Geopolitics

Special Report

Highlights Bad news is still looming in the trade war. Public opinion polling in the U.S. gives President Trump more leeway to push the envelope on tariffs and sanctions against China than the consensus recognizes. Trump’s tendency to push the envelope is forcing China into a corner in which structural concessions become too risky. Unrest in Hong Kong reveals the city-state’s political woes as well as the tail-risk of a geopolitical incident in Taiwan. Tariffs on Mexico are still possible. Close long MXN/BRL. Maintain tactical safe-haven plays. Feature Judging by the S&P 500, the Federal Reserve has cut interest rates and the G20 summit between Presidents Donald Trump and Xi Jinping has been a success (Chart 1). Chart 1Trade War? Who Cares! The problem is that there is not yet a compelling, positive, political catalyst on the trade front. And the Fed has an incentive to wait until after the June 28-29 G20 to make its decision on any cut. At least in the case of the December 1 G20 summit in Buenos Aires there was significant diplomatic preparation ahead of time. That is not yet the case for the summit in Osaka, Japan. And even Buenos Aires ended up being a flop given the subsequent tariff escalation. We are maintaining our tactical safe-haven recommendations – long gold, Swiss bonds, and Japanese yen – until we see a clearer pathway for the risk-on phase to resume amid a summer loaded with fair-probability geopolitical risks: Trump’s aggressive foreign policy, the Democratic primary, China’s domestic policy, the U.S. immigration crisis, and Brexit. Beyond this near-term caution, we agree with BCA’s House View in remaining overweight equities on a cyclical basis (12 months). China’s economic stimulus is likely to pick up further this summer and it still has the capacity to deliver positive surprises. Preparing For The G20 Over the course of this year we have argued for a 50% chance and then 40% chance that the U.S. and China would conclude a trade deal by the G20 summit. However, Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and other administration officials, including Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney, have recently indicated that the best case at the G20 is for the leaders to have dinner and agree to a new timetable that aims to close the negotiations in the coming months. The Trump-Xi summit itself remains unconfirmed as we go to press. This suggests that we were too optimistic about even a barebones trade deal at the G20. We are now extending our time frame to the November 2020 election -- the only deadline that really matters. Diagram 1 presents a cogent and conservative decision tree that results in a 41% chance of a major, Cold War-style escalation in tensions; a 27% chance of a minor escalation that is contained but without a final trade agreement; and a 28% chance of a tenuous or short-term deal. It gives only a 4% chance of a “grand compromise” that initiates a new phase of re-engagement between the two economies. These outcomes clearly represent a large downside risk given where equities are positioned today. Diagram 1Trade War Decision Tree (Updated June 13, 2019) Why such gloom when the two sides may be on the brink of a new tariff ceasefire? First, delaying the talks beyond the G20 is disadvantageous for Trump and will make him angry sooner or later. The Trump administration, unlike its predecessors, has made a point of opposing China’s traditional playbook of drawing out negotiations. China benefits in talks over the long run because it gains economic and strategic leverage. This has been the case in every major round of dialogue since the 1980s and it is specifically the case today, as China gradually stimulates its way out of the slowdown that afflicted it at the time of the last G20 (Chart 2). Chart 2China's Bargaining Leverage To Improve On Stimulus Trump would not have called a ceasefire on Dec. 1, 2018 if the stock market had held up amid Fed rate hikes and the Sept. 24 implementation of the 10% tariff on $200 billion. This year the U.S. equity market has bounced back and the Fed has paused, but China’s economy has not yet fully recovered. This gives Trump an advantage that may not last if the talks extend through the rest of the year. And this reasoning explains why Trump raised the tariff rate and blacklisted China’s tech companies in May – to try to clinch a deal by the end of June. He is also threatening to impose tariffs on the remaining $300 billion worth of imports if Xi snubs him in Osaka. If the G20 fails to produce progress, we would bet that Trump will proceed with a sweeping tariff on the remaining $300 billion worth of Chinese imports, whether immediately after the summit or at some later point when he decides that the Chinese are indeed playing for time. How can we be confident of this? After all, Trump’s approval rating has fallen since he escalated the trade war in May and it remains well beneath the average post-World War II presidents at this stage in their first terms, including President Obama’s rating in the summer of 2011 (Chart 3). Recent opinion polls suggest that voters are getting wise to the negative impact of tariffs on their pocketbooks. The financial and political constraints on Trump are not very pressing. We are confident because the financial and political constraints on Trump are not very pressing, at least not at the moment. First, the stock market has risen despite the tariff hikes, so Trump is likely emboldened. Second, Trump is less constrained in the use of tariffs than in other areas. He is bogged down with a Democratic Congress, investigations, and scandals at home. He cannot pursue policy through legislation – he shifted to the threat of tariffs on Mexico because he could not build his border wall. By turbo-charging his trade policy and foreign policy – against China, Iran, Mexico, Russia, most recently Germany … basically everyone except North Korea – he creates the option of turning 2020 into a “foreign policy election” rather than an election about the economy or social policy. A strong economy has not enabled him to break through his ceiling in public opinion thus far and he will lose a social policy election easily (see health care). The risk of his aggressive foreign policy is that it triggers an international crisis. But that would likely benefit him in the polls, given the natural inclination to defend America against foreign enemies. See George W. Bush, 2004 (Chart 4). Third, popular opposition to Trump’s trade war is not clear-cut – voters are ambivalent. In the past we have shown that President Trump’s 2020 run still depends on his ability to increase voter turnout among whites, specifically white males, low-income whites, and whites without college degrees. Recent polls suggest that voters have turned against tariffs and the trade war – namely the Quinnipiac and Monmouth University polls released in late May after the latest tariff hike. But it is essential to dig beneath the surface. These polls reveal that the key voting groups look more favorably than the rest of the country upon Trump’s policies on both trade and China (Chart 5). These voters’ assessment of Trump’s performance overall, across a range of policies, is not disapproving, despite all of the unorthodox and disruptive decisions that Trump has made in his presidency thus far (Chart 6). American voters are neither as enthusiastic about free trade nor as appalled by protectionism as the headline polling suggests. For instance, take the Monmouth University poll, which asked very specific questions about trade, tariffs, and retaliation. If we combine the group of voters who are clearly protectionist with those who are “not sure” or think the answer “depends,” the results do not suggest that Trump is heavily constrained (Table 