Trade / BOP
Highlights Markets largely ignored the uproar at the US Capitol on January 6 because the transfer of power was not in question. Democratic control over the Senate, after two upsets in the Georgia runoff, is the bigger signal. US fiscal policy will become more expansive yet the Federal Reserve will not start hiking rates anytime soon. This is a powerful tailwind for risk assets over the short and medium run. Politics and geopolitics affect markets through the policy setting, rather than through discrete events, which tend to have fleeting market impacts. The current setting, in the US and abroad, is negative for the US dollar. The implication is positive for emerging market stocks and value plays. Go long global stocks ex-US, long emerging markets over developed markets, and long value over growth. Cut losses on short CNY-USD. Feature Chart 1Market's Muted Response To US Turmoil Scenes of mayhem unfolded in the US Capitol on January 6 as protesters and rioters flooded the building and temporarily interrupted the joint session of Congress convened to count the Electoral College votes. Congress reconvened later and finished the tally. President-elect Joe Biden will take office at noon on January 20. Financial markets were unperturbed, with stocks up and volatility down, though safe havens did perk up a bit (Chart 1). The incident supports our thesis that the US election cycle of 2020 was a sort of “Civil War Lite” and that the country is witnessing “Peak Polarization,” with polarization likely to fall over the coming five years. The incident was the culmination of the past year of pandemic-fueled unrest and President Trump’s refusal to concede to the Electoral College verdict. Trump made a show of force by rallying his supporters, and apparently refrained from cracking down on those that overran Congress, but then he backed down and promised an orderly transfer of power. The immediate political result was to isolate him. Fewer Republicans than expected contested the electoral votes in the ensuing joint session; one Republican is openly calling for Trump to be forced into resignation via the 25th amendment procedure for those unfit to serve. The electoral votes were promptly certified. Vice President Mike Pence and other actors performed their constitutional duties. Pence reportedly gave the order to bring out the National Guard to restore order – hence it is possible that Pence and Trump’s cabinet could activate the 25th amendment, but that is unlikely unless Trump foments rebellion going forward. Vandals and criminals will be prosecuted and there could also be legal ramifications for Trump and some government officials. Do Politics And Geopolitics Affect Markets? The market’s lack of concern raises the question of whether investors need trouble themselves with politics at all. Philosopher and market guru Nassim Nicholas Taleb tweeted the following: If someone, a year ago, described January 6, 2021 (and events attending it) & asked you to guess the stock market behavior, admit you would have gotten it wrong. Just so you understand that news do not help you understand markets.1 This is a valid point. Investors should not (and do not) invest based on the daily news. Of course, many observers foresaw social unrest surrounding the 2020 election, including Professor Peter Turchin.2 Social instability was rising in the data, as we have long shown. When you combined this likelihood with the Fed’s pause on rate hikes, and a measurable rise in geopolitical tensions between the US and other countries, the implication was that gold would appreciate. So if someone had told you a year ago that the US would have a pandemic, that governments would unleash a 10.2% of global GDP fiscal stimulus, that the Fed would start average inflation targeting, that a vaccine would be produced, and that the US would have a contested election on top of it all, would you have expected gold to rise? Absolutely – and it has done so, both in keeping with the fall in real interest rates plus some safe-haven bonus, which is observable (Chart 2). Chart 2Gold Price In Excess Of Fall In Real Rates Implies Geopolitical Risk The takeaway is that policy matters for markets while politics may only matter briefly at best. Which brings us back to the implications of the Trump rebellion. What Will Be The Impact Of The Trump Rebellion? We have highlighted that this election was a controversial rather than contested election – meaning that the outcome was not in question after late November when the court cases, vote counts, and recounts were certified. This was doubly true after the Electoral College voted on December 14. The protests and riots yesterday never seriously called this result into question. Whatever Trump’s intentions, there was no military coup or imposition of martial law, as some observers feared. In fact the scandal arose from the President’s hesitation to call out the National Guard rather than his use of security forces to prevent the transfer of power, as occurs during a coup. This partially explains why the market traded on the contested election in December 2000 but not in 2020 – the result was largely settled. The Biden administration now has more political capital than otherwise, which is market-positive because it implies more proactive fiscal policy to support the economic recovery. Trump’s refusal to concede gave Democrats both seats in the Georgia Senate runoffs, yielding control of Congress. Household and business sentiment will revive with the vaccine distribution and economic recovery, while the passage of larger fiscal stimulus is highly probable. US fiscal policy will almost certainly avoid the mistake of tightening fiscal policy too soon. Taken with the Fed’s aversion to raising rates, greater fiscal stimulus will create a powerful tailwind for risk assets over the next 12 months. The primary consequence of combined fiscal and monetary dovishness is a falling dollar. The greenback is a counter-cyclical and momentum-driven currency that broadly responds inversely to global growth trends. But policy decisions are clearly legible in the global growth path and the dollar’s path over the past two decades. Japanese and European QE, Chinese devaluation, the global oil crash, Trump’s tax cuts, the US-China trade war, and COVID-19 lockdowns all drove the dollar to fresh highs – all policy decisions (Chart 3). Policy decisions also ensured the euro’s survival, marking the dollar’s bottom against the euro in 2011, and ensuring that the euro could take over from the dollar once the dollar became overbought. Today, the US’s stimulus response to COVID-19 – combined with the Fed’s strategic review and the Democratic sweep of government – marked the peak and continued drop-off in the dollar. Chart 3Euro Survival, US Peak Polarization, Set Stage For Rotation From USD To EUR Chart 4China's Yuan Says Geopolitics Matters The Chinese renminbi is heavily manipulated by the People’s Bank and is not freely exchangeable. The massive stimulus cycle that began in 2015, in reaction to financial turmoil, combined with the central bank’s decision to defend the currency marked a bottom in the yuan’s path. China’s draconian response to the pandemic this year, and massive stimulus, made China the only major country to contribute positively to global growth in 2020 and ensured a surge in the currency. The combination of US and Chinese policy decisions has clearly favored the renminbi more than would be the case from the general economic backdrop (Chart 4). Getting the policy setting right is necessary for investors. This is true even though discrete political events – including major political and geopolitical crises – have fleeting impacts on markets. What About Biden’s Trade Policy? Trump was never going to control monetary or fiscal policy – that was up to the Fed and Congress. His impact lay mostly in trade and foreign policy. Specifically his defeat reduces the risk of sweeping unilateral tariffs. It makes sense that global economic policy uncertainty has plummeted, especially relative to the United States (Chart 5). If US policy facilitates a global economic and trade recovery, then it also makes sense that global equities would rise faster than American equities, which benefited from the previous period of a strong dollar and erratic or aggressive US fiscal and trade policy. Trump’s last 14 days could see a few executive orders that rattle stocks. There is a very near-term downside risk to European and especially Chinese stocks from punitive measures, or to Emirati stocks in the event of another military exchange with Iran (Chart 6). But Trump will be disobeyed if he orders any highly disruptive actions, especially if they contravene national interests. Beyond Trump’s term we are constructive on all these bourses, though we expect politics and geopolitics to remain a headwind for Chinese equities. Chart 5Big Drop In Global Policy Uncertainty US tensions with China will escalate again soon – and in a way that negatively impacts US and Chinese companies exposed to each other. Chart 6Geopolitical Implications Of Biden's Election The cold war between these two is an unavoidable geopolitical trend as China threatens to surpass the US in economic size and improves its technological prowess. Presidents Xi and Trump were merely catalysts. But there are two policy trends that will override this rivalry for at least the first half of the year. First, global trade is recovering– as shown here by the Shanghai freight index and South Korean exports and equity prices (Chart 7). The global recovery will boost Korean stocks but geopolitical tensions will continue to brood over more expensive Taiwanese stocks due to the US-China conflict. This has motivated our longstanding long Korea / short Taiwan recommendation. Chart 7Global Economy Speaks Louder Than North Korea Chart 8China Wary Of Over-Tightening Policy Chart 9Global Stock-Bond Ratio Registers Good News Second, China’s 2020 stimulus will have lingering effects and it is wary of over-tightening monetary and fiscal policy, lest it undo its domestic economic recovery. The tenor of China’s Central Economic Work Conference in December has reinforced this view. Chart 8 illustrates the expectations of our China Investment Strategy regarding China’s credit growth and local government bond issuance. They suggest that there will not be a sharp withdrawal of fiscal or quasi-fiscal support in 2021. Stability is especially important in the lead up to the critical leadership rotation in 2022.3 This policy backdrop will be positive for global/EM equities despite the political crackdown on General Secretary Xi Jinping’s opponents will occur despite this supportive policy backdrop. The global stock-to-bond ratio has surged in clear recognition of these positive policy trends (Chart 9). Government bonds were deeply overbought and it will take several years before central banks begin tightening policy. What About Biden’s Foreign Policy? Chart 10OPEC 2.0 Cartel Continues (For Now) Iran poses a genuine geopolitical risk this year – first in the form of an oil supply risk, should conflict emerge in the Persian Gulf, Iraq, or elsewhere in the region. This would inject a risk premium into the oil price. Later the risk is the opposite as a deal with the Biden administration would create the prospect for Iran to attract foreign investment and begin pumping oil, while putting pressure on the OPEC 2.0 coalition to abandon its current, tentative, production discipline in pursuit of market share (Chart 10). Biden has the executive authority to restore the 2015 nuclear deal (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action). He is in favor of doing so in order to (1) prevent the Middle East from generating a crisis that consumes his foreign policy; (2) execute an American grand strategy of reviving its Asia Pacific influence; (3) cement the Obama administration’s legacy. The Iranian President Hassan Rouhani also has a clear interest in returning to the deal before the country’s presidential election in June. This would salvage his legacy and support his “reformist” faction. The Supreme Leader also has a chance to pin the negative aspects of the deal on a lame duck president while benefiting from it economically as he prepares for his all-important succession. The problem is that extreme levels of distrust will require some brinkmanship early in Biden’s term. Iran is building up leverage ahead of negotiations, which will mean higher levels of uranium enrichment and demonstrating the range of its regional capabilities, including the Strait of Hormuz, and its ability to impose economic pain via oil prices. Biden will need to establish a credible threat if Iran misbehaves. Hence the geopolitical setting is positive for oil prices at the moment. Beyond Iran, there is a clear basis for policy uncertainty to decline for Europe and the UK while it remains elevated for China and Russia (Chart 11). Chart 11Relative Policy Uncertainty Favors Europe and UK Over Russia And China The US international image has suffered from the Trump era and the Biden administration’s main priorities will lie in solidifying alliances and partnerships and stabilizing the US role in the world, rather than pursuing showdown and confrontation. However, it will not be long before scrutiny returns to the authoritarian states, which have been able to focus on domestic recovery and expanding their spheres of influence amid the US’s tumultuous election year. Chart 12GeoRisk Indicators Say Risks Underrated For These Bourses The US will not seek a “diplomatic reset” with Russia, aside from renegotiating the New START treaty. The Democrats will seek to retaliate for Russia’s extensive cyberattack in 2021 as well as for election interference and psychological warfare in the United States. And while there probably will be a reset with China, it will be short-lived, as outlined above. This situation contrasts with that of the Atlantic sphere. The Biden administration is a crystal clear positive, relative to a second Trump term, for the European Union. The EU and the UK have just agreed to a trade deal, as expected, to conclude the Brexit process, which means that the US-UK “special relationship” will not be marred by disagreements over Ireland. European solidarity has also strengthened as a result of the pandemic, which highlighted the need for collective policy responses, including fiscal. Thus the geopolitical risks of the new administration are most relevant for China/Taiwan and Russia. Comparing our GeoRisk Indicators, which are market-based, with the relative equity performance of these bourses, Taiwanese stocks are the most vulnerable because markets are increasingly pricing the geopolitical risk yet the relative stock performance is toppy (Chart 12). The limited recovery in Russian equities is also at risk for the same reason. Only in China’s case has the market priced lower geopolitical risk, not least because of the positive change in US administration. We expect Biden and Xi Jinping to be friendly at first but for strategic distrust to reemerge by the second half of the year. This will be a rude awakening for Chinese stocks – or China-exposed US stocks, especially in the tech sector. Investment Takeaways Chart 13Global Policy Shifts Drive Big Investment Reversals The US is politically divided. Civil unrest and aftershocks of the controversial election will persist but markets will ignore it unless it has a systemic impact. The policy consequence is a more proactive fiscal policy, resulting in virtual fiscal-monetary coordination that is positive both for global demand and risk assets, while negative for the US dollar. The Biden administration will succeed in partially repealing the Trump tax cuts, but the impact on corporate profit margins will be discounted fairly mechanically and quickly by market participants, while the impact on economic growth will be more than offset by huge new spending. Sentiment will improve after the pandemic – and Biden has not yet shown an inclination to take an anti-business tone. The past decade has been marked by a dollar bull market and the outperformance of developed markets over emerging markets and growth stocks like technology over value stocks like financials. Cyclical sectors have traded in a range. Going forward, a secular rise in geopolitical Great Power competition is likely to persist but the macro backdrop has shifted with the decline of the dollar. Cyclical sectors are now poised to outperform while a bottom is forming in value stocks and emerging markets (Chart 13). We recommend investors go strategically long emerging markets relative to developed. We are also going long global value over growth stocks. We are not yet ready to close our gold trade given that the two supports, populist fiscal turn and great power struggle, will continue to be priced by markets in the near term. We are throwing in the towel on our short CNY-USD trade after the latest upleg in the renminbi, though our view continues to be that geopolitical fundamentals will catch yuan investors by surprise when they reassert themselves. We also recommend preferring global equities to US equities, given the above-mentioned global trends plus looming tax hikes. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 January 6, 2020, twitter.com. 2 See Turchin and Andrey Korotayev, "The 2010 Structural-Demographic Forecast for the 2010-2020 Decade: A Retrospective Assessment," PLoS ONE 15:8 (2020), journals.plos.org. 3 Not to mention that 2021 is the Communist Party’s 100th anniversary – not a time to make an unforced policy error with an already wobbly economy.
