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貿易 / 囜際収支

特別レポヌト Highlights The Norwegian economy will continue to grow above trend for the next two years or so. Norwegian inflation will firm up. Among Advanced Economies, the Norges Bank will lead the way in terms of policy tightening; however, money markets already embed this view. Nonetheless, the Norwegian krone remains an appealing value play, a result of its pronounced pro-cyclicality. USD/NOK and EUR/NOK will depreciate over the next 24 months. Norwegian equities face structural headwinds, but they should outperform their US and Euro Area counterparts. However, Norwegian stocks will lag behind Swedish equities. Buy Norwegian stocks / sell Dutch ones. Feature Norway remains an example of how to handle the pandemic successfully. Since the onset of the COVID-19 crisis, Norway has registered the lowest rate of infections per capita, in part aided by its early decision to close its borders. Fiscal stimulus was prompt and finely tailored to the sectors most in need of emergency funds. Moreover, the Norges Bank cut interest rates to zero for the first time since its founding in 1816. As nations across the world coordinated monetary and fiscal accommodation during the pandemic, Nordic economies had already mastered this paradigm. Thus, counter-cyclical buffers worked like a charm in Norway. For example, the contraction in Norwegian GDP was the most subdued within the G10, and the recovery is also impressive. Today, Norwegian GDP is 2% above pre-pandemic levels, inflation is near the target rate of 2%, and the central bank will be among the first to lift interest rates. In this Special Report, we explore whether or not conditions remain ripe for strong performances by both Norwegian equities and the NOK. In our view, the global environment and the continued economic strength of Norway will create potent tailwind for Norwegian assets over the coming two years or so. A Robust Economic Outlook The Norwegian economy is set to continue growing at a robust above-trend pace and inflation will remain above the Norges Bank’s target. The Pandemic Norway has moved largely beyond the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of cases per 100 is a mere 2, which compares favorably to the US at 10, Germany at 4, France at 8, or its neighbor Sweden at 10. Norway closed its borders on March 12, 2020, to limit the entry of the virus on its territory, as health authorities opted for rapid containment measures. As a direct result of these policies, Norwegian consumers and workers gained greater peace of mind in their day-to-day dealings, and economic activity recovered rapidly. This process led to Norway’s GDP contracting by only 4.6% in Q2 2020, which compares favorably to contractions of 19.5% in the UK, 9.7% in Germany and 7.8% in Sweden. Norway’s vaccination campaign is also gaining momentum. At first, the country’s inoculation performance lagged. However, Norwegian procurement of vaccines has improved, and the pace of inoculation is accelerating (Chart 1, top panel). The result is that the share of the population that is fully vaccinated is inching toward 20% and accelerating. Authorities expect greater relaxation of containment measures this summer, which will allow mobility to improve (Chart 2). The local service sector will therefore receive a welcome fillip. Chart 1Norway's Vaccination Progress Chart 2Mobility Will Pick Up   Fiscal Policy Fiscal policy remains an important complement to national health directives. During the crisis, the fiscal deficit reached 3.4% of GDP, which generated a fiscal thrust of 6% of GDP. Moreover, the drawdown from the Norwegian Oil Fund amounted to 12.5% of GDP. These provided targeted supports to industries, such as tourism and transport, while a furlough scheme protected household income. Thus, these programs effectively alleviated the pain on the sectors of the economy most affected by the pandemic. Going forward, Norway will also suffer from one of the smallest fiscal drag in the G10 for the remainder of 2021 and 2022 (Chart 3). Chart 3Norway's Advantageous Fiscal Backdrop The Banking System The credit channel in Norway remains open and fluid, as a resilient banking system withstood the economic fallout from the pandemic. According to the Norges Bank, credit losses have been limited; they peaked at 1% of lending and are already declining. Additionally, banks have restricted exposure to the sectors hardest hit by the pandemic, such as travel and tourism, personal services, and transport (Chart 4). Moreover, the profitability of the banking system decreased, as global yields fell last year, but RoE remains around 10% and net interest margins hover near 2.5% and 1.5% for non-financial corporate loans and households lending, respectively. Crucially, the