Developed Countries
Highlights So What? U.S. policy uncertainty adds to a slew of geopolitical reasons to remain tactically cautious on risk assets. Why? U.S. fiscal policy should ultimately bring market-positive developments – though the budget negotiation process could induce volatility in the near-term. We expect spending to go up and do not expect a default due to the debt ceiling or another prolonged government shutdown. Former Vice President Joe Biden remains the frontrunner for the Democratic Party’s presidential nomination in 2020. But left-wing progressive candidates are gaining on him and their success will trouble financial markets. With Persian Gulf tensions still elevated, go long Q1 2020 Brent crude relative to Q1 2021. Feature Chart 1U.S. Politics Poses Risks Through Next November Economic policy uncertainty is rising in the United States even as it falls around the world (Chart 1). Ongoing budget negotiations and the Democratic primary election give equity investors another reason to remain cautious in the near term. We expect more volatility. There also remain several persistent global threats to markets posed by unresolved geopolitical risks – rising Brexit risks with Boris Johnson likely to take the helm in the United Kingdom; oil supply threats amid Iran’s latest rejection of U.S. offers to negotiate its missile program; and a major confirmation of our theme of geopolitical risk rotation to East Asia, with Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the South China Sea all heating up at once. In sum, political and geopolitical risks are showing investors a yellow light, even though the macroeconomic outlook still supports BCA’s cyclical (12-month) equity overweight. U.S. Fiscal Policy Will Remain Accommodative While U.S. monetary policy has taken a dovish turn – supported by other central banks – fiscal spending is now coming into focus for investors. We expect the budget battle to be market-relevant this year, injecting greater economic policy uncertainty, but the end-game should be market-positive. Brinkmanship will not get as bad as during the debt ceiling crises of 2011 and 2013, though market jitters will be frontloaded if Pelosi and the White House fail to conclude a deal immediately. Chart 2The 'Stimulus Cliff' Awaits President Trump The U.S. budget process is always rocky and is usually concluded well into the fiscal year under discussion. This year the fight will be more important than over the past few years because, as the two-year bipartisan agreement of 2018 lapses, the so-called “stimulus cliff” looms over the U.S. economy and will get caught up in the epic battle over the 2020 election. The stimulus cliff is the automatic imposition of fiscal spending cuts (“sequestration”) in FY2020 that would take effect as a result of the Budget Control Act of 2011. Standard estimates of the U.S. budget deficit expect that the deficit will shrink in 2020 if the spending caps are not raised, resulting in a negative fiscal thrust (Chart 2). The result would be to decrease aggregate demand at a time when the risk of recession is relatively high (Chart 3). Chart 3Recession Odds Still High Over Next 12 Months This is clearly not in President Trump’s interest, since a recession would devastate his reelection odds. Hence, Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin and other White House officials are pushing for a budget deal before the House of Representatives goes on recess on July 26 and the Senate on August 2. Ideally, an agreement would raise the spending caps, appropriate funds for the rest of the budget, and lift the “debt ceiling,” the statutory limit on U.S. debt. But it would be surprising if a deal came together as early as next week. A failure to agree on a budget deal before Congress goes on recess will make the market increasingly jittery. Congress can cancel the August recess, or wait until September 9 when they reconvene, but a failure to agree on something between now and then will make the market increasingly jittery. The U.S. has already surpassed the current debt limit and the latest estimates suggest that the Treasury Department’s “extraordinary measures” to meet U.S. debt payments could be exhausted by early-to-mid September.1 This would give Congress only a week in September to raise the debt limit. There are three main reasons to expect that the debt ceiling fight will not get out of hand: Chart 4Americans Stopped Worrying And Love Debt First, a technical default on U.S. debt could result in a failure to meet politically explosive obligations, such as sending social security checks to seniors. No one in Washington would benefit from such a failure and President Trump would suffer the most. Second, the public is not as worried about national deficits and debt today as it was in the aftermath of the financial crisis (Chart 4). Democrats, as the pro-government party, do not have an incentive to stage a showdown over the debt like Tea Party Republicans did under the previous administration. To be fair, they did do so in January 2018, but backed off after merely two days due to high political costs. Third, the one budget conflict that could create a catastrophic impasse – funding for Trump’s border wall – can be assuaged