Disasters/Disease

Highlights US Election & COVID-19: Joe Biden’s apparent victory in the US presidential race, as well as the announcement of a potential successful COVID-19 vaccine trial, are both bond-bearish outcomes. This is especially so for US Treasuries given the more resilient growth momentum in the US. Fixed Income Strategy: The big news announcements do not motivate us to change our fixed income investment recommendations. Stay below-benchmark on overall duration, and underweight the US in global bond portfolios. Stay overweight global inflation-linked bonds versus nominal government debt, particularly in the US and Italy. Maintain an overweight stance on global spread product, focused on US corporates (investment grade and Ba-rated high-yield) and emerging market US dollar denominated corporates. Feature Chart of the WeekUS Yields Leading The Way Higher Investors have digested two major pieces of news over the past few days – the projected election of Joe Biden as the 46th US President and the positive results of Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine trial. Both outcomes are bond-bearish, but the bigger response came after the news of a potential vaccine, with the 10-year US Treasury yield hitting an 8-month high of 0.96% yesterday. Yields in other countries rose by a lesser amount, continuing the recent trend of US Treasury underperformance (Chart of the Week). After the US election result, however, we remain comfortable with our recommended below-benchmark overall duration stance and underweight allocation to US Treasuries in global bond portfolios.  The introduction of a successful vaccine would obviously be a game-changer for all financial markets, not just fixed income, as it would allow investors to see an end to the pandemic and a return to more normal economic activity. While we are heartened by the vaccine trial announcement, there are still many hurdles that need to be cleared before any vaccine is approved and distributed around the world. It is still too soon to adjust our bond investment strategy in anticipation of a post-COVID world. After the US election result, however, we remain comfortable with our recommended below-benchmark overall duration stance and underweight allocation to US Treasuries in global bond portfolios. While a Biden victory combined with the Republicans likely keeping control of the US Senate was the least bond-bearish outcome - thus avoiding the big surge in government spending likely after a Democratic “blue wave” - there is clear upward momentum in US economic growth that suggests more upside for Treasury yields on both an absolute basis and relative to other countries. Cross-Country Divergences Are Starting To Appear Our recent decision to cut our recommended overall global duration stance to below-benchmark was motivated by our more bearish view on US Treasuries. However, a more defensive duration posture was justified by the rapid rebound in global growth seen since the depths of the COVID-19 recession. Our Global Duration Indicator, comprised of leading economic data, has been calling for a bottom in global bond yields toward the end of 2020 (Chart 2). The rise in global yields we are witnessing now appears to be right on cue. There are now more relative growth, inflation and policy divergences opening up that will allow country allocation to become a bigger source of outperformance for fixed income investors. Chart 2Global Yields Are Bottoming Importantly, inflation expectations across the developed world have yet not risen by enough to force central banks to become less dovish. This suggests that global yield curves will have a steepening bias over at least the next six months, with longer-term yields rising more on the back of faster growth (and additional increases in inflation expectations) than shorter-maturity yields which are more sensitive to monetary policy shifts. Those trends will not be seen equally across all countries, though. There are now more relative growth, inflation and policy divergences opening up that will allow country allocation to become a bigger source of outperformance for fixed income investors. For example, the October US manufacturing ISM and Payrolls data released last week showed robust strength, even in a month where new US COVID-19 cases rose sharply. Europe, on the other hand, has seen an even bigger surge in new cases, resulting in a wave of national lockdowns that has already begun to weigh on domestic economic activity. Thus, core European bond yields have remained stable, even with the euro area manufacturing PMI remaining elevated (Chart 3). We see similar divergences in other developed economies, with generally strong manufacturing PMIs and mixed responses from bond yields. When looking at the breakdown of nominal bond yields into the real yield and inflation expectations components, even more divergences are evident (Chart 4).1 Chart 3Mixed Responses To Rebounding Growth Chart 4Real Yield Trends Are Starting To Diverge Chart 5Discounting An Extended Period Of Negative Real Rates The real yields on benchmark 10-year inflation-linked bonds are slowly rising in the US and Canada, but remain stable in Germany, the UK and Australia. Market expectations for central bank policy rates, extracted from overnight index swap (OIS) curves, are currently priced for an extended period of low policy rates over the next few years. This is no surprise, as central banks have told the markets this would be the case via dovish forward guidance. Yet central banks are also projecting inflation rates to move higher between 2021 and 2023, even as they are signaling unchanged interest rates over that same period (Chart 5). Central banks are effectively telling markets that they want an extended period of negative real policy rates - a major reason why real bond yields are negative across the developed world. At some point, however, markets will begin to challenge the need for deeply negative real policy rates as economies recover from the COVID-19 shock to growth. Unemployment in the US and Canada has already declined sharply since spiking during the first wave of COVID-19 lockdowns. In the US, the unemployment rate has fallen from a peak of 14.7% to 6.9%; in Canada, the decline has been from 13.7% to 8.9% (Chart 6). This contrasts sharply to trends in Europe and Australia, where unemployment rates remain elevated. Chart 6Diverging Trends In Unemployment At some point, however, markets will begin to challenge the need for deeply negative real policy rates as economies recover from the COVID-19 shock to growth. With the Fed and Bank of Canada (BoC) projecting additional declines in unemployment over the next few years, markets are starting to discount a less dovish stance from both central banks. The US and Canadian OIS curves are now discounting one full 25bp policy rate hike by Aug 2023 and May 2023, respectively. This is a bit sooner than signaled by the forward guidance of the Fed and BoC. Thus, markets are now pricing in a less negative path for real policy rates – and, by