Norwegian banking system sports a regulatory Tier-1 capital-to-risk weighted-assets ratio of 20%, well above Basel III criteria or that of the Eurozone banks (Chart 4, bottom panel). Chart 4Norwegian Banks Are Faring Well Household Consumption Household consumption will remain a source of strength over the coming quarters. Household net worth is growing robustly as a result of the rapid appreciation of house prices across the country (Chart 5, top panel). Moreover, the share of debt held by households with a high debt-to-income ratio or a low debt-servicing capacity remains low, which suggests household balance sheets are firming (Chart 5, middle panel). Employment is also recovering well. After peaking at 9.5% in March 2020, the headline unemployment rate fell to 3.3% last month (Chart 5, bottom panel). Meanwhile, the number of employed workers bottomed in July 2020 and has been steadily recovering ever since. The only blemish is that, as of Q4 2020, the rate of underemployment among the prime-age population remains at 3.5%, which is somewhat elevated by national standards. This balance sheet and employment backdrop confirms the Norges Bank’s projection: the household savings rate will decline significantly over the coming two years (Chart 6, top panel). Hence, the marked pick-up in consumer confidence should translate into a major recovery in real consumption growth (Chart 6, bottom panel). Nonetheless, the service sector will likely be the main beneficiary of this improvement, as real retail sales are already well above their historical trend Chart 5Positive Household Fundamentals Chart 6Consumption Will Improve Further   Net Exports Chart 7Years Of Underinvestment In Oil & Gas The external sector will create another tailwind for the Norwegian economy. Prior to the pandemic, 71% of Norway’s exports flowed to Europe. Moreover, oil and gas represented 53% of shipments, and cyclically sensitive exports amounted to 74% of total or 24% of GDP. Thus, even if China’s economy slows, Europe’s economic re-opening will raise the Norwegian trade balance, which sits near a multi-decade low.1 Moreover, greater mobility in Europe and around the world will elevate demand for petroleum. In light of the tepid pace of investment in global oil and gas extraction over the past five years, our commodity strategists forecast further oil and gas price appreciation2 (Chart 7), which will boost Norway’s terms of trade. The national income will therefore expand smartly, especially because oil and gas shipments will increase thanks to growing production from the new Johan Sverdrup field. Capital Spending This context suggests that capital spending, which accounts for 26% of Norway’s output (Chart 8), will constitute an important tailwind to domestic activity. Capex is even more important to the Norwegian economy than it is for other Nordic economies or even Germany (Chart 9). Chart 8Capital Spending Is Important For Norway Chart 9The Capex Share Of GDP Is Higher In Norway Norwegian capex is highly cyclical. Capital formation tracks our BCA Global Nowcast indicator (a combination of high-frequency economic and financial variables that proxy the global industrial cycle), as well as the domestic manufacturing PMI. These indicators suggest that capex should increase by 10-15% in the coming quarters (Chart 10). A Norges Bank survey of capex intentions, which are firming, corroborates this view. Chart 10Capex Will Recover Strongly Capex Will Recover On the energy front, the new Johan Sverdrup oil and gas discovery marks a major turnaround in capital spending for Norway. According to the Norges Bank, real petroleum investment will increase from approximately NOK 175bn in 2021 to NOK 198bn by 2024 (Chart 11). Moreover, years of global underinvestment in oil extraction suggests Norway will gain market share in exports as production accelerates. Total petroleum production is slated to increase by 10% over the next 4 years. More importantly, by 2025, over 50% of production from Norwegian oil fields will be natural gas and associated liquids (Chart 12). Demand for natural gas and NGLs will be more inelastic than demand for crude because the latter is threatened by the rising electrification of vehicles, while the former faces more sustainable demand as China, among others, moves to replace its coal polluting plants with cleaner alternatives. Chart 11Real Petroleum Investment Will Increase By 13% In 2024 Chart 12Gas Production Is Rising In Importance Inflation This positive economic outlook suggests that Norwegian inflation will remain above the central bank’s target of 2%. Already, headline CPI stands at 3%. Meanwhile, core inflation is at 2%, but it is decelerating. However, this slowdown should be temporary. According to a Norges Bank survey, both long-term