by Trump’s use of executive action, as he demonstrated by declaring a national emergency and appropriating military funds for fencing. Trump is fighting a general election in 2020 and is unlikely to use the debt ceiling as leverage to the point that the U.S. defaults on its obligations. The risk to investors, however, is that he goes back to threatening a 25% tariff on Mexico if it fails to staunch the flow of immigrants from Central America. What if the Republicans and Democrats cannot agree on the budget and spending caps? Democrats say they will not raise the debt limit unless they get non-defense spending increases. House Democrats need to reward their constituents for voting for them in 2018 and want to increase non-defense spending at “parity” with increases to defense spending. They also want to reduce the defense increases that Republicans seek in order to pay for non-defense increases. President Trump and the Republicans have a higher defense target and a lower non-defense target. The truth is that the Republicans and Democrats have agreed three times to increase spending caps beyond the levels required under the 2011 law – and they have done so most emphatically under President Trump with the FY2018-19 agreement (Chart 5). This year the two parties stand about $17 billion apart on defense and $30 billion apart on non-defense spending.2 We would expect both sides to splurge on spending and get what they want, but they could also split the difference: the amounts are small but the acrimony between the two parties could extend the talks. Congress may have to pass one or more “continuing resolutions” (stopgap measures keeping spending levels constant) to negotiate further. A continuing resolution could at least raise the debt ceiling and leave the rest of the budget negotiation until later, removing the majority of the political risk under discussion. Is another government shutdown possible? Yes, but not to the extent of early 2019. Trump saw a sharp drop in his approval ratings during the longest-ever government shutdown last year (Chart 6). Brinkmanship could lead to another shutdown, but he is likely to capitulate before it becomes prolonged. In early 2020, he wants to be lobbing grenades into the Democratic primary election rather than giving all of the Democrats an easy chance to criticize him for dysfunction in Washington. Ultimately, Trump can simply refrain from vetoing whatever the House and Senate agree – it is not in his interest to shrink the budget deficit in an election year. The Democrats’ spending increases would boost aggregate demand and are thus in President Trump’s personal interest. Trump is the self-professed “king of debt” – he is not afraid to agree to a deal that will be criticized by fiscal hawks. The latter have far less influence in Congress anyway since the 2018 midterm election. Why should House Democrats extend the economic expansion knowing that it would likely improve President Trump’s reelection chances? Because Trump will capitulate to most of their spending demands; voters would punish them if they are seen deliberately engineering “austerity”; and they need to show voters that they can govern. As for the 2020 race, they will focus on other issues: they will attack Trump on trade and immigration and focus on social policy: health care, the minimum wage, taxes and inequality, climate change, and student debt. What will be the fiscal and economic impact of a budget deal? The budget deal under negotiation ($750 billion in defense discretionary spending, $639 billion in non-defense discretionary spending) would raise the spending cap by about $145 billion – this is slightly above the $112 billion negative fiscal thrust expected in 2020.3 The result is that the U.S. fiscal drag expected in 2020 will at least be eliminated (if not turned into a fiscal boost), helping to prolong the cycle. The removal of fiscal drag will coincide with monetary easing, which is positive for markets since inflation is subdued. The Federal Reserve abandoned rate hikes this year (after four last year) because of the asymmetric risk of deflation relative to inflation (Chart 7). The FOMC believes that they can always jack up interest rates to combat an inflation overshoot, as their predecessors did in the 1980s, but that they are constrained by the zero lower-bound in interest rates. They may never recover from a loss of credibility and collapse of inflation expectations, so an insurance policy is necessary. The result is likely to be one or two rate cuts this year, which has already improved financial conditions. Chart 7The Fed Fears The Asymmetric Threat Of Deflation Bottom Line: Budget brinkmanship could become a near-term source of volatility but it is ultimately likely to be resolved with the pro-market outcome of less fiscal drag in 2020. The debt ceiling debate is unlikely to result in a U.S. default and any government shutdown is likely to resemble the short one of 2018 more than the long one of 2019. We expect U.S. equities to grind higher over the 12-month cyclical horizon, but we remain exceedingly cautious on a three-month tactical horizon. The price of Trump’s capitulation on border funding could be a renewed threat of tariffs against Mexico. The Budget Deal, Geopolitics, And The Dollar Chart 8China Shifts From Reform To Stimulus What does this fiscal outlook imply for the U.S. dollar? Near-term moves will probably be negative, since the fiscal boost outlined above will not be comparable to 2018-19, and meanwhile our view on China’s stimulus is bearing out reasonably well (Chart 8). Improvements in global growth, Fed cuts, and rising oil prices will weigh on the greenback even though later we expect the dollar to recover on the back of renewed U.S.