ NPLs from 2001 to 2005 was 20%. This occurred amid much stronger economic growth. Thus, an assumption of a 30% recovery rate today is realistic. Finally, we calculated overvaluations assuming the fair price-to-book value ratio for all banks is 1. How has it been possible for banks in China to continue expanding their balance sheets aggressively despite such moribund financial health? Banks can operate and expand their balance sheets with zero or even negative de facto equity capital, so long as they obtain liquidity from other banks or the central bank. This is how many Chinese SMBs have been operating in recent years. Barring institutional and regulatory constraints, banks theoretically can expand their balance sheets indefinitely by creating loans and deposits “out of thin air.” We have deliberated extensively in past reports that banks do not intermediate savings or deposits into loans and credit. Rather, they create deposits when they make a loan to or buy an asset from a non-bank entity. Loans and deposits are nothing other than accounting entries on banks’ books. It is regulators’ and shareholders’ forbearance – or lack of it – that allows banks to, or prevents banks from, expanding their balance sheets. Although Chinese authorities have been easing both monetary and fiscal policies, they have not completely abandoned their regulatory tightening efforts on banks and shadow banking, or their plans to curb leverage and speculation in the real estate market. For example, in April bank regulators released draft rules on how banks should classify all types of assets and provision for them. Over the past several years, many banks have transformed their bad loans into non-loan assets to disguise the true level of their non-performing loans (NPLs). The new regulation, if and when it is adopted and properly executed, will force banks to recognize NPAs and increase their provisions. Although Chinese authorities have been easing both monetary and fiscal policies, they have not completely abandoned their regulatory tightening efforts on banks and shadow banking, or their plans to curb leverage and speculation in the real estate market. Ultimately, this will substantially impair banks’ capital and dampen their ability to originate new credit – both in the form of making loans and buying securities. Consequently, the credit impulse will relapse and the business cycle recovery will be delayed. Bottom Line: If banks in China are forced by regulators to properly recognize and provision for NPAs, large banks would become substantially undercapitalized while many SMBs would have little equity capital left. That would hammer their ability to finance the economy. Investment Ramifications Given the increased importance of SMBs in China, the precarious state of their financial health has become a matter of macro significance. Even if regulators partially reinforce recognition of provisions for NPAs, aggregate credit growth will decelerate. A simple simulation to illustrate this point: If SMBs RWAs growth were to decelerate from 11% currently to 8%, large banks’ RWA annual growth would need to surge from 8% now to 16% for all banks’ RWA growth to accelerate from the current 9.5% to 12%. The latter is probably what is required to promote an economic recovery. Such a ramp-up in large banks’ RWAs is unlikely, given they would also be facing stricter regulatory requirements. The key point is that the positive effects of monetary and fiscal easing continue to be hampered by regulatory tightening on the credit system. The latter will delay a business cycle recovery in China. For now, although the credit plus fiscal spending impulse has picked up, economic growth has not yet revived (Chart I-10, top two panels). The reason has been a declining marginal propensity to spend among households and companies (Chart I-10, bottom two panels). We have discussed this issue at great length in past reports. Consistently, nominal industrial output, car sales and smartphone sales as well as total imports are either very weak or are in outright contraction (Chart I-11). All series in Chart I-11 and I-12 include June data. Chart I-10Stimulus Versus Marginal Propensity To Spend Chart I-11Chinese Economy: No Recovery So Far   Chart I-12Chinese Corporate EPS: The Outlook Is Downbeat Importantly, Chinese corporate per-share earnings in RMB are contracting for the MSCI investable universe and will soon be contracting for A-share companies as well (Chart I-12). We maintain our negative outlook for EM risk assets and China-plays globally due to our downbeat view on China’s credit cycle. This differs from BCA’s House View, which is positive on global/Chinese growth.   Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Lin Xiang, Research Analyst linx@bcaresearch.com Brazil: Buy The Rumor, Sell The News? Having surged on the back of Congress’s initial approval of the social security reform, Brazilian financial markets are attempting to break above important technical resistance levels both in absolute and relative terms (Chart II-1 and Chart II-2). If the Bovespa decisively breaks above these technical resistance lines, it would mean it is in a structural bull market. A failure to break out will lead to a sizable setback. Chart II-1Are Brazilian Equities Poised For A Breakout In Absolute Terms… Chart II-2…And Relative Terms?     We upgraded Brazilian equity and fixed-income markets right after the first round of presidential elections on October 7, but then downgraded them in early April. In retrospect, the downgrade was a miscalculation. Presently, investor confidence in Brazil is very high, sentiment is very bullish and markets are overbought. Faced with the choice of chasing the market higher or waiting, we are opting for the latter. Pension Reform: Necessary But Not Sufficient Chart II-3Public Debt-To-GDP Ratio Will Rise Further The nation’s pension bill is a very positive and much-needed step in the structural reform process. However, in its current form, it is insufficient to make public debt dynamics sustainable – i.e., halt the rise in the government debt-to-GDP ratio (Chart II-3). Table II-1 illustrates the savings from the social security reform adopted in the lower house. As estimated by the Independent Fiscal Institute, an advisory think-tank of the Senate, the reform would bring only BRL 744 billion of savings over the next decade. Is this sufficient to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio? One way these reforms could contain the rise in the public debt-to-GDP ratio is if the savings generated significantly exceed the primary fiscal deficits over the next several years – i.e., the government runs continuous robust primary fiscal surpluses. Yet, the pension bill falls short of achieving this goal. The estimated savings in the first four years will likely be around BRL 130 billion. This amounts to annual savings of BRL 33 billion. Chart II-4 demonstrates that savings from the reform are too small to flip the government’s (often optimistic) projected primary fiscal deficit into a surplus in the forecast period. One way these reforms could contain the rise in the public debt-to-GDP ratio is if the savings generated significantly exceed the primary fiscal deficits over the next several years. Another scenario for stabilizing the public debt-to-GDP ratio is for interest rates to drop meaningfully below nominal GDP growth. Having plummeted amid very benign global and domestic backdrops, local currency bond yields still remain about 100 basis points above current nominal GDP growth (Chart II-5). It remains to be seen whether local currency borrowing costs will drop and stay below nominal GDP in the years to come. Chart II-4Primary Fiscal Balance Will Remain Negative Despite Pension Reform Chart II-5Borrowing Costs Remain Above Nominal GDP Growth   Overall, the pension reform in current form does not guarantee public debt sustainability in Brazil: It is simply insufficient to get the government to run recurring primary fiscal surpluses. Another prerequisite – nominal GDP growth exceeding local bond yields over next several years – is contingent on further reforms as well as on a substantial improvement in confidence among investors, companies and households. It Is All About Confidence The sustainability of public debt, economic growth and financial markets are interlinked, with the common thread being confidence. In a virtuous cycle, financial markets typically rally while the currency stays firm. Subdued inflation will allow the central bank to rapidly reduce interest rates. This will help boost confidence among businesses and consumers, buoying the economy. In turn, lower policy rates could sustain the stampede into domestic bonds, pushing government borrowing costs below rising nominal GDP growth. At that point, the country’s public debt dynamics will become sustainable, the risk premium will continue to fall, and the nation’s financial markets will be in a secular bull market. On the contrary, a vicious cycle is possible if there is a negative external or internal shock that prompts the Brazilian real to depreciate by more than 10%. On the contrary, a vicious cycle is possible if there is a negative external or internal shock that prompts the Brazilian real to depreciate by more than 10%. In this case, the central bank cannot slash interest rates. On the contrary, government bond yields – which are presently at record lows – could or will likely rise (Chart II-6 and Chart II-7). These events will hurt confidence and suppress nominal GDP growth below borrowing costs. This could aggravate investors’ anxiety over Brazil’s public debt, leading them to demand a higher risk premium. As a result, a vicious cycle could unfold. Chart II-6Government Bond Yields Are At Historical Lows Chart II-7Credit Spreads Are Very Tight   Chart II-8Commodity Prices And The BRL: Positive Correlation To be clear, we are not presently forecasting the onset of a vicious cycle. Nevertheless, given our negative view on EM risk assets and currencies, we expect a pullback in the Brazilian real and risk assets in the near term. The U.S. dollar is about to rally, as we discussed in detail in last week’s report. Commodities prices will tumble as China’s growth downshift persists. Given that the Brazilian real is a high-beta currency and is often positively correlated with commodities prices (Chart II-8), it could depreciate quite a bit. Patience is especially warranted in the case of Brazilian equities because share prices have decoupled from corporate profits and the business cycle. Stock prices have surged despite plummeting net EPS revisions and contracting profits of non-financial and non-resource companies (Chart II-9) and relapsing economic growth (Chart II-10). Clearly, the rally has been driven by expanding equity multiples due to progress on the social security reform. Chart II-9Stock Prices Are Diverging From Corporate Profits Chart II-10Domestic Demand Has Stalled   Bottom Line: A lot of good news has been priced into Brazilian financial markets. For now, the risk-reward profile is not attractive: investors should wait for a better entry point. This is true for both absolute return investors and dedicated EM equity and fixed-income managers. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Risk-weighted asset is a bank's assets or off-balance sheet exposures, weighted according to risk. It is used in determining the capital requirement or Capital Adequacy Ratio (CAR) for a financial institution. Usually, different classes of assets have different risk weights associated with them.   Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights So what? Quantifying geopolitical risk just got easier. Why?   In this report we introduce 10 proprietary, market-based indicators of country-level political and geopolitical risk. Featured countries include France, U.K., Germany, Italy, Spain, Russia, South Korea, Taiwan, Turkey, and Brazil. Other countries, and refinements to these beta-version indicators, will come in due time. We remain committed to qualitative, constraint-based analysis. Our GeoRisk Indicators will help us determine how the market is pricing key risks, so we can decide whether they are understated or overstated. Feature For the past three months we have been tracking a “Witches’ Brew” of political risks that threaten the late-cycle bull market. Some of these risks have abated for the time being: the Fed is on pause, China’s stimulus has surprised to the upside, and Brexit has been delayed. Other risks we have flagged, however, are heating up: Iran And Oil Market Volatility: Surprisingly the Trump administration has chosen not to extend oil sanction waivers on Iran from May 2, putting 1.3 million barrels per day of oil on schedule to be removed from international markets by an unspecified time.  It remains to be seen how rapidly and resolutely the administration will enforce the sanctions on specific allies and partners (Japan, India, Turkey) as well as rivals (China, others). Because the decision coincides with rising production risks from renewed fighting in Libya and regime failure in Venezuela, we expect President Trump to phase in the new enforcement over a period of months, particularly on China and India. But official rhetoric is draconian. Hence the potential for full and immediate enforcement is greater than we thought. In the short term, individual political leaders, and very powerful nations like the United States, can ignore material economic and political constraints. Since the Trump administration’s decision exemplifies this point, geopolitical tail risks will get fatter this year and next. Global oil price volatility and equity market volatility will increase with sanction enforcement actions and retaliation. We would think that Trump’s odds of reelection will marginally suffer, though for now still above 50%, as any full-fledged confrontation with Iran will raise the chances of an oil price-induced recession. U.S.-EU Trade War: Neither the Trump administration nor the U.S. has a compelling interest in imposing Section 232 tariffs on imports of autos and auto parts. Nevertheless the risk of some tariffs remains high – we put it at 35% – because President Trump is legally unconstrained. The decision is technically due by May 18 but Economic Council Director Larry Kudlow has said Trump may adjust the deadline and decide later. Later would make sense given the economic and financial risks of the administration’s decision to ramp up the pressure on Iran.1 But the risk that tariffs will pile onto a weak German and European economy will hang over investors’ heads. U.S.-China Talks Not A Game Changer: The ostensible demand that China cease Iranian oil imports immediately and the stalling of U.S. diplomacy with North Korea are not conducive to concluding a trade deal in May. We have highlighted many times that strategic tensions will persist even if Beijing and Washington quarantine these issues to agree to a short-term trade truce. The June 28-29 G20 meeting in Japan remains the likeliest date for a summit between Presidents Trump and Xi Jinping, but even this timeframe could be too optimistic. Continued uncertainty or a weak deal will fail to satisfy financial markets expecting a very positive outcome.   With a 70% chance that U.S. tariffs on China will not increase this year and, contingent on a U.S.-China deal, only a 35% chance that the U.S. slaps tariffs on German cars, we sound optimistic to some clients. But the Trump administration’s decision on Iran is highly market-relevant and portends greater volatility. We expect to see a geopolitical risk premium creep higher into oil markets as well as a greater risk of “Black Swan” events in strategically critical or oil-producing parts of the Middle East. There is limited research devoted to quantifying geopolitical risk. We are late in the business cycle and President Trump has emphatically decided to increase rather than decrease geopolitical risk. Quantifying Geopolitical Risk Geopolitical analysis has taken a bigger role in investors’ decision-making over the last decade. Surveys show that geopolitical risks rank among global investors’ top concerns overall. In the oft-cited Bank of America Merrill Lynch survey, geopolitical and related issues have dominated the “top tail risk” responses for the past half-decade (Chart 1). In other surveys, the most worrisome short-term risks are mostly political or geopolitical in nature, ranking above socio-economic and environmental risks (Chart 2). Despite this high level of concern, there is limited research devoted to quantifying geopolitical risk. Isolating and measuring the range of risks under this umbrella term remains a challenge. As such, for many investors, geopolitics remains an ad hoc, exogenous factor that is often mentioned but rarely incorporated into portfolio construction. For the past four decades the predominant ways of measuring political or geopolitical risk have been qualitative or semi-qualitative. The Delphi technique, developed on the basis of low-quality data sets in social sciences, relies on pooled expert opinions.2 Independently selected experts are asked to provide risk assessments and their responses are then interpreted by analysts to create a measure of risk. Another semi-qualitative method of measuring geopolitical risk ranks countries according to a set of political and socio-economic variables. These variables – such as governance, political and social stability, corruption, law and order, or formal and informal policies – are extremely important but inherently difficult to quantify.3 These results are useful but suffer from dependency on expert opinion, data quality, and institutional biases. More importantly, these methods are slow to react to breaking events in a rapidly changing world. The same goes for bottom-up assessments using political intelligence. The weakness of these methods is that it is highly unlikely that they will produce statistically significant estimates of risk. The odds of getting a “silver bullet” insight from a “key insider” are decent for simple political systems, but not in the complex jurisdictions that host the vast majority of global, liquid investments. Quantitative approaches to measuring geopolitical risk have since become more widespread. The most prominent method is based on quantifying the occurrence of words related to political and geopolitical tensions that appear in international newspapers. These word-counts typically include terms like “terrorism,” “crisis,” “war,” “military action,” etc. As a result, the indices reflect incidents of physical violence or other “Black Swan” events that may not have direct relevance to financial markets. Moreover, while news-based indices accurately capture dramatic one-time peaks at the time of a crisis, they are largely flat aside from these, as they rely on popular topics rather than underlying structural trends (Chart 3). They fail to capture geopolitical developments associated with electoral cycles, protest movements, paradigm shifts in economic policy, or other policy changes.4 Notice, for instance, that the fall of the Soviet Union in late 1991 and the resulting chaos in Russia and many other parts of the emerging world hardly register in Chart 3. Chart 3News-Based Indices Only Capture Crisis Peaks, Not Geopolitical Developments Introducing BCA’s GeoRisk Indicators The past 70 years have taught BCA Research to listen and respect the market. Why would we suddenly follow the media instead? Most quantitative geopolitical indicators begin with the premise that journalists and the news-reading public have accurately emphasized the most relevant risks and uncertainties. They proceed to quantify the terms of these assessments with increasingly sophisticated methods. This approach solves only part of the puzzle. News-based indices ... fail to capture geopolitical developments associated with underlying policy changes. At BCA Geopolitical Strategy, we aim to generate geopolitical alpha.5 This means identifying where financial media and markets overstate or understate geopolitical risks. We do not primarily aim to predict events or crises. As such, traditional news-based indicators that capture only major events, even those ex post facto, are of little relevance to our analysis. What is needed is a better way to quantify how the market is calculating risks. We start with a simple premise: the market is the greatest machine ever created for gauging the wisdom of the crowd. Furthermore, it puts its money where its predictions are, unlike other methods of geopolitical risk quantification which have no “value at risk.” Chart 4USD/RUB Captures Geopolitical Risk In Russia... To this end, we have introduced market-based indicators over the years that rely on currency movements, which are often the simplest and most immediate means of capturing the process of pricing risk. In 2015, for instance, we introduced an indicator that measures Russia’s geopolitical risk premium (Chart 4). It is constructed using the de-trended residual from a regression of USD/RUB against USD/NOK and Russian CPI relative to U.S. CPI. We can show empirically that it captures geopolitical risk priced into the ruble, as the indicator increases following critical incidents. These include the downing of Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 over eastern Ukraine in 2014; the warnings that Russia aimed to stage a “spring offensive” in Ukraine in 2015; Russian military intervention in the Syrian Civil War later that year; and the poisoning of former intelligence agent Sergei Skripal in the U.K. in 2018 and subsequent tensions. Using similar methods, we created a proxy to capture geopolitical risk in Taiwan, based on USD/JPY and USD/KRW exchange rates and relative Taiwanese/American inflation (Chart 5). The indicator tracks well with previous cross-strait crises. It jumped upon Taiwan’s election of President Tsai Ing-wen and her pro-independence government in January 2016 – and this was well before any tensions actually flared. It even registered a small increase upon her controversial phone call congratulating Donald Trump upon winning the U.S. election. Chart 5...And USD/TWD Captures Geopolitical Risk In Taiwan This year we have expanded on