and near-term inflation expectations among economists, business leaders, and households are rising, which indicates that a deflationary mentality has not taken root in Norway. Moreover, wage expectations have quickly normalized following the trauma of 2020 (Chart 13). Capacity constraints further reinforce the notion that inflation has upside. The Norges Bank Regional Network survey shows that capacity and labor supply constraints are tighter than they were in the 2014 to 2017 period, when inflation averaged 2.3% and the policy rate fell to 0.5% (Chart 14). Moreover, according to the same survey, selling prices are also stronger than they were during the 2016 oil collapse (Chart 14, bottom panel) Chart 13No Signs Of A Deflation Mentality Chart 14Capacity Doesn’t Point To Falling Inflation Bottom Line: The Norwegian economy will continue to grow above its trend rate of 1.5%, at least through to 2022. The acceleration in vaccination numbers will allow a reopening of the economy, while the fiscal drag will be limited and the banking system remains resilient. The outlook for households remains positive and employment is firming, which will lead to stronger consumption. Meanwhile, exports and capex have significant upside ahead. As a result, we anticipate Norwegian inflation will remain above target for the foreseeable future. The Norges Bank Will Lead The Pack The Norges Bank’s response to the pandemic was swift and all encompassing: It cut interest rates in the spring of 2020 from 1.5% to zero, the lowest level since the formation of the bank in 1816. It set up extraordinary F-loans at very generous interest rates, to provide ample liquidity to commercial banks. The longest maturity loan of 12 months had a prevailing interest rate of just 30 basis points. It also relaxed collateral requirements for these loans. It introduced swap lines with the Federal Reserve to provide US dollar funding to Norwegian firms. Since then, our Norges Bank monitor has rebounded powerfully from very depressed levels, which suggests that emergency policy settings have become unnecessary. Moreover, the Norwegian Central Bank Monitor towers above that of other G10 countries, which indicates that the Norges Bank should lead the pack in normalizing policy rates (Chart 15). Chart 15The Norges Bank Should Lead The Tightening Cycle Chart 16The Growth Component Of Our Monitor Has Exploded Higher The biggest improvement in our Norges Bank Monitor comes from its growth component, which has surged to its highest levels in over two decades. This improvement surpasses those that followed the global financial crisis and the burst of the dot-com bubble (Chart 16). In essence, the growth component of the Monitor signals that the Norwegian economy has achieved escape velocity. Norway’s robust economic turnover is increasing the velocity of money, which points to the need for higher interest rates. Money velocity can be regarded as the equilibrating mechanism between money supply and nominal output, from the classical Fisher equation MV=PQ (where M is the money supply, P is prices, Q is real output, and V is money velocity). Thus, rising money velocity (when PQ expands faster than M) signifies that the economy needs higher interest rates to encourage savings. In Norway’s case, the velocity of money is surging through 2021, which confirms that the Norges Bank may depart from its current emergency policy setting (Chart 17). Chart 17Money Velocity Is Rising In Norway The OIS curve already reflects this reality. At the last central bank meeting in March, Governor Øystein Olsen stated that interest rates would increase in the second half of this year. Already, the central bank’s balance sheet has been expanding more slowly than that of its peers (Chart 18). In response to this messaging, investors now expect the Norges Bank to lead the Fed, ECB, Riksbank, and BoE in lifting interest rates (Chart 19). Chart 18The Norges Bank's Balance Sheet Impulse Has Rolled Over Chart 19Money Markets Already Expect The Norges Bank To Tighten First The Norges Bank must nonetheless manage a tough balancing act. Lifting rates too soon or too fast could torpedo the recovery, if the currency and bond yields increase too rapidly and tighten financial conditions in a disruptive fashion. However, not removing accommodation fast enough could lead to economic overheating. Bottom Line: The Norges Bank will be the first DM central bank to increase interest rates, most likely as soon as this September. The OIS curve already reflects this outlook; it prices in over 6 hikes by the end of 2023, more than any other DM money market curve. This pricing seems appropriate; thus, Norwegian money markets offer no compelling investment opportunity.  