-China conflict and global recession in 2021 or thereafter. Beyond the recession, two of our major political and geopolitical themes continue to point to large downside risk to the dollar: populist politics and multipolarity, or geopolitical competition among the world’s great powers. Beyond the recession, two of our major political and geopolitical themes continue to point to large downside risk to the dollar: populist politics and multipolarity. Populism and the Fed: Domestically, the United States is seeing a rise in populism that is continuing across administrations and political parties. This is conducive to easier monetary policy. Left-wing firebrand Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s (AOC) recent exchange with Fed Chairman Jay Powell highlights the trend. AOC asked one of the most frequent questions that BCA’s clients ask: Does the Phillips Curve still work? Powell answered that in recent years it has not. President Trump’s Economic Director Larry Kudlow applauded AOC, saying “she kind of nailed that” (obviously the administration is pushing for lower rates). If inflation is not a risk, monetary policy need not guard against it. This interchange should be taken in the context of President Trump’s attempts to jawbone Powell into rate cuts and the notable monetary promiscuousness of his ostensibly “hard money” Federal Reserve nominees. The extremely different ideological and institutional profiles of these various policymakers suggests that a new consensus is forming that is conducive to more dovish monetary policy than otherwise expected over the long run. Populists of any stripe, from Trump to AOC, would like to see lower interest rates, higher nominal GDP growth, and a lower real debt burden on households. We are reminded of an oft-overlooked point about the stagflation of the 1970s. Fed Chair Arthur Burns is usually depicted as a lackey of President Richard Nixon who succumbed to political influence and failed to raise interest rates adequately to fight inflation. But this is only part of the story. Leaving aside that the Fed only had a single mandate of minimizing unemployment at that time, Burns was conflicted. He saw the need to fight inflation, but he had more than Nixon’s wrath to fear. He also dreaded the impact on the Fed’s credibility and popular support as an institution if he hiked rates too aggressively and stoked unemployment (Chart 9).4 Chart 9Rate Hikes Are Hard To Defend Amid High Unemployment In other words, populism can constrain the Fed from the bottom up as well as from the top down in a context of rising unemployment.5 Multipolarity and Currency War: Since President Trump’s election we have highlighted that dollar depreciation is likely to be the administration’s ultimate aim if President Trump’s overall economic strategy is truly to stimulate growth, reduce the trade deficit, and repatriate manufacturing. Jacking up growth rates relative to the rest of the world while disrupting global trade via tariffs is a recipe for a strong dollar that undermines the attempt to bring jobs back from overseas. We have always argued that China would not grant the U.S. “shock therapy” liberalization and market opening – and that neither China, nor Europe, nor Japan would or could engage in currency appreciation along the lines of a new Smithsonian or Plaza Accord. The U.S. does not have as much geopolitical clout as it had in the 1970s-80s when it forced major currency deals on its allies and partners. The remaining option is for the U.S. to attempt unilateral depreciation. The combination of profligate spending, easy monetary policy, and populism may do the trick. But it is also possible that President Trump will attempt to engineer depreciation through Treasury Department intervention. If a slide toward recession threatens his reelection – or he is reelected and hence gets rid of the first-term reelection constraint – his unorthodox policies pose a significant risk to the dollar. Bottom Line: The U.S. dollar faces near-term risks as growth rebalances towards rest of the world, but will probably resume its rise in the impending recessionary environment and expected re-escalation of tensions with China. Over the long run, it faces severe risks due to fiscal mismanagement, domestic populism, and geopolitical struggle. A Progressive Overshoot Will Hurt Democrats … And Equities Chart 10A Democratic Win Will Weigh On Animal Spirits The Democratic Party’s primary election is also a risk to the equity rally. We see a 45% risk that President Trump will be unseated in November 2020 and hence that the U.S. will once again experience a dramatic policy reversal (as in 2000, 2008, and 2016). The risks are to the downside because the market is at all-time