Highlights With a vaccine already rolling out in the UK and soon in the US, investors have reason to be optimistic about next year. Government bond yields are rising, cyclical equities are outperforming defensives, international stocks hinting at outperforming American, and value stocks are starting to beat growth stocks (Chart 1). Feature President Trump’s defeat in the US election also reduces the risk of a global trade war, or a real war with Iran. European, Chinese, and Emirati stocks have rallied since the election, at least partly due to the reduction in these risks (Chart 2). However, geopolitical risk and global policy uncertainty have been rising on a secular, not just cyclical, basis (Chart 3). Geopolitical tensions have escalated with each crisis since the financial meltdown of 2008. Chart 1A New Global Business Cycle Chart 2Biden: No Trade War Or War With Iran? Chart 3Geopolitical Risk And Global Policy Uncertainty Chart 4The Decline Of The Liberal Democracies? Trump was a symptom, not a cause, of what ails the world. The cause is the relative decline of the liberal democracies in political, economic, and military strength relative to that of other global players (Chart 4). This relative decline has emboldened Chinese and Russian challenges to the US-led global order, as well as aggressive and unpredictable moves by middle and small powers. Moreover the aftershocks of the pandemic and recession will create social and political instability in various parts of the world, particularly emerging markets (Chart 5). Chart 5EM Troubles Await Chart 6Global Arms Build-Up Continues We are bullish on risk assets next year, but our view is driven largely from the birth of a new economic cycle, not from geopolitics. Geopolitical risk is rapidly becoming underrated, judging by the steep drop-off in measured risk. There is no going back to a pre-Trump, pre-Xi Jinping, pre-2008, pre-Putin, pre-9/11, pre-historical golden age in which nations were enlightened, benign, and focused exclusively on peace and prosperity. Hard data, such as military spending, show the world moving in the opposite direction (Chart 6). So while stock markets will grind higher next year, investors should not expect that Biden and the vaccine truly portend a “return to normalcy.” Key View #1: China’s Communist Party Turns 100, With Rising Headwinds Investors should ignore the hype about the Chinese Communist Party’s one hundredth birthday in 2021. Since 1997, the Chinese leadership has laid great emphasis on this “first centenary” as an occasion by which China should become a moderately prosperous society. This has been achieved. China is deep into a structural economic transition that holds out a much more difficult economic, social, and political future. Chart 7China: Less Money, More Problems The big day, July 1, will be celebrated with a speech by General Secretary Xi Jinping in which he reiterates the development goals of the five-year plan. This plan – which doubles down on import substitution and the aggressive tech acquisition campaign – will be finalized in March, along with Xi’s yet-to-be released vision for 2035, which marks the halfway point to the “second centenary,” 2049, the hundredth birthday of the regime. Xi’s 2035 goals may contain some surprises but the Communist Party’s policy frameworks should be seen as “best laid plans” that are likely to be overturned by economic and geopolitical realities. It was easier for the country to meet its political development targets during the period of rapid industrialization from 1979-2008. Now China is deep into a structural economic transition that holds out a much more difficult economic, social, and political future. Potential growth is slowing with the graying of society and the country is making a frantic dash, primarily through technology acquisition, to boost productivity and keep from falling into the “middle income trap” (Chart 7). Total debt levels have surged as Beijing attempts to make this transition smoothly, without upsetting social stability. Households and the government are taking on a greater debt load to maintain aggregate demand while the government tries to force the corporate sector to deleverage in fits and starts (Chart 8). The deleveraging process is painful and coincides with a structural transition away from export-led manufacturing. Beijing likely believes it has already led de-industrialization proceed too quickly, given the huge long-term political risks of this process, as witnessed in the US and UK. The fourteenth five-year plan hints that the authorities will give manufacturing a reprieve from structural reform efforts (Chart 9). Chart 8China Struggles To Dismount Debt Bubble Chart 9China Will Slow De-Industrialization, Stoking Protectionism Chart 10China Already Reining In Stimulus A premature resumption of deleveraging heightens domestic economic risks. The trade war and then the pandemic forced the Xi administration to abandon its structural reform plans temporarily and drastically ease monetary, fiscal, and credit policy to prevent a recession. Almost immediately the danger of asset bubbles reared its head again. Because the regime is focused on containing systemic financial risk, it has already begun tightening monetary policy as the nation heads into 2021 – even though the rest of the world has not fully recovered from the pandemic (Chart 10). The risk of over-tightening is likely to be contained, since Beijing has no interest in undermining its own recovery. But the risk is understated in financial markets at the moment and, combined with American fiscal risks due to gridlock, this familiar Chinese policy tug-of-war poses a clear risk to the global recovery and emerging market assets next year. Far more important than the first centenary, or even General Secretary Xi’s 2035 vision, is the impending leadership rotation in 2022. Xi was originally supposed to step down at this time – instead he is likely to take on the title of party chairman, like Mao, and aims to stay in power till 2035 or thereabouts. He will consolidate power once again through a range of crackdowns – on political rivals and corruption, on high-flying tech and financial companies, on outdated high-polluting industries, and on ideological dissenters. Beijing must have a stable economy going into its five-year national party congresses, and 2022 is no different. But that goal has largely been achieved through this year’s massive stimulus and the discovery of a global vaccine. In a risk-on environment, the need for economic stability poses a downside risk for financial assets since it implies macro-prudential actions to curb bubbles. The 2017 party congress revealed that Xi sees policy tightening as a key part of his policy agenda and power consolidation. In short, the critical twentieth congress in 2022 offers no promise of plentiful monetary and credit stimulus (Chart 11). All investors can count on is the minimum required for stability. This is positive for emerging markets at the moment, but less so as the lagged effects of this year’s stimulus dissipate. Chart 11No Promise Of Major New Stimulus For Party Congress 2022 Not only will Chinese domestic policy uncertainty remain underestimated, but geopolitical risk will also do so. Superficially, Beijing had a banner year in 2020. It handled the coronavirus better than other countries, especially the US, thus advertising Xi Jinping’s centralized and statist governance model. President Trump lost the election. Regardless of why Trump lost, his trade war precipitated a manufacturing slowdown that hit the Rust Belt in 2019, before the virus, and his loss will warn future presidents against assaulting China’s economy head-on, at least in their first term. All of this is worth gold in Chinese domestic politics. Chart 12China’s Image Suffered In Spite Of Trump Internationally, however, China’s image has collapsed – and this is in spite of Trump’s erratic and belligerent behavior, which alienated most of the world and the US’s allies (Chart 12). Moreover, despite being the origin of COVID-19, China’s is one of the few economies that thrived this year. Its global manufacturing share rose. While delaying and denying transparency regarding the virus, China accused other countries of originating the virus, and unleashed a virulent “wolf warrior” diplomacy, a military standoff with India, and a trade war with Australia. The rest of Asia will be increasingly willing to take calculated risks to counterbalance China’s growing regional clout, and international protectionist headwinds will persist. The United States will play a leading part in this process. Sino-American strategic tensions have grown relentlessly for more than a decade, especially since Xi Jinping rose to power, as is evident from Chinese treasury holdings (Chart 13). The Biden administration will naturally seek a diplomatic “reset” and a new strategic and economic dialogue with China. But Biden has already indicated that he intends to insist on China’s commitments under Trump’s “phase one” trade deal. He says he will keep Trump’s sweeping Section 301 tariffs in place, presumably until China demonstrates improvement on the intellectual property and tech transfer practices that provided the rationale for the tariffs. Biden’s victory in the Rust Belt ensures that he cannot revert to the pre-Trump status quo. Indeed Biden amplifies the US strategic challenge to China’s rise because he is much more likely to assemble a “grand alliance” or “coalition of the willing” focused on constraining China’s illiberal and mercantilist policies. Even the combined economic might of a western coalition is not enough to force China to abandon its statist development model, but it would make negotiations more likely to be successful on the West’s more limited and transactional demands (Chart 14). Chart 13The US-China Divorce Pre-Dates And Post-Dates Trump Chart 14Biden's Grand Alliance A Danger To China The Taiwan Strait is ground zero for US-China geopolitical tensions. The US is reviving its right to arm Taiwan for the sake of its self-defense, but the US commitment is questionable at best – and it is this very uncertainty that makes a miscalculation more likely and hence conflict a major tail risk (Chart 15). True, Beijing has enormous economic leverage over Taiwan, and it is fresh off a triumph of imposing its will over Hong Kong, which vindicates playing the long game rather than taking any preemptive military actions that could prove disastrous. Nevertheless, Xi Jinping’s reassertion of Beijing and communism is driving Taiwanese popular opinion away from the mainland, resulting in a polarizing dynamic that will be extremely difficult to bridge (Chart 16). If China comes to believe that the Biden administration is pursuing a technological blockade just as rapidly and resolutely as the Trump administration, then it could conclude that Taiwan should be brought to heel sooner rather than later. Chart 15US Boosts Arms Sales To Taiwan Chart 16Taiwan Strait Risk Will Explode If Biden Seeks Tech Blockade Bottom Line: On a secular basis, China faces rising domestic economic risks and rising geopolitical risk. Given the rally in Chinese currency and equities in 2021, the downside risk is greater than the upside risk of any fleeting “diplomatic reset” with the United States. Emerging markets will benefit from China’s stimulus this year but will suffer from its policy tightening over time. Key View #2: The US “Pivot To Asia” Is Back On … And Runs Through Iran Most likely President-elect Biden will face gridlock at home. His domestic agenda largely frustrated, he will focus on foreign policy. Given his old age, he may also be a one-term president, which reinforces the need to focus on the achievable. He will aim to restore the Obama administration’s foreign policy, the chief features of which were the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran and the “Pivot to Asia.” The US is limited by the need to pivot to Asia, while Iran is limited by the risk of regime failure. A deal should be agreed. The purpose of the Iranian deal was to limit Iran’s nuclear and regional ambitions, stabilize Iraq, create a semblance of regional balance, and thus enable American military withdrawal. The US could have simply abandoned the region, but Iran’s ensuing supremacy would have destabilized the region and quickly sucked the US back in. The newly energy independent US needed a durable deal. Then it could turn its attention to Asia Pacific, where it needed to rebuild its strategic influence in the face of a challenger that made Iran look like a joke (Chart 17). Chart 17The "Pivot To Asia" In A Nutshell It is possible for Biden to revive the Iranian deal, given that the other five members of the agreement have kept it afloat during the Trump years. Moreover, since it was always an executive deal that lacked Senate approval, Biden can rejoin unilaterally. However, the deal largely expires in 2025 – and the Trump administration accurately criticized the deal’s failure to contain Iran’s missile development and regional ambitions. Therefore Biden is proposing a renegotiation. This could lead to an even greater US-Iran engagement, but it is not clear that a robust new deal is feasible. Iran can also recommit to the old deal, having taken only incremental steps to violate the deal after the US’s departure – manifestly as leverage for future negotiations. Of course, the Iranians are not likely to give up their nuclear program in the long run, as nuclear weapons are the golden ticket to regime survival. Libya gave up its nuclear program and was toppled by NATO; North Korea developed its program into deliverable nuclear weapons and saw an increase in stature. Iran will continue to maintain a nuclear program that someday could be weaponized. Nevertheless, Tehran will be inclined to deal with Biden. President Hassan Rouhani is a lame duck, his legacy in tatters due to Trump, but his final act in office could be to salvage