association, real bond yields. Chart 7Markets Still Discounting Low Yields For Longer This contrasts to the euro area, Australia and the UK, where unemployment rates remain elevated. The recent surge in coronavirus cases across Europe means that the ECB and Bank of England will be under no pressure by markets to reconsider their current easy money policies. While in Australia, persistently weak inflation and, more recently, worries about an appreciating Australian dollar are keeping expectations for Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) policy ultra-dovish. Given the likely hit to longer-term potential growth from the COVID-19 pandemic, coming at a time of elevated debt levels (both government and private), markets are justified in pricing in a structurally lower level of policy rates for longer (Chart 7). Yet even in such a world, there will be cyclical upswings in growth and inflation that will upward pressure on bond yields. At the moment, those pressures seem greatest in the developed world in the US and Canada. This suggests that global bond investors should underweight both the US and Canada. However, the Fed seems more willing to accept a period of rising bond yields than the BoC, which has been very aggressive in the expansion of its quantitative easing (QE) program, which leaves us to only consider the US as a recommended underweight. Bottom Line: Joe Biden’s apparent victory in the US presidential race, as well as the announcement of a potential successful COVID-19 vaccine trial, are both bond-bearish outcomes. This is especially so for US Treasuries given the more resilient growth momentum in the US. Recommended Fixed Income Strategy After A Busy Few Days Joe Biden’s election victory and the potential COVID-19 vaccine do not lead us to make any changes to our main fixed income investment recommendations, which generally have a pro-growth, pro-risk bias that would benefit from the reduction in US political uncertainty and, potentially, the beginning of the end of the pandemic. On duration, we continue to recommend a moderate below-benchmark overall exposure. Our main fixed income investment recommendations, which generally have a pro-growth, pro-risk bias that would benefit from the reduction in US political uncertainty and, potentially, the beginning of the end of the pandemic. On country allocation, we remain underweight the US, neutral Canada and Australia, and overweight the UK, core Europe, Italy, Spain and Japan. The country allocations are determined by each country’s sensitivity to changes in US Treasury yields, particularly during periods of rising yields. We are overweight the countries with a lower “yield beta” to changes in US yields. We view Italy and Spain as credit instruments, supported by large-scale ECB purchases and more fiscal cooperation within Europe. We are not recommending underweights to higher-beta Canada and Australia, however, with both the BoC and RBA being very aggressive with bond purchases (Chart 8). On credit, the backdrop remains very conducive to spread product outperformance versus government bonds, particularly with the monetary policy backdrop remaining highly accommodative (Chart 9). Chart 8Global QE Has Been Aggressive We expect some additional spread tightening for developed market corporate debt as well also emerging market US dollar denominated corporates. In terms of regions and credit tiers, we prefer US investment grade and Ba-rated high-yield to euro area credit. Chart 9Central Bank Liquidity Still Supportive For Global Credit Chart 10More Global QE Is Good For Inflation-Linked Bonds Finally, we continue to recommend overweight allocations to inflation-linked bods versus nominal government debt in the US, Italy and Canada. Central banks will continue to err on the side of maintaining stimulative monetary policy settings to keep financial conditions easy to support economic growth. That means no hawkish surprises on the interest rate front, while also continuing to buy bonds via quantitative easing (Chart 10) – reflationary policies that should help boost inflation expectations.   Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We have deliberately left Japan out of this analysis, as the Bank of Japan’s Yield Curve Control policy has effectively short-circuited the link between Japanese economic growth, inflation and bond yields. Recommendations The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Highlights Biden’s chances of winning the US election are rising, but it is still unsettled and could bring negative surprises to financial markets. The fiscal cliff will not subside immediately as the Senate Republicans have been vindicated for their fiscally hawkish approach. We doubt Democrats will win both Senate seats in Georgia to restore the lost “Democratic Sweep” scenario that offered maximum policy reflation. President Trump’s lame duck period, if he loses, lasts for three months and could bring negative surprises on China, the Taiwan Strait, Big Tech, Iran, or North Korea. The US remains at “peak polarization,” though we expect a growing national consensus over the long haul. Go long a basket of Trans-Pacific Partnership countries on a strategic time horizon to capitalize on what we believe will be Biden’s pro-trade-ex-China policy. Feature Chart 1Market Response To US Election The US presidential election remains undecided despite former Vice President Joe Biden’s increasing likelihood of victory. Votes will be recounted in several states while one potential tipping-point state, Pennsylvania, could easily swing on a Supreme Court decision. The Senate is likely to remain in Republican hands, though there is still a ~20% chance that it will flip if Democrats win both of the likely Georgia runoff elections on January 5. Thus our base case is the same as in our final forecast: Biden plus a Republican Senate. Financial markets first rallied and have now paused (Chart 1). The pause makes sense to us. Ultimately the best-case scenario of this election was always Biden plus a Republican Senate – neither tariffs nor taxes would increase. But this same scenario also always posed the highest risk of near-term fiscal tightening that would undermine the US recovery and global reflation trade. GOP Senators will insist on a smaller fiscal relief bill and may wait too long to enact it. Below we discuss these dynamics and why we maintain a tactically defensive position amid this contested election. We will not go full risk-on until the critical short-run risks subside: the contested election, the fiscal impasse, Trump’s “lame duck” executive orders, and the international response. Biden Not Yet President-Elect Biden is leading the vote tally in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin as we go to press. To all appearances he has reclaimed the “Blue Wall” (MI, PA, WI) and made inroads in the Sun Belt (AZ, GA). We will not go full risk-on until the critical short-run risks subside. Map 1 shows tentative election results. Unsettled states are colored lightly while settled states are