1). Table 1Americans Are Not As Pro-Free Trade As It Seems In swing counties 51% of voters think that free trade is either a bad idea or are undecided. And even 57% percent of voters in counties that voted for Hillary Clinton by more than a 10% margin are in favor of tariffs or unsure. And a majority of voters in the most relevant categories – independents, moderates, non-college graduates, low-income earners – believe that Trump’s tariffs will bring manufacturing back, a highly relevant point for an election that will likely swing on the Rust Belt yet again. This includes Clinton’s most secure districts (Chart 7)! The point is not that Trump lacks political constraints on the trade war – after all, these voters are on the borderline in many cases and concerned about all-out trade war with China. Rather, his aggressive trade tactics enable him to reconnect with and energize his voter base at a time when his other signature policies are tied down. This is critical because his reelection prospects, which we have pegged at 55%, are in great peril, at least judging by his lag in the head-to-head polling against the top Democrats in swing states. Bottom Line: Going forward, Trump has more room to push the envelope than investors realize. A failed G20 summit poses the risk of another selloff in global equities. We are maintaining our tactical safe-haven trades.   What About Xi Jinping’s Constraints? Xi is president for life and must be attentive to long-term ramifications. Chart 8Xi Jinping's Immediate Constraint If Trump is tempted to continue pushing the envelope, will President Xi back down? While not constrained by the stock market or elections, he does face the prospect of instability in the manufacturing sector and large-scale unemployment (Chart 8), which Beijing has not had to deal with for 20 years. The point is not to claim that laid-off Chinese workers will turn around and protest against their own country in the face of gunboat diplomacy by capitalist imperialists – on the 70th anniversary of the regime, no less. Rather, Xi is president for life and must be attentive to the long-term ramifications of a disruptive transition in the excessively large manufacturing sector. This would cause economic and, yes, ultimately socio-political problems for him down the road. If Trump continues to move toward his 2016 campaign pledge of a 45% tariff on all Chinese imports, as the 2020 election approaches, China’s leaders have far less incentive to put their careers (and lives) on the line to produce structural concessions. A tariff covering all Chinese goods is an absolutist position that China can only address by doubling down on its demand for full tariff rollback. Yet Trump needs to retain some tariffs to enforce the implementation of any agreement. Thus slapping tariffs on all Chinese imports is almost, but not quite, an irreversible step. This is captured in Diagram 1 via the 29% chance that tensions are contained even if a deal falls through. Tensions are even less likely to be contained if the Trump administration follows through on its threats against China’s tech sector. On August 19, the Commerce Department will decide whether to renew the license for U.S. companies to sell key components to Huawei and other blacklisted companies. If the administration denies the license – and moves further ahead with export controls on emerging and foundational technologies – then Beijing faces an outright technological blockade. It will retaliate against U.S. companies – a process already beginning1 – and will likely act on other threats such as a rare earths embargo. In this case strategic tensions will escalate dramatically, including saber-rattling in the air, in cyberspace, or on the high seas. At the moment political frictions in Hong Kong are exacerbating U.S.-China distrust. Bottom Line: Since President Xi’s constraints are longer-term, he has the ability to deny structural concessions to Trump. But Trump’s ability to push the trade war further and further risks forcing China to a point of no return. There is not a clear basis for the geopolitical risk affecting the global trade and growth outlook to fall. Hong Kong: A New Front In The U.S.-China Struggle The large-scale protests that have erupted in Hong Kong – first on April 28 and most recently on June 9 –are important for several reasons: they highlight the immense geopolitical pressure in East Asia emanating from China’s “New Era” under Xi Jinping; they are rapidly becoming entangled in U.S.-China tensions, particularly over technological acquisition; and they foreshadow the political instability on the horizon in Taiwan. Tensions have been rising between Hong Kong and mainland China since the Great Recession and the shock to capitalist financial centers around the world. The tensions are symptomatic of the dramatic change in China over the past decade; the decline of the post-Cold War status quo; and the broader decline of the western world order (e.g. the British Empire). After all, the West is lacking tools to preserve the rights and privileges that Hong Kong was supposed to be guaranteed when the transfer of sovereignty occurred in 1997. More immediately, the current protests are part of a process going back to 2012 in which the disaffected and marginalized parts of Hong Kong society began speaking up against the political establishment. This emerged because of high income inequality (Chart 9), shortcomings in quality of life, excessive property prices (Chart 10), and the mainland’s reassertion of Communist Party rule and encroachments on Hong Kong’s autonomy. Chart 10Another Source Of Hong Kong's Unrest A simple comparison with Singapore, the other major East Asian city-state, shows that Hong Kong has trailed in GDP per capita and wage gains, while property price inflation has soared ahead (Chart 11). These structural economic factors contributed to the emergence of the “Occupy Central” protests in 2014, which were smaller than today’s protests but signaled the abrupt shift in the political sphere toward disenchantment and activism. Chart 11Why Hong Kong Is Not As Quiet As Singapore The 2016 elections for the Legislative Council (LegCo) resulted in a fiasco by which a number of pro-democracy activists, known as “localists,” were squeezed out of the legislature through a combination of juvenile mistakes and heavy-handed intervention by Beijing and the pro-mainland Hong Kong authorities (Chart 12 A&B). Beijing exploited the occasion to extend its legal writ over Hong Kong society and curb some of the city’s freedoms.2 The democratic opposition and dissidents have been sidelined or repressed — and now they face the prospect of being extradited, given that the LegCo is highly likely to pass the “Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters” bill that sparked the protests this year. The exclusion of the localists from power runs the risk of radicalizing them and increasing disaffection, making mass protests likely to recur both in the near term and in future. Hong Kongers are losing confidence in the “One Country, Two Systems” arrangement (Chart 13). They are similarly becoming more disillusioned with mainland China, adding fuel to the fire over time (Chart 14). However, in the specific case of the city-state, there is no alternative to Beijing’s ultimate say – and the older generations will continue to support the political establishment. Nevertheless Hong Kong’s discontents will become entangled in the broader Cold War emerging between the U.S. and China. Beijing is accusing the protesters of being lackeys of foreign powers. The U.S. Congress, on both sides of the aisle, is threatening to declare that Hong Kong is no longer sufficiently autonomous from Beijing and therefore no longer eligible for special privileges. Hong Kong faces rising