highs and Democratic proposals include raising taxes on corporations and re-regulating the economy (Chart 10). Whether you accept our 55% odds of Trump reelection, the race will be a continual source of uncertainty for investors going forward. How extreme is the uncertainty? Former Vice President Joe Biden remains the frontrunner in the race, though he has lost his initial bump in opinion polls (Chart 11). Biden’s success is market-positive relative to the other Democratic candidates since he is an establishment politician and a known quantity. Given his age, a Biden presidency would likely last for one term and focus on repudiating Trumpism and consolidating the Obama administration’s signature achievements (the Affordable Care Act, Dodd-Frank, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, environmental regulation, etc). Greater predictability in the health care sector and a return to lower-level tensions with Iran would be market-positive. The financial sector would be consoled by the fact that nothing worse than Dodd-Frank would be in the offing. A Biden victory would be more likely to yield Democratic control of the senate than a progressive candidate’s victory.6 This means that the risk of Democrats taking full control of government and passing more than one major piece of legislation after 2020 increases with Biden. Yet any candidate capable of defeating Trump is likely to take the senate in our view; and Biden’s legislative initiatives are likely to be more centrist.7 So as long as Biden remains in the lead in primary polling, he increases his chances of winning the nomination, maximizes the 45% chance of Democrats winning the White House, and decreases the intensity of the relative policy uncertainty facing markets. The risk to the Democrats is … a left-wing or progressive overshoot that knocks out Biden in the primary, replacing him with a progressive candidate who may not be as electable in the general election. The risk to the Democrats is that the leftward policy shift within the party (Chart 12) may lead to a left-wing or progressive overshoot that knocks out Biden in the primary, replacing him with a progressive candidate who may not be as electable in the general election. This would give President Trump the ability to capitalize on his advantage as the incumbent by inveighing against socialism. Most of the major progressive candidates are electable – they have a popular and electoral path to the White House – as revealed by their successful head-to-head polling against Trump in battleground state opinion polling (Chart 13). But these pathways are narrower than Biden’s. Biden is the only candidate whose name has been on the ballot in two presidential elections carrying the critical Rust Belt swing states Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin (not to mention Ohio and Florida). He is from Pennsylvania. And he is more competitive than most of his rivals in the American south and southwest, giving him the potential to pick up Florida or Arizona in the general election. But none of this matters if Biden cannot win the Democratic nomination first. The risk of a progressive overshoot is growing at present. Biden is losing his lead in the primary polling, as mentioned. Progressive candidates taken together are polling better than centrists, contrary to previous Democratic primaries (Chart 14). This is true even if we define centrists broadly, for instance to include Buttigieg (Chart 15). Biden is in a weaker position than Hillary Clinton in 2007 – and the more progressive candidate Obama ultimately defeated her (Chart 16). Biden has now slipped to second place in one national poll and some state polls. The second round of Democratic debates on July 30-31 will be a critical testing period for whether Biden can maintain frontrunner status. The first round fulfilled our expectation of boosting the progressives at his expense, especially Elizabeth Warren. It surprised us in dealing a blow to the campaign of Bernie Sanders, the independent Senator from Vermont who initiated the progressive left’s surge with his hard-fought race against Hillary Clinton in 2016. Sanders is more competitive than the other progressives in the Rust Belt, and in the general election, based on his head-to-head polling against Trump. Yet he has fallen behind in recent Democratic primary polling, ceding ground to Warren, Harris, and Buttigieg, who are all his followers in some sense. The second debate is a critical opportunity for him to arrest the loss of momentum. Otherwise he is likely to be fatally wounded: a collapse in polling beneath his floor of about 15%, and relative to other progressives, despite extensive name recognition, will make it very difficult for him to recover in the third round of debates in September. His votes will go toward other progressives, particularly Buttigieg – the other white male progressive-leaning candidate who is competitive in the Midwest.8 Our 55% base case that Trump is reelected rests on the high historical reelection rate for incumbents, particularly in the event of no recession during the first term – yet discounted due to Trump’s relatively low nationwide popularity, as it is reminiscent of a president in a recessionary