solid red or blue. This map points to a Biden victory even if Georgia and Pennsylvania slip back to Trump. The President would need to reclaim the latter two and one other state to reach 270 Electoral College votes. Map 1US 2020 Election Results (Tentative) Chart 2 shows the final prediction of our quantitative model. While our model predicted a Trump victory at 51% odds, we subjectively capped Trump’s odds at 45% because we disagreed that Trump would win Michigan.1 We did not do the same for our Senate model as the results matched with our subjective judgment that Republicans would keep control. Chart 2Our Presidential Quant Model Versus Actual Results Investors cannot yet conclude that the contested election risks have abated. If Biden wins only AZ, NV, MI, and WI, then he will end up with 270 Electoral College votes. This is the minimal vote needed for a victory. It is legitimate, but it means that a net of one faithless elector, or a disqualified elector, could throw the nation into a historic and nearly unprecedented crisis. If the Electoral College becomes indecisive for any reason, the House of Representatives will decide the election. Each state will get one vote. The results of the election suggest Republicans have four-to-ten seat majority of state delegations in the House (Table 1). Trump would win. Polarization and unrest would explode. Not for nothing did we brand this election cycle “Civil War Lite.” Table 1State Delegations In US House Of Representatives The greater the margin of victory in the Electoral College, the less vulnerable the nation is to indecision in the college, or to a result decided in the courts. The Republicans have a strong case in Pennsylvania that votes that arrived after November 3 should not be counted. It is not clear if the Supreme Court will revisit the case, having left it unresolved prior to the election. If Pennsylvania’s 20 electoral votes become the fulcrum of the election, and the Supreme Court rules to exclude votes received after November 3, and if Trump thereby wins the count, a national crisis will erupt. This is not high probability at the moment because Biden can afford to lose Pennsylvania if he wins Nevada or Georgia. But the history of contested elections teaches that investors should not rush to conclusions. Senate Gridlock Will Survive Georgia Runoffs The most likely balance of power is a Democratic president with a Republican Senate and Democratic House, i.e. gridlock. Chart 3 shows the likely balance of power in Congress. Democrats would need to win both runoff elections in Georgia to win 50 seats, which would give them a de facto majority if Biden wins, since Vice President Kamala Harris would become President of the Senate and break any tie votes there. They are unlikely to do so. Chart 3AGridlock In US Government Chart 3BGridlock In US Government Why do we doubt that Democrats will win both Georgia seats, given that Trump is now falling short in the statewide presidential vote? First, Republicans tend to do well in runoffs as Georgia is a conservative-leaning state (Chart 4). Second, the Republican vote was greater than the Democratic vote in both Senate elections, though falling short of 50%. Third, exit polls show that voters leaned Republican in the suburbs and were mostly concerned about the economy, not the coronavirus. Fourth, also clear from exit polls, Republican voters will be more motivated to retain control of the Senate with Trump out, while Democratic voters will be less motivated with Biden in (Chart 5). Voter turnout will drop in the special election as usual. Neither Trump nor the presidency will be on the ballot on January 5. Still, it is possible for Democrats to win both seats and hence de facto control of the Senate. We would say the odds are roughly 20% (0.5 x 0.4 = 0.2). Chart 4GOP Does Well In Georgia Runoffs Chart 5Georgia 2020 Election Results (So Far) If Democrats pulled off two victories in Georgia, the “Blue Sweep” scenario would be reaffirmed and several legislative proposals that had a 0% chance of passage in a Republican Senate would become at least possible. Certainly taxes would go up – the Democrats would be able to use the reconciliation process to push through reforms to the health care system paid for by partially repealing the Trump Tax Cut and Jobs Act. They would also be able to pass legislation that is popular with moderate Democrats who would then hold the balance in the Senate. The Green New Deal would become possible, if highly improbable. There would be a small chance of removing the filibuster in an exigency, but a vanishingly small chance of other radical structural changes, like creating new seats on the Supreme Court or granting statehood to Washington DC and Puerto Rico. A 50-50 count in the Senate, with Harris breaking the tie, would produce a larger increase in the budget deficit than otherwise. Stocks would have to discount the tax hike but they would recover quickly on the prospect of combined monetary and fiscal ultra-dovishness. Fiscal Impasse Prolonged Biden plus a Republican Senate is positive for the US corporate earnings outlook over the 24 months between now and the 2022 midterm election. It is also positive for the global earnings outlook over the four-year period due to the drastically reduced odds of a global trade war. But it is negative in the near term because it will result in a smaller and delayed fiscal relief package – and sooner than later the market will need a signal that the government will not pull the rug out from under the recovery. Biden plus a GOP Senate is negative in the near term due to fiscal risks but positive beyond that. True, the US economy continues to bounce back rapidly, which is why the Republicans performed so well in this election despite a recession, a pandemic, and a failure to pass another round of stimulus beforehand. In October the unemployment rate fell to 6.9%. Yet previous rounds of fiscal support are drying up. The job market is showing some signs of underlying weakness and these will worsen as long as benefits run out and COVID-19 cases discourage economic activity (Chart 6). Personal income has dropped off from its peak when the first round of stimulus was passed in March. Without the dole it will relapse (Chart 7). Chart 6US Job Market Weakening Sans Stimulus Chart 7US Personal Income Will Drop Sans Stimulus Will Senate Republicans agree to a fiscal deal in the “lame duck” session before the new Congress sits on January 3? We have no basis for a high-conviction view. They might agree to a deal in the range of $500 billion to $1 trillion, but only if the Democrats come down to these levels in the talks. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell is one of the big winners of the election. He held his seat and likely maintained Republican control of the Senate without capitulating to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s demands of a $3 trillion-plus relief bill. He wagered that Republicans would do better with voters if they concentrated on reopening the economy (and confirming Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court) while limiting any fiscal bill to targeted COVID response measures. He drew a hawkish line against broad-based social spending and bailouts for state and local governments. The gambit appears to have worked. House Democrats, far from gaining seats, lost five. We would not be surprised if Pelosi were replaced as speaker in 2021. Her plan backfired so badly that if Trump had stayed on message in his campaign, he might even have won. The implication is that unless Pelosi comes down to McConnell’s number, the fiscal impasse will extend into January and February. The American public approves of fiscal relief, but that did not force McConnell’s hand earlier, as the economy was recovering regardless (Table 2). Unless the economy slumps or financial markets selloff drastically, he will likely insist on a skinny deal that includes liability protections for businesses while minimizing bailouts for indebted blue states. Table 2Americans Support Fiscal Stimulus Package Hence investors are likely to get bad news before good news on the US fiscal front. And if other bad news arises, the absence of fiscal support will be sorely felt. This motivates our tactically defensive posture until the fiscal impasse is resolved. Peak Polarization Polarization is at peak levels in the US and the election result suggests it will remain elevated. Whichever party wins will win with a narrow margin. There is simply no commanding mandate for either party, as has been the case this century, so the struggle will continue (Chart 8). Chart 8Polarization Will Continue With Narrow Margins Of Victory Of course, polarization may subside temporarily, assuming Trump loses. At least under Biden the Electoral College vote will coincide with the popular vote, improving popular consent. Biden will have a lower disapproval rating, probably throughout his term. High disapproval tends to coincide with crises in modern US history, but in 2021, after the dust clears from this election, the country may catch its breath (Chart 9). Chart 9Presidential Disapproval Will Fall Much will depend on whether the presumed Biden administration is willing to sideline the left-wing of the Democratic Party to court the median voter. Exit polling in the swing states strongly suggests that the Biden administration won the election (if indeed it did) by improving Democratic support among the majority white population, non-college educated voters, and senior citizens, all groups that delivered Trump the victory in 2016. The Democrats had mixed results among ethnic minorities and suburban voters. Their biggest liability was their focus on issues other than the economy (Chart 10). Chart 10Exit Polls Say Focus On Bread And Butter Over the coming decade we think the combination of (1) cold war with China and (2) generational change on fiscal policy will produce a new national consensus. But we are not there yet. The contested election is not guaranteed to end amicably. If Trump wins on a technicality, the country will erupt into mass protests; if he loses and keeps crying stolen election, isolated domestic terrorist incidents are entirely possible. Moreover the battle over the 2020 census and redistricting process will be fierce. Democrats will be hungry to take the Senate in 2022, failing Georgia in January, to achieve major legislative objectives while Biden is in office. And the 2024 election will be vulnerable to the fact that Biden may have to bow out due to old age, depriving the Democrats of an incumbent advantage. The bottom line is that Republicans outperformed and will not be inclined to help the Biden administration start off on strong footing. The implication is the fiscal battle will extend into the New Year unless a stock market selloff forces Republicans to compromise. Fiscal cliffs will be a recurring theme until at least the 2022 election. A deflationary tail risk will persist. Obama’s Legacy Secured? The sole significance of a gridlocked Biden presidency will lie in regulatory affairs, foreign policy, and trade policy. These are the policy areas where presidents have unilateral authority and Biden can act without the Senate’s approval. In this context, Biden’s sole focus will be to consolidate the legacy of the Barack Obama administration, in which he served. 1. Obamacare (ACA): Republicans failed to repeal and replace this bill despite a red sweep in 2016. Biden’s election ensures that Obamacare will be implemented, if not expanded, as he will have the power to enforce the law at the executive level. The risk is that the conservative-leaning Supreme Court could strike it down. Based on past experience, the health care sector will benefit from the drop in uncertainty once the court’s decision is known (Chart 11). For investors the lesson of the past four election cycles is that Obamacare is here to stay, but Americans will not adopt a single-payer system until 2025 at the earliest conceivable date. We are long health equipment and see this outcome as beneficial to the health sector in general, particularly health insurance companies. Big Pharma, however, will suffer from bipartisan populist pressures to cap prices. 2. Iran Nuclear Deal (JCPA): Biden will seek to restore Obama’s signature foreign policy accomplishment, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, i.e. the Iran nuclear deal of 2015. The purpose of the deal was to establish a modus vivendi in the Middle East so that the US could “pivot to Asia” and focus its energy on the existential strategic challenge posed by China. Biden will stick with this plan. The Iranians also want to restore the deal but will play hard to get at first. Israel and Saudi Arabia could act to thwart Iran and tie Biden’s hands in the final three months of Trump’s presidency while they have unmitigated American backing. Chart 11Obamacare Preserved The implication is that Iranian oil production will return to oil markets (Chart 12), but that conflict could cause production outages, and Saudi Arabia could increase production to seize market share. Hence price volatility is the outcome, which makes sense amid fiscal risks and COVID risks to demand as well. 3. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP): Biden claims he will “renegotiate” the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which was the Obama administration’s key trade initiative. The idea was to group like-minded Pacific Rim countries into an advanced trade deal that addressed services, the digital economy, labor and environmental standards, and pointedly excluded China. Trump withdrew from the deal out of pique despite the fact that it served the purpose of diversifying the American supply chain away from China. The impact of rejoining is miniscule from an economic point of view (Chart 13), but it will be a boon for small emerging markets like Mexico, Chile, Vietnam, and Malaysia. Chart 12Restoring The Iran Nuclear Deal Chart 13Rejoining The Trans-Pacific Partnership The bigger takeaway is that Biden will continue the US grand strategic shift toward confronting China, which will be a headwind toward Chinese manufacturing and a tailwind for India, Latin America, Southeast Asia. The US will cultivate relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a more coherent economic bloc and a manufacturing counterweight to China (Chart 14). A lame duck Trump will  attempt to cement his legacy by targeting China/Taiwan, Iran, North Korea, or Big Tech. When it comes to on-shoring, Biden’s focus will be reducing dependency on China and improving the US’s supply security in sensitive areas like health and defense. Trade and strategic tensions with China will persist, but a global trade war is not in the cards. Manufacturing economies ex-China stand to benefit. 