his legacy (and his faction’s hopes) by overseeing a return to the agreement prior to Iran’s presidential election in June. From Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s point of view, this would be beneficial. He also needs to secure his legacy, but as he tries to lay the groundwork for his power succession, Iran faces economic collapse, widespread social unrest, and a potentially explosive division between the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps and the more pragmatic political faction hoping for economic opening and reform. Iran needs a reprieve from US maximum pressure, so Khamenei will ultimately rejoin a limited nuclear agreement if it enables the regime to live to fight another day. In short, the US is limited by the need to pivot to Asia, while Iran is limited by the risk of regime failure. A deal should be agreed. But this is precisely why conflict could erupt in 2021. First, either in Trump’s final days in office or in the early days of the Biden administration, Israel could take military action – as it has likely done several times this year already – to set back the Iranian nuclear program and try to reinforce its own long-term security. Second, the Biden administration could decide to utilize the immense leverage that President Trump has bequeathed, resulting in a surprisingly confrontational stance that would push Iran to the brink. This is unlikely but it may be necessary due to the following point. Third, China and Russia could refuse to cooperate with the US, eliminating the prospect of a robust renegotiation of the deal, and forcing Biden to choose between accepting the shabby old deal or adopting something similar to Trump’s maximum pressure. China will probably cooperate; Russia is far less certain. Beijing knows that the US intention in Iran is to free up strategic resources to revive the US position in Asia, but it has offered limited cooperation on Iran and North Korea because it does not have an interest in their acquiring nuclear weapons and it needs to mitigate US hostility. Biden has a much stronger political mandate to confront China than he does to confront Iran. Assuming that the Israelis and Saudis can no more prevent Biden’s détente with Iran than they could Obama’s, the next question will be whether Biden effectively shifts from a restored Iranian deal to shoring up these allies and partners. He can possibly build on the Abraham Accords negotiated by the Trump administration smooth Israeli ties with the Arab world. The Middle East could conceivably see a semblance of balance. But not in 2021. The coming year will be the rocky transition phase in which the US-Iran détente succeeds or fails. Chart 18Oil Market Share War Preceded The Last US-Iran Deal Chart 19Still, Base Case Is For Rising Oil Prices Chart 20Biden Needs A Credible Threat The lead-up to the 2015 Iranian deal saw a huge collapse in global oil prices due to a market share war with Saudi Arabia, Russia, and the US triggered by US shale production and Iranian sanctions relief (Chart 18). This was despite rising global demand and the emergence of the Islamic State in Iraq. In 2021, global demand will also be reviving and Iraq, though not in the midst of full-scale war, is still unstable. OPEC 2.0 could buckle once again, though Moscow and Riyadh already confirmed this year that they understand the devastating consequences of not cooperating on production discipline. Our Commodity and Energy Strategy projects that the cartel will continue to operate, thus drawing down inventories (Chart 19). The US and/or Israel will have to establish a credible military threat to ensure that Iran is in check, and that will create fireworks and geopolitical risks first before it produces any Middle Eastern balance (Chart 20). Bottom Line: The US and Iran are both driven to revive the 2015 nuclear deal by strategic needs. Whether a better deal can be negotiated is less likely. The return to US-Iran détente is a source of geopolitical risk in 2021 though it should ultimately succeed. The lower risk of full-scale war is negative for global oil prices but OPEC 2.0 cartel behavior will be the key determiner. The cartel flirted with disaster in 2020 and will most likely hang together in 2021 for the sake of its members’ domestic stability. Key View #3: Europe Wins The US Election Chart 21Europe Won The US Election The European Union has not seen as monumental of a challenge from anti-establishment politicians over the past decade as have Britain and America. The establishment has doubled down on integration and solidarity. Now Europe is the big winner of the US election. Brussels and Berlin no longer face a tariff onslaught from Trump, a US-instigated global trade war, or as high of a risk of a major war in the Middle East. Biden’s first order of business will be reviving the trans-Atlantic alliance. Financial markets recognize that Europe is the winner and the euro has finally taken off against the dollar over the past year. European industrials and small caps outperformed during the trade war as well as COVID-19, a bullish signal (Chart 21). Reinforcing this trend is the fact that China is looking to court Europe and reduce momentum for an anti-China coalition. The center of gravity in Europe is Germany and 2021 faces a major transition in German politics. Chancellor Angela Merkel will step down at long last. Her Christian Democratic Union is favored to retain power after receiving a much-needed boost for its handling of this year’s crisis (Chart 22), although the risk of an upset and change of ruling party is much greater than consensus holds. Chart 22German Election Poses Political Risk, Not Investment Risk However, from an investment point of view, an upset in the German election is not very concerning. A left-wing coalition would take power that would merely reinforce the shift toward more dovish fiscal policy and European solidarity. Either way Germany will affirm what France affirmed in 2017, and what France is on track to reaffirm in 2022: that the European project is intact, despite Brexit, and evolving to address various challenges. The European project is intact, despite Brexit, and evolving to address various challenges. This is not to say that European elections pose no risk. In fact, there will be upsets as a result of this year’s crisis and the troubled aftermath. The countries with upcoming elections – or likely snap elections in the not-too-distant future, like Spain and Italy – show various levels of vulnerability to opposition parties (Chart 23). Chart 23Post-COVID EU Elections Will Not Be A Cakewalk Chart 24Immigration Tailwind For Populism Subsided The chief risks to Europe stem from fiscal normalization and instability abroad. Regime failures in the Middle East and Africa could send new waves of immigration, and high levels of immigration have fueled anti-establishment politics over the past decade. Yet this is not a problem at the moment (Chart 24). And even more so than the US, the EU has tightened border enforcement and control over immigration (Chart 25). This has enabled the political establishment to save itself from populist discontent. The other danger for Europe is posed by Russian instability. In general, Moscow is focusing on maintaining domestic stability amid the pandemic and ongoing economic austerity, as well as eventual succession concerns. However, Vladimir Putin’s low approval rating has often served as a warning that Russia might take an external action to achieve some limited national objective and instigate opposition from the West, which increases government support at home (Chart 26). Chart 25Europe Tough On Immigration Like US Chart 26Warning Sign That Russia May Lash Out Chart 27Russian Geopolitical Risk Premium Rising The US Democratic Party is also losing faith in engagement with Russia, so while it will need to negotiate on Iran and arms reduction, it will also seek to use sanctions and democracy promotion to undermine Putin’s regime and his leverage over Europe. The Russian geopolitical risk premium will rise, upsetting an otherwise fairly attractive opportunity relative to other emerging markets (Chart 27). Bottom Line: The European democracies have passed a major “stress test” over the past decade. The dollar will fall relative to the euro, in keeping with macro fundamentals, though it will not be supplanted as the leading reserve currency. Europe and the euro will benefit from the change of power in Washington, and a rise in European political risks will still be minor from a global point of view. Russia and the ruble will suffer from a persistent risk premium. Investment Takeaways As the “Year of the Rat” draws to a close, geopolitical risk and global policy uncertainty have come off the boil and safe haven assets have sold off. Yet geopolitical risk will remain elevated in 2021. The secular drivers of the dramatic rise in this risk since 2008 have not been resolved. To play the above themes and views, we are initiating the following strategic investment recommendations: Long developed market equities ex-US – US outperformance over DM has reached extreme levels and the global economic cycle and post-pandemic revival will favor DM-ex-US. Long emerging market equities ex-China – Emerging markets will benefit from a falling dollar and commodity recovery. China has seen the good news but now faces the headwinds outlined above. Long European industrials relative to global – European equities stand to benefit from the change of power in Washington, US-China decoupling, and the global recovery. Long Mexican industrials versus emerging markets – Mexico witnessed the rise of an American protectionist and a landslide election in favor of a populist left-winger. Now it has a new trade deal with the US and the US is diversifying from China, while its ruling party faces a check on its power via midterm elections, and, regardless, has maintained orthodox economic policy. Long Indian equities versus Chinese – Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a single party majority, four years on his political clock, and has recommitted to pro-productivity structural reforms. The nation is taking more concerted action in pursuit of economic development since strategic objectives in South Asia cannot be met without greater dynamism. The US, Japan, Australia, and other countries are looking to develop relations as they diversify from China. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com
Highlights In the first nine months of 2020, China's capital outflows, measured by the Balance of Payments (BoP) data, have been the largest since 2016. Unlike 2016, the outflows are mainly driven by a strategic accumulation of foreign currency (FX) assets by domestic entities rather than capital flight. Chinese banks may have been using some of their FX holdings and transactions to slow the pace in the RMB appreciation. The RMB can still devalue relative to the USD in the next two months, but in the next 6-12 months, the RMB should continue to revert to its pre-trade war value. Feature Chart 1Large Capital Outflows Despite A Strong RMB China’s official BoP data imply that approximately $200 billion capital left the country in the first three quarters of the year, the largest amount since 20161 (Chart 1). The large capital outflows occurred when China’s post COVID-19 economic recovery was strengthening, the current account surplus was surging, and both direct and portfolio investment flows were net positive. Moreover, unlike 2015-16 when capital outflows were driven by, and in turn, reinforced the depreciation in the Chinese currency, the RMB has been strengthening against the USD. In this report, we examine China’s BoP data and related figures, and use the framework from a previous Special Report to assess China’s capital outflows.2 Our research shows that at least a good portion of the capital outflows was likely an effort by Chinese policymakers to slow the pace of the RMB’s appreciation against a basket of its trading partners’ currencies. A Puzzling BoP Picture Official BoP data shows that China’s current account surplus was $170 billion in the first three quarters of this year, and net FDI and portfolio flows totaled at $54 billion. The surplus has been mostly offset by an estimated $155 billion of “Other Investment” outflow in the non-reserve FX account and $53 billion in Net Errors and Omissions (Table 1). Table 1China’s Balance Of Payments During the 2015-16 period, large outflows were driven by reduced foreign inflows, domestic firms paying down US dollar debt, and enterprises and households moving their assets overseas. This time, however, the outflows appear to be largely government driven and strategic FX asset accumulations, and most likely through Chinese state-owned banks and institutional investors. Chart 2FX Settlement Has Been Net Positive Chart 2 shows a positive net FX settlement rate by banks on behalf of clients. This means more non-financial enterprises (such as exporters and investors) sold their foreign exchange holdings to banks than bought foreign exchange from banks. This is drastically different from the deep contraction in the net settlement data following the RMB devaluation in August 2015. Chart 3 also highlights that the level of Chinese firms’ short-term foreign obligations (outstanding foreign currency loans, trade credit and liquid deposits) has remained steady this year. This implies that domestic firms are not rushing to pay off their external debt as was the case in 2015/16. Chart 3Chinese Firms Are Not Rushing To Pay Off External Debt Chart 4Relatively Low Level Of Illicit Capital Outflows Moreover, service trade deficits from outbound tourism have narrowed substantially due to international travel restrictions, which have made it difficult for Chinese residents to move capital out of the country. Additionally, the illicit capital outflows through import over-invoicing are very low (Chart 4). Hence, a large negative reading in the “Other Investment” and “Net Errors and Omission” categories implies an accumulation of FX assets by China’s banks and intuitional investors. The net FX asset accumulation by commercial banks was $117 billion in the first nine months, largely offsetting the $170 billion current account surplus in the same period. A closer examination of BoP data also shows that in June the PBoC recorded a $118 billion fund transfer from a FX asset balance sheet, which has otherwise been flat over the past five years. It is unclear where the funds have gone, but coincidently the amount matches a $118 billion outflow in the BoP’s non-reserve FX assets during the same quarter (Chart 5). China’s non-reserve FX assets3 are mostly in offshore investment and lending, which is intermediated by a small group of state-owned entities. Given that external lending through China’s banks and financial institutions has slowed in the post-COVID-19 environment, direct and portfolio investments must have been the main sources of the FX asset accumulation (Chart 6). Chart 5Unexplained FX Fund Transactions Chart 6No Sign Of Extended Loans Or Trade Credit Capital Outflows As An Exchange Rate Stabilizer The sharp rise in the trade surplus and foreign capitals into China’s bond market this year explains the upward pressure on the RMB. Chinese policymakers may have been trying to slow the pace of appreciation in the RMB through a build-up in strategic FX assets by large state-owned banks and other financial institutions. Following the devaluation of the RMB in August 2015, China had to liquidate a quarter of its official FX reserves to defend the currency. The rapid depletion in the official reserves fueled market jitters and reinforced the RMB depreciation. The FX assets held by China’s state-owned banks and institutional investors, on the other hand, can mostly fly under the radar and, in recent years, may have become the policymakers’ preferred channel of regulating fluctuations in the currency market. We tested this theory by assessing the relationship between the net FX purchases by China’s banks and the RMB exchange rate against the USD and a basket of its trading partners’ currencies (measured by the CFETS index). The latter is the exchange rate reference regime that China switched to in 2017.4 The official “net FX settlement by bank itself” data series represents the difference between the banks’ purchases and sales of foreign exchange in the interbank system. We exclude settlements and sales by banks on behalf of clients to filter out the demand for FX from enterprises and households. Chart 7 shows that, prior to 2018, the banks’ net FX purchases ticked up when the RMB appreciated against the USD, and banks sold more FX when the USD rose against the RMB. The interventions intended to slow the market move in either direction to keep the USD/CNY exchange rate swings within the PBoC’s comfort zone. Chart 7Banks' Net FX Transactions Moved Closely With USD/CNY Until 2018 Chart 8Since 2018 China Targeted A Basket Of Currencies Interestingly, the tight relationship loosened somewhat after 2018. On several occasions, banks made more FX purchases even when the RMB was weakening against the USD. It appears that since US tariffs on Chinese goods began in 2018, Chinese policymakers have been more willing to allow market forces drive down the RMB in relation to the USD. Meanwhile, China has targeted a relatively stable value of the RMB against a basket of its trading partners’ currencies in the CFETS index. As Chart 8 (top panel) illustrates, since 2018, net FX purchases by Chinese banks have been more tightly correlated with the spread between the CNY/USD exchange rate and the CFETS index (both rebased to December 2014=100). When the RMB falls relative to the USD but not by enough to slow its increase against other trading partners, China’s banks would ramp up their FX purchases to push down the CNY/USD exchange rate or raise the value of other currencies in the CFETS basket (Chart 8, bottom panel). Investment Conclusions Chart 9Mean Reversion In The USD/CNY Will Continue The market sentiment has been overwhelmingly bullish on RMB. Partially, the CNY/USD market has been pricing in the possibility of a Biden administration in the US, and improved Sino-US relations. In our view, the RMB has not moved into outright expensive territory and will continue to revert to its pre-trade war value against the USD in the next 6-12 months (Chart 9). In the next two months, however, the RMB may still give back some of this year’s gains against the USD. A contested US election may bring negative surprises to the global financial markets. The COVID-19 pandemic also remains a headwind in Europe and North America until a vaccine is widely available. As such, the USD will likely have a near-term countercyclical rebound. In fact, a depreciation in the RMB would be a boon to China’s domestic economy as it currently faces disinflationary pressures. Meanwhile, the net FX settlement among Chinese banks has been trending sideways in the past three months, which signals that Chinese policymakers may be comfortable with the RMB’s current value. We think China will allow the RMB to appreciate against the USD as long as the RMB does not climb too rapidly against the basket of other major currencies. If the upward pressure on the RMB continues to push the CFETS index higher, then China may choose to step up its purchases of FX assets. Assets in Euro, the Japanese Yen, and the Korean Won may be high on the shopping list (Chart 10 and Chart 11). Chart 10China May Step Up Purchases Of Other Major Currencies Chart 11The CFETS RMB Index Composition Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com Qingyun Xu, CFA Senior Analyst qingyunx@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1Based on the Balance Of Payments methodology, short-term capital outflows = current account surplus + changes in reserve assets + direct investment ≈ net flows in portfolio investment + net flows in other investment + net errors & omissions. 2Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report "Monitoring Chinese Capital Outflows," dated March 20, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 3FX assets held at banks and financial institutions other than the PBoC. 4CFETS RMB Index refers to CFETS (China Foreign Exchange Trade System) currency basket, including CNY versus FX currency pairs listed on CFETS. The sample currency weight is calculated by international trade weight with adjustments of re-export trade factors. The sample currency value refers to the daily CNY Central Parity Rate and CNY reference rate. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
Chart Of The WeekInvestor Consensus Is Bearish On Dollar Today we are releasing another issue from our series Charts That Matter. Going forward, this publication will become a regular monthly deliverable to our clients. This is a charts-only report with minimal wording. It presents the key charts, indicators, and relationships that we monitor at the time of publication. Needless to say, the importance of different indicators and factors varies over time. Thus, each issue of Charts That Matter will present different charts, indicators and relationships. Presently, global assets are experiencing a tug-of-war. On the one hand, equity and credit markets are overbought and have elevated valuations. On the other hand, expectations of a large US fiscal stimulus package are sustaining prospects of continued US and global economic recoveries. We have been expecting a pullback in risk assets before year-end due to a delay in significant US fiscal stimulus, potential volatility around the US elections as well as overbought conditions in risk assets. In addition, since April commodities prices have benefited from China’s growth recovery as well as inventory restocking (see Charts on page 11). Given that the latter is likely to be followed by a destocking phase, we believe resource prices are at a risk of experiencing a setback. This will weigh on commodity-producing emerging markets. The correction in September has been short circuited. It seems the prospects of an eventual large US fiscal stimulus package, even if it is next year, and the ongoing recovery in China (Charts on pages 8-9) are sustaining a bid under risk assets. Besides, cash on the sidelines has not been fully exhausted (Charts on page 6). Consistently, we illustrate on pages 3 that various US equity indexes are presently trying to break out and that the US equity market breadth has recently been strong. In contrast, EM equity breadth has been very weak (Chart on page 4). The latest rebound in the EM equity index has been again narrow, led by mega-cap new economy stocks in China, Korea and Taiwan. Provided such poor EM equity breadth in both absolute terms and relative to the US, we are reluctant to upgrade EM equities from neutral to overweight in a global equity portfolio. As to absolute performance, the Charts on pages 12-18 illustrate that many market-based indicators are flagging yellow or red lights for EM risk assets. Even though we turned structurally bearish on the US dollar in early July, we currently expect a tactical rebound in the greenback. Investor sentiment on the greenback is very depressed, which is positive for the US dollar from a contrarian perspective (Chart of the Week on page 1). In short, global financial markets are due to reset, which will not be long-lasting but will be meaningful and produce a better entry point. For now, we maintain a neutral allocation to EM stocks and credit markets within global equity and credit portfolios, respectively. In the currency space, we are short several EM currencies – BRL, CLP, ZAR, TRY, KRW and IDR – versus a basket of the euro, CHF and JPY. As to local rates, we are long duration – receiving 10-year swap rates in several countries – but are reluctant to take on currency risk at the moment. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com US Equities Have Been Trading Well Various US equity indexes have broken out to new cyclical highs. This is a sign of a broad-based rally. Chart I-1US Equities Have Been Trading Well Chart I-2US Equities Have Been Trading Well Equity Market Breadth Is Strong In The US But Poor In EM The advance-decline line for the US equity market has rebounded from the neutral level of 0.5. On the contrary, the same measure for EM stocks remains below the 0.5 line, signaling poor breadth despite the rebound in the EM equity index. Chart I-3Equity Market Breadth Is Strong In The US But Poor In EM The World Economy And Global Trade Are Reviving Economic data for September continue to register a sequential revival in business activity in most parts of the world. Chart I-4The World Economy And Global Trade Are Reviving Chart I-5The World Economy And Global Trade Are Reviving The US: Cash On The Sidelines Has Declined But Is Not Exhausted US institutional and money market funds presently amount to 8.5% of the value of the US equity market cap plus all US-dollar denominated bonds available to investors. The Fed and commercial banks hold $11 trillion of debt securities. This amount of securities has been withdrawn from the market and is not available to non-bank investors. Chart I-6The US: Cash On The Sidelines Has Declined But Is Not Exhausted Chart I-7The US: Cash On The Sidelines Has Declined But Is Not Exhausted A Delay In The US Fiscal Stimulus Package Is A Risk to The US Economy US fiscal transfers have produced a surge in household disposable income, which through consumer spending have contributed to the global recovery via a widening trade deficit. In the absence of large fiscal transfers to consumers, the opposite dynamics will prevail. Chart I-8A Delay In The US Fiscal Stimulus Package Is A Risk to The US Economy Chart I-9A Delay In The US Fiscal Stimulus Package Is A Risk to The US Economy The Business Cycle In China Is Recovering China’s domestic demand and production are recovering but labor market improvements are still timid. Chart I-10The Business Cycle In China Is Recovering Chart I-11The Business Cycle In China Is Recovering China: The Stimulus Is Working Its Way Into The Economy In China, the credit and fiscal stimulus leads the business cycle by about nine months. Thereby, China’s recovery will continue until the end of Q2 2021. Chart I-12China: The Stimulus Is Working Its Way Into The Economy Chart I-13China: The Stimulus Is Working Its Way Into The Economy China: Liquidity Tightening Has Not Yet Affected Money And Credit Growth The PBoC has withdrawn liquidity, pushing up the policy rate and bond yields. With a time lag, money and credit growth will eventually roll over. But for now, China is enjoying another period of credit splurge and the credit excesses are getting larger. Chart I-14China: Liquidity Tightening Has Not Yet Affected Money And Credit Growth Chart I-15China: Liquidity Tightening Has Not Yet Affected Money And Credit Growth China: From Commodities Restocking To Destocking? Chinese imports of many commodities have been super strong since April. However, they have substantially outpaced their final demand. This suggests there has been an inventory restocking phase. This will likely soon be followed by a period of destocking when Chinese imports of resources dwindle for several months. Chart I-16China: From Commodities Restocking To Destocking? Chart I-17China: From Commodities Restocking To Destocking? Red Flags For EM Currencies The rollover in platinum prices and pick-up in EM currency volatility (shown inverted on the bottom panel) point to a rebound in the US dollar and a relapse in EM exchange rates. Chart I-18Red Flags For EM Currencies Yellow Flags For EM Equities The new cyclical high in EM share prices has not been confirmed by a new low in EM equity volatility (the latter shown inverted in the top panel). Moreover, our Risk-On/Safe-Haven Currency ratio has been trending lower since June, flagging risks to EM assets. Finally, global ex-TMT