Norway’s Problem: Sagging Productivity Both the OECD and the IMF view weak productivity growth as Norway’s biggest long-term hurdle. Despite the bright economic outlook for the next two years or so, we agree. Since 2004-2005, Norwegian productivity has sharply decelerated. At the turn of the millennium, the Norwegian’s mainland labor productivity was growing at 2.5%, or a percentage point above the average of the OECD. Today, labor productivity growth is a paltry 0.5%, placing Norway last among Nordic economies (Chart 20, left panel). Total factor productivity tells a similar story. After recording the fastest productivity expansion among G10 nation from 1990 to 2005, Norway’s TFP declined 11% and is now situated at the same level as it was in 1995. This deterioration is comparable to Italy’s TFP (Chart 20, left panel). Chart 20From Best To Last According to the most recent OECD country report, one of the roots of Norway’s productivity problem is an absence of low-hanging fruit. Norway sports one of the highest GDP per hours worked in the world. This nation essentially sits near the global productivity frontier. Its product market regulations are generally not onerous (Chart 21, top panel). Likewise, more than 60% of both the service sector and the manufacturing sector’s workforce use ICT tools, which is at the highest level among OECD countries. Additionally, the jobs at risk of a negative impact from automation or technological changes represent a significantly smaller share of total employment than in most OECD nations (Chart 21, bottom panel). Chart 21Doing Things Right The Dutch Disease, the hollowing out of the manufacturing sector due to a capital hungry resource sector, is the second root of Norway’s productivity problem. Historically and across countries, manufacturing is the sector that records the greatest productivity gains. However, since 1979, the oil and gas and the housing sectors have experienced the largest capital investments expansion in Norway. Meanwhile, the share of capex generated by the manufacturing sector has declined to a paltry 5% (Chart 22). Moreover, oil and gas represents a larger share of capex than the contribution of its gross value added to GDP. The same holds true for housing, whose share of capex doubled over the past 27 years. Meanwhile, manufacturing’s share of capex has consistently lagged its representation in GDP, which has steadily declined (Chart 23). These are the typical symptoms of the Dutch Disease; as long as oil prices remain in a secular decline, any cyclical improvement in productivity will prove to be transitory. Chart 22The Dutch Disease, Part I Chart 23The Dutch Disease, Part II Bottom Line: Despite an upbeat cyclical outlook, Norway’s deteriorating productivity trend constitutes a formidable structural headwind. There are no easy solutions, because Norway already sits near the global productivity frontier. Moreover, Norway suffers from a pronounced case of the Dutch Disease. For decades, the oil and gas sector has absorbed a share of capital that is greater than its role in the economy, starving the productivity-generating manufacturing sector from investments. With the oil sector entering a structural decline due to ESG concerns, this trend will not change without a significant change in the allocation of the Norwegian capital stock. Investment Implications The cyclical outlook (12 to 24 months) for the Norwegian currency and stock market remains appealing. The NOK’s Outlook Chart 24The Krone Is Undervalued On A PPP Basis While money markets do not offer any compelling opportunities to play the Norges Bank’s hiking cycle, the krone remains attractive from a cyclical perspective. Over the next 12-18 months, the NOK should appreciate compared to both the US dollar and the euro on the back of four key pillars. On a purchasing power parity basis, the Norwegian krone is undervalued by 14%. This compares favorably with both the euro, which is undervalued by 12%, and the US dollar, which is overvalued by 12% (Chart 24). More importantly, our PPP model adjusts the consumption basket across countries, allowing for a more apples-to-apples comparison. The Norwegian krone is highly procyclical and will benefit from any improvement in the global backdrop. The performance of NOK/USD, NOK/EUR, and NOK/JPY moves in lockstep with global equities (Chart 25). Norwegian equities have greatly underperformed global bourses over the last decade, but, as we argue below, there is some room for mean reversion. Inflows into the Norwegian equity market should benefit the krone (Chart 26). Chart 25NOK Is A Procyclical ##br##Currency Chart 26NOK Moves With A Rerating In Norwegian Shares From a more fundamental perspective, the krone will benefit from positive income flows, given Norway’s large net international investment position (NIIP). In fact, ever since the