4. The Paris Climate Accord: Biden will not be able to pass his own version of the Green New Deal without the Senate, so investor excitement over a government-backed surge in green investment will subside for the time being (Chart 15). He will also moderate his stance on the energy sector after his pledge to phase out oil and gas nearly cost him the election. He was never likely to ban fracking comprehensively anyway. Chart 14ASEAN's Moment Biden will be able to rejoin the international Paris Agreement and reverse President Trump’s deregulation of the energy sector. He will re-regulate the economy to lift clean air, water, environment, and sustainability standards. This is a headwind for the energy sector, but stocks are already heavily discounted and congressional gridlock is a positive surprise. Chart 15Returning To The Paris Climate Accord There may be some room for compromise with Senate Republicans when it comes to renewables in a likely infrastructure package next year. Post-Trump Republicans may also be interested in Biden’s idea of a “carbon adjustment fee” on imports, which is another way of saying tariffs on Chinese-made goods. Like the health care sector, the election is tentatively positive for US energy stocks – especially once fiscal risks are surmounted. Investment Takeaways Chart 16Lame Duck Trump Risk: Taiwan Strait Three near-term risks prevent us from taking a tactically risk-on investment stance. First, the contested election, which could still throw up surprises. Second, the fiscal stimulus impasse, which could persist into January or February and will reduce the market’s margin of safety in the event of other negative surprises. Third, a lame duck Trump will attempt to cement his legacy via executive orders. He could target China/Taiwan, Iran, North Korea, or even Big Tech. On China, Trump is already tightening export controls on China and selling a large arms package to Taiwan (Chart 16). The lame duck period of any presidency is a useful time for the US to advance strategic objectives. Trump will also blame China and the coronavirus for his defeat. He could seek reparations for the virus, restrictions on Chinese manufacturing and immigration to the US, export controls or sanctions on tech companies, secondary sanctions over Iran or North Korea, delisting of Chinese companies listed in the US, sanctions over human rights violations in China’s autonomous regions, or travel bans on Communist Party members. During these three months, Big Tech will face crosswinds – risks from Trump, but opportunities from gridlock. Polarization has helped support US equity and tech outperformance over the past decade. Frequent hold-ups over the budget in Congress weigh on growth and inflation expectations, thus favoring growth stocks and tech. Internal divisions have prompted the US to lash out abroad, increasing risks to international stocks and driving safe-haven demand into the dollar and tech. More broadly the second wave of the pandemic is a boon for tech earnings and Biden will restore the Obama administration’s alliance with Silicon Valley. But tech is already priced for perfection and this favorable trend will be cut short when COVID restrictions ease and Biden works out a compromise with the Senate GOP over stimulus and the budget (Chart 17). Beyond these near-term risks, we have a constructive outlook for risk assets over the next 12 months. Chart 17Biden, Peak Polarization, And Big Tech Chart 18Global Stocks, Cyclicals Benefit When US Fiscal Impasse Resolved Insofar as Biden seeks to restore US commitment to global free trade, and more stable and cooperative relations with allies and partners ex-China, global policy uncertainty should fall relative to the United States. Once near-term fiscal hurdles are cleared, the dollar’s strength can subside and global stocks and global cyclicals can start to outperform (Chart 18). Chart 19Trump An Exclusively Commercial President We also favor stocks over bonds on a strategic horizon. Trump was an exclusively commercial president whose approval rating had a tight correlation with the stock-to-bond ratio (Chart 19). A surge in stocks would help power Trump’s approval. This relationship is not standard across presidents. But it does make sense during periods of policy change that affect earnings. Trump’s tax cuts are the best example. Equities outpaced bonds in anticipation of tax cuts in 2017. Trump’s approval rating recovered once the bill was passed. President Obama’s approval rating also correlated somewhat with the stock-to-bond ratio during the critical fiscal cliff negotiations under gridlock from 2010-12. Once Biden works out a compromise with GOP Senators, bond yields will rise and stocks will power upward. The takeaway from these points is that volatility can remain elevated over the next 0-3 months (Chart 20). We would not expect it to go as high as in 2000, when the dotcom bubble burst, but Trump’s lame duck maneuvers against China could generate a massive selloff. But this cannot be ruled out. Indeed, Trump’s constraints have almost entirely fallen away regardless of whether he loses or wins. Investors should take a phased and conservative approach to adding risk in the near term. The outlook will brighten up when the president is known, a fiscal deal is reached, and President Trump’s legacy as the Man Who Confronted China is complete. Chart 20Volatility Will Stay Elevated In Short Run Chart 21Go Long Trans-Pacific Partnership Given our view that Biden will be hawkish on China, especially amid gridlock at home, we are maintaining our short CNY-USD trade. We also recommend buying a basket of Trans-Pacific Partnership bourses, weighted by global stock market capitalization, on a strategic time-frame to capture what we expect will be Biden’s pro-trade-ex-China policy (Chart 21). Finally, to capture the views expressed above regarding Biden’s likely market impacts, over the short and long run, we will go long US health care relative to the broad market on a tactical basis and long US energy on a strategic basis.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 As things stand, the model overrated the Republicans in Arizona and Georgia as well, though really Georgia looks to be the only state Democrats won that the model gave high odds of staying Republican. If we had used the level rather than the range of Trump’s approval rating – or if we had neglected opinion polling altogether – the model would have called a Biden win.