political dependency on China and the potential for special relations with the United States to decline. Part of Washington’s concern lies with Beijing’s aggressive technological acquisition program. Hong Kong has been able to import advanced dual-use technology products from the United States without Beijing’s restrictions. This is not apparent from the proportion of exports but it is important on the technological level (Chart 15). It introduces a backdoor for China to acquire these goods and has prompted a rethink in Washington. Hong Kong is also accused of facilitating the circumventing of sanctions on U.S. enemies. It thus faces rising political dependency on China and the potential for special relations with the United States to decline. These pressures also highlight why we view Taiwan as a potential “Black Swan.” Similar political fissures are emerging as Beijing expands its economic and military dominance over Taiwan. Of course, the political backlash against Beijing has recently been receding in Taiwanese opinion, due to the fact that the nominally pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party has lost most of the momentum it gained after the large-scale “Sunflower” student protests of 2014 (Chart 16). But there are still several reasons that the January 2020 election could become a geopolitical flashpoint: namely the developments in Hong Kong, China’s handling of them, Beijing’s tensions with Washington, and the Trump administration’s temptation to achieve some key goals with the Tsai Ing-wen administration before it leaves office (including arms sales). Even if the Taiwanese political winds shift to become less confrontational toward Beijing after January, the time between now and then is ripe for an “incident” of some kind. Beyond that, the pro-independence opposition will begin activating and marching against the next government if it proves obsequious to the mainland. Chart 16Taiwan: Pro-Mainland Forces Revive Over the long run, Taiwan is far more autonomous than Hong Kong, harder for Beijing to control, and much more attractive for Beijing’s enemies to defend – namely the U.S. and Japan. Moreover, as the tech conflict with Washington heats up, Taiwan becomes vital for China’s technological self-sufficiency, putting it at higher risk (Chart 17). Beijing will also frown upon the role of Taiwanese companies like FoxConn for taking early steps to diversify the supply chain away from China. This regional strategic reality is not conducive to U.S.-China trade negotiations. And even aside from the U.S., Beijing’s growing power generates resistance from its periphery. This is true of Chinese ally North Korea, which is trying to broaden its options, as well as a historic enemy like Vietnam. Other countries at a bit more of a distance are trying to accommodate both Beijing and Washington, but are increasingly seeing their regimes vacillate based on their orientation toward China – this is true of Thailand in 2014, the Philippines in 2015, South Korea in 2017, and Malaysia in 2018. These changes inject economic policy uncertainty on the country level. Over the long run we see Southeast Asia as a beneficiary of the relocation of supply chains out of China. But at the moment, with the trade war escalating and unresolved and with China taking a heavier hand, we are only recommending holding relatively insulated countries like Thailand. Bottom Line: Our theme of U.S.-China conflict is intertwined with our theme of geopolitical risk rotation to East Asia. States that have domestic-oriented economies, limited exposure to China, or greater U.S. support – including Japan, Thailand, South Korea, Indonesia, and Malaysia – face less geopolitical risk than those heavily exposed to China (Taiwan) or that lack U.S. security guarantees (Hong Kong, Vietnam). Investment Recommendations In addition to our safe-haven tactical trades – long spot gold, long Swiss bonds, and long JPY-USD – we are maintaining our long recommendation for a basket of companies in the MVIS global rare earth and strategic metals index. The basket includes companies not based in mainland China that have seen their stock prices appreciate this year yet have a P/E ratio under 35 (Chart 18). Chart 18Go Long Rare Earth Firms Ex-China We remain short the CNY-USD on the expectation that trade tensions will encourage Beijing to use depreciation as a countervailing tool, despite our expectation of increasing fiscal-and-credit stimulus. Over the long run, we would observe that trade escalation between the U.S. and China bodes poorly for China’s long-term productivity and efficiency. The basis for a reduction in trade tensions is a recommitment to the liberal structural reform agenda that Chinese state economists outlined at the beginning of Xi Jinping’s term in 2012-13. The current trajectory of “the New Long March,” in which Beijing pursues personalized power and uses stimulus to improve self-sufficiency and import-substitution, goes the opposite direction. It is not a pathway for innovation, openness, and technological progress. A simple comparison of China’s long-term equity total return highlights the market’s lack of enthusiasm about the current administration’s approach (Chart 19). The contexts were different, but the earlier outperformance grew from painful structural reforms and a grand compromise with the United States in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Chart 19The Market Wants Reforms And Trade Deal We are closing our long MXN / short BRL trade for a gain of 4.6%. This trade has bounced back from the U.S.-Mexico deal to avert tariffs. The agreement was not entirely hollow compared to earlier agreements: it calls for Mexico to accelerate the deployment of the National Guard to stem the flow of refugees from Guatemala and central America and expand the Migrant Protection Protocols across the southern border. Trump’s reversal – under Senate pressure, entirely unlike the China dynamic – gave the peso a boost, benefiting our trade. However, one of the fundamental reasons for this trade – the improvement in Mexico’s relative current account balance – has now rolled over (Chart 20) and the tariff threat will reemerge if Mexico proves unable or unwilling to stem the inflow of asylum seekers into the United States (Chart 21). Chart 20Peso Has Outperformed The Real   As we go to press, the attacks on tankers in Oman highlight our view that oil prices will witness policy-induced volatility and a rising geopolitical risk premium as “fire and fury” shifts to the U.S. and Iran in the near-term. Our expectation of increasing Chinese stimulus helps underpin the constructive view on oil and energy-producing emerging markets.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The American Chamber of Commerce in China and Shanghai released a survey on May 22, 2019 revealing that while 53% of companies have not yet experienced “non-tariff” retaliation by Chinese authorities, 47% had experienced it: 20.1% through increased inspections; 19.7% through slower customs clearance; 14.2% through slow license approvals; another 14.2% through bureaucratic and regulatory complications; and smaller numbers dealing with problems associated with American employees’ visas, increased difficulty closing investment deals, products rejected by customs, and rejections of licenses and applications. 2 We noted at the time, “Mainland forces will bring down the hammer on the pro-independence movement. The election of a new chief executive will appear to reinforce the status quo but in reality Beijing will tighten its legal, political, and security grip. Large protests are likely; political uncertainty will remain high.” See BCA Geopolitical Strategy, “Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now,” December 14, 2016, available at www.bcaresearch.com.