this work, constructing a set of ten standardized GeoRisk Indicators for five developed economies and five emerging economies: U.K., France, Germany, Spain, Italy, Russia, Turkey, Brazil, Korea, and Taiwan. Indicators for the U.S., China, and others will be rolled out in a future report. These indicators attempt to capture risk premiums priced into the various currencies – except for Euro Area countries, where the risk is embedded in equity prices. In each case, we look at whether the relevant assets are decreasing in value at a faster rate than implied by key explanatory variables. The explanatory variables consist of (1) an asset that moves together with the dependent variable while not responding to domestic geopolitical risks, and (2) a variable to capture the state of the economy. This set of indicators differs from our earlier indicators in the following ways: We aim to create a simple methodology that we can apply consistently to all countries, both in the DM and EM universes. We therefore omitted using regression models that can prove to be quite whimsical. Instead, we simply looked at the deviation of the dependent variable from the explanatory variables, all in expanding standardized terms, to create the GeoRisk proxy. We wanted an indicator that would immediately respond to priced-in risks, so we opted for a daily frequency rather than the weekly frequency we used in our initial work. To get as accurate of a signal as possible, we use point-in-time data. Since economic data tends to be released with a one-to-two-month lag, we lagged the economic independent variable to correspond to its release date. All ten indicators are shown in the Appendix. Across all countries, they track well with both short-term events and long-term trends in geopolitical risk. In the case of France, for example, the indicator steadily climbs during the period of domestic tensions and protests in the early 2000s; as the European debt crisis flares up; again during the rise of the anti-establishment Front National and the Russian military intervention in Ukraine; and finally during the U.S. trade tariffs and Yellow Vest protests (Chart 6). Our GeoRisk indicators isolate risks that either originate internally or otherwise affect the country more so than others. Similarly, in Germany, there is a general increase in perceived risk as Chancellor Gerhard Schröder implements structural reforms in the early 2000s; another increase leading up to the leadership change as Angela Merkel is elected Chancellor; another during the global and European financial crises; another during the Ukraine invasion and refugee influx; and finally another with the U.S.-China trade war (Chart 7). Chart 6Our French Indicator Picks Up Domestic And European Unrest Chart 7Greater German Risk Amid The Trade War   We have annotated each country’s GeoRisk indicator heavily in the appendix so that readers can see for themselves the correspondence with political events. The indicators are affected by international developments – like the Great Recession – but we have done our best to isolate risks that either originate internally or otherwise affect the country more than other countries. (As a consequence, the Great Recession is muted in some cases.) What are the indicators telling us now? Most obviously, they highlight the extreme risk we have witnessed in the U.K. over the now-delayed March 29 Brexit deadline. We would bet against this risk as the political reality has demonstrated that a “hard Brexit” is very low probability: the U.K. has the ability to back off unilaterally while the EU is willing to extend for the sake of regional stability. In this sense the pound is a tactical buy, which our foreign exchange strategist Chester Ntonifor has highlighted.6 Our U.K. risk indicator has been fairly well correlated with the GBP/USD since the global financial crisis and it suggests that the pound has more room to rally (Chart 8). Chart 8Betting Against A Hard Brexit, the GBP Is A Tactical Buy Meanwhile, Spanish risks are overstated while Italy’s are understated. As for the emerging world, Turkish risks should be expected to spike yet again, as divisions emerge within the ruling coalition in the wake of critical losses in local elections and a failure to reassure investors over monetary policy and the currency. Brazilian risks will probably not match the crisis points of the impeachment and the 2018 election, at least not until controversial pension reforms reach a period of peak uncertainty over legislative passage. Both our new Russian indicator and its prototype are collapsing (see Chart 4 above). This captures the fact that we stand at a critical juncture in Russian affairs, where President Putin is attempting to shift focus to domestic stability even as the U.S. and the West maintain pressure on the economy to deter Russia from its aggressive foreign policy. Given that both Putin’s and the government’s approval ratings are low amid rising oil prices, the stage is set for Russia to take a provocative foreign policy action meant to distract the populace from its poor living conditions. Venezuela is the obvious candidate, but there are others. Moscow will want to test Ukraine’s newly elected, inexperienced president; it may also make a show of support for Iran. With Russia equities having rallied on a relative basis over the past year and a half, and with the Iranian waiver decision already boosting oil prices as we go to press, the window of opportunity to buy Russian stocks is starting to close. (We remain overweight relative to EM on a tactical horizon; our Emerging Markets Strategy is also overweight.) Going forward, we will update these risk indicators regularly as needed and publish the full appendix at the end of every month along with our long-running Geopolitical Calendar. We will also fine-tune the indicators as new information comes to light. In other words, here we present only the beta version. We hope that these indicators will help inform investors as to the direction, and even magnitude, of political risks as the market prices them. Our GeoRisk indicators are not predictive, as establishing a trend is not a prediction. The main purpose of this exercise is to answer the critical question, “What is already priced in?” How is the market currently calculating geopolitical risk for a country? After that, it is the geopolitical strategist’s job to unpack this question through qualitative, constraint-based analysis. It is when our qualitative assessments disagree with what is priced in that we can generate geopolitical alpha.    Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic Consulting Editor marko@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      See Sean Higgins, “Auto tariffs decision could be delayed, Kudlow says,” Washington Examiner, April 3, 2019, www.washingtonexaminer.com. 2      Norman C. Dalkey and Olaf Helmer-Hirschberg, “An Experimental Application of the Delphi Method to the Use of Experts,” Management Science, Vol. 9, Issue: 3 (April 1963) pp. 458- 467. 3      Darryl S. L. Jarvis, “Conceptualizing, Analyzing and Measuring Political Risk: The Evolution of Theory and Method,” Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy Research Paper No. LKYSPP08-004 (July 2008).  William D. Coplin and Michael K. O'Leary, "Political Forecast For International Business," Planning Review, Vol. 11 Issue: 3 (1983) pp.14-23. The PRS Group, “Political Risk Services”™ (PRS) or the “Coplin-O’Leary Country Risk Rating System”™ Methodology. Daniel Kaufmann, Aart Kraay, and Massimo Mastruzzi, “The Worldwide Governance Indicators: Methodology and Analytical Issues,” World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 5430 (September 2010). 4      Scott R. Baker, Nicholas Bloom, and Steven J. Davis, “Measuring Economic Policy Uncertainty,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Volume 131, Issue 4, November 2016 (July 2016) pp.1593–1636. Dario Caldara and Matteo Iacoviello, “Measuring Geopolitical Risk,” Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve Board, Working Paper (January 2018). 5      Please see BCA Research Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “Five Myths On Geopolitical Forecasting,” dated July 9, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6      Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, “Not Out Of The Woods Yet,” April 5, 2019, available at www.bcaresearch.com.   Appendix Appendix France Appendix U.K. Appendix Germany Appendix Italy Appendix Spain Appendix Russia Appendix Korea Appendix Taiwan Appendix Turkey Appendix Brazil What’s On The Geopolitical Radar?      Geopolitical Calendar

In our October 9 report, we upgraded Brazil following the outcome of the first round of presidential elections. We, like the market, gave a benefit of the doubt to the new president. However, the honeymoon is over for President Bolsonaro. The markets are becoming increasingly pessimistic because of the lack of progress on the social security reforms front. It is no secret that Brazil needs bold pension reform to make its public debt sustainable. As things stand now, the public debt dynamic in Brazil is precarious. Two prerequisites for public debt sustainability are (1) for interest rates to be below nominal GDP growth or (2) continuous robust primary fiscal surpluses. Hence, a government can stabilize its debt-to-GDP ratio by either having nominal GDP above its borrowing costs, or by running persistent and sizable primary fiscal surpluses. Neither of these two stipulations are presently satisfied in Brazil. The gap between government local currency bond yields and nominal GDP growth is still very wide (Chart III-1). Meanwhile, the primary fiscal deficit is 1.5% of GDP (Chart III-2). Chart III-1Brazil: An Unsustainable Gap Chart III-2Brazil: Public Debt Dynamics Are Precarious     In the early 2000s, the government stabilized its public debt dynamics by running persistent primary surpluses of about 4% of GDP (Chart III-2, top panel). Will Brazil achieve primary fiscal surpluses in the coming years assuming some form of the pension reform is adopted? It is doubtful. According to the government’s own forecasts, the submitted draft of social security reforms, including the one for the army, will save only BRL190 billion in next four years or 0.7% of GDP per year. The current primary deficit is 1.5% of GDP (Chart III-2). Unless nominal GDP growth and government revenue growth shoot up, the primary deficit will not be eliminated or the primary surplus will be very small. Overall, it seems unlikely that the government’s proposed pension reforms will be sufficient to turn around Brazil’s public debt dynamics in the next several years - barring very strong economic growth that will fill in government coffers. Bottom Line: We are downgrading Brazil from overweight to underweight within EM equity, local currency bonds and sovereign credit benchmarks. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com