I will be co-hosting a webcast with our Chief Geopolitical Strategist, Matt Gertken, in which we will discuss arguably the two biggest topics of the moment. The US Election Result, And The Pandemic: What Happens Next? on Friday November 6 at 8.00AM EST (1.00PM GMT, 2.00PM CET, 9.00PM HKT). Also, in lieu of the next strategy report, I will be presenting the quarterly webcast on Thursday November 12 at 10.00AM EST (3.00PM GMT, 4.00PM CET, 11.00PM HKT). I hope you can join both webcasts. Highlights Productivity growth will continue to outperform in the US versus Europe through 2021. Equity investors should tilt towards viable small companies and businesses with operations in the US rather than in Europe. Higher productivity growth in the US means that this cycle’s low in US versus euro area core CPI inflation is unlikely to be reached until deep into 2021, at the earliest. Remain structurally overweight long-dated US bonds versus long-dated core European bonds. Structurally favour European currencies versus the dollar. Investors who cannot tolerate volatility should own CHF/USD. Investors who can tolerate volatility should own the more undervalued SEK/USD. Fractal trade: Underweight Australian construction. Feature If the economic difference between the US and Europe could be encapsulated in one picture, then the Chart of the Week would be that picture. In the US, you can hire and fire workers very easily. In Europe, you cannot. This means that in good times, the US can create millions of jobs, Europe much less so. The flip side is that in bad times, the US can destroy millions of jobs, Europe much less so. Chart of the WeekThe US Can Hire And Fire Workers. Europe Much Less So After the dot com bust of 2000, employment fell by 2 percent in the US, but did not fall at all in France. After the global financial crisis of 2008, employment fell by 6 percent in the US, but by just 1.5 percent in France. After the pandemic recession of this year, US employment has rebounded strongly, yet is still down by 7 percent. In contrast, employment in France is down by just 3 percent.  After A Recession, Productivity Surges In The US, But Not In Europe If an economy can shed millions of jobs in a recession, then it is easier to restructure the economy with a new labour-saving technology or strategy that substitutes for the labour input permanently. In which case – to paraphrase Ernest Hemingway – the economy’s productivity growth comes gradually, and then suddenly. The suddenly tends to be immediately after a recession. In Europe, where the economy cannot easily shed workers in a recession, such a sudden post-recession productivity boom never happens. In the US, it always does. For example, at the start of the Great Depression a substantial part of the US automobile industry was still based on skilled craftsmanship. These smaller, less productive craft-production plants were the ones that shut down permanently, while plants that had adopted labour-saving mass production had the competitive advantage that enabled them to survive. The result was a major restructuring of the auto productive structure. Another simple example is the ‘typing pool’ which was a ubiquitous feature of the office environment until the late 1990s. Following the 2000 downturn, these typing jobs became extinct, to be replaced by the wholesale roll-out of Microsoft Word. Productivity growth will continue to outperform in the US versus Europe through 2021. After the 2000 downturn, productivity surged by 9 percent in the US, but rose by just 2 percent in France. After the 2008 recession, productivity increased by 5 percent in the US, but did not increase at all in France. And after this year’s recession, productivity is already up by 4 percent in the US, while it is down by 1 percent in France1 (Chart I-2). Chart I-2After Recessions, Productivity Surges In The US But Not In Europe If history is any guide, productivity growth will continue to outperform in the US versus Europe through 2021. One conclusion is that equity investors should tilt towards viable small companies and businesses with operations in the US rather than in Europe. A Surge In Productivity Means Lower Inflation Yet the flip side of the post-recession productivity boom is rising unemployment. After the 2000 downturn, the number of permanently unemployed US workers continued to rise until September 2003, two years after the trough in economic activity. After the 2008 recession, permanent unemployment continued to rise until February 2010, almost a year after the economy had bottomed (Chart I-3). Chart I-3US Permanent Unemployment Peaks Well After The Economy Bottoms Therefore, optimistically assuming the pandemic trough in the economy occurred in the second quarter of 2020, the rise in the number of permanently unemployed US workers is likely to continue through the winter. In fact, it could last much longer because, compared to the global financial crisis, the pandemic is wreaking much more structural havoc on the way that we live, work, and interact. This means that compared to a common-or-garden recession, many more jobs are now economically unviable. Worse, if a resurgent pandemic causes a double-dip recession, then the peak in structural unemployment will be pushed back even further. Higher structural unemployment depresses rent inflation. Higher structural unemployment hurts the security and growth of wages. Therefore, as we pointed out in last week’s Special Report, The Real Risk Is Real Estate, one major consequence is that it depresses housing rent inflation (Chart I-4). It also depresses owner equivalent rent (OER) inflation – the imputed costs that homeowners notionally pay ‘to consume’ their home – because OER inflation closely tracks actual rent inflation (Chart I-5). Chart I-4Higher US Permanent Unemployment Depresses Rent Inflation Chart I-5Owner Equivalent Rent Inflation Tracks Actual Rent Inflation This is important for European investors, because another big difference between the US and Europe is the treatment of owner-occupied housing costs in the consumer price index (CPI). The US includes OER in its inflation rate, whereas Europe does not. The result is that shelter – the sum of OER and actual rents – carries a 42 percent weighting in the US core CPI, compared with just a 13 percent weighting in the euro area core CPI. Hence, US core CPI inflation closely tracks rent inflation (Chart I-6). Meaning that US core CPI inflation reaches its cycle low only after the number of permanently unemployed workers reaches its peak. This holds true both in absolute terms, and in relative terms versus euro area core CPI inflation. After the 2000 downturn, both the absolute and relative inflation cycle lows were not reached until late 2003. After the 2008 recession, the inflation lows were not reached until late 2010 (Chart I-7 and Chart I-8). Chart I-6US Core CPI Inflation Tracks ##br##Rent Inflation