Special Report

Highlights The odds of universal health care legislation being enacted in the U.S. by 2022 are about 10%-15%. Former Vice President Joe Biden is the most likely Democratic candidate in 2020, but the alternative is most likely a progressive candidate seeking universal health care. Trump is slightly favored to win in 2020, but a Trump loss is likely to translate into full Democratic control of the U.S. government, making ambitious legislation more likely to pass Congress. An overweight portfolio allocation in the S&P health care index is a sensible and defensive move. Fear selling in health care stocks could easily return but would create an exploitable trading opportunity at this late stage of the cycle. We are executing the upgrade of the S&P health care index via an upgrade of the S&P health care equipment index, which has seen a material valuation de-rating at the same time as profits are expanding, to overweight. Feature Will The Democrats Win? Can They Pass Universal Health Care? “Medicare for All,” or government-led universal health care in the United States, is less likely to become the law of the land by 2022 than the market expects. We put the probability at around 10%-15%. Here’s why. The industry faces only two certainties: Americans are getting older and the federal government is increasing its involvement. The former is a secular driver for health care demand. The latter is an inference drawn from the fact that the Republican Party failed to repeal the Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare, even when it had full control of government. It is very unlikely that the Republicans will get another chance at repeal. It is also very unlikely that the public will tolerate the current status quo forever. The result is that the U.S. will eventually end up with a restored Obamacare or an altogether new system with a greater government role. The Republican failure to repeal was not idiosyncratic – it was not based on the fact that the late Senator John McCain, who cast the decisive vote on July 27, 2017, had been diagnosed with brain cancer earlier that year. Rather, it was structural – the repeal failed because (1) it is always extremely difficult to remove an entitlement once it has been given to voters and (2) a slim majority of Americans approved of Obamacare – and still do (Chart 1). Republicans went on to dismantle aspects of Obamacare, including the problematic “individual mandate.” But they did so without replacing it. The result was a severe electoral defeat in the 2018 midterm elections, despite a huge drop in the unemployment rate (Chart 2) – which matters directly in a country where 49% get their health insurance through their employer. Health care was the single most important issue driving people to vote against the ruling party in November 2018, judging by both pre-election polls and exit polls (Charts 3 & 4). Chart 2Low Unemployment Has Not Solved Health Care Woes The need for reform is manifest. It is widely known that the U.S. spends more than other countries on health care (Chart 5) and yet achieves worse results: preventable mortality is higher than in other countries that spend less (Chart 6). Democrats have tried to overhaul the system since 1993. Even President Trump is seeking to cap prescription drug prices and maintain the Obamacare requirement that health care insurers accept customers with “pre-existing conditions.” Uncertainty has risen since the Republicans’ midterm defeat, which increases, or is seen as increasing, the odds of a Democratic victory in 2020. Such a victory would mark the third time in 12 years that American policy would witness a 180-degree reversal – and it would have a major impact on the health sector (Chart 7). Chart 7The Sector's Response To Major Political Events In truth Trump is still favored to win in 2020, on the back of the incumbent advantage – as long as the economy holds up. But with a chronically weak approval rating, and narrow 2016 margins of victory and the aforementioned midterm losses in key swing states, his odds of reelection are probably not much better than 55%. Meanwhile the Democrats are swinging to the left and may not settle simply for restoring Obamacare. Left-wing or “progressive” candidates for the Democratic nomination are polling in line with traditional center-left candidates (Chart 8), which is highly unusual (even compared with the 2007-08 race). Candidates are crowding onto the democratic socialist bandwagon in the wake of Bernie Sanders’s formidable challenge to Hillary Clinton and her subsequent loss to Trump. Could a progressive candidate win the nomination? Certainly. Former Vice President Joe Biden leads the pack at this early stage in the nomination process. He would seek to restore and build upon Obamacare. The second-ranked candidate is Sanders, whose initial proposal to create Medicare for All has transformed the national debate. Following Sanders are Senators Kamala Harris, who co-sponsored the latest version of the bill with Sanders, and Elizabeth Warren, an outspoken progressive who is also in favor of universal health care (Chart 9). Sanders does have a path to winning the nomination, as the leading progressive candidate at a time when the party is becoming more progressive. He performs better than Biden in head-to-head polls against Trump in the key battleground states (Chart 10). Strategic voters will have trouble convincing fellow Democrats that they should not vote for him because he is unelectable: he has a clear electoral path to the White House via Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, where he performed well in 2016 and polls well today. If Sanders has a chance, then Medicare for All has a chance. Because it is extremely difficult to unseat an incumbent president, a victory over Trump in 2020 is only likely to occur if there is a surge in voter turnout and Democratic Party support among (1) blue-collar workers who abandoned the Democrats for Trump in 2016, or (2) young voters, women, or minorities. Any such surge would also enable the Democrats to defend their senate seats while picking up Arizona, Colorado, and Maine, which are statewide elections that will be affected by the headline presidential race. And if the Democrats win 50 seats, they would get a majority in the senate, as the vice president would break any tie. With a majority, Senate Democrats could use the “nuclear option” to bypass the filibuster and drive through their priority legislation.1 This would set a new precedent with far-reaching consequences. But recent majority leaders have already begun eroding the filibuster and there is no hard constraint preventing a ruling party from removing it entirely. It is perfectly possible, and all the more likely if the nation sweeps a progressive candidate to power in a wave of enthusiasm for dramatic changes like universal health care. In other words, any victory against Trump is likely to entail full Democratic control of government. In this scenario, Democrats would have a very good chance of passing a major piece of legislation. Hence, if a progressive wins the nomination, and makes Medicare for All the policy priority, there is at least a 50/50 chance it will pass, probably more like 60%. The catch is that a progressive may not win the nomination. There is not decisive evidence that Americans really want Medicare for All. First, Americans tend to view their own health costs as “reasonable” (Chart 11). They are not, as a whole, clamoring for a single-payer system. Second, while Americans say they support Medicare for All, that support evaporates when they learn about the various policies that it would necessitate, such as eliminating private health insurance and raising taxes (Chart 12). Third, most Democrats are closer to Biden’s position than Sanders’s – they want to fix Obamacare rather than revolutionize the system (Chart 13). Fourth, Colorado tried to pass its own version of Medicare for All on the state level in 2016. The bill’s advocates were handed a 79% defeat by voters. Colorado is a swing state so it is not an irrelevant experiment. Fifth, independents are not shifting to the left in a way that would validate the sharp leftward shift within the Democratic Party (Chart 14). Nominating Sanders or another progressive is more likely to lead to a loss in the general election than it is to ensure that universal health care gets passed.   