environment (Chart 17). Trump has his ideological base more fired up than Obama did (Chart 18), which helps drive voter turnout, although as a result he risks losing support from the rest of the population. Still, Trump’s approval rating is in line with Obama’s at this stage in his first term. As long as the economy holds up and Trump does not suffer a foreign policy humiliation, he should be seen as a slight favorite. A Trump victory is not positive for risk assets, aside from a relief rally on policy continuity. This is because in a second term he cannot reproduce the same magnitude of pro-market effects (huge tax cuts and deregulation) yet, freed from the need for reelection, he has fewer political constraints in producing higher magnitude anti-market effects (tariffs and/or sanctions on China, Iran, Russia, and possibly the EU and Mexico). This view dovetails with the BCA House View which remains overweight equities relative to bonds and cash over a cyclical (12 month) horizon but underweight over the longer run with the expectation that a recession will loom. Bottom Line: The Democratic Primary election should start having an impact on markets – the general election is likely to be too close for market participants to have a high conviction, driving up uncertainty. Uncertainty will be especially pronounced if, and as, leftwing or progressive candidates outperform in the primary races and poll well against Trump in the general election. This dynamic is negative for business sentiment and the profit outlook, especially if Biden’s polling falls further in the wake of the second debate. Investment Conclusions We recommend staying long JPY-USD, long gold, and short CNY-USD. We remain overweight Thai equities within emerging markets, a defensive play. And we would not close our tactical overweight in health care sector and health care equipment sub-sector relative to the S&P 500. The rally in Chinese equities – despite China’s Q2 GDP growth rate of 6.2%, the worst in 27 years – brings full circle the view we initiated in April 2017 that Chinese President Xi Jinping’s consolidation of power would result in a major deleveraging drive that would drag on the global economy. Since February we have argued that the U.S. trade war has pushed Chinese policymakers to favor stimulus over reform – but we have also maintained that the effectiveness of stimulus is declining, especially as a result of the trade war hit to sentiment. Nevertheless, as a result of this turn in Chinese policy – along with the turn in U.S. monetary and fiscal policy – we see the global macroeconomic outlook improving. Combining this view with ongoing tensions in the Persian Gulf and the expectation that oil markets will tighten, we recommend our Commodity & Energy Strategy’s trade of going long Brent crude Q1 2020 versus Q1 2021. Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 See U.S. Department of Treasury, “Secretary Mnuchin Sends Debt Limit Letter to Congress,” July 12, 2019, home.treasury.gov. Jordan LaPier, “New Projection: Debt Limit “X Date” Could Arrive in September,” July 8, 2019, bipartisanpolicy.org. 2 See Jordain Carney and Niv Elis, White House, Congress inch toward debt, budget deal,” July 17, 2019, thehill.com. 3 See the Congressional Budget Office, “The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2019 to 2029,” January 2019; “Final Sequestration Report for Fiscal Year 2019,” February 2019; and Theresa Gullo, “Discretionary Appropriations Under the Budget Control Act,” Testimony before the Committee on the Budget, United States Senate, February 27, 2019, www.cbo.gov. 4 See James L. Pierce, “The Political Economy of Arthur Burns,” The Journal of Finance 34: 2 (1979), pp. 485-96, esp p. 489 regarding a congressional testimony: “Interestingly, no questions were raised or innuendo offered that monetary expansion would be excessive to support Richard Nixon’s reelection efforts. Instead, Burns was urged by the Democrats to follow an expansionary monetary policy in order to reduce the level of unemployment.” See also Athanasios Orphanides and John C. Williams, “Monetary Policy Mistakes and the Evolution of Inflation Expectations,” Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, Working Paper 2010-12 (2011), www.frbsf.org. 5 An analogy might be drawn with the Supreme Court, whose independence as one of three constitutional branches is much more firmly grounded in U.S. law than the Fed’s, but nevertheless cannot make decisions in an ivory tower. It must consider the effects of its judgments on popular opinion, since universally deplored decisions would reduce the court’s credibility and legitimacy in the eyes of the public over time and ultimately the other government branches’ adherence to those decisions. 6 This is both because Biden is more electable (thus more likely to bring a vice president who can break a tie vote in the senate) and because his candidacy can help Democrats in all of the senate swing races – for example, Arizona as well as Colorado and Maine. Harris is not as helpful in Maine while Warren and Sanders are not as helpful in Arizona. 7 Biden would return to the 39.6% top marginal individual tax rate and double the capital gains tax on those earning incomes of more than $1 million. See Biden For President, “Health Care,” joebiden.com. 8 Conversely, if Biden somehow collapses, Buttigieg unlike Sanders has the option of moving toward the political center to absorb Biden’s large reservoir of support.