Chart I-7Only After Permanent Unemployment Peaks Does US Core Inflation Bottom, Both In Absolute Terms... Chart I-8...And Relative To Euro Area Core CPI Inflation On this basis, this cycle’s low in US versus euro area core CPI inflation is unlikely to be reached until deep into 2021, even on the most optimistic assumptions. Some Investment Conclusions From an investment perspective, US versus euro area core CPI inflation is important because it drives relative bond yields. As the spread between relative inflation rates compresses, the spread between long-dated bond yields also compresses (Chart I-9). Chart I-9When US And Euro Area Core CPI Inflation Rates Converge, So Do US And Euro Area Bond Yields One conclusion is to remain overweight long-dated US bonds versus long-dated core European bonds. Our preferred expression is to stay overweight a 50:50 portfolio of higher yielding US T-bonds and Spanish Bonos versus a 50:50 portfolio of near-zero yielding German Bunds and French OATs. In this strategic position, any price moves in the aftermath of the US election result are just short-term noise. A second conclusion is that the likely yield spread compression between US and European long-dated bond yields will structurally favour European currencies versus the dollar. Though an important caveat is that the dollar will retain its haven qualities during periods of market stress, because many haven assets and markets are denominated in the greenback.  Remain overweight long-dated US bonds versus long-dated core European bonds. Therefore, investors who cannot tolerate volatility should own Europe’s haven currency, the Swiss franc versus the dollar. Investors who can tolerate volatility should own the more undervalued Swedish krona versus the dollar. Fractal Trading System* This week’s recommended trade is to underweight the Australian construction sector versus the market. One way to implement this is to short an equally-weighted basket of James Hardie, Lendlease, and Boral versus the market. Set the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 5.7 percent. In other trades, short MSCI Finland versus MSCI Switzerland achieved its 7 percent profit target. But long 30-year T-bond versus French 30-year OAT reached its 3.2 percent stop-loss just before the T-bond’s strong post-election rally. The rolling 1-year win ratio now stands at 53 percent. Chart I-10Australia: Construction Materials Vs. Market When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated   December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com.   Dhaval Joshi Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Productivity is defined here as real GDP per employed person, and productivity growth is quoted for the periods q1 2002 through q4 2003, q2 2008 through q4 2010, and q4 2019 through q3 2020. Fractal Trading System   Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations

Your feedback is important to us. Please take our client survey today. Highlights A surge in the number of Covid cases worldwide and the failure of the US Congress to forge a stimulus deal has cast doubt on the “reflation trade.” European governments have responded to rising case counts with a flurry of restrictions. While not quite as extreme as those introduced in March, the new lockdown rules will still weigh on growth over the coming months. The good news is that progress on a vaccine continues, with the vast majority of experts expecting one to be widely available within the next 12 months. The degree to which US fiscal policy will turn stimulative again depends on the outcome of the election. A “blue wave” would produce the most fiscal stimulus, while a Biden victory coupled with continued Republican control of the Senate would produce the least. However, even in the latter scenario, popular support for further fiscal easing – including among Republican voters – will help catalyze a deal. The near-term picture for stocks is murky. Nevertheless, investors should remain overweight global equities on a one-to-two year horizon, while shifting exposure to non-US markets and value stocks. Worries About The Sanguine Narrative Chart 1The Number Of New Cases Continues To Rise Globally... But Mortality Rates Are Lower Than Earlier This Year Equities recovered some of their losses on Thursday, but remain down on the week. Investors have become increasingly concerned about the viability of the so-called reflation trade. Stocks rallied in the spring and summer on hopes that the worst of the pandemic was over and that fiscal stimulus would continue to prop up employment and spending. Now, both assumptions are being challenged. The number of coronavirus cases continues to rise worldwide (Chart 1). In both Europe and the US, the daily tally of confirmed new cases exceeds its March peak. The only saving grace is that the number of deaths has not risen by as much as many had feared. Governments are reacting to rising case counts by tightening social distancing rules. The German government ordered bars, clubs, theaters, concert halls, museums, cinemas, sit-down restaurants, and most athletic facilities to close in November. Hotels will no longer be able to cater to tourists, while private meetings of over 10 people will be prohibited. Along the same lines, France has imposed a comprehensive nationwide lockdown until December 1st, with President Macron stating the nation has been “overpowered by a second wave.” Earlier this week, the Italian government announced that bars and restaurants must close by 6pm. News reports indicate that the UK government is preparing a slate of new restrictions. While the most recent lockdowns in Europe are not as severe as those introduced earlier this year, they will still weigh on growth over the coming months. There has been less movement toward shuttering the US economy in response to what is now the third wave of the pandemic. This may be partly because the latest cluster of cases has been fairly localized, concentrated mainly in the central north of the country. So far at least, the heavily populated south and coastal states have been spared the brunt of the wave. However, if more states start seeing rising case counts, stricter restrictions could be introduced across most of the country. Fiscal Food Fight Meanwhile in Washington, both Republican and Democrat leaders conceded that there will be no stimulus deal before the election. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said that Trump had “failed miserably” in his handling of the pandemic, the economy, and everything else. The President, for his part, claimed that “Nancy Pelosi is only interested in bailing out badly-run, crime-ridden Democrat cities and states,” adding that “After the election, we will get the best stimulus package you have ever seen.” Of course, whether Trump can fulfill his “best ever” pledge depends on the outcome of the election. As we discuss below, there is considerable uncertainty over how the political landscape in Washington will look after November 3rd. Nevertheless, most roads still lead to more stimulus. The Election Homestretch Chart 2Opinion Polls Favor The Democrats ... Chart 3... As Do Betting Markets As the US election campaign winds down, both opinion polls and betting markets suggest that Joe Biden will become the next president while the Democrats will regain control of the Senate (Chart 2 and Chart 3). That said, this is not the only possible outcome. As this handy applet from The Cook Political Report makes clear, small changes in the assumptions about either voter preferences or turnout can shift the results significantly. For example, Trump saw his approval among African Americans rise from 25% last week to around 40% this week according to Rasmussen’s daily tracking poll. Such a large move in this one particular poll undoubtedly overstates the true magnitude of the trend, but it is consistent with the analysis that Matt Gertken and BCA’s geopolitical team has done showing that Trump has reduced the Democrats’ lead among minority voters relative to 2016. If Trump can improve his vote share among black voters from the meager 8% he received in the 2016 election to 11% this time around, it would be enough to tip the entire race in his favor. The quant model developed by BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy service, which elevates recent economic data over polling numbers in its computations, gives Donald Trump a 51% probability of remaining president and an equivalent chance of the Republicans picking up the Senate (Chart 4). Subjectively, Matt thinks Trump has a 45% chance of winning. While lower than his quant model, this is still above the 39% probability that betting markets assign to a Trump victory (Chart 5). Chart 4BCA’s Quant Model Points To Trump Victory And Favors Republicans In The Senate Chart 5Election Odds: BCA's Geopolitical Team Versus Betting Markets What Would The Stock Market Prefer? From the equity perspective, stocks would likely rise if Trump won and the Democrats took over the Senate. If re-elected, President Trump would block any efforts to raise taxes or tighten business regulations. However, unlike a number of Republican senators, Trump is not averse to increasing government spending. Earlier this month, the President proposed a $1.8 trillion stimulus bill. Senate Republicans have offered only $500 million for pandemic relief. The stock market would welcome both easier fiscal policy and the implicit guarantee that taxes will not rise. The stock market would also be content with a Democratic sweep, provided it did not result in a blowout victory. A narrow Senate victory would still allow the Democrats to pass a fiscal stimulus bill through the creative use of the “reconciliation process.” However, it would curb the influence of the party’s more left-leaning members. Several Democratic senators have expressed reservations about scrapping the filibuster rule which requires a supermajority of 60 votes to pass most non-budget related legislation. If the filibuster rule is eliminated, it would make it easier to strengthen antitrust law, tighten labor and environmental standards, and raise the minimum wage, all of which could dampen corporate profits. Investors would likely deem a continuation of the existing political configuration in Washington – where Donald Trump remains president and the Republicans maintain a slim majority in the Senate – as neutral for stocks. On the one hand, such an outcome would take the prospects of tax hikes off the table. On the other hand, it could prolong the trade war and extend the stalemate over a stimulus bill. Lastly, stock market investors might frown upon a scenario involving a Biden victory and continued Republican control of the Senate. Of all the scenarios mentioned above, the prospects for a major stimulus package would be lowest for this configuration of political outcomes. This is because Republican senators would have even less incentive to accede to more spending if Joe Biden, rather than Donald Trump, were pressing for it. Still, even in this scenario, it is unlikely that the US will shift to fiscal austerity anytime soon. As Table 1 shows, 72% of voters support the broad outline of the Democrat’s stimulus proposal. Strikingly, even most Republican voters support it, at least when the question is posed in nonpartisan terms. This suggests that a Democratic House could still find a way to strike a stimulus deal with a Republican Senate, perhaps by agreeing to further cut taxes in exchange for more government spending. Table 1Strong Support For Stimulus Investment Conclusions While governments have understandably tightened restrictions to control the latest surge in Covid cases, they are unlikely to fully revert to the extreme measures taken in March. Back then, there was considerable uncertainty over how fatal the virus was, with estimates for the mortality rate ranging from 0.5%  to over 5%. The latest research suggests that the true number is near the bottom of that range, and perhaps even below it.1 Progress continues to be made on a vaccine. Close to 95% of professional forecasters surveyed by The Good Judgement Project expect a vaccine to be widely available within the next 12 months (Chart 6). Chart 6When Will A Vaccine Become Available? Chart 7Non-US Equities Tend To Outperform Their US Peers When Global Growth Is Improving And The Dollar Is Weakening The combination of a vaccine and further fiscal support against a backdrop of ultra-easy monetary policy should be enough to lift global equities by about 15% towards the end of 2021. While the near-term picture for stocks is murky, investors should remain overweight global equities over a one-to-two year horizon. As a countercyclical currency, the US dollar is poised to weaken next year. Typically, non-US stocks outperform when global growth is strengthening and the dollar is weakening (Chart 7). Value stocks also tend to do better in such macro environments (Chart 8). Once the latest wave of the pandemic crests, as it inevitably will, investors should look to shift their equity portfolios from stocks that benefited from lockdowns towards those that will benefit from reopenings.   Chart 8 (I)... Ditto For Value Stocks Versus Growth Stocks Chart 8 (II)... Ditto For Value Stocks Versus Growth Stocks Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 A recent systematic review of literature found that the Covid-19 infection fatality rate (IFR) stood at 0.7%. Similarly, in September, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) published age-specific IFRs in its Covid-19 Planning Scenarios. The population-weighted average of the CDC’s “best estimate” suggests a 0.7% IFR. Please see “COVID-19 Pandemic Planning Scenarios,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Updated September 10, 2020; and Gideon Meyerowitz-Katz, and Lea Merone, “A systematic review and meta-analysis of published research data on COVID-19 infection fatality rates,” International Journal of Infectious Diseases, September 29, 2020. Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Current MacroQuant Model Scores