Chart 14Independents Not Swinging Dramatically To The Left A simple back-of-the-envelope exercise suggests that odds of universal health care by 2022 are about 10%-15%. Nevertheless, we attempt a conservative, back-of-the-envelope method for estimating the probability of passage. It runs like this: There is a 50% chance a progressive wins the Democratic nomination. We assume that if Biden wins it is because Democratic voters prefer a restitution of Obamacare. There is a 45% chance that Trump loses the presidential election. We assume that for the Democrats to unseat an incumbent is difficult enough that they will also win the Senate. Under these circumstances, there is a 50%-60% chance that universal health care legislation passes – even though it will be very difficult to get it over the line. (Note that the ACA passed very narrowly at a time when the Democrats had a huge tailwind due to voters’ disenchantment after the global financial crisis). With these assumptions, the conditional probability of passage is around 13.5% (0.5 x 0.45 x 0.6 = 0.135) These odds can be moderated by boosting Trump to a 69% chance of reelection (the historical average for sitting presidents), which brings down the odds of ultimate passage to 9%. Note, however, that the bond market is pricing a 27% probability of a recession 12 months from now (Chart 15). If there is a recession, then President Trump is virtually assured to lose reelection and the Democratic victor will have a strong tailwind of public support. This will increase the chance that universal health care passes to 80%. (We still assume in this case that Biden would stick with Obamacare as he would not be committed to Medicare for All and it is not an economic stimulus package). The conditional probability would become 0.5 x 0.27 x 0.8 = 11%. Chart 15Probability Of Recession Is Rising NY Fed's Yield Curve Model Suggests That The Probability Of A Recession Is Still Quite Low In other words, whether we upgrade Trump’s chances of winning or we upgrade the chances of a recession that kicks him out of office, the odds are roughly the same at 9%-11%. And they could be a bit higher at 14%. Medicare for All has a chance of becoming law, although it is not all that great. Bottom Line: With fairly conservative assumptions the odds range from 10%-15%. that the U.S. could legislate a sweeping overhaul of the health care system and new social entitlement by 2022. This is a serious risk to the industry. Health care equities have recovered the losses suffered since Sanders’s latest push for Medicare for All, which means that it is not pricing in a high probability of passage at present. Additional policy-related selloffs are likely between now and the spring of 2020, if and when the odds increase of Sanders (or another progressive) winning the Democratic nomination. Buy Into Health Care Weakness Regardless of the likelihood of passage, the faintest hint of the winds of change has brought about significant price changes in the relevant equities. In the lead up to the 2016 U.S. presidential election, Hillary Clinton, a health care reformer (though importantly NOT a Medicare for All advocate) was polling well ahead of Donald Trump. Health care stocks underperformed the broad market in anticipation of potential reforms resulting from a Clinton win (Chart 16). Two years after Donald Trump’s election, both S&P health care equipment and S&P managed health care have significantly outperformed with the effect most dramatic in the former. Chart 17 shows the reverse picture: a “blue wave” in the 2018 midterm elections was swiftly followed by the zenith for health care stocks as the market digested the implications of a Democratic House and the resulting higher probability of a similar sweep in 2020 in the Senate and executive branch. Chart 16Election Fear Creates Buying Opportunities... Chart 17...And History Appears To Be Repeating Itself Furthermore, our prior research shows that S&P health care has been the top performer in the last equity market surge to take place between the peak of the ISM manufacturing composite index and the beginning of the subsequent recession.2 This research was confirmed in a report last month analyzing sector returns after a Fed loosening cycle begins. The S&P health care index has historically outperformed from six months before a rate cut all the way to two years after easing policy.3#fn_3 As a reminder, the market has now priced in two rate cuts over the next year. We recommend an overweight position for the broad S&P 500 health care index as well as for health care equipment. BCA’s U.S. Equity Strategy has already moved to an overweight recommendation on the S&P managed health care index, a move that has netted our portfolio 12.4% of alpha. Today U.S. Equity Strategy is raising our recommendations on both the S&P health care equipment and, more importantly, the broad S&P health care index from neutral to overweight. Further, considering U.S. Equity Strategy’s recent portfolio changes, namely moving the S&P materials index to neutral, this upgrade of S&P health care to overweight moves our cyclicals vs. defensives style preference from overweight cyclicals to neutral. This move to the sidelines on the cyclical/defensive portfolio bent has netted modest gains of 2% since its October 2, 2017 inception. Equipping The World’s Hospitals Our upgrade of S&P health care equipment to overweight is not contingent upon earnings outperformance. Rather, it is a combination of overwrought investors having created a buying opportunity, combined with health care’s historic outperformance at the end of the business cycle. Nevertheless, an examination of the sector’s macro environment is revealing. The health care equipment index has recently completed an inventory clear-out cycle, as evidenced both by a slingshot rebound in the shipments-to-inventories ratio (second panel, Chart 18) and a recovery in industry pricing power (bottom panel, Chart 18). This is remarkable in the context of the deceleration in equipment fixed-investment growth that the industry has faced since reaching decade-highs in 2017 (third panel, Chart 18). The upshot is that steady pricing and resilient volume growth should deliver positive top-line growth. The margin picture has also dramatically improved: industrial production has been surging for the past year while hours worked have remained tepid (second and third panels, Chart 19). The combination has driven our productivity proxy to a multi-year high where it has recently diverged from the relative stock price (bottom panel, Chart 19). Chart 18Inventories Have Cleared Chart 19Productivity Is Soaring This underpins our thesis that health care stocks in general and health care equipment stocks in particular have recently suffered based on fear, not fundamentals, amidst a stable domestic demand environment and rosy profit picture. The export channel is at least as important to the S&P health care equipment index as the domestic demand environment. In fact, roughly 60% of sector revenues are generated outside the United States. The news on this front is encouraging. Europe, the other key market for domestically-manufactured health care equipment, has lately seen a pickup in new orders and coupled with the loss of momentum in the trade-weighted U.S. dollar signal that future export growth will remain upbeat (trade-weighted U.S. dollar shown inverted and advanced, bottom panel, Chart 20). The global PMI has historically led exports. While this series has turned down, it has been diverging from export growth for the past year. We believe this is a function of the early stages of a secular trend in health care equipment: the expansion of the EM safety net with health care at its core. The same demographic trend that has been driving the explosion of health care spending in the DM for the last 20 years is rapidly impacting the EM, namely an aging population. The UN projects that the share of the population aged 65 and older in the EMs will rise from roughly 7% this year to 16% in 2060, while population growth slows to below the replacement rate, a tectonic