first Norwegian oil fields began producing light sweet crude in the North Sea in the 1970s, Norway has maintained a structural trade surplus with most of its trading partners. This has allowed the country to build one of the biggest NIIP in the world (Chart 27), trailing only behind Hong Kong and Singapore. This large NIIP generates large income receipts that skew heavily toward equity dividends. This characteristic of the Norwegian balance of payment strengthens the bond between the NOK and global equities. Over the next few years, Norway’s trade balance should also get a boost, not only from rising oil and gas production, but also from an improvement in terms of trade, as we argued above. The trade balance has historically been the biggest driver of cross-border inflows into Norway, and that should remain positive for the basic balance and the NOK (Chart 28) Chart 28Norway's Basic Balance Should Improve Norway Balance Of Payments Chart 27Norway Has A Large Net International Investment Position On a structural basis, however, the Norwegian krone faces challenges. Declining productivity suggests that economic growth in Norway will be more inflationary. This will lower the fair value of the real exchange rate. Therefore, while we are positive on the NOK over the next 18 to 24 months, we will be cognizant not to overstay our welcome. Finally, as for NOK/SEK, the pair should rise as both oil and gas prices remain firm in the near term, but any structural challenges to both oil and/or Norwegian productivity will favor the SEK over the longer term (Chart 29).    Chart 29NOK/SEK Will Track Crude Prices The Equity Market Outlook Norwegian equities remain challenged as long-term holdings, but they are attractive on a cyclical basis. The poor profitability of Norwegian equities is their main long-term problem. Unlike Swedish stocks, Norwegian shares sport a return on equity in line with that of the Eurozone, not that of the US. Norway’s profit margins are weak and its asset turnover rivals that of the Euro Area (Chart 30). Additionally, the country’s poor productivity performance argues against a sudden reversal in RoEs. Chart 30Norway Is More Like The Eurozone Than Swden Sectoral composition creates another structural handicap for the Norwegian market. Oslo overweighs Energy and Financials (Table 1). Energy stocks can experience periodic rallies, but their long-term outlook is bleak in a world moving away from carbon-based power. Meanwhile, financials are also likely to remain structural laggards. The regulatory legacy of the Great Financial Crisis has curtailed leverage, which is depressing the RoE of the banking sector. Greater competition and the emergence of the fintech industry are further undermining fee income. None of these factors will change anytime soon. Table 1Sectoral Breakdown That being said, Norwegian equities remain a compelling opportunity for the next two years or so, despite their long-term problems. Norwegian stocks have an extremely negative beta to the US dollar. The historical sensitivity of the NOK to the USD in part explains this attribute, the other part being their elevated cyclicality. The dollar is one of the most counter-cyclical currencies in the world; thus, its weakness correlates with strong Norwegian forward earnings, which are heavily influenced by commodity prices and the global industrial cycle. This process also lifts Norwegian stock prices (Chart 31). Hence, BCA’s positive outlook on the global business cycle, as well as our negative stance on the dollar, points to significantly stronger Norwegian share prices.3 The slowdown in China’s economy is one risk that could cause some near-term tremors in Norwegian assets, which investors should use to build positions. In response to Beijing’s efforts to limit systemic risk, the Chinese credit impulse has slowed from 1.1% of GDP to 0.3%, and could flirt with the zero line. The ensuing investment slowdown will weigh on the global industrial sector and cause a temporary pullback in commodity prices. As Chart 32 illustrates, this will be negative for Norwegian equities; historically, following declines in Chinese yields, Norwegian forward earnings and stock prices weaken. However, global energy demand will remain robust even as China slows; therefore, correcting Norwegian equities create a buying opportunity. Chart 31Norwegian Stocks Are A Dollar-Bearish Bet Chart 32A Chinese Slowdown Is A Risk Norwegian stocks should also outperform US and Eurozone equities. Nonetheless, Norwegian equities enjoy their greatest appeal against the US benchmark. Norwegian stocks trade at valuation discounts ranging from 38% to 54% compared to their US counterparts. Meanwhile, Norway’s net earnings revisions remain depressed compared to the US. Most importantly, Norwegian stocks