stocks are struggling to break above their June highs. Chart I-19Yellow Flags For EM Equities EM Sovereign And Corporate Spreads, Currencies, Equities And Commodities Commodities prices and EM currencies drive EM sovereign and corporate spreads while EM corporate bond yields (shown inverted in the bottom panel) correlate with EM share prices. Chart I-20EM Sovereign And Corporate Spreads, Currencies, Equities And Commodities Many Currencies Against The US Dollar Are At Critical Resistances If these currencies break out of these technical resistance levels, they will experience a lasting appreciation versus the US dollar. However, in our view, they will initially weaken before breaking out next year. Chart I-21Many Currencies Against The US Dollar Are At Critical Resistances Chart I-22Many Currencies Against The US Dollar Are At Critical Resistances Are Global Defensive Equity Sectors On A Cusp Of Outperformance? Many defensive equity sectors have reached or are close to their technical support lines. Their outperformance will likely occur during a risk-off period. Chart I-23Are Global Defensive Equity Sectors On A Cusp Of Outperformance? Chart I-24Are Global Defensive Equity Sectors On A Cusp Of Outperformance? These Markets Have Not Yet Entered A Bull Market These markets have rebounded to their technical resistance lines but have so far failed to break out. This gives us comfort to remain neutral on EM by expecting a pullback. Chart I-25These Markets Have Not Yet Entered A Bull Market Chart I-26These Markets Have Not Yet Entered A Bull Market Risk Measures Signal Modest Investor Complacency The SKEW index for the S&P 500 is low, entailing that investors are not hedging tail risks. The put-call ratio is not elevated despite many investors hedging against the US election uncertainty. Critically, the Nasdaq’s volatility is in a bull market. Chart I-27Risk Measures Signal Modest Investor Complacency Chart I-28Risk Measures Signal Modest Investor Complacency EM (ex-China, Korea And Taiwan): The Recovery Is Sluggish And Subdued Outside China, Korea and Taiwan, EM domestic demand recovery is very slow and tame. In these economies, the fiscal stimulus has been small, the banking system is unhealthy and the monetary transmission mechanism is broken, i.e. banks are failing to properly transmit monetary easing into the real economy. Chart I-29EM (ex-China, Korea And Taiwan): The Recovery Is Sluggish And Subdued Chart I-30EM (ex-China, Korea And Taiwan): The Recovery Is Sluggish And Subdued Footnotes Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations
Kenya: An Incomplete Adjustment The Kenyan shilling will depreciate by 15-20% in the next 12 months. The downward pressure on the currency stems from the country’s sizeable current account deficit. In addition, Kenya needs lower local interest rates and a weaker exchange rate to boost nominal growth and stabilize public debt dynamics. Kenya has gone through an extensive macro adjustment since 2015 when the current account deficit was 10% of GDP and the primary fiscal deficit was 8% of GDP. Since then the current account deficit has narrowed to 6% of GDP as the private sector deleveraged and fiscal policy tightened substantially over the past 3-years (Chart I-1, top panel). Remarkably, the primary fiscal deficit has narrowed to a mere 0.4% of GDP as of June 2020 (Chart I-1, bottom panel). Yet, the macro adjustment is incomplete with a lingering current account deficit and public debt on an unsustainable path. Further, economic growth is extremely weak (Chart I-2). Crucially, core inflation is at 2% - an all-time low, suggesting that low inflation/deflationary pressures is the main problem in Kenya (Chart I-3). Chart I-1Kenya: The Twin Deficits Remains Large Chart I-2Kenya: Tame Domestic Growth In this context, the optimal policy choice for Kenya is to reduce local interest rates, while allowing the currency to depreciate. This will reduce the interest burden on public debt, boost both economic activity (real growth) and inflation as well as make exports more competitive. Balance Of Payments Strains Persist Kenya’s balance of payments will weigh on the currency in the next 6-9 months. While improving, its exports will remain tame over the next 6-12 months. The volume of tea, horticulture and coffee exports, which account for about 50% of total Kenyan exports, has rebounded. Yet, their prices have failed to rebound meaningfully. Meanwhile, substantial fiscal tightening – an 11% drop in government non-interest nominal expenditures – has led to a collapse in imports (Chart I-4). If and when fiscal policy is relaxed, it will boost imports weighing on the trade balance. Chart I-3Kenya Suffers From Low Inflation Chart I-4Tight Fiscal Policy = Weak Domestic Demand Chart I-5Kenya Is Losing Market Share In Export Markets The biggest headwind to the balance of payments has been the drastic fall in both tourism revenues and remittances. Combined, they represent around $4 billion (4.2% of GDP). It is unlikely that international travel will resume in the next six months. Remittances will also remain subdued in the coming months as unemployment rates remain elevated worldwide. Kenya has been losing its export market share in neighboring countries such as Uganda and Tanzania (Chart I-5). Hence, this nation needs to improve its competitiveness via tolerating a cheaper currency and undertaking structural reforms to bolster productivity growth. FDI inflows have been subdued. In the near term, FDI inflows will be discouraged by very weak domestic demand. Critically, the outlook for Chinese FDI inflows into the country remains uncertain due to the debacle with previous China-financed projects in Kenya. In particular, Kenyan courts declared the construction contract awarded to the China Road and Bridge Corporation for the Nairobi-Mombasa railway illegal.1 This impasse between Kenyan courts and Chinese companies could for now dissuade financing and investment from China. In the medium term, international organizations such as the IMF and World Bank could step in to fill in for Chinese investments. As recent financing by the World Bank and IMF of $1.74 billion (1.9% of GDP) to Kenya suggest, the US might be enticed alongside European nations to step in to fill the vacuum left by the withdrawal of China’s financial backing. However, this might take some time and there will be shortage in foreign financing in the coming months. Chart I-6Kenya Lacks Foreign Exchange Reserves Finally, another risk is the considerable amount of foreign debt obligations (FDOs) and the lack of foreign currency reserves at the central bank to meet these obligations (Chart I-6). Kenya’s FDOs in the next 12 months are about $6 billion, while the central bank has only $8.8 billion of foreign exchange reserves. In this case, FDOs measure the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months. Bottom Line: The exchange rate will continue facing depreciation pressures. The optimal policy for the central bank will be to allow the currency to weaken meaningfully and to reduce interest rates rather than use high interest rates or deplete its foreign exchange reserves to defend the exchange rate. Public Debt Sustainability Despite substantial fiscal tightening, Kenya’s public debt trajectory remains worrisome. Two prerequisites for capping the rise in the public debt-to-GDP ratio are (1) running continuous primary fiscal surpluses and (2) for local government borrowing costs to be below nominal GDP growth. Neither of these two are presently satisfied in Kenya. Crucially, interest payments are taking up a quarter of overall government revenues (Chart I-7). This necessitates considerably lower domestic interest rates to reduce this ratio. In brief, public debt sustainability hinges on the central bank reducing local borrowing costs, which will both boost nominal growth/government revenues and lower interest costs of public debt. The government of President Uhuru Kenyatta announced a new budget in June (for the period of July 1, 2020 to June 30, 2021) with a projected primary deficit of -3% and -1.8% of GDP, for 2020/21 and 2021/22 respectively (Chart I-1, bottom panel on page 1). Meanwhile, the new budget’s nominal annual growth projections for 2020/21 and 2021/22 are 10.6% and 11.5%, respectively. Chart I-8presents both the government’s as well as our projections for public debt dynamics until the end of 2022 based on assumptions for nominal GDP, government expenditures and revenues for the next two fiscal years. The public debt-to-GDP ratio will reach 75% of GDP in our scenario and 66% in the government’s scenario. Chart I-7Public Debt Servicing Costs Are High Chart I-8Kenya: Public Debt Will Continue To Rise The key difference between the two projections are expectations for nominal GDP and government revenue growth. If fiscal and monetary policy remain tight, nominal output growth will disappoint. Notably, broad money supply growth is tame (Chart I-9). Sluggish nominal growth risks derailing government revenue projections. Notably, recent comments by finance minister Ukur Yatani suggests that revenues have already begun underperforming government expectations in the first two months of the new fiscal year. On the whole, public debt will rise by more than what the government expects over the next two years as borrowing costs remain above nominal GDP growth (Chart I-10). Chart I-9Kenya: Weak Policy Response To Low Growth Chart I-10Kenya: Local Rates Are Above Nominal Growth Faced with the prospect of rising public debt dynamics over the next two years, the economically less painful response for policymakers is for the central bank to lower interest rates and to instruct domestic commercial banks to buy government domestic debt. This will boost nominal GDP growth and push local interest rates below nominal GDP growth. There is scope for the central bank to cut interest rates and allow the currency to depreciate without feeding into runaway inflation. Notably, core consumer price inflation excluding fuel and food items is presently at an all-time low, running below the lower bound of the central bank’s inflation target (Chart I-2 on page 2). Higher inflation also feeds into higher nominal growth, which is good for public debt dynamics. A weaker currency will augment the cost of servicing foreign debt. The latter accounts for 52% of public debt and 32% of GDP. However, a large share (65%) of foreign debt is owed to bilateral and multilateral creditors. This debt can be renegotiated/restructured, which would in turn benefit private creditors. Bottom Line: To stabilize public debt dynamics, local interest rates should be lowered considerably. This will increase nominal GDP and government revenue growth as well as lower debt servicing costs. In this scenario, currency will depreciate a lot. Investment Implications Faced with very depressed economic growth, very low inflation, unsustainable public debt dynamics and a wide current account deficit, the optimal policy for Kenya is to ease monetary policy dramatically and tolerate material currency depreciation. So long as the central bank does not reduce interest rates, the economy will continue to underwhelm, public debt dynamics will be worrisome and share prices will stumble (Chart I-11). Critically, as the public debt-to-GDP ratio continues rising, sovereign credit will underperform (Chart I-12). Chart I-11Weak Domestic Dynamics = Lower Share Prices Chart I-12Rising Public Debt Burden = Sovereign Credit Underperformance If and when the central bank brings interest rates down substantially, nominal growth will improve and share prices will fare well. Lower domestic borrowing costs and higher nominal GDP growth will help stabilize public debt dynamics. In such a scenario, EM sovereign credit portfolios should overweight the nation’s US dollar bonds. The Kenyan shilling also is set to depreciate materially. If the government embarks on this macro adjustment early, currency depreciation could be gradual. If the government delays this macro adjustment and resists currency weakness by tolerating high interest rates, the exchange rate depreciation could be delayed, but will be abrupt and disorderly. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Nigeria: Devaluation As The Least-Worst Policy Choice Chart II-1Nigeria: Poor BoP Position The Nigerian naira is facing a considerable risk of major devaluation stemming from strains on its balance of payments (BoP). That said, the risk of a sovereign default is very low over the next 12-18 months. Nigeria suffers from large external imbalances in an environment of low oil prices and dreadful FDI inflows. The nation’s current account deficit is wide at 5% of GDP and its foreign currency (FX) reserves are low (Chart II-1). Importantly, oil prices have hit a critical technical resistance – their 200-day moving average – and have relapsed (Chart II-2). Global oil demand weakness stemming from some renewed tightening of lockdown measures will result in lower crude prices. We at BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy team expect Brent prices to be in a trading range of $35-$45 over the next 12 months.2 An Optimal Macro Adjustment A low oil price environment creates a dillemma for Nigeria’s policymakers given their limited FX reserves. They can either (i) draw down FX reserves to support the exchange rate, or (ii) preserve FX reserves and allow a major currency devaluation. So far, Nigerian authorities have avoided these options by resorting to strict capital controls and limiting imports. Yet, capital controls are derailing much needed foreign capital inflows in general and FDIs in particular. These capital account controls are also restricting the ability of domestic firms to access US dollars to service their foreign debt payments, undermining the confidence of foreign investors and multilateral creditors. Allowing currency depreciation is the least-worst macro policy solution. Propping up the currency by administrative restrictions amid low oil prices will foster various imbalances impeding the nation’s structural adjustments and its potential growth rate. Remarkably, Nigeria’s current account excluding oil has been structurally wide, a sign of weak domestic productivity and a non-competitive currency (Chart II-3). Chart II-2A Relapse In Oil Prices Is Likely Chart II-3Nigeria Has A Current Account Deficit Ex-Oil Bottom Line: Capital controls and import restrictions are impeding FDIs and productivity growth in this most populous African country (Chart II-4). While a steep devaluation will spur inflation in the short run, a cheapened currency and the abolishment of import and capital controls will help to attract foreign capital that the nation desperately needs. Running Out Of FX Reserves Critically, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) is running out of FX reserves: Nigeria’s foreign exchange (FX) reserves are very low at $35.6 billion. That compares with foreign debt obligations (FDOs) of $28 billion in the next 12 months and foreign funding requirements of $47 billion in the next 12 months (Chart II-5). Chart II-4Nigeria: Weak FDI = Low Productivity Chart II-5Nigeria: Large Foreign Funding Required In Next 12 Months FDOs measure the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months. Meanwhile, foreign funding requirements is the sum of the current account deficit and FDOs. FDI inflows were a mere $2.5 billion in 2019 compared with a $20 billion current account deficit. Along with foreign portfolio inflows, FDI inflows will remain depressed so long as capital controls persist. The FX reserves-to-broad money ratio currently stands at 0.4. A ratio below one indicates foreign currency reserves do not entirely cover currency in circulation and local currency deposits. How much should the exchange rate be devalued versus the US dollar for this ratio to reach 1? For the broad money supply coverage ratio to be equal to 1, the currency must depreciate by 56% against the US dollar. Bottom Line: CBN’s FX reserves are insufficient to maintain the current de-facto crawling currency peg in the long run. No Worries About Sovereign Credit For Now Chart II-6Nigeria: Low Public Debt Burden While the Nigerian government is reeling from lower oil prices, the likelihood of a sovereign default is presently low. Public debt is low, currently standing at 22.5% of GDP. Notably, foreign debt represents nearly 30% of overall public debt or 6.5% of GDP. Moreover, only 40% of external debt (3% of GDP) is owned to private foreign investors (Chart II-6). The rest is split between bilateral and multilateral creditors. Foreign bilateral and multilateral debt is easier to renegotiate. While overall (domestic and foreign) debt servicing costs have risen to 55% of government revenues, foreign currency debt servicing costs only represent 2% of overall revenues. Provided foreign public debt servicing is minimal, even a large currency depreciation will not make public debt dynamics unsustainable. Crucially, a substantial currency devaluation will ameliorate the fiscal position. A large share (about 55%) of fiscal revenues come from oil, i.e., they are in US dollars. Conversely, expenditures are in local currency terms. As a result, currency depreciation will boost revenues but not expenditures, narrowing the budget deficit. According to the newly revised budget for the 2020 fiscal year, fiscal spending will grow by 8.7% in nominal terms but most likely contract in real terms (Chart II-7). Overall, the fiscal balance will widen to 3.65% of GDP in 2020 according to government projections. In nutshell, policymakers refrained from large fiscal stimulus amid lockdown measures earlier this year. This is bad for the economy but positive for the trajectory of public debt. Finally, public debt dynamics are presently not worrisome with nominal GDP growth above local interest rates (Chart II-8). Chart II-7Nigeria Will Run Tight Fiscal Policy Chart II-8Nigeria: No Public Debt Sustainability Problem Bottom Line: The risk of a sovereign default is low in the coming years. The low starting points in both public debt levels and debt servicing costs will allow the government to boost fiscal spending to support the economy. Investment Implications Overall, a currency devaluation will help restore balance of payment dynamics without causing a major stress for sovereign credit. A 25-30% devaluation over the next 12 months will be the least-worst policy choice. Currency forwards are currently pricing a 20% depreciation in the naira versus the US dollar in next 12 months (Chart II-9). Yet, the average black market exchange rate, currently at around 470, implies almost a 25% discount from the current official rate. Sovereign credit spreads are presently tight (Chart II-10). Investors should consider buying Nigerian sovereign credit only after a substantial devaluation takes place. Chart II-9Naira Forwards Discount Will Widen With Lower Oil Prices Chart II-10Nigeria: Buy Sovereign Credit After Devaluation Finally, equity investors should continue avoiding the local bourse. Due to capital controls, the latter is uninvestable for now. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The standard gauge railways project built between the port city of Mombasa and its capital Nairobi has been heavily scrutinized by Kenyan authorities. After only three years of operation, the Kenyan Railways Company (KRC) has already defaulted on its loan from Chinese lenders. Kenyan courts have been arguing that Kenyan government and state-owned enterprises are facing sovereign risk over Chinese debt overhang. More than half of Kenya’s loans from China are attached to the construction of the Mombasa-Nairobi railway project. 2 This differs from BCA Commodity and Energy Strategy service’s expectation that Brent prices will average $65 in 2021.
Highlights EM domestic fundamentals, global trade and commodities prices, as well as global financial market themes are the main drivers of EM financial assets and currencies. The positive effect of improving global growth and rising commodity prices on EM currencies (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan) has been offset by these countries’ inferior domestic fundamentals. The odds of a near-term US dollar rebound are rising. This will likely produce a setback in EM currencies, fixed-income markets and equities. However, such a setback will likely prove to be a buying opportunity. Increased central bank intervention in asset markets may diminish the importance of fundamentals in determining the asset prices. Feature Chart I-1Unusual Divergences EM risk assets have done well in absolute terms but have underperformed their DM counterparts. This is unusual given the substantial weakness in the US dollar and the rally in commodities prices since April (Chart I-1). Until early this year, many commentators had argued that monetary policies of DM central banks were the principal drivers of EM financial markets. Given the zero interest rates and money printing that is prevalent in DM, the underperformance of EM equities and currencies is especially intriguing. Is this underperformance an aberration or is it fundamentally justified? What really drives EM performance? Back To Basics As we have argued over the years, EM risk assets and currencies are primarily driven by their domestic fundamentals, rather than by the actions and policies of the US Federal Reserve or the ECB. The critical determinant of EM stocks’ absolute as well as relative performance versus DM equities has been corporate profits. Chart I-2 illustrates that relative equity performance and relative EPS between EM and the US move in tandem, both in common and, critically, local currency terms. Similarly, the main reason why EM share prices in absolute terms have failed to deliver positive returns over the past 10 years is that their profits have been stagnant over the same period, even prior to the pandemic (Chart I-3). Interestingly, fluctuations in EM EPS resemble those of Korea’s exports. This reflects the importance of global growth in shaping EM profit trends. Chart I-2Corporate Profits Drive EM Absolute And Relative Performance Chart I-3EM EPS Has Been Flat For 10 Years The key drivers of EM risk assets and currencies have been and remain: 1. EM domestic fundamentals that can be encapsulated by a potential risk-adjusted return on capital. The latter is impacted by both cyclical and structural growth trajectories, as well as by the quality and composition of growth. Risks to growth can be gauged based on factors such as (but not limited to): productivity, wages, inflation, fiscal and balance of payment positions, the global economic and financial environment, and the health of the banking system. In EM (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan), the fundamentals remain challenging: The business cycle recovery is slower in these economies than it is in China and advanced economies. Fiscal stimulus has not been as large as in many advanced countries, while the pandemic situation has been worse. Their banking systems were already fragile before the pandemic, and have lately been hit by defaults stemming from the unprecedented recession. These governments have less room than in DM and China, to stimulate fiscally and bail out debtors and banks. Banks in EM (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan) will continue struggling for some time, and their ability to finance a new expansion cycle will, for now, remain constrained (Chart I-4). A restructuring of non-performing loans and a recapitalization of banks will be required to kick-start a new credit cycle in many of these economies. 2. Global growth, especially relating to China’s business cycle and commodities. The recovery in China since April, along with rising commodities prices have been positive for EM (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan). Given the substantial stimulus injected into the Chinese economy, its recovery will continue well into next year (Chart I-5). As a result, higher commodities prices will benefit resource producing economies by supporting their balance of payments and enhancing income growth. Chart I-4EM ex-China: Limited Bank Support For Growth Chart I-5China's Stimulus Entails More Upside In Commodity Prices 3. Global financial market themes: a search for yield and leadership of new economy stocks. Global investment themes have an important bearing on EM financial markets. For example, in recent years, the increased market cap of new economy and semiconductor stocks – due to an exponential rise in their share prices – has amplified their importance for the aggregate EM equity index. The largest six mega cap stocks in the EM benchmark are new economy and semiconductor companies, and make up about 25% of the EM MSCI market cap. The six FAANGM stocks presently account for about 25% of the S&P 500. Hence, the concentration risk in EM is as high as it is in the US. Consequently, the trajectory of new economy and semiconductor stocks globally will be essential to the performance of the EM equity index. On August 20, we published an in-depth Special Report assessing near-term and structural outlooks for global semiconductor stocks. With new economy and semiconductor share prices going parabolic worldwide, we are witnessing a full-fledged mania, as we discussed in our July 16 report. The equal-weighted US FAANGM stock index has risen by 24-fold in nominal and 20-fold in real (inflation-adjusted) terms, since January 1, 2010 (Chart I-6). Chart I-6History Of Manias Of Past Decades In brief, with respect to magnitude and duration, the bull market in FAANGM is on par with the bubbles of previous decades (Chart I-6). Those bubbles culminated in bear markets, where prices fell by at least 50% after topping out. Chart I-7EM ex-TMT Stocks: Absolute And Relative Performance We do not know when the FAANGM rally will end. Timing a reversal in a powerful bull market is impossible. Also, we are not certain about the magnitude of such a potential drawdown. Nevertheless, our message is that the risk-reward tradeoff of chasing FAANGM at this stage is very unattractive. Excluding technology, media and telecommunication (TMT) – as most growth stocks are a part of TMT– EM equities remain in a bear market (Chart I-7, top panel). In relative terms, EM ex-TMT stocks have massively underperformed their global peers (Chart I-7, bottom panel). Even with a larger weighting of mega-cap growth TMT stocks than the overall DM equity index, the aggregate EM equity index has underperformed the overall DM index. Bottom Line: EM domestic fundamentals, global trade and commodities prices, and global financial market themes are the main drivers of EM financial assets and currencies. What About The Dollar? The high correlation of the trade-weighted US dollar and EM equities is due to the following: (1) the greenback has been a countercyclical currency; and (2) the US dollar’s exchange rate against EM currencies reflects relative fundamentals in the US versus EM economies. When a global business cycle accelerates, the broad trade-weighted US dollar weakens. If this growth acceleration is led by China and other emerging economies, the greenback depreciates considerably versus EM currencies. The opposite is also true. In other words, the US dollar exchange rate’s strong negative correlation to EM equities is primarily due to the fact that the greenback’s exchange rates against EM currencies reflect both the global business cycle as well as EM growth and fundamentals. Chart I-8Divergence Between DM And EM Currencies In recent months, the greenback has: (1) depreciated due to the global economic recovery; (2) tumbled versus DM currencies due to the still raging pandemic and the socio-political instability in the US as well as the Fed’s commitment to staying behind the inflation curve in the years to come; and (3) not fallen much against EM (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan) currencies