Highlights Odds are that the recent improvement in Chinese manufacturing PMIs could be due to inventory re-stocking rather than a decisive turnaround in final demand. “Hard” data have not shown meaningful improvements in China’s final demand. Weighing the pros and cons, we are instituting a stop-buy on our EM strategy: We will turn tactically positive on EM risk assets if the MSCI EM equity index breaks above 1125, which is 4% above its current level. Keep Malaysia on an upgrade watch list. Downgrade Brazil to underweight. Feature The strong Chinese PMI prints released this week have challenged our negative view on EM assets and China plays. This week we take a deeper look at the underlying reasons behind the recent improvement in China’s PMI data. In addition, we elaborate on what it would take for us to alter our current strategy on EM risk assets. A Manufacturing Upturn The upturn in China’s manufacturing PMIs in March has been validated by improvement in Taiwanese PMI’s export orders (Chart I-1, top panel). The latter’s amelioration has been broad-based across all sectors: electronics and optical, electrical machinery and equipment, basic materials, and chemical/biological/medical (Chart I-1, bottom panel). China accounts for 30% of Taiwanese exports, making Taiwan’s manufacturing sector heavily exposed to China’s business cycle. Does this improvement in manufacturing PMIs reflect a final demand revival in China? Looking For Final Demand Revival China’s domestic and overseas orders remain weak, as exhibited in Chart I-2. These indicators give us the primary trajectory of the Chinese business cycle, while the PMI indexes exhibit considerable short-term volatility. Chart I-1One-Month Surge In China's And Taiwan's PMIs Chart I-2Noise And Business Cycle Trajectory   The domestic demand and overseas orders reflect quarterly data from 5,000 enterprises. The latest datapoints are from Q1 2019 and were released on March 22. To be sure, we are not suggesting an absence of bright spots, but at the moment “hard” data do not corroborate broad-based improvement in final demand. Consumer spending: There has been no improvement in households’ propensity to spend. Our proxy for households’ marginal propensity to spend has not turned up (Chart I-3). Consistently, China’s smartphone sales and passenger car sales are contracting at double-digit rates, while the growth rate in online sales of services has not improved (Chart I-4, top three panels). Chart I-3Chinese Consumers' Propensity To Spend Chart I-4China: No Improvement In "Hard" Data   The bottom panel of Chart I-4 demonstrates the retail sales of consumer goods during the Chinese New Year compared with the previous year’s spring festival. It is evident that as of mid-February, when this year’s spring festival took place, there was no improvement in Chinese consumer demand. Business spending / investment: Our proxy for enterprises’ propensity to spend continues to decline (Chart I-5). Companies’ propensity to spend has historically led the cyclical trajectory in industrial metals prices. Crucially, this has not corroborated the rebound in base metals prices over the past three months. Besides, China’s imports of capital goods, its total imports from Korea and its machinery and machine tool imports from Japan are all still contracting at a double-digit rate (Chart I-6). Chart I-5China: Enterprises' Propensity To Spend And Metals Chart I-6Contracting At A Double Digit Rate   China’s fixed asset investment in infrastructure has picked up of late and will continue to improve. However, this may not be sufficient to revive the mainland’s economy. China’s growth decelerated in 2014-2015 and industrial commodities prices dwindled, despite robust growth in infrastructure investment at the time (Chart I-7). The culprit was the decline in property construction in 2014-2015. As to the property market, the People’s Bank of China’s (PBoC) Pledged Supplementary Lending (PSL) financing points to further weakness in property demand in the coming months (Chart I-8). Chart I-7China's Infrastructure Investment And Base Metals Prices Chart I-8China: The Outlook For Residential Property Demand   Moreover, property starts have been surging, yet their completions have been tumbling. This suggests a ballooning amount of work-in-progress on real estate developers’ balance sheets. To be sure, we are not suggesting an absence of bright spots, but at the moment “hard” data do not corroborate broad-based improvement in final demand. It may well be that property developers do not have financing to complete work or that they are reluctant to bring new units to the market amid tame demand. Whatever the case, the mediocre pace of construction activity is negative for suppliers to the construction industry. Government spending: Aggregate government spending in China – including central and local government as well as government-managed funds (GMF) – has been very robust in the past year (Chart I-9). Hence, government spending has not been the reason behind the economic slowdown. Chart I-9China's Aggregate Fiscal Spending For 2019, overall government spending is projected to expand by 11% in nominal terms from a year ago, down from 17% in 2018. The key fiscal risk is shrinking land sales, which account for 86% of GMF revenues. The latter have substantially increased in size and now makeup 27% of aggregate fiscal spending. Local and central government expenditures account for 62% and 11% of aggregate fiscal spending, respectively. If land revenues undershoot, GMF and local governments will not be able to meet their expenditure targets without Beijing altering the former’s borrowing quotas. In brief, fiscal policy may be involuntarily tightened due to a shortfall in land sales revenues before the central government permits local governments to borrow more. Exports: Chinese shipments to the U.S. will recover as China and the U.S. finalize their trade deal. The media is extremely focused on the trade negotiations, and markets have been trading off the headlines. Nevertheless, it is essential to realize that China’s exports to the U.S. make up only 3.6% of the country’s total GDP (Chart I-10). This contrasts with capital spending that accounts for 42% of the mainland’s GDP.  Consequently, we believe the credit cycle that drives construction and capital spending is more important to China’s growth than its shipments to the U.S. Global ex-China Demand: The areas of global final demand that weighed on global growth last year remain depressed. Global semiconductors and auto sales have been shrinking at a rapid pace and have so far not experienced a reversal (Chart I-11). Chart I-10China Is Not Reliant On Exports To The U.S. Chart I-11Global "Hard" Data Are Still Bad   Bottom Line: There is a lack of pertinent “hard” business cycle data in China that have improved. What Does It All Mean Having reviewed final demand conditions in China, it is reasonable to argue that the improvement in the Chinese and Taiwanese manufacturing PMIs could be due to inventory re-stocking. Unfortunately, in China, there is limited reliable data that quantifies inventory levels well in various industries. Having reviewed final demand conditions in China, it is reasonable to argue that the improvement in the Chinese and Taiwanese manufacturing PMIs could be due to inventory re-stocking. The consensus view in the investment community is that China’s credit stimulus has boosted the economy since the beginning of this year. Business conditions have certainly improved. The rally in Chinese stocks has in turn mirrored this improvement. Yet it is not clear that this revival in the business cycle is due to the credit stimulus. Chart I-12 plots the credit impulse, including local government general and special bonds issuance, with the three typical business cycle variables: manufacturing PMI and nominal manufacturing production growth. Chart I-12China: Credit Impulse Leads "Hard" Data As can be seen from the chart, the manufacturing PMI is very volatile. In the short term, there is little correlation between it and the credit impulse (Chart I-12, top panel). Meanwhile, the credit impulse leads nominal manufacturing output growth by nine months (Chart I-12, bottom panel). Based on the past time lag relationships, the mainland’s business cycle should not have bottomed until the third quarter of this year. Hence, the bottom in the manufacturing PMIs in January does not fit the historical pattern of the relationship between the credit impulse and the mainland’s business cycle. Bottom Line: Presently, it is hard to make a definite conclusion on the reasons behind the pick-up in Chinese manufacturing. That said, business cycles do not always evolve in a common-sense manner that can be both rationalized and forecast by indicators. Therefore, it is essential for investors, to have confirmation signals from financial markets on the direction of the business cycle. Financial Markets As A Litmus Test We continuously monitor numerous financial markets that are sensitive to both the global and Chinese business cycles. These financial market-based indicators are often coincident with EM asset prices. Hence, they can be used to confirm or refute EM market direction. Our Risk-On-to-Safe-Haven (ROSH) currency ratio has recently softened, flashing a warning signal for EM share prices (Chart I-13). Chart I-13Currency Markets Are Flashing Amber For EM Stocks The ROSH ratio is the relative total return (including carry) of six commodities currencies (AUD, NZD, CAD, CLP, BRL and ZAR) versus two safe-haven currencies: the yen and Swiss franc. Hence, this currency ratio is agnostic to U.S. dollar trends, making its signals especially valuable. Our Reflation Confirming Indicator has retreated, also signaling a pullback in the EM equity index (Chart I-14). This indicator is composed of an equal-weighted average of industrial metals prices (a play on Chinese growth), platinum prices (a play on global reflation) and U.S. lumber prices (a proxy play on U.S. growth). Chart I-14Commodities Markets Are Flashing Amber For EM Stocks Within EM credit markets, corporate investment-grade spreads have begun narrowing versus high-yield spreads (Chart I-15). This typically coincides with lower EM share prices. Finally, EM share prices have been underperforming DM since late December. Relative performance of EM ex-China stocks against the global equity index has been even more underwhelming. In short, these markets are at a critical juncture. A decisive breakout will entail a lasting rally, while a failure to break out will signal imminent downside risk. Bottom Line: These financial market signals are not consistent with a durable China-led recovery in the global business cycle. Investment Strategy A number of financial markets are currently at a critical juncture. These markets will either break out or break down, with subsequently significant moves. The broad U.S. trade-weighted dollar has been flattish in the past nine months despite falling interest rate expectations in the U.S. and the risk-on market environment. We read this as a sign of underlying strength. The trade-weighted dollar is presently sitting on its 200-day moving average (Chart I-16). Consistent with a flattish trend in the greenback, the U.S. dollar volatility has dropped to very low levels. Exchange rates usually do not trade sideways much longer than that. Hence, the dollar is about to break out or break down and any move will be lasting and large. Chart I-15A Message From EM Corporate Credit Market Chart I-16The U.S. Dollar Is About To Make A Big Move   The Korean won has been forming a tapering wedge pattern from both short-term and long-term perspectives (Chart I-17, top and middle panels). Its volatility has also plunged to a record low (Chart I-17, bottom panel). Chart I-17The Korean Won Is At Crossroads Chart I-18A Stop-Buy On EM Stocks Finally, emerging Asian equities’ relative performance to global stocks is facing an important technical resistance as are copper and oil prices. In short, these markets are at a critical juncture. A decisive breakout will entail a lasting rally, while a failure to break out will signal imminent downside risk. Consistently, China’s “soft” data that has improved markedly yet there is no “hard” data confirmation. Moreover, there is some evidence to suggest that the pickup in the soft data may simply reflect inventory building.   