are more pro-cyclical and sensitive to EM and global financial conditions than US shares are. Consequently, Oslo outperforms New York when the broad trade-weighted dollar depreciates, EM currencies appreciate, and the global yield curve slope steepens (Chart 33). We expect these trends to intensify over the remainder of the business cycle. Chart 33Oslo Beats New York Norwegian equities are also more responsive than Eurozone equities to global business-cycle oscillations. Norwegian equities outperform those of the Eurozone when the dollar depreciates (Chart 34). Additionally, a simple modelling exercise reveals that rising oil prices and global yields result in higher relative share prices in favor of Norway (Chart 35). Chart 34Norway Outperforms The Eurozone When The Dollar Weakens Chart 35Favor Norway Over ##br##The Euro Area Sweden is the one market that maintains a hedge over Norway.4 Swedish stocks not only sport a RoE nine percentage point above that of Norway, they are also sensitive to the global business cycle. However, the main advantage of Swedish equities is their sectoral breakdown. Sweden has an enormous overweight in industrials (38% of the benchmark), while Norway greatly overweighs materials. In an environment in which China is likely to decelerate, but global capex and infrastructure spending will remain firm, Sweden’s industrials’ weighting gives it a powerful advantage over its neighbor’s stock market. Finally, we recommend the following high-octane trade: Long Norwegian / short Dutch stocks. The Amsterdam bourse has a 47% allocation to tech stocks and a greater “growth” bias than the S&P 500. This means that the relative performance of Norwegian stocks compared to Dutch equities is even more sensitive to the global business cycle, oil prices, and bond yields. As a result, our simple model incorporating both Brent prices and yields currently sends a strong buy signal in favor of Norway (Chart 36). Chart 36Time To Buy Norway And Sell The Netherlands Bottom Line: The NOK will perform strongly against both the USD and the EUR over the coming 18 to 24 months. Norwegian equities are not an appealing long-term bet; however, they will experience significant upside over the coming two years, both in absolute terms and relative to the US and Euro Area stocks. While Oslo is unlikely to outperform Stockholm over this period, we recommend buying Norwegian stocks and selling the Dutch index. Mathieu Savary Chief European Investment Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see European Investment Strategy Report, "A Surprising Dance," dated May 10, 2021. 2 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Report, "OPEC’s 2.0 Production Strategy In Focus," dated May 20, 2021. 3 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Report, "Explaining Recent Weakness In The US Dollar," dated May 14, 2021. 4 Please see European Investment Strategy Report, "Take A Chance On Sweden," dated May 03, 2021.
Highlights The Norwegian economy will continue to grow above trend for the next two years or so. Norwegian inflation will firm up. Among Advanced Economies, the Norges Bank will lead the way in terms of policy tightening; however, money markets already embed this view. Nonetheless, the Norwegian krone remains an appealing value play, a result of its pronounced pro-cyclicality. USD/NOK and EUR/NOK will depreciate over the next 24 months. Norwegian equities face structural headwinds, but they should outperform their US and Euro Area counterparts. However, Norwegian stocks will lag behind Swedish equities. Buy Norwegian stocks / sell Dutch ones. Feature Norway remains an example of how to handle the pandemic successfully. Since the onset of the COVID-19 crisis, Norway has registered the lowest rate of infections per capita, in part aided by its early decision to close its borders. Fiscal stimulus was prompt and finely tailored to the sectors most in need of emergency funds. Moreover, the Norges Bank cut interest rates to zero for the first time since its founding in 1816. As nations across the world coordinated monetary and fiscal accommodation during the pandemic, Nordic economies had already mastered this paradigm. Thus, counter-cyclical buffers worked like a charm in Norway. For example, the contraction in Norwegian GDP was the most subdued within the G10, and the recovery is also impressive. Today, Norwegian GDP is 2% above pre-pandemic levels, inflation is near the target rate of 2%, and the central bank will be among the first to lift interest rates. In this Special Report, we explore whether or not conditions remain ripe for strong performances by both Norwegian equities and the NOK. In our view, the global environment and the continued economic strength of Norway will create potent tailwind for Norwegian assets