because their fundamentals have been poor, as discussed above. Bottom Line: Exchange rates in EM (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan) have failed to appreciate versus the dollar despite the latter’s plunge versus other DM currencies (Chart I-8). The positive effect of improving global growth and rising commodities prices on EM currencies (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan) has been offset by these countries’ inferior domestic fundamentals. Flows And Cash On The Sidelines Chart I-9Cash On The Sidelines Has Been Produced By The Fed's Debt Monetization What about capital flows? Aren’t they essential in driving EM financial markets? Of course, they are important. However, we view flows as resulting from and determined by fundamentals. Over the medium and long term, we assume that capital flows to regions where the return on capital is high or rising. Thus, we see ourselves as responsible for directing investors to those areas that we have identified as providing a high or rising return on capital (and cautioning investors when the opposite is true). The presumption is that beyond short-term volatility, investment flows will gravitate to countries/sectors/asset classes with high or rising returns on capital, just as they will abandon areas of low or falling returns on capital. In brief, fundamentals drive flows and flows determine asset price performance. Isn’t sizable cash on the sidelines a reason to be bullish? Yes, there is substantial cash on the sidelines. Along with zero short-term rates, this has been the potent force leading investors to purchase equities, credit and other risk assets since late March. Below we examine the case of the US, but this has also been true in many markets around the world. The top panel of Chart I-9 demonstrates that US institutional and retail money market funds – a measure of cash on the sidelines - presently stand at $4.2 trillion, having increased by $900 billion since March. Yet, the Fed and US commercial banks have increased their debt securities holdings by $2.9 trillion since March. Furthermore, the Fed and US commercial banks hold $10.6 trillion of debt securities (Chart I-9, middle panel) – amounting to 18% of the aggregate equity and US dollar fixed-income market value (Chart I-9, bottom panel). These securities, held by the Fed and US commercial banks, are not available to non-bank investors. Chart I-10Investors' Cash Holdings Ratio Is Still Elevated Excluding debt securities owned by the Fed and commercial banks, we reckon that cash on the sidelines is equal to 8.4% of the value of equities and US dollar debt securities available to non-bank investors (Chart I-10). This is a relatively high cash ratio. Unprecedented purchases by the Fed and US commercial banks have not only removed a considerable chuck of debt securities from the market; they have also created money “out of thin air”. When central or commercial banks acquire a security from, or lend to, a non-bank entity, they are creating new money “out of thin air”. No one needs to save for the central bank and commercial banks to lend to or purchase a security from a non-bank. In short, savings versus spending decisions by economic agents (non-banks) do not affect the stock of money supply. We have deliberated on these topics at length in past reports. In sum, the Fed’s large purchases of debt securities amount to a de facto monetization of public and private debt. These operations have both reduced the amount of securities available to investors and boosted the latter’s cash balances. Hence, the Fed has boosted asset prices not only indirectly, by lowering short-term interest rates, but also directly, by printing new money and shrinking the amount of securities available to investors. We have in recent months argued that global risk assets are overpriced relative to fundamentals. However, investors have continued to deploy cash in asset markets, pushing prices higher. Given the zero money market interest rates and the still elevated cash balances, one can envision a scenario in which cash continues to be deployed in asset markets, pushing valuations to bubble levels across all risk assets. Pressure on investors to deploy their cash amid rising asset prices implies that only a major negative shock might be able to reverse this rally. There have been plenty of reasons to be cautious, including escalating US-China geopolitical tensions, the increasing odds of a contested US presidential election and, hence, elevated political uncertainty, the possibility of a US fiscal cliff, and a potential second wave of the pandemic. However, investors have so far shrugged off all of these and continue to allocate capital to risk assets. Bottom Line: Increased central bank intervention in asset markets may diminish the importance of fundamentals in determining the price of risk assets. This would also mean that the role of momentum investing and psychology may increase. Investment Strategy Currencies: The US dollar has become oversold and could stage a rebound in the near term. The euro has risen to its technical resistance (Chart I-11). The EM currency index (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan) has failed to break above its 200-day moving average (Chart I-12, top panel). The emerging Asian trade-weighted currency index (ADXY) has rebounded to the upper boundary of its falling channel (Chart I-12, bottom panel). Chart I-11A Short-Term Resistance For Euro/USD Chart I-12EM Currencies Have Not Entered A Bull Market Such technical profiles suggest that EM currencies have not yet entered a bull market despite the greenback’s considerable depreciation against DM currencies. This is a reflection of the poor fundamentals of EM (ex-China, Korea and Taiwan). In short, the odds of a US dollar rebound are rising. This could dent commodities prices and weigh on EM currencies. We continue recommending shorting a basket of EM currencies versus the euro, CHF and JPY. The downside in these DM currencies versus the greenback is limited. The euro could drop to 1.15, but not much below that level. Our basket of EM currencies to short includes: BRL, CLP, ZAR, TRY, PHP, KRW and IDR. Chart I-13EM Local Currency Bonds: Looking For A Better Entry Point Fixed-Income Markets: We have been neutral on EM local currency bonds and EM credit markets (USD bonds) since April 23 and June 4, respectively. The strategy is to wait for a correction in these markets before going long. The rebound in the US dollar and correction in commodities will provide a better entry point for these fixed-income markets (Chart I-13). Equities: On July 30, we recommended shifting the EM equity allocation within a global equity portfolio from underweight to neutral. In the near term, EM share prices will likely continue underperforming their DM counterparts. A bounce in the US dollar, rising geopolitical tensions between the US and China, as well as the continuation of a FAANGM-driven mania in US equities will result in EM equity underperformance versus DM. However, in the medium- to long-term, the balance of risks no longer justifies an underweight allocation. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations
Highlights US-China relations in 2020 consist of a gentleman’s agreement to keep the Phase One trade deal in place and aggressive maneuvering in every other policy area. Stimulus is unlikely to be curtailed in the US or China yet, which means brinkmanship will eventually lead to a negative surprise for markets. But it is just as unlikely to come after the election as before. Joe Biden would only initially benefit Chinese equities – trade and tech conflict is a secular trend. North Korea is not a red herring, but South Korea is still a geopolitical investment opportunity more than a risk, especially relative to Taiwan. Feature Chart 1US Power Struggle Raises Risk To Rally The “everything is awesome” rally continues, with US tech stocks unfazed by rising domestic and international risks. However, according to The Lego Movie 2, everything is not that awesome. The Treasury market smells trouble and long-dated yields remain subdued, despite a substantial new dose of monetary policy dovishness (Chart 1, top panel). In the near term we agree with the bears and remain tactically long 10-year Treasuries. Global policy uncertainty remains extremely elevated despite dropping off a bit from the heights of the pandemic lockdowns. US uncertainty, which is now rising relative to global, will climb through November and possibly all the way through Inauguration Day on January 20 (Chart 1, bottom panels). A contested election is not a low-probability event now that President Trump is making a comeback in the election race. President Trump’s comeback could generate a counter-trend bounce in the US dollar (Chart 2A). His comeback is not based in online betting odds but in battleground opinion polls (Chart 2B). Former Vice President Joe Biden is currently polling the same against Trump as Hillary Clinton did in 2016. Chart 2ATrump Staging A Comeback, But US Consumers Flagging Chart 2BTrump Staging A Comeback, But US Consumers Flagging Why should Trump be less negative for the greenback than Biden? First, Trump is a protectionist who would turn to aggressive foreign and trade policy when it became clear that most of his other legislative priorities would not make it past the Democratic House of Representatives. Unilateral, sweeping tariffs against China, and possibly the EU and various other nations, would weigh on global trade and economic recovery and hence support the dollar. Second, Trump’s populism means he would pursue growth at all costs, which means that US growth would increase relative to that of the rest of the world. Democrats, by contrast, would raise taxes and regulations that would have to be offset by new spending, weighing on growth at least at first. Thus Trump would inject animal spirits into the US economy while dampening those spirits abroad; Biden would do the opposite. The dollar may not rally sustainably, but it would be flat or fall less rapidly than if Biden and the Democrats reduced trade risks abroad while deterring domestic private investment. It is not yet clear that Trump’s comeback will have legs. The nation is still in thrall to the pandemic, recession, and social unrest, which undermine a sitting president. US consumer confidence has fallen, as anticipated (Chart 2, bottom panel). Trump should still be seen as an underdog despite his incumbent status. A Trump comeback could precipitate a counter-trend bounce in the US dollar. Nevertheless, our quantitative election model gives Trump a 45% chance of victory, up from 42% last month. Florida has shifted back into the Republican column – albeit as a “toss up” state with a roughly even chance of going either way (Chart 3). The shift reflects improvement in state leading economic indexes as a result of the V-shaped recovery in the economy thus far. Chart 3Trump Nearly Regains Florida In Our Quantitative Election Model, Odds Of Victory 45% Assuming Trump signs a new relief bill in September, which is working its way through Congress as we speak, we will upgrade our subjective odds from 35% to something closer to our quantitative model (and the market consensus). While Trump is less negative for the dollar than Biden, the dollar may fall anyway, at least beyond any near-term bounce. First, monetary policy is ultra-dovish. As we go to press, Fed Chairman Jerome Powell has given a sneak preview of the Fed’s strategic review of monetary policy at the Kansas City Fed’s annual Jackson Hole summit (this time hosted in cyberspace instead of Wyoming). Powell met expectations that the Fed will adopt average inflation targeting. Inflation will be allowed to overshoot the 2% inflation target to compensate for periods of undershooting. Maximum employment will be the goal rather than an attempt to prevent excessive deviation from the Fed’s estimates of neutral unemployment. This means US growth and inflation will push real rates lower and weaken the dollar. Moreover, as mentioned, Trump’s big spending would eventually drive investors away from the dollar, especially in the context of global economic recovery. Trump, like Biden, would refuse to impose fiscal austerity amid high unemployment. The one area where he would be able to compromise with House Democrats would be spending bills, as in his first term. The US budget deficit and trade deficit would remain very large, showering the world with dollar liquidity. Risk-on currencies will attract buyers in a new global business cycle. Republicans and Democrats have released their policy platforms following their national conventions. We will revisit these platforms in detail in a future report. The Democratic platform is the one that matters most because the Democrats are more likely to win full control of Congress and thus be capable of enacting their preferred policies. Their platform is reflationary, but in seeking to rebalance the economy to reduce financial and social disparities through more progressive tax policy it would offset some of the fiscal spending. Biden would also moderate foreign policy and trade policy, launching a new dialogue with China to manage tensions. The dollar would fall faster in this environment. Bottom Line: President Trump is staging a comeback in the election campaign. If the comeback receives a boost from fiscal stimulus, Trump could pull off a Harry Truman-style surprise victory. This would precipitate a bounce in the US dollar in the near term. Over the medium term, the dollar should continue falling due to US debt monetization and global recovery. The Trump-Xi Gentleman’s Agreement Has Two Months Left Financial markets have largely ignored US-China strategic tensions this year because the two countries are puffing themselves up with monetary and fiscal stimulus. Going forward, either the stimulus will falter, or the US-China conflict will escalate