shift in the demographic landscape (Chart 21). Meanwhile, according to IMF data, EM health care spending is approximately 5% of GDP. By contrast, the DMs stand in excess of 14%. Chart 20The Export Valve Is Wide Open A catch-up phase looms, driven by both demographics and an overall global harmonization of standard of care, resulting in a secular outperformance of internationally geared health care equipment manufacturers’ earnings. This bodes well for U.S. health care equipment providers who are the technology leaders and often the only source for equipping hospitals/clinics around the globe. Notwithstanding the bright outlook, fear selling in the S&P health care equipment index has driven a reversal in the two-year valuation rerating that the index has undergone (bottom panel, Chart 22). With the valuation retreating back to its historical range, our main concern that the index is too expensive has eroded. Further, the valuation decline is coming at a time when forward earnings growth has come out of hiding and is now slated to materially outgrow the broad market (middle panel, Chart 22). Chart 22Valuations Have Returned To Earth Bottom Line: Something has to give in this equation and macro tailwinds suggest that a valuation re-rating phase looms. Accordingly, we are moving to an overweight recommendation on the S&P health care equipment index. This move pushes our S&P health care index to an above benchmark allocation and also moves our cyclical vs. defensive preference back to neutral. The ticker symbols for the stocks in the S&P health care equipment index are: BLBG: S5HCEP – ABT, MDT, DHR, BDX, SYK, ISRG, BSX, BAX, EW, ZBH, IDXX, RMD, TFX, HOLX, ABMD, VAR. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy echoes the tenor of these recommendations and is going long the S&P 500 health care index and the health care equipment index versus the broad market. A Word On Pharma Between 1980 and 2000, pharma earnings expanded at a record clip, taking sector share prices into the stratosphere (top panel, Chart 23). Since the zenith in the early 2000’s, margins have been continually under pressure as R&D costs have outpaced volume gains (second panel, Chart 23). However, earnings growth has continued mostly uninterrupted as the industry has raised drug prices. Since 2015, however, price increases have flat lined and now they move at the same pace as overall inflation, though the current convoluted system keeps pricing mostly opaque (bottom panel, Chart 23). We think this is the new normal. The thesis of this report revolves upon a blue vs. red probability outcome. However, as noted, both parties seem united in the fight against high drug costs and Republicans under President Trump are not averse to government intervention to drive down prices. As such, we expect the pharma pricing headwinds to remain a secular trend, driven by outrage from both sides of the aisle and even universal coverage is not enough to bear the pressure. Accordingly, we reiterate our underweight recommendation. Chart 23Pharma Remains Underweight Conclusion Universal health care will be negative for the U.S. budget deficit but positive for economic growth. As for the macroeconomic impact of universal health care, it is complex to assess because much would depend on the extent of any reduction in private health-related sectors. Almost certainly, the U.S. would adopt a parallel system where private health care remains available, but there inevitably would be some job losses in the insurance sector. And drug companies would face downward pressure on pricing. On the other hand, the marked increase in government spending would be stimulative. And we do not see future American administrations exercising a heretofore unknown fiscal discipline once such a new entitlement is established. Many families would enjoy a reduction in health care costs. Overall, it should be positive for economic growth.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Chris Bowes, Associate Editor U.S. Equity Strategy ChrisB@bcaresearch.com Anastasios Avgeriou, U.S. Equity Strategist anastasios@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      The filibuster is a means of prolonging debate and obstructing a vote. It can be defeated if 60/100 senators vote to move to end debate (“cloture”). It effectively ensures that the three-fifths majority is the standard majority needed to pass legislation in the senate. However, it is possible for the senate majority leader, backed with a simple majority, to alter the senate rules and remove the filibuster, so legislation can be passed with a simple majority. But it would be an aggressive move and a historic precedent. 2      Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, “Portfolio Positioning For A Late Cycle Surge” dated May 22, 2018, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 3      Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, “Sector Performance And Fed Loosening Cycles: A Historical Roadmap” dated May 6, 2019, available at uses.bcaresearch.com.   Current Recommendations

Highlights So What? U.S.-China relations are still in free fall as we go to press. Why? The trade war will elicit Chinese stimulus but downside risks to markets are front-loaded. The oil risk premium will remain elevated as Iran tensions will not abate any time soon. The odds of a no-deal Brexit are rising. Our GeoRisk Indicators show that Turkish and Brazilian risks have subsided, albeit only temporarily. Maintain safe-haven trades. Short the CNY-USD and go long non-Chinese rare earth providers. Feature The single-greatest reason for the increase in geopolitical risk remains the United States. The Democratic Primary race will heat up in June and President Trump, while favored in 2020 barring a recession, is currently lagging both Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders in the head-to-head polling. Trump’s legislative initiatives are bogged down in gridlock and scandal. The remaining avenue for him to achieve policy victories is foreign policy – hence his increasing aggressiveness on both China and Iran. The result is negative for global risk assets on a tactical horizon and possibly also on a cyclical horizon. A positive catalyst is badly needed in the form of greater Chinese stimulus, which we expect, and progress toward a trade agreement. Brexit, Italy, and European risks pale by comparison to what we have called “Cold War 2.0” since 2012. Nevertheless, the odds of Brexit actually happening are increasing. The uncertainty will weigh on sentiment in Europe through October even if it does not ultimately conclude in a no-deal shock that prevents the European economy from bouncing back. Yet the risk of a no-deal shock is higher than it was just weeks ago. We discuss these three headline geopolitical risks below: China, Iran, and the U.K. No End In Sight For U.S.-China Trade Tensions U.S.-China negotiations are in free fall, with no date set for another round of talks. On March 6 we argued that a deal had a 50% chance of getting settled by the June 28-29 G20 summit in Japan, with a 30% chance talks would totally collapse. Since then, we have reduced the odds of a deal to 40%, with a collapse at 50%, and a further downgrade on the horizon if a positive intervention is not forthcoming producing trade talks in early or mid-June (Table 1). Table 1U.S.-China Trade War: Probabilities Of A Deal By End Of June 2019 We illustrate the difficulties of agreeing to a deal through the concept of a “two-level game.” In a theoretical two-level game, each country strives to find overlap between its international interests and its rival’s interests and must also seek overlap in such a way that the agreement can be sold to a domestic audience at home. The reason why the “win-win scenario” is so remote in the U.S.-China trade conflict is because although China has a relatively large win set – it can easily sell a deal at home due to its authoritarian control – the U.S. win set is small (Diagram 1). Diagram 1Tiny Win-Win Scenario In U.S.