Weighing the pros and cons, we are instituting a stop-buy on our EM strategy: We will turn tactically positive on EM risk assets if the MSCI EM equity index in U.S. dollar terms breaks above 1125, which is 4% above its current level (Chart I-18). Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Malaysia: Keep On Upgrade Watch List Malaysian equities have been underperforming their EM counterparts since 2013 and are now resting around their 2017 lows (Chart II-1). The odds are high that this market’s underperformance is late. Chart II-1Malaysian Stocks Relative to EM Investors should keep Malaysian equities on an upgrade watch list. We upgraded the Malaysian bourse from underweight to neutral in December 2018. In a Special Report published at that time, we argued that the structural outlook for Malaysia had improved, yet the cyclical downturn would persist. The latter did not warrant moving the bourse to overweight. This view is still at play. Economic Slowdown Is Advanced The Malaysian economy has been digesting credit and property market excesses. Property sector: Property sales have declined by 37% since 2010, and prices for some property segments are beginning to deflate (Chart II-2). Similarly, housing construction approvals have slumped severely since 2012. Consumers: Passenger vehicle sales have been falling since 2012 along with households' declining marginal propensity to consume, and retail trade has been very weak (Chart II-3). Chart II-2Property Sector Is Depressed Chart II-3Consumer Sector Is Weak   An ongoing purge of excesses by companies entails lower wage growth and weaker employment, resulting in subdued household income growth. The latter could extend the consumer slump. Business sector: Capital spending growth in real terms has decelerated and may contract. Both profit margins and return-on-equity (ROE) for non-financial publicly listed companies have slumped and are currently resting below their 2008 levels (Chart II-4). This warrants cost-cutting and reduced corporate spending/capital expenditures for now. Chart II-4Corporate Restructuring On The Way? Reduced employment and weak wage growth are negative dynamics for households but positive for companies’ profit margins. Commercial Banks: Malaysian banks remain unhealthy. At 1.5%, their NPLs remain low relative to the credit boom that occurred over the past decade. Moreover, Malaysian banks have been lowering their provisions levels to boost profits. This is an unsustainable strategy. Provided economic growth will remain weak, both NPLs and provisions will rise, hurting banks’ profits and share prices. Banks hold a very large market-cap weighting in this bourse, and the negative outlook for banks’ profits deters us from upgrading this equity market. Purging Excesses: Implications For The Exchange Rate Purging of economic excesses is painful in the short- and medium-term, as it instills deflation. A currency often depreciates during this phase to mitigate the deflationary forces in the economy. However, purging excesses, deleveraging and corporate restructuring are ultimately structurally bullish for a currency. First, corporate restructuring and improved capital allocation lift productivity growth in the long run. The Malaysian economy has been digesting credit and property market excesses. Second, low inflation or outright deflation allow the currency to depreciate in real terms. The Malaysian ringgit is already cheap based on the real effective exchange rate (Chart II-5). Finally, amid deflation and in the absence of widespread bailout of debtors funded by bank loans or excessive government borrowing, cash becomes “king”. Hence, deleveraging is ultimately currency positive. In contrast, pervasive bailouts funded by money creation – i.e., mushrooming money growth – usually undermine residents’ and foreigners’ willingness to hold the currency. A capital flight ensues and the currency plunges. Malaysia in 2015 was the latter case, with the ringgit plummeting as residents converted their ringgits to U.S. dollars (Chart II-6, top panel). Chart II-5The Ringgit Is Cheap Chart II-6Malaysia: 2015 Vs. Now   Presently, the opposite dynamics are at play. The central bank is reducing commercial banks’ excess reserves, domestic private credit growth is weak and residents are not fleeing the ringgit (Chart II-6). In addition, the structural reorientation of the economy from commodities to semiconductors/technology is beginning to bear fruit. As a result, overall trade balance has significantly improved, despite weak commodities prices. This is also positive for the currency. Finally, a more stable (i.e., modestly weaker) exchange rate amid both a global and domestic downturn will allow Malaysia’s central bank to reduce interest rates and smooth the growth slump. This is in contrast to 2015 when capital outflows and the plunging currency did not allow the central bank to reduce borrowing costs. Investment Conclusions We recommend keeping Malaysian stocks on an upgrade watch list for now. We recommend upgrading Malaysian sovereign credit and local currency government bonds from underweight to neutral relative to their respective EM benchmarks A relatively stable ringgit will benefit Malaysia’s local and U.S. dollar bonds. Furthermore, foreign ownership of local bonds has fallen meaningfully, diminishing the risk of future outflows. Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Downgrading Brazil: The Honeymoon Is Over In our October 9 report, we upgraded Brazil following the outcome of the first round of presidential elections. We, like the market, gave a benefit of the doubt to the new president. However, the honeymoon is over for President Bolsonaro. The markets are becoming increasingly pessimistic because of the lack of progress on the social security reforms front. It is no secret that Brazil needs bold pension reform to make its public debt sustainable. As things stand now, the public debt dynamic in Brazil is precarious. Two prerequisites for public debt sustainability are (1) for interest rates to be below nominal GDP growth or (2) continuous robust primary fiscal surpluses. Hence, a government can stabilize its debt-to-GDP ratio by either having nominal GDP above its borrowing costs, or by running persistent and sizable primary fiscal surpluses. Neither of these two stipulations are presently satisfied in Brazil. The gap between government local currency bond yields and nominal GDP growth is still very wide (Chart III-1). Meanwhile, the primary fiscal deficit is 1.5% of GDP (Chart III-2). Chart III-1Brazil: An Unsustainable Gap Chart III-2Brazil: Public Debt Dynamics Are Precarious     In the early 2000s, the government stabilized its public debt dynamics by running persistent primary surpluses of about 4% of GDP (Chart III-2, top panel). Will Brazil achieve primary fiscal surpluses in the coming years assuming some form of the pension reform is adopted? It is doubtful. According to the government’s own forecasts, the submitted draft of social security reforms, including the one for the army, will save only BRL190 billion in next four years or 0.7% of GDP per year. The current primary deficit is 1.5% of GDP (Chart III-2). Unless nominal GDP growth and government revenue growth shoot up, the primary deficit will not be eliminated or the primary surplus will be very small. Overall, it seems unlikely that the government’s proposed pension reforms will be sufficient to turn around Brazil’s public debt dynamics in the next several years - barring very strong economic growth that will fill in government coffers. Bottom Line: We are downgrading Brazil from overweight to underweight within EM equity, local currency bonds and sovereign credit benchmarks. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Footnotes Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Feature Conditions are falling into place in Brazil that will facilitate a recovery in physical property prices as well as the outperformance of real estate stocks. With the overall Brazilian equity index having rallied considerably, investors are now wondering which sectors of the market presently offer the most upside with the least risk. Our bias is that the risk-reward of property stocks is currently attractive both relative to the overall equity index as well as in absolute terms (Chart I-1). Chart I-1Good Risk-Or-Reward In Property Sector As such, we recommend investors begin accumulating Brazilian real estate stocks on weakness and other proxies that stand to benefit from a revival in both residential and commercial property markets. The Macro Case For Real Estate Following years of severe depression, fertile ground for strong growth in Brazilian real estate and related assets is finally developing: Interest rates are falling, employment and incomes are rising, and credit availability is improving amid substantial pent-up demand for properties. Barring an outright failure by the government to adopt pension reforms, which would cause major financial market turbulence, the economy will continue on a recovery path (Chart I-2). Please see page 7 for more details. Chart I-2Domestic Demand Bottoming... We upgraded our recommended allocation in Brazil from underweight to overweight across equity, fixed-income, currency and credit markets right after the October elections.1 We argued that the presidential election victory by pro-business candidate Jair Bolsonaro was set to revive sentiment and “animal spirits” among businesses, unleashing pent-up demand for capital expenditures and hiring. On the whole, the Brazilian economy is recovering from the most severe economic depression of the past several decades (Chart I-3). Consequently, there is a lot of pent-up demand for discretionary spending in general and properties in particular. Chart I-3...After The Worst Recession In Decades Our view remains negative on Chinese growth and commodities. Historically, Brazilian financial markets have never sustainably diverged from commodities prices, as illustrated in Chart I-4. Nevertheless, going