Oil price volatility will remain elevated, as markets transition from a pronounced demand slowdown in 1H19, which is apparent in actual consumption data, to stronger growth. We expect global fiscal and monetary accommodation will arrest and reverse this slowdown in 2H19, and spur oil demand growth in 2020. Consistent with BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy, we are not expecting a resolution to the Sino – U.S. trade war that boosts demand; however, we could see a limited deal by 2H20 that partially addresses tariff barriers and boosts trade in the short run.1 In line with the EIA’s and IEA’s weaker 1H19 oil-consumption assessments, we now expect global demand to grow 1.25mm b/d this year, and 1.50mm b/d next year. These expectations are down 100k b/d and 50k b/d, respectively, from our June estimates. Chart of the WeekOPEC 2.0’s Storage Strategy Continues To Drive Production Supply – demand factors combine to push our 2019 Brent forecast to $70/bbl from $73/bbl last month. We are holding our 2020 Brent forecast at $75/bbl. On the supply side, we continue to expect OPEC 2.0’s production strategy to be driven by its primary goal – reducing global oil inventories – which means it will maintain production discipline this year and possibly into 1Q20 (Chart of the Week). We also expect capital discipline in the U.S. to restrain shale-oil production. Lastly, news flows around U.S. – Iran tensions continue to oscillate between hopeful resolution and a hardening of positions, which fuels price volatility. At the end of the day, we expect any increase in Iranian exports resulting from an easing of U.S.-GCC-Iran tensions to be accommodated by OPEC 2.0, as it was prior to the re-imposition of U.S. export sanctions.2 These supply – demand factors combine to push our 2019 Brent forecast to $70/bbl from $73/bbl last month. We are holding our 2020 Brent forecast at $75/bbl. We continue to expect WTI to trade $7/bbl below Brent this year, and $5/bbl lower next year (Chart 2). Chart 2Demand Slowdown In 1H19 Pushes Brent Forecast Lower Highlights Energy: Overweight. Given our expectation for tighter markets, we are getting long 1Q20 Brent vs. short 1Q21 Brent at tonight’s close, expecting steeper backwardation in the benchmark forward curve as global inventories draw in 2H19. Base Metals: Neutral. At $52.50/MT, Fastmarkets MB’s spot copper TC/RC Asia – Pacific index remains depressed, suggesting smelters will have to continue to discount their services due to tight physical supplies. Expecting tighter markets, we are getting long Dec19 $3.00/lb COMEX call spreads, vs. short Dec19 $3.30/lb COMEX calls at tonight’s close. Precious Metals: Neutral. Gold prices are largely being driven by U.S. real interest rates and the broad trade weighted USD, which we will explore in detail next week in a Special Report written with our colleagues in BCA’s Foreign Exchange Strategy. Given our expectation for Fed accommodation this year, we remain long gold. Ags/Softs: Underweight. The USDA lifted expected ending stocks for corn in its latest WASDE released last week. The department expects supply growth to outstrip use, which will raise stocks 335mm bushels to 2.0 billion. Feature Last week, we had the good fortune to visit U.S. clients in “The Great State,” otherwise known as Texas. It was a fortuitous swing through the Promised Land, because we had the opportunity to gain insight on a wide range of topics impacting commodity markets, particularly oil and gold, which are responding to many of the same factors driving markets for risky assets generally. Demand for industrial commodities in particular should pick up this year and next. More than a few of our discussions centered on global aggregate demand for real and financial assets. Prior to the Osaka G20 meeting last month, it looked like the odds of a global recession were increasing. Markets were contending with tightening financial conditions in the wake of the Fed’s December 2018 rate hike, the fourth such hike last year; escalating Sino - U.S. trade tensions, which were depressing capex and demand for industrial commodities; and slowing growth generally ex U.S. (Chart 3). Positioning as if the Fed was too late in reversing the policies that led to tighter financial conditions in 2H18 and earlier this year, and in a manner consistent with a deepening of the Sino - U.S. trade war was not unreasonable. That said, a client at one of the Lone Star state's larger investment managers observed that the powerful rallies in markets for risky assets following Fed accommodative signaling beginning earlier this year strongly suggest the markets’ verdict — at least for the moment — is the Fed acted in time to arrest the risk of a global recession this year. Chart 3Global Growth Slowdown Likely Drove Policy Responses Chart 4BCA's GIA Index Signaling Industrial Commodity Rebound Added to this is the fact that the U.S. central bank is being supported by other systematically important central banks (specifically the