-China Trade Conflict The Democrats will attack any deal that Trump negotiates, making him look weak on his own pet issue of trade with China. This is especially the case if a stock market selloff forces Trump to accept small concessions. His international interest might overlap with China’s interest in minimizing concessions on foreign trade and investment access while maximizing technological acquisition from foreign companies. He would not be able to sell such a deal – focused on large-scale commodity purchases as a sop to farm states – on the campaign trail. Democrats will attack any deal that Trump negotiates. While it is still possible for both sides to reach an agreement, this Diagram highlights the limitations faced by both players. Meanwhile China is threatening to restrict exports of rare earths – minerals which are critical to the economy and national defense. China dominates global production and export markets (Chart 1), so this would be a serious disruption in the near term. Global sentiment would worsen, weighing on all risk assets, and tech companies and manufacturers that rely on rare earth inputs from China would face a hit to their bottom lines. Chart 1China Dominates Rare Earths Supply Over the long haul, this form of retaliation is self-defeating. First, China would presumably have to embargo all exports of rare earths to the world to prevent countries and companies from re-exporting to the United States. Second, rare earths are not actually rare in terms of quantity: they simply occur in low concentrations. As the world learned when China cut off rare earths to Japan for two months in 2010 over their conflict in the East China Sea, a rare earths ban will push up prices and incentivize production and processing in other regions. It will also create rapid substitution effects, recycling, and the use of stockpiles. Ultimately demand for Chinese rare earths exports would fall. Over the nine years since the Japan conflict, China’s share of global production has fallen by 19%, mostly at the expense of rising output from Australia. A survey of American companies suggests that they have diversified their sources more than import statistics suggest (Chart 2). Chart 2Import Stats May Be Overstating China’s Dominance The risk of a rare earths embargo is high – it fits with our 30% scenario of a major escalation in the conflict. It would clearly be a negative catalyst for companies and share prices. But as with China’s implicit threat of selling U.S. Treasuries, it is not a threat that will cause Trump to halt the trade war. The costs of conflict are not prohibitive and there are some political gains. Bottome Line: The S&P 500 is down 3.4% since our Global Investment Strategists initiated their tactical short on May 10. This is nearly equal to the weighted average impact on the S&P 500 that they have estimated using our probabilities. Obviously the selloff can overshoot this target. As it does, the chances of the two sides attempting to contain the tensions will rise. If we do not witness a positive intervention in the coming weeks, it will be too late to salvage the G20 and the risk of a major escalation will go way up. We recommend going short CNY-USD as a strategic play despite China’s recent assurances that the currency can be adequately defended. Our negative structural view of China’s economy now coincides with our tactical view that escalation is more likely than de-escalation. We also recommend going long a basket of companies in the MVIS global rare earth and strategic metals index – specifically those companies not based in China that have seen share prices appreciate this year but have a P/E ratio under 35. U.S.-Iran: An Unintentional War With Unintentional Consequences? “I really believe that Iran would like to make a deal, and I think that’s very smart of them, and I think that’s a possibility to happen.” -President Donald Trump, May 27, 2019 … We currently see no prospect of negotiations with America ... Iran pays no attention to words; what matters to us is a change of approach and behavior.” -Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Abbas Mousavi, May 28, 2019 The U.S. decision not to extend sanction waivers on Iran multiplied geopolitical risks at a time of already heightened uncertainty. Elevated tensions surrounding major producers in the Middle East could impact oil production and flows. In energy markets, this is reflected in the elevated risk premium – represented by the residuals in the price decompositions that include both supply and demand factors (Chart 3). Chart 3The Risk Premium Is Rising In Brent Crude Oil Prices Tensions surrounding major oil producers ... are reflected in the elevated risk premium – represented by the residuals in the Brent price decomposition. Already Iranian exports are down 500k b/d in April relative to March – the U.S. is acting on its threat to bring Iran’s exports to zero and corporations are complying (Chart 4). Chart 4Iran Oil Exports Collapsing What is more, the U.S. is taking a more hawkish military stance towards Iran – recently deploying a carrier strike group and bombers, partially evacuating American personnel from Iraq, and announcing plans to send 1,500 troops to the Middle East. The result of all these actions is not only to reduce Iranian oil exports, but also to imperil supplies of neighboring oil producers such as Iraq and Saudi Arabia which may become the victims of retaliation by an incandescent Iran. Our expectation of Iranian retaliation is already taking shape. The missile strike on Saudi facilities and the drone attack on four tankers near the UAE are just a preview of what is to come. Although Iran has not claimed responsibility for the acts, its location and extensive network of militant proxies affords it the ability to threaten oil supplies coming out of the region. Iran has also revived its doomsday threat of closing down the Strait of Hormuz through which 20% of global oil supplies transit – which becomes a much fatter tail-risk if Iran comes to believe that the U.S. is genuinely pursuing immediate regime change, since the first-mover advantage in the strait is critical. This will keep markets jittery. Current OPEC spare capacity would allow the coalition to raise production to offset losses from Venezuela and Iran. Yet any additional losses – potentially from already unstable regions such as Libya, Algeria, or Nigeria – will raise the probability that global supplies are unable to cover demand. Going into the OPEC meeting in Vienna in late June, our Commodity & Energy Strategy expects OPEC 2.0 to relax supply cuts implemented since the beginning of the year. They expect production to be raised by 0.9mm b/d in 2H2019 vs. 1H2019.1 Nevertheless, oil producers will likely adopt a cautious approach when bringing supplies back online, wary of letting prices fall too far. This was expressed at the May Joint Ministerial Monitoring Committee meeting in Jeddah, which also highlighted the growing divergence of interests within the group. Russia is in support of raising production at a faster pace than Saudi Arabia, which favors a gradual increase (conditional on U.S. sanctions enforcement). Both the Iranians and Americans claim that they do not want the current standoff to escalate to war. On the American side, Trump is encouraging Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to try his hand as a mediator in a possible visit to Tehran in June. We would not dismiss this possibility since it could produce a badly needed “off ramp” for tensions to de-escalate when all other trends point toward a summer and fall of “fire and fury” between the U.S. and Iran. If forced to make a call, we think President Trump’s foreign policy priority will center on China, not Iran. But this does not mean that downside risks to oil prices will prevail. China will stimulate more aggressively in June and subsequent months. And regardless of Washington’s and Tehran’s intentions, a wrong move in an already heated part of the world can turn ugly very quickly. Bottom Line: President Trump’s foreign policy priority is China, not Iran. Nevertheless, a wrong move can trigger a nasty escalation in the current standoff, jeopardizing oil supplies coming out of the Gulf region. In response to this risk, OPEC 2.0 will likely move to cautiously raise production at the next meeting in late June. Meanwhile China’s stimulus overshoot in the midst of trade war will most likely shore up demand over the course of the year. Can A New