forward the odds that Brazilian domestic plays could decouple from commodities prices are non-trivial. Chart I-4Can Brazilian Financial Markets Decouple From Commodities? Importantly, aggregate exports make up only 13% of Brazilian GDP (Chart I-5). This indicates that Brazil’s exposure to global demand in general and commodities in particular is not substantial. Besides, Brazil’s commodities exports are very diversified – overseas shipments of each commodity accounts for only a small portion of Brazilian exports and GDP (Table I-1). Chart I-5Brazil Is A Closed Economy! In Brazil, the property market is one of the few sectors that is least exposed to global growth and most leveraged to local interest rates and household income growth. Hence, this sector stands to outperform in a scenario where global cyclicals and commodities fare poorly while domestic income and spending recover. Notably, real estate is the most leveraged play on falling real interest rates. The rationale for why real estate is more sensitive to real rather than nominal rates is as follows: Property prices benefit from higher inflation – higher inflation lifts nominal household income, which improves affordability for buyers and renters. In addition, investors often buy properties as an inflation hedge. Provided property prices positively correlate with inflation but negatively correlate with nominal interest rates, it follows that they are very strongly inversely correlated with real (inflation-adjusted) interest rates. Confirming this, relative performance of property stocks to the overall market tracks real interest rate trends very closely (Chart I-6) Chart I-6Lower Real Rates Warrant Real Estate Stocks Outperformance Yields on inflation-indexed bonds – real rates – have recently broken down (Chart I-7). If Congress adopts social security reforms in the coming months, real interest rates could drop further. Chart I-7Real Rates Have Fallen To All-Time Lows In short, falling real rates will greatly benefit real estate prices and volumes. Some commentators might argue that Brazil’s low national savings rate will preclude real rates from falling. We discussed why a low national savings rate is not an impediment to a decline in real interest rates in our March 22, 2018 Special Report (please click on the link to access the report). Property Market: Post Depression… The majority of excesses have been wrung out of the physical property markets in Brazil over the past 5-6 years, and real estate prices and volumes are finally showing signs of recovery. Residential property prices have been flat in nominal terms over the past 5 years. Yet in real (inflation-adjusted) terms they have declined by 20%, and in U.S. dollar terms they are down 40% from their 2014 peak (Chart I-8). Chart I-8Apartment Prices Have Been Beaten Down Nationwide Property sales and prices in São Paulo have already begun rising, but not in Rio de Janeiro (Chart I-9). Typically, bull markets begin in financial and business centers and then spread to other cities and regions. Chart I-9Brazil: Apartment Prices Over the past two days, during our visit to clients in São Paulo, we witnessed very few cranes. Even in this financial and business center, property construction/supply remains extremely subdued. Vacancy rates in office spaces, residential property inventories, and the average sales time are all starting to fall (Chart I-10). These are all early signposts of revival. Chart I-10Signs Of Life Notably, the consumer debt-servicing ratio has fallen due to lower interest rates (Chart I-11). Mortgage rates remain high relative to the (SELIC) policy rate. However, odds are that this spread will narrow as confidence and appetite for mortgage lending among banks improves. Chart I-11Diminishing Household Debt Stress Bottom Line: Overall residential property prices across Brazil’s 11 largest metropolitan areas are slowly starting to rise in nominal but not in real terms yet (Chart I-12). The recovery is only beginning to take shape. Chart I-12Property Price Deflation Is Ending Pension Reforms Hold The Key At the moment, we believe pension reforms – not commodities prices – are the key to sustaining the positive momentum behind Brazil’s financial markets and economy. If Bolsonaro introduces pension legislation immediately, while his political capital is still high, then it will be a market-positive development. However, it is difficult to determine the odds of the passage of the social security reform bill, and the form in which it will be adopted. On one hand, the Brazilian Congress is as fragmented as ever. Bolsonaro’s PSL party holds only 52 seats, or 10% of the total. This means that the president has to convince 256 congressmen outside his party to vote for pension reforms in order to get the 308 votes required to pass this constitutional amendment (Chart I-13). His attempt to find a new way to form a coalition may backfire, at least initially, and he will also face obstructionist voting behavior from minor parties. On the other hand, Brazilian presidents eventually tend to succeed in forming coalitions that comprise a majority of seats. On paper, right-leaning parties have slightly more seats than the three-fifths majority needed for constitutional changes in the Chamber of Deputies. Moreover, many congressmen are new faces in politics and represent small parties. They have little political experience and may not go against a popular president at the very early stages of their congressional terms. It is reasonable to assume that they could side with the president and vote for the pension reforms, for several reasons: (1) distancing themselves from Bolsonaro may not help their own popularity; and (2) voters may well be focused on issues other than unpalatable pension reforms four years from now if the economy is doing well. Hence, voting for the pension reforms early in their term may be a reasonable political strategy for them. Importantly, it seems these reforms have the initial backing of both the military and the police establishments, even though their pensions will be negatively impacted by the changes. Specifically, Vice President and retired general Hamilton Mourão has hinted at the army’s and police’s support of the upcoming social security reforms proposal. In brief, the adoption of pension reforms will create positive tailwinds for investor and business sentiment and in turn support the economic recovery. Investment Recommendation Brazilian stocks have lately exhibited a low correlation with the EM overall equity index. This gives us comfort in arguing that even if our negative view on EM risk assets plays out, Brazilian domestic equity plays will likely have only moderate downside in absolute terms, and certainly outperform the EM equity benchmark on a relative basis. Therefore, we recommend investors begin accumulating Brazilian real estate stocks on weakness. Even though their valuations are not cheap, rising revenue and cash flow will improve their valuation metrics and boost their share prices. With respect to sector composition, the Brazilian real estate sector is comprised of 27 listed firms: 15 listed homebuilders, 7 mall operators, 3 commercial properties and 2 brokers.2 Their total market cap relative to the Bovespa is now around 1.2% – down from 2.4% in 2012 (Chart I-14). We recommend buying a mix of these companies to gain exposure to various parts of the Brazilian property market. Chart I-14More Upside In Real Estate Stocks   Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Alert "Brazil: A Regime Shift?" dated October 9, 2018, available on page 12. 2      We used the BM&FBOVESPA Real Estate Index (IMOB) in Chart 14. The Real Estate Index (IMOB) is compiled as a weighted average of 13 stocks. For more detail, please refer to: http://www.b3.com.br/en_us/market-data-and-indices/indices/indices-de-segmentos-e-setoriais/real-estate-index-imob.htm Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Informe especial

Highlights So What? Our best and worst calls of 2018 cast light on our methodology and 2019 forecasts. Why? Our clients took us to task for violating our own methodology on the Iranian oil sanctions. Sticking to our guns would have paid off with long Russian equities versus EM. We correctly called China’s domestic policy, the U.S.-China trade war, Europe, the U.S. midterms, and relative winners in emerging markets. Feature It has been a tradition for BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy, since our launch in 2012, to highlight our best and worst forecasts of the year.1 This will also be the final publication of the year, provided that there is no global conflagration worthy of a missive between now and January 9, when we return to our regular publication schedule. We wish all of our clients a great Holiday Season. And especially all the very best in 2019: lots of happiness, health, and hefty returns. Good luck and good hunting. The Worst Calls Of 2018 A forecasting mistake is wasted if one learns nothing from the error. This is why we take our mistakes seriously and why we always begin the report card with our zingers. Our overall performance in 2018 was … one of our best. The successes below will testify to this. However, we made three notable errors. A Schizophrenic Russia View Our worst call of the year was to panic and close our long Russian equities relative to emerging markets trade in the face of headline geopolitical risks. In early March, we posited that Russia was a “buy” relative to the broad EM equity index due to a combination of cheap valuations, strong macro fundamentals, orthodox policy, and an end to large-scale geopolitical adventurism. This call ultimately proved to be correct (Chart 1). Chart 1Russian Stocks Outperformed In The End What went wrong? The main risk to our view, that the U.S. Congress would pursue an anti-Russia agenda regardless of any Russian sympathies in the Trump White House, materialized in the wake of the poisoning of former Russian military intelligence officer Sergei Skripal with a Novichok nerve agent in the United Kingdom. As fate would have it, the incident occurred just before our bullish report went to clients! The ensuing international uproar and sanctions caused a selloff. Our bullish thesis did not rest exclusively on geopolitics, but a thaw in West-Russia relations did form the main pillar of the view. Our Russia Geopolitical Risk Index, which had served us well in the past, was pricing as low of a level of geopolitical risk as one could hope for in the post-Crimea environment (Chart 2). Naturally the measure jumped into action following the Skripal incident. Chart 2Geopolitical Risk Was Low Prior To Skripal The timing of our call was therefore off, but we should have stuck with the overall view. The U.S. imposed preliminary sanctions that lacked teeth. While Washington accepted the U.K.’s assessment that Moscow was behind the poisoning, the weakness of the sanctions also signaled that the U.S. did not consider the incident worthy of a tougher position. There are now two parallel sanction processes under way. The first round of sanctions announced in August gave Russia 