to the point of triggering a negative surprise for markets. Chart 4US-China: Embracing While Struggling China is unlikely to pull back on stimulus measures. It cannot do so when unemployment has spiked and the economy is experiencing the weakest growth in over 40 years. Authorities said as much during the annual July Politburo meeting on the economy (a meeting that has often marked turning points in policy), when they pledged to maintain accommodative policy and to speed up local government issuance of special bonds. Money supply is growing briskly. The market is validating the signal from China’s easy monetary policies and robust credit expansion. Our China Play Index – which consists of the Australian dollar, iron ore prices, Brazilian equities, and Swedish equities – continues to rally smartly, breaking above its 2019 peaks (Chart 4, top panel). The risk to this view is that the People’s Bank of China may not provide additional monetary easing in the near term, as the Politburo signaled that monetary policy would be more flexible and targeted in the second half of the year. The three-month Shanghai interbank rate has been rising since April. Politically, Chinese authorities would benefit from releasing negative news or statements that would undermine President Trump’s reelection campaign. However, Beijing would not make consequential moves merely to spite Trump. Its primary interest lies in its own stability. Credit growth will continue growing at its current clip through most of the rest of the year and fiscal spending will expand, particularly to support infrastructure projects. The US Congress is also likely to add more stimulus before the election, as noted above. Thus with both countries stimulating, the risk is that they escalate their strategic confrontation to the point that it causes a negative surprise in financial markets. Will this occur? The US-China relationship in 2020 has been characterized by (1) a gentleman’s agreement to adhere to the Phase One trade deal, which was reaffirmed by top negotiators this week; (2) an aggressive pursuit of national interest in every other policy area. Beijing accelerated its power grab in Hong Kong; the US accelerated up its ban on Chinese tech. Chinese imports of US commodities are naturally much weaker than projected due to economic reality but neither side has an interest in exiting the deal. The renminbi continues to appreciate against the dollar on the back of Chinese and global recovery (Chart 4, second and third panels). Nevertheless a new burst of stimulus will lower the hurdle to President Trump taking additional punitive measures against China. The administration could have paused after its major decision to finalize its ban on business with Huawei and other tech firms, which ostensibly even extends to foreign firms that use US-designed parts in sales to China. It did not. Trump is maintaining the pressure with new sanctions over China’s militarization of the South China Sea. Washington is also likely to kick Chinese companies off US stock exchanges if they fail to meet transparency and accounting standards. Trump is not only burnishing his “tough on China” credentials against Democratic candidate Joe Biden – the US’s recent measures are unlikely to be repealed under either president in the coming years. Chart 5China Faces Internal And External Political Pressures Therefore stimulus will enable US actions and Chinese reactions that will eventually trigger a pullback in financial markets. Chinese tech equities are reflecting this headwind. Equities ex-tech are likely to outperform (Chart 5, top panel). A Biden victory does not prevent Trump from taking punitive measures against China on his way out of office, to solidify his legacy as the Man Who Confronted China, so Chinese tech will remain at risk. Biden would be more favorable for emerging market equities because his administration would speed the dollar’s decline. A change of government in the US would temporarily disrupt the US’s overall policy assault against China. Biden’s foreign and trade policies would be more predictable and orthodox than Trump’s. Over a twelve month period, after a shot across the bow to warn that he is not a lightweight, Biden would probably attempt a diplomatic reset with China – a new round of engagement and dialogue that would support the Chinese equity rally. Eventually this reset would fail, however, and Biden would all the while be working up a coalition of democracies to pressure China to change its behavior – not only on trade but also on unions, carbon emissions, and human rights. Externally focused Chinese companies will remain exposed to the harmful secular trend of US-China power struggle regardless of the US election outcome. Coming out of the secretive leaders’ conclave at the Beidaihe resort in August, it is clear once again that Chinese domestic politics is not conducive to smooth US-China relations. Chinese political risk remains underrated. Our GeoRisk indicator is gradually picking up on this trend, and so are other quantitative political risk indicators such as that provided by GeoQuant (Chart 5, second panel). President Xi Jinping has been dubbed the “Chairman of Everything” due to his tendency to promote a neo-Maoist personality cult and thus shift Chinese governance from consensus-rule to personal rule. He is once again reportedly considering taking on the title of “Chairman” of the Communist Party, a position that only Mao Zedong has held.1 More importantly he is re-energizing his domestic anti-corruption campaign, i.e. political purge, this time against law enforcement. Xi had already seized control of China’s domestic security forces but controlling the police is even more critical in a period of high unemployment, slow growth, and social unrest (Chart 5, third panel). Xi’s attempt to re-consolidate power ahead of the Communist Party centennial in 2021 and especially the twentieth national party congress in 2022 is already under way. China’s domestic and international political environment is a risk for the renminbi, which we noted is rallying forcefully on the global rebound. We will not join this rally until the US election is decided at minimum. With the US posing a long-term threat, Beijing is speeding up its attempts to diversify away from the US dollar, both in trade settlements and foreign exchange reserves. Reliance on the dollar leaves Chinese banks and companies vulnerable to US financial sanctions, which have harmed US rivals like Russia and Iran. Over the long run there is a lot of upside for the yuan given its very low level of global penetration (about 2% of both SWIFT transactions and global foreign exchange reserves) and yet China’s very high share of global trade (about 15%). Cross-border settlements in RMB are recovering gradually after the steep drop-off following 2016. Beijing is also allowing foreign investors greater access to onshore financial markets where they will hold more and more RMB-denominated assets. However, the yuan will not become a reserve currency anytime soon given China’s state-controlled economy and closed capital account. We favor the euro, yen, and other G7 currencies as alternatives to the dollar. Hong Kong equities have suffered from the combination of Xi Jinping’s centralization of power and the US-China strategic conflict. The above analysis suggests that while they may get a temporary reprieve, the secular outlook is uninspiring. However, the Hong Kong monetary authorities are capable of managing the dollar peg. They have been able to manage dollar strength over the past decade, including the COVID-19 dollar run-up, and foreign exchange reserves are more than ample. By contrast, a sharp drop in the dollar can be handled even more easily by printing additional HKD. Eventually shifting to a trade basket, or a renminbi peg, is to be expected. The US election may support the Chinese equity rally if Biden wins, but tech equities should continue to underperform the rest of the bourse due to US grand strategy. Bottom Line: We prefer to play China’s growth recovery via outside countries that export into China, such as Sweden, Australia, and Brazil. The US election may support the Chinese equity rally if Biden wins, but tech equities should continue to underperform the rest of the bourse due to US grand strategy which will remain focused on constraining China’s tech ambitions. North Korea Is Not A Red Herring – But Taiwan Is Entirely Underrated The Taiwan Strait remains the chief geopolitical risk. Xi Jinping’s reassertion of Beijing’s supremacy within China’s sphere of influence has led to a backlash in Taiwanese politics and a confrontational posture across the Strait that is being expressed in saber-rattling and low-level economic sanctions that could easily escalate. Chart 6Taiwan Remains #1 Geopolitical Risk Military exercises and jingoistic rhetoric are also heating up, not only directly relating to Taiwan but also in the neighboring South China Sea, which is critical to national security for all geopolitical actors in Northeast Asia. On August 26 Beijing testing two anti-ship ballistic missiles known as “aircraft carrier killers” in the South China Sea (the DF-21D and the DF-26B). We have long argued that the lack of clarity over whether the US would uphold its defense obligations to Taiwan makes the situation ripe for misunderstandings. The US Naval Institute has recently confirmed the validity of fears about a full-scale conflict in the near term.2 Neither Beijing nor Taipei nor Washington has crossed a red line. But China’s imposition of legislative dependency on Hong Kong highlights the incompatibility of the Communist Party’s governing model with western liberalism. The “one country, two systems” formulation has become unacceptable to the Taiwanese people, who want to preserve their autonomy indefinitely. The US ban on doing business with Huawei extends to foreign companies that use US parts or designs, squeezing Taiwanese companies (Chart 6, top panel). War is possible, but our base case still holds that the mainland will first use economic means. In particular it will impose economic sanctions, either precipitating or in response to a Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis. The market continues to underrate the enormous risk to the Taiwanese dollar, as captured by the low level of our risk indicators (Chart 6, second panel). We continue to recommend shorting Taiwan relative to emerging markets. Taiwan is a short relative to South Korea, in particular, which stands to benefit from any negative turn of events in cross-strait relations. Korean equities are finally perking up, though the US tech war with China is weighing on the South Korean tech sector (Chart 7, top panel). We see this as a geopolitical opportunity given that both China and the US will need South Korean companies as they divorce each other. Korean political risk, however, may also be shifting from adequately priced to underrated. The risk premium has trended upward since President Trump’s diplomatic overture to leader Kim Jong Un stopped making progress (Chart 7, second and third panels). We have largely dismissed concerns about North Korea since the reduction of tensions in late 2017 due to our assessment that diplomacy would remain on track throughout Trump’s first term. This has proved to be the case, but it is still possible that North Korea could prove globally relevant before the US election. Chart 7North Korea A Non-Negligible Risk The reason stems from rumors of Kim Jong Un’s health problems earlier this year. We noted at the time that it was suspicious that preparations for Kim’s sister, Kim Yo Jong, to take on greater responsibilities within the Politburo of the Worker’s Party seemed to predate reports of Kim Jong Un’s illness. For the North Korean state to continue to promote her implies that something may indeed be amiss. In fact, she has missed two Politburo meetings after her aggressive public relations campaign against South Korea was called off this summer. It is possible she got too much attention as the Number Two person in the regime. The South Korean National Intelligence Service is debating her status with the Defense Ministry and Unification Ministry. What is clear is that Kim Jong Un is preparing a new five-year economic plan, to be launched in January 2021, and that he is eager to share any blame for disastrous internal conditions in the country amid the global pandemic and recession. The market is typically correct not to hyperventilate over North Korean risks, but after 2016 North Korea is no longer a “red herring.” First, any domestic power struggle would occur at an immensely inconvenient time given the breakdown in US-China trust. Second, as the North manages any internal problems through its opaque and untested political process, it could be pressed into making a show of force that would either embarrass and antagonize President Trump, or provoke a forceful response from a future President Biden, given that North Korea in theory has the raw capability to deliver a crude nuclear weapon to the continental United States. If any US president makes a show of force, it will antagonize China and could lead to a major standoff. This would upset the markets at least temporarily. We are long Korean equities and would also look favorably on Korean tech. A geopolitical risk premium could temporarily undercut these stocks if North Korean diplomacy fails around the US election. But the risk is globally relevant only if Pyongyang somehow sparks a standoff between the US and China. Otherwise a major Korean peninsula crisis is far less of a concern than that of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1Financial Times. 2 See Admiral James A. Winnefeld and Michael J. Morell, "The War That Never Was?" US Naval Institute Proceedings 146: 8 (August 2020), usni.org. Section II: GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan Korea Turkey Brazil Section III: Geopolitical Calendar