Prime Minister Break The Deadlock In Westminster? “There is a limited appetite for change in the EU, and negotiating it won’t be easy.” - Outgoing U.K. Prime Minister Theresa May Prime Minister Theresa May’s resignation has hurled the Conservative Party into a scramble to select her successor. While the timeline for this process is straightforward,2 the impact on the Brexit process is not. The odds of a “no-deal Brexit” have increased but so has the prospect of parliament passing a soft Brexit prior to any new election or second referendum. The odds of a “no-deal Brexit” have increased. Eleven candidates have declared their entry to the race and the vast majority are “hard Brexiters” willing to sacrifice market access on the continent (Table 2). Prominent contenders such as Boris Johnson and Dominic Raab have stated that they are willing to exit the EU without a deal. Table 2“Hard Brexiters” Dominate The Tory Race Given that the average Tory MP is more Euroskeptic than the average non-conservative voter or Brit, the final two contenders left standing at the end of June are likely to shift to a more aggressive Brexit stance. They will say they are willing to deliver Brexit at all costs and will avoid repeating Theresa May’s mistakes. This means at the very least the rhetoric will be negative for the pound in the coming months. A clear constraint on the U.K. in trying to negotiate a new withdrawal agreement is that the EU has the upper hand. It is the larger economy and less exposed to the ramifications of a no-deal exit (though still exposed). This puts it in a position of relative strength – exemplified by the European Commission’s insistence on keeping the current Withdrawal Agreement. Whoever the new prime minister is, it is unlikely that he or she will be able to negotiate a more palatable deal with the EU. Rather, the new leader will lead a fractured Conservative Party that still lacks a strong majority in parliament. The no-deal option is the default scenario if an agreement is not finalized by the Halloween deadline and no further extension is granted. However, Speaker of the House of Commons John Bercow recently stated that the prime minister will be unable to deliver a no-deal Brexit without parliamentary support. This will likely manifest in the form of a bill to block a no-deal Brexit. Alternatively, an attempt to force a no-deal exit could prompt a vote of no confidence in the government, most likely resulting in a general election.3 Chart 5British Euroskeptics Made Gains In EP Election While the Brexit Party amassed the largest number of seats in the European Parliament elections at the expense of the Labour, Conservative, and UKIP parties (Chart 5), the results do not suggest that British voters have generally shifted back toward Brexit. In fact, if we group parties according to their stance, the Bremain camp has a slight lead over the Brexit camp (Chart 6). Thus, it is not remotely apparent that a hard Brexiter can succeed in parliament; that a new election can be forestalled if a no-deal exit is attempted; or that a second referendum will repeat the earlier referendum’s outcome. Chart 6Bremain Camp Still Dominates Bottom Line: While the new Tory leader is likely to be more on the hard Brexit end of the spectrum than Theresa May, this does not change the position of either the European Commission or the British MPs and voters on Brexit. The median voter both within parliament and the British electorate remains tilted towards a softer exit or remaining in the EU. This imposes constraints on the likes of Boris Johnson and Dominic Raab if they take the helm of the Tory Party. These leaders may ultimately be forced to try to push through something a lot like Theresa May’s plan, or risk a total collapse of their party and control of government. Still, the odds of a no-deal exit – the default option if no agreement is reached by the October 31 deadline – have gone up. In the meantime, the GBP will stay weak, gilts will remain well-bid, and risk-off tendencies will be reinforced. GeoRisk Indicators Update – May 31, 2019 Last month BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy introduced ten indicators to measure geopolitical risk implied by the market. These indicators attempt to capture risk premiums priced into various currencies – except for Euro Area countries, where the risk is embedded in equity prices. A currency or bourse that falls faster than it should fall, as implied by key explanatory variables, indicates increasing geopolitical risk. All ten indicators can be found in the Appendix, with full annotation. We will continue to highlight key developments on a monthly basis. This month, our GeoRisk indicators are picking up the following developments: Trade war: Our Korean and Taiwanese risk indicators are currently the best proxies to measure geopolitical risk implications of the U.S.-China trade war, as they are both based on trade data. Both measures, as expected, have increased more than our other indicators over the past month on the back of a sharp spike in tensions between the U.S. and China. Currently, the moves are largely due to depreciation in currencies, as trade is only beginning to feel the impact. We believe that we will see trade decline in the upcoming months. Brexit: While it is still too early to see the full effect of Prime Minister May’s resignation captured in our U.K. indicator, it has increased in recent days. We expect risk to continue to increase as a leadership race is beginning among the Conservatives that will raise the odds of a “no-deal exit” relative to “no exit.” EU elections: The EU elections did not register as a risk on our indicators. In fact, risk decreased slightly in France and Germany during the past few weeks, while it has steadily fallen in Spain and Italy. Moreover, the results of the election were largely in line with expectations – there was not a surprising wave of Euroskepticism. The real risks will emerge as the election results feed back into political risks in certain European countries, namely the U.K., where the hardline Conservatives will be emboldened, and Italy, where the anti-establishment League will also be emboldened. In both countries a new election could drastically increase uncertainty, but even without new elections the respective clashes with Brussels over Brexit and Italian fiscal policy will increase geopolitical risk. Emerging Markets: The largest positive moves in geopolitical risk were in Brazil and Turkey, where our indicators plunged to their lowest levels since late 2017 and early 2018. Brazilian risk has been steadily declining since pension reform – the most important element of Bolsonaro’s reform agenda – cleared an initial hurdle in Congress. While we would expect Bolsonaro to face many more ups and downs in the process of getting his reform bill passed, we have a high conviction view that the decrease in our Turkish risk indicator is unwarranted. This decrease can be attributed to the fact that the lira’s depreciation in recent weeks is slowing, which our model picks up as a decrease in risk. Nonetheless, uncertainty will prevail as a result of deepening political divisions (e.g. the ruling party’s attempt to overturn the Istanbul election), poor governance, ongoing clashes with the West, and an inability to defend the lira while also pursuing populist monetary policy. Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy roukayai@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com   France: GeoRisk Indicator U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator What's On The Geopolitical Radar? Footnotes 1 Please see BCA Research Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report titled “Policy Risk Sustains Oil’s Unstable Equilibrium,” dated May 23, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 The long list of candidates will be whittled down to two by the end of June through a series of votes by Tory MPs. Conservative Party members will then cast their votes via a postal ballot with the final result announced by the end of July, before the Parliament’s summer recess. 3 A vote of no confidence would trigger a 14-day period for someone else to form a government, otherwise it will result in a general election. Geopolitical Calendar