PBOC, BOJ, and ECB), and that fiscal stimulus is being deployed globally. Against this backdrop, it is difficult to remain bearish re global aggregate demand going forward, which is to say demand for industrial commodities in particular should pick up this year and next. Indeed, this is starting to show up in our Global Industrial Activity (GIA) Index, which is heavily weighted toward EM industrial commodity demand (Chart 4).3 Oil Demand Will Roar Back In 2H19 Our updated 2019 demand estimates align with the EIA’s and IEA’s depressed 1H19 oil-consumption assessments: We now expect global consumption to grow 1.25mm b/d this year, down 100k b/d vs. our previous estimate. Next year, however, we expect demand to be up 1.50mm b/d in the wake of global stimulus, which is only 50k b/d below our June estimate.4 The IEA’s assessment of 1H19 demand weakness is particularly striking. In its latest forecast, the agency noted that in 2Q19, they show a global surplus of 500k b/d (i.e., supply exceeded demand), where previously they expected a 500k b/d deficit. This million-barrel swing – if it is confirmed when data are later revised with more accurate reporting – suggests the global economy did come close to entering recession earlier this year. We are not as bearish as the IEA, but we do incorporate the severity of the trend they highlight in our forecast. We expect 1H19 global demand grew 520k b/d y/y. In 2H19, like the IEA, we expect demand to come roaring back. We expect consumption to grow at a rate of slightly over 2mm b/d, whereas the IEA’s expecting a 1.8mm b/d rate (Table 1). We believe this momentum will be maintained into 1H20, with growth expected to come in at just over 1.8mm b/d, followed by a more subdued 1.35mm b/d growth rate in 2H20.5 Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) It is important to note here that monetary stimulus hits the economy after “long and variable lags,” in the phrasing of Nobel laureate Milton Freidman. Therefore, we will be closely monitoring our demand estimates for signs the coordinated stimulus being deployed by central banks globally actually is translating into higher industrial commodity demand.6 It also is worthwhile pointing out there is a non-trivial risk – i.e., greater than Russian-roulette odds of 1:6 – the Sino – U.S. trade war metastasizes into a global trade war as positions on both sides harden. This could usher in a new Cold War, and see global supply chains broken and reconstituted within trading blocks. The transition to such a realignment of global trade no doubt would be volatile, but, at the end of the day likely would support commodity demand as supply chains are re-built. OPEC 2.0 Remains Sensitive To EM Demand On the supply side, we continue to expect OPEC 2.0’s production strategy to be driven by its primary goal – i.e., reducing global oil inventories. This means the coalition will continue to exercise production restraint: We expect OPEC 2.0 to reduce output by 540k b/d this year per this strategy. In addition to its inventory goals, we believe OPEC 2.0 also does not want to see Brent price go through $85/bbl. This is because many EM states removed fuel subsidies following the oil-price collapse of 2014 – 2016, and the demand-destruction effects of higher prices would be realized in fairly short order above $85/bbl.7 We view this as a binding constraint – prices above the $80 - $85/bbl range will destroy EM demand, which makes them counterproductive for OPEC 2.0. As a result, next year, we expect the producer coalition to gradually raise output by 800k b/d over the January – August 2020 period, to restrain prices below $80/bbl (Chart 5). It is worthwhile mentioning, since it came up repeatedly in conversations during our Texas swing, we do not share the view OPEC 2.0’s production restraint allows U.S. shale producers to increase production and steal market share from OPEC 2.0. This restraint does play a pivotal role in our balances estimates, and is part of the equation propelling prices higher in our modeling. It is a necessary condition for U.S. shale output to grow, but it is not sufficient. U.S. shale oil is filling a market need for light-sweet crude and condensate, and is attracting investment to meet this need. It does compete with light-sweet OPEC production ex Persian Gulf, but investment in these provinces has proven to be difficult to sustain and commit to over the long haul for a variety of reasons, many of which spring from the lack of rule of law, corruption, and hostile operating environments. Shale oil production, in addition to presenting an opportunity to tap into an abundant resource, allows E&Ps to operate in a low-risk political and geological environment, where contracts are enforced by a disinterested judiciary. In terms of its importance, these factors cannot be overestimated. More importantly, the medium and heavier crudes produced and marketed by KSA and Russia are not in direct competition with U.S. shale oil, which means OPEC 2.0’s leadership is not directly fighting for market share with this output. However, there are constraints to shale-oil production, coming mostly from capital markets. We are modeling slower U.S. onshore production growth this year and next, arising from