90 days to comply and adopt “remedial measures” regarding the use of chemical and biological weapons. On November 9, the U.S. State Department noted that Russia had not complied with the deadline. The U.S. is now expected to impose a second round of sanctions that will include at least three of six punitive actions: Opposition to development aid and assistance by international financial institutions (think the IMF and the World Bank); Downgrading diplomatic relations; Additional restrictions on exports to Russia (high-tech exports have already been barred by the first round of sanctions); Restrictions on imports from Russia; A ban on landing rights in the U.S. for Russian state-owned airlines; Prohibiting U.S. banks from purchasing Russian government debt. While the White House was expected to have such sanctions ready to go on the November 9 deadline, it has dragged its feet for almost two months now. This suggests that President Trump continues to hold out for improved relations with President Putin. A visit by President Putin to Washington remains possible in Q1 2019. As such, we would expect the White House to adopt some mix of the first five items on the above list, hardly a crushing response from Moscow’s perspective. The U.S. Congress, however, has a parallel process in the form of the Defending American Security from Kremlin Aggression Act of 2018 (DASKAA). Introduced in August by Senator Lindsey Graham, a Russia hawk, the legislation would put restrictions on Americans buying Russian sovereign debt and curb investments in Russian energy projects. The bill also includes secondary sanctions on investing in the Russian oil sector, which would potentially ensnare European energy companies collaborating with Russia in the energy sector. There was some expectation that Congress would take up the bill ahead of the midterm election, but nothing came of it. Even with the latest incident – the seizing of two Ukrainian naval vessels in the Kerch Strait – we have yet to see action. While we expect the U.S. to do something eventually, the White House approach is likely to be tepid while the congressional approach may be too draconian to pass into law. And with Democrats about to take over the House, and likely demand even tougher sanctions against Russia, the ultimate legislation may be too bold for President Trump to sign into legislation. The point is that Russia has acted antagonistically towards the West in 2018, but in small enough increments that the response has been tepid. Given the paucity of Russian financial and trade links with the U.S., Washington’s sanctions would only bite if they included the dreaded “secondary sanction” implications for third party sovereigns and firms – particularly European, which do have a lot of business in Russia. This is highly unlikely without major Russian aggression. We cannot completely ignore the potential for such aggression in 2019, especially with President Putin’s popularity in the doldrums (Chart 3) and a contentious Ukrainian election due for March 31. However, we outlined the constraints against Russia in 2014, amidst the Ukrainian crisis, and we do not think that these constraints have been reduced (they may have only grown since then). Chart 3Non-Negligible Risk Of Russian Aggression Regardless of the big picture for 2019, we could have faded the risks in 2018 and stuck to the fundamentals. Russia is up 17.2% against EM year-to-date. The lesson here, therefore, is to find re-entry points into a well-founded view despite market volatility. Chart 1 shows that Russian equities climbed the proverbial “wall of worry” relative to EM in 2018. Doubting Jair Bolsonaro Our list of mistakes keeps us in the EM universe where we underestimated Jair Bolsonaro’s chances of winning the presidency in Brazil. The answer to the question we posed in the title of our September report – “Brazil: Can The Election Change Anything?” – was a definitive “yes.” Since the publication of that report, BRL/USD is up 2.9% and Brazilian equities are up 18.5% relative to EM (Chart 4). Chart 4Bolsonaro Rally Losing Its Luster Already To our credit, the question of Bolsonaro’s electoral chances elicited passionate and pointed internal debate. But our clients did not see the internal struggle, just the incorrect external output! A bad call is a bad call, no matter how it is assembled on the intellectual assembly line. That said, we still think that our report is valuable. It sets out the constraints facing Bolsonaro in 2019. He has to convince the left-leaning median voter that meaningful pension reform is needed; bully a fractured Congress into painful structural reforms; and overcome an unforgiving macro context of tepid Chinese stimulus and a strong USD. If the Bolsonaro administration wastes the good will of the investment community over the next six months, we expect the market’s punishment to be swift and painful. In fact, Chart 4 notes that the initial Bolsonaro rally has already lost most of its shine. Brazilian assets are still up since the election, but the gentle slope could become a steep fall if Bolsonaro stumbles. The market is priced for political perfection. To be clear, we are not bearish on Bolsonaro. We believe that, relative to EM, he will be a positive for Brazil. However, the market is currently betting that he will win by two touchdowns, whereas we think he will squeak by with a last-second field goal. The difference between the two forecasts is compelling and we have expressed it by being long MXN/BRL.2 Not Sticking To Our Method In The Case Of Iran Throughout late-2017 and 2018 we pointed out that President Trump’s successful application of “maximum pressure” against North Korea could become a market-relevant risk if he were emboldened to try the same strategy against Iran. For much of the year, this view was prescient. As investors realized the seriousness of President Trump’s strategy, a geopolitical risk premium began to seep into oil prices, as illustrated in Chart 5 by the red bar. Every time we spoke to clients or published reports on this topic, we highlighted just how dangerous a “maximum pressure” strategy would be in the case of Iran. We stressed that Iran could wreak havoc across Iraq and other parts of the Middle East and even drive up oil prices to the point of causing a “geopolitical recession in 2019.” In other words, we stressed the extraordinary constraints that President Trump would face. To their credit many of our clients called us out on the inconsistency: our market call was über bullish oil prices, while our methodology emphasized constraints over preferences. We were constantly fielding questions such as: Why would President Trump face down such overwhelming constraints? We did not have a very good answer to this question other than that he was ideologically committed to overturning the Iranian nuclear deal. In essence, we doubted President Trump’s own ideological flexibility and realism. That was a mistake and we tip our hat to the White House for recognizing the complex constraints arrayed against it. President Trump realized by October how dangerous those constraints were and began floating the idea of sanction waivers, causing the geopolitical risk premium to drain from the market (Chart 6). To our credit, we highlighted sanction waivers as a key risk to our view and thus took profit on our bullish energy call early. Chart 6Sanction Waivers Caused A Collapse In Oil Prices That said, our clients have taken the argument further, pointing out that if we were wrong on Trump’s ideological flexibility with Iran, we may be making the same mistake when it comes to China. However, there is a critical difference. Americans are more concerned about conflict with North Korea than with Iran (Chart 7), while China is the major concern about trade (Chart 8). Second, railing against the Iran deal did not get President Trump elected, whereas his protectionist rhetoric – specifically regarding China – did (Chart 9). Getting anything less than the mother-of-all-deals with Beijing will draw down Trump’s political capital ahead of 2020 and open him to accusations of being “weak” and “surrendering to China.” These are accusations that the country’s other set of protectionists – the Democrats – will wantonly employ against him in the next general election. Chart 9Protectionism, Not Iran, Helped Trump Get Elected Ultimately, if we have to be wrong, we are at least satisfied that our method stood firm in the face of our own fallibility. We are doubly glad to see our clients using our own method against our views. This is precisely what we wanted to accomplish when we began BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy in March 2012: to revolutionize finance by raising the sophistication with which it approaches geopolitics. That was a lofty goal, but we do not pretend to hold the monopoly on our constraint-based methodology. In the end, our market calls did not suffer due to our error. We closed our long EM energy-producer equities / EM equities for a gain of 4.67% and our long Brent / short S&P 500 for a gain of 6.01%. However, our latter call, shorting the S&P 500 in September, was based on several reasons, including concerns regarding FAANG stocks, overstretched valuations, and an escalation of the trade war. Had we paired our S&P 500 short with a better long, we would have added far more value to our clients. It is that lost opportunity that has kept us up at night throughout this quarter. We essentially timed the S&P 500 correction, but paired it with a wayward long. The Best Calls Of 2018 BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy had a strong year. We are not going to list all of our calls here, but only those most relevant to our clients. Our best 2018 forecast originally appeared in 2017, when in April of that year we predicted that “Political Risks Are Understated In 2018.” Our reasoning was bang on: U.S. fiscal policy would turn strongly stimulative (the tax cuts would pass and Trump would be a big spender) and thus cause the Fed to turn hawkish and the USD to rally, tightening global monetary policy; Trump’s trade war would re-emerge in 2018; China would reboot its structural reform efforts by focusing on containing leverage, thus tightening global “fiscal” policy. In the same report we also predicted that Italian elections in 2018 would reignite Euro Area breakup risks, but that Italian policymakers would ultimately be found to be bluffing, as has been our long-running assertion. Throughout 2018, our team largely maintained and curated the forecasts expressed in that early 2017 report. We start the list of the best calls with the one call that was by far the most important for global assets in 2018: economic policy in China. The Chinese Would Over-Tighten, Then Under-Stimulate Getting Chinese policy right required us, first, to predict that policy would bring negative economic surprises this year, and second, once policy began to ease, to convince clients and colleagues that “this time would be different” and the stimulus would not be very stimulating. In other words, this time, China would not panic and reach for the credit lever of the post-2008 years (Chart 10), but would maintain its relatively tight economic, financial, environmental, and macro-prudential oversight, while easing only on the margin. Chart 10No Massive Credit Stimulus In 2018 This is precisely what occurred. BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy’s “China Play Index,” which is designed to capture any reflation out of Beijing, collapsed in 2018 and has hardly ticked up since the policy easing announced in July (Chart 11). Chart 11Weak Reflation Signal From China Our view was based on an understanding of Chinese politics that we can confidently say has been unique: From March 2017, we highlighted the importance of the 2017 October Party Congress, arguing that President Xi Jinping would consolidate his power and redouble his attempts to “reform” the economy by reining in dangerous imbalances. We explicitly characterized the containment of leverage as the most market-relevant reform to focus on. We stringently ignored the ideological debate about the nature of reform in China, focusing instead on the major policy changes afoot. We identified very early on how the rising odds of a U.S.-China conflict would embolden Chinese leadership to double-down on painful structural reforms. Will China maintain this disciplined approach in 2019? That is yet to be seen. But we are arming ourselves and clients with critical ways to identify when and whether Beijing’s policy easing transforms into a full-blown “stimulus overshoot”: First, we need to see a clear upturn in shadow financing to believe that the Xi administration has given up on preventing excess debt. Assuming that such a shift occurs, and that overall credit improves, it will enable us to turn bullish on global growth and global risk assets on a cyclical, i.e., not merely tactical, horizon (Chart 12). Chart 12A Shadow Lending Surge Would Mean A Big Policy Shift Second, our qualitative checklist will need to see a lot more “checks” in order to change our mind. Short of an extraordinary surge in bank and shadow bank credit, there needs to be a splurge in central and especially local government spending (Table 1). The mid-year spike in local governments’ new bond issuance in 2018 was fleeting and fell far short of the surge that initiated the large-scale stimulus of 2015. Frontloading these bonds in 2019 will depend on timing and magnitude. Table 1A Credit Splurge, Or Government Spending Splurge, Is Necessary For Stimulus To Overshoot Third, we would need to see President Xi Jinping make a shift in rhetoric away from the “Three Battles” of financial risk, pollution, and poverty. Having identified systemic financial risk as the first of the three ills, Xi needs to make a dramatic reversal of this three-year action plan if he is to clear the way for another credit blowout. Trade War Would Reignite In 2018 It paid off to stick with our trade war alarmism in 2018. We correctly forecast that the U.S. and China would collide over trade and that their initial trade agreement – on May 20 – was insubstantial and would not last. In the event it lasted three days. Our one setback on the trade front was to doubt the two sides would agree to a trade truce at the G20. However, by assigning a subjective 40% probability, we correctly noted the fair odds of a truce. We also insisted that any truce would be temporary, which ended up being the case. We may yet be vindicated if the March 1 deadline produces no sustainable deal, as we forecast in last week’s Strategic Outlook. That said, correct geopolitical calls do not butter our bread at BCA. Rather, we are paid to make market calls. To that end, we would point out that we correctly assessed the market-relevance of the trade conflict, fading S&P 500 risks and focusing on the effect on global risk assets. Will this continue into 2019? We think so. We do not see trade conflict as the originator of ongoing market turbulence (Chart 13) and would expect the U.S. to outperform global equities again over the course of 2019 (Chart 14). This view may appear wrong in Q1, as the market digests the Fed backing off from hawkish rhetoric, the ongoing trade negotiations, and the likely seasonal uptick in Chinese credit data in the beginning of the calendar year. Chart 13Yields, Not Trade War, Drove Stocks Chart 14U.S. Stocks Will Resume Outperformance However, any stabilization in equity markets would likely serve to ease financial conditions in the U.S., where economic and inflation conditions remain firmly in tightening territory (Chart 15). As such, the Fed pause is likely to last no more than a quarter, maybe two at best, leading to renewed carnage in global risk assets if our view on Chinese policy stimulus – tepid – remains valid through the course of 2019. Chart 15If Financial Conditions Ease, Tightening Will Be Back On Europe (All Of It… Again) In 2017, our forecasting track record for Europe was stellar. This continued in 2018, with no major setbacks: Populism in Italy: Our long-held view has been that Europe’s chief remaining risks lay in Italian populists coming to power. We predicted in 2016 that this would eventually happen and that they would then be proven to be bluffing. This is essentially what happened in 2018. Matteo Salvini’s Lega is surging in the polls because its leader has realized that a combination of hard anti-immigrant policy and the softest-of-soft Euroskepticism is a winning combination. We believe that investors can live with this combination. Our only major fault in forecasting European politics and assets this year was to close our bearish Italy call too early: we booked our long Spanish / short Italian 10-year government bond trade for a small loss in August, before the spread between the two Mediterranean countries blew out to record levels. That missed opportunity could have also made it on our “worst calls” list as well. Pluralism in Europe: To get the call on Italy right, we had to dabble in some theoretical work. In a somewhat academic report, we showed that political concentration was on the decline in the developed world (Chart 16), but especially in Europe (Chart 17). Put simply, lower political concentration suggests that a duopoly between the traditional center-left and center-right parties is breaking down. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, we argued that Europe’s parliamentary systems would enable centrist parties to adopt elements of the populist agenda, particularly on immigration, without compromising the overall stability of European institutions. As such, political pluralism, or low political concentration, is positive for markets. Immigration crisis is over: For centrist parties to be able to successfully adopt populist immigration policy, they needed a pause in the immigration crisis. This was empirically verifiable in 2018 (Chart 18). Chart 18European Migration Crisis Is Over Merkel’s time has run out: Since early 2017, we had cautioned clients that Angela Merkel’s demise was afoot, but that it would be an opportunity, rather than a risk, when it came. It finally happened in 2018 and it was not a market moving event. The main question for 2019 is whether German policymakers, and Europe as a whole, will use the infusion of fresh blood in Berlin to reaccelerate crucial reforms ahead of the next global recession. Brexit: Since early 2016, we have been right on Brexit. More specifically, we were corrent in cautioning investors that, were Brexit to occur, “the biggest loser would be the Conservative Party, not the EU.” As with the previous two Conservative Party prime ministers, it appears that the question of the U.K.’s relationship with the EU has completely drained any political capital out of Prime Minister Theresa May’s reign. We suspect that the only factor propping up the Tories in the polls is that Jeremy Corbyn is the leader of Her Majesty’s Most Loyal Opposition. We have also argued that soft Brexit would ultimately prove to be “illogical” and that “Bregret” would begin to seep in, as it now most clearly has. We parlayed these rising geopolitical risks and uncertainties by shorting cable in the first half of the year for a 6.21% gain. Malaysia Over Turkey And India Over Brazil Not all was lost for our EM calls this year. We played Malaysia against Turkey in the currency markets for a 17.44% gain, largely thanks to massively divergent governance and structural reform trajectories after Malaysia’s opposition won power for the first time in the country’s history. Second, we initiated a long Indian / short Brazilian equity view in March that returned 27.54% by August. This was a similar play on divergent structural reforms, but it was also a way to hedge our alarmist view on trade. Given India’s isolation from global trade and insular financial markets, we identified India as one of the EM markets that would remain aloof of protectionist risks. We could have closed the trade earlier for greater gain, but did not time the exit properly. Midterm Election: A Major Democratic Victory Our midterm election forecast was correct: Democrats won a substantial victory. Even our initial call on the Senate, that Democrats had a surprisingly large probability of picking up seats, proved to be correct, with Republicans eking out just two gains in a year when Democrats were defending 10 seats in states that Trump carried in 2016. What about our all-important call that the election would have no impact on the markets? That is more difficult to assess, given that the S&P 500 has in fact collapsed in the lead-up to and aftermath of the election. However, we see little connection between the election outcome and the stock market’s performance. Neither do our colleagues or clients, who have largely stopped asking about the Democrats’ policy designs. In 2019, domestic politics may play a role in the markets. Impeachment risk is low, but, if it rears its head, it could prompt President Trump to seek relevance abroad, as his predecessors have done when they lost control of domestic policy. In addition, the Democratic Party’s sweeping House victory may suggest a political pendulum swing to the left in the 2020 presidential election. We will discuss both risks as part of our annual Five Black Swans report in early 2019. U.S. domestic politics was a collection of Red Herrings during much of President Obama’s presidency, and has produced strong tailwinds under President Trump (tax cuts in particular). This may change in 2019, with considerable risk to investors, and asset prices, ahead.     Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist roukayai@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      For our 2019 Outlook, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, “2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge,” dated December 14, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. For our past Strategic Outlooks, please visit gps.bcaresearch.com. 2      In part we like this cross because we also think that Mexico’s newly elected president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, is priced to lose by two touchdowns, whereas he may merely lose by a last-second field goal.