capital constraints on shale-oil producers. Our recent Special Report on the financial performance of E&P companies and the Majors highlighted the importance they attach to prioritizing investors’ interests, which is clearly visible in the financial metrics of these companies.8 Chart 5OPEC 2.0 Will Raise Supply In 2020 To Keep Brent Prices Below /bbl Chart 6Capital Discipline Will Reduce U.S. Onshore Output In 2020 Consistent with our investor-driven framework for modeling U.S. output, we reduced our expectation for U.S. onshore supply growth by 160k b/d for next year (Chart 6). As a result, we now expect U.S. onshore production to grow by 1.2mm b/d to ~ 10.0mm b/d this year and by 900k b/d to ~ 10.8mm b/d next year – mostly from shales. We expect U.S. offshore production to increase 170k b/d this year and 130k b/d next year, to 1.9mm b/d in 2019 and 2.0mm b/d in 2020. Expect Tighter Balances, Steeper Backwardation The fundamental supply – demand expectations above combine to push our 2019 Brent forecast to $70/bbl from $73/bbl last month. We are holding our 2020 Brent forecast at $75/bbl. We continue to expect WTI to trade $7/bbl below Brent this year, and $5/bbl lower next year (Chart 7). As can be seen in the Chart of the Week, our balances estimates indicate inventory draws will resume this year, which will lead to a steeper backwardation in benchmark crude streams (Chart 8). Given this expectation, we are getting long 1Q20 Brent vs. short 1Q21 Brent at tonight’s close, expecting steeper backwardation in the benchmark forward curve as global inventories draw in 2H19. Bottom Line: Oil price volatility will remain elevated, as markets transition from the profound demand slowdown reported for 1H19 to a higher-growth footing (Chart 9). We expect Brent crude to average $70 and $75/bbl this year and next, with WTI trading $7 and $5/bbl lower, respectively. On the back of our expectation balances will tighten, we are getting long 1Q20 Brent vs. short 1Q21 Brent at tonight’s close. Chart 7Balances Will Tighten In 2H19, Following 1H19 Weakness Chart 8Backwardations Will Steepen, As Inventories Draw Chart 9Volatility Will Remain Elevated We are not sounding an all-clear on aggregate demand in the wake of the fiscal and monetary stimulus being deployed globally. The odds the Sino – U.S. trade war expands to encompass global markets are not trivial (we make them greater than 1:6 in our estimation), and this could keep demand and demand expectations uncertain for an indefinite period. Evidence of this will be visible in the options markets, which will price to higher implied volatilities for a longer period of time. Robert P. Ryan, Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger, Senior Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see The Polybius Solution published by BCA Research’s Geopolitical Strategy July 5, 2019. It is available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 OPEC 2.0 is the producer coalition led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia. It was founded in 2016 to manage oil production, so as to reduce global inventory levels, which were bloated by a market-share war launched by the original OPEC cartel in 2014. In the political-economy framework driving our analysis, OPEC 2.0 treats U.S. and Chinese policy as exogenous factors, and maintains sufficient flexibility to respond to whatever these states do. We develop our paradigm for this in The New Political Economy Of Oil, published by BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy Strategy February 21, 2019. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see “Oil, Copper Demand Worries Are Overdone,” where we introduce and discuss the GIA index, published February 14, 2019, in BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy Strategy. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 4 The EIA has lowered its growth estimates for oil consumption six consecutive times this year, with the publication of this month’s forecast. This is the third time we’ve lowered our forecast. 5 Global oil demand is extremely difficult to estimate. It is an estimate subject to large revisions, as we discussed last year: From 2010 to 2016, “On average, the EIA has increased net demand (increases in estimated demand in excess of the increase in estimated supply) by about 470,000 b/d, with the lowest retroactive increase of net demand being 260,000 b/d (2012).” Copies of this research are available upon request. 6 Please see The Lag in Effect of Monetary Policy, by Milton Friedman (1961). Journal of Political Economy, University of Chicago Press, vol. 69, pages 447-466. 7 Please see With the Benefit of Hindsight: The Impact of the 2014-16 Oil Price Collapse, published January 13, 2018, by the World Bank for a discussion of subsidy removal by EM states. 8 Please see Shale-Oil E&Ps Turning A Corner?, published June 13, and U.S. Shales, GOM Production Reinforce Our Robust Production Forecasts, published July 11, 2019. These are available at ces.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades TRADE RECOMMENDATION PERFORMANCE IN 2019 Q2 Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2019 Summary of Closed Trades
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