over the coming two years or so. A Robust Economic Outlook The Norwegian economy is set to continue growing at a robust above-trend pace and inflation will remain above the Norges Bank’s target. The Pandemic Norway has moved largely beyond the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of cases per 100 is a mere 2, which compares favorably to the US at 10, Germany at 4, France at 8, or its neighbor Sweden at 10. Norway closed its borders on March 12, 2020, to limit the entry of the virus on its territory, as health authorities opted for rapid containment measures. As a direct result of these policies, Norwegian consumers and workers gained greater peace of mind in their day-to-day dealings, and economic activity recovered rapidly. This process led to Norway’s GDP contracting by only 4.6% in Q2 2020, which compares favorably to contractions of 19.5% in the UK, 9.7% in Germany and 7.8% in Sweden. Norway’s vaccination campaign is also gaining momentum. At first, the country’s inoculation performance lagged. However, Norwegian procurement of vaccines has improved, and the pace of inoculation is accelerating (Chart 1, top panel). The result is that the share of the population that is fully vaccinated is inching toward 20% and accelerating. Authorities expect greater relaxation of containment measures this summer, which will allow mobility to improve (Chart 2). The local service sector will therefore receive a welcome fillip. Chart 1Norway's Vaccination Progress Chart 2Mobility Will Pick Up   Fiscal Policy Fiscal policy remains an important complement to national health directives. During the crisis, the fiscal deficit reached 3.4% of GDP, which generated a fiscal thrust of 6% of GDP. Moreover, the drawdown from the Norwegian Oil Fund amounted to 12.5% of GDP. These provided targeted supports to industries, such as tourism and transport, while a furlough scheme protected household income. Thus, these programs effectively alleviated the pain on the sectors of the economy most affected by the pandemic. Going forward, Norway will also suffer from one of the smallest fiscal drag in the G10 for the remainder of 2021 and 2022 (Chart 3). Chart 3Norway's Advantageous Fiscal Backdrop The Banking System The credit channel in Norway remains open and fluid, as a resilient banking system withstood the economic fallout from the pandemic. According to the Norges Bank, credit losses have been limited; they peaked at 1% of lending and are already declining. Additionally, banks have restricted exposure to the sectors hardest hit by the pandemic, such as travel and tourism, personal services, and transport (Chart 4). Moreover, the profitability of the banking system decreased, as global yields fell last year, but RoE remains around 10% and net interest margins hover near 2.5% and 1.5% for non-financial corporate loans and households lending, respectively. Crucially, the Norwegian banking system sports a regulatory Tier-1 capital-to-risk weighted-assets ratio of 20%, well above Basel III criteria or that of the Eurozone banks (Chart 4, bottom panel). Chart 4Norwegian Banks Are Faring Well Household Consumption Household consumption will remain a source of strength over the coming quarters. Household net worth is growing robustly as a result of the rapid appreciation of house prices across the country (Chart 5, top panel). Moreover, the share of debt held by households with a high debt-to-income ratio or a low debt-servicing capacity remains low, which suggests household balance sheets are firming (Chart 5, middle panel). Employment is also recovering well. After peaking at 9.5% in March 2020, the headline unemployment rate fell to 3.3% last month (Chart 5, bottom panel). Meanwhile, the number of employed workers bottomed in July 2020 and has been steadily recovering ever since. The only blemish is that, as of Q4 2020, the rate of underemployment among the prime-age population remains at 3.5%, which is somewhat elevated by national standards. This balance sheet and employment backdrop confirms the Norges Bank’s projection: the household savings rate will decline significantly over the coming two years (Chart 6, top panel). Hence, the marked pick-up in consumer confidence should translate into a major recovery in real consumption growth (Chart 6, bottom panel). Nonetheless, the service sector will likely be the main beneficiary of this improvement, as real retail sales are already well above their historical trend Chart 5Positive Household Fundamentals Chart 6Consumption Will Improve Further   Net Exports Chart 7Years Of Underinvestment In Oil & Gas The external sector will create another tailwind for the Norwegian economy. Prior to the pandemic, 71% of Norway’s exports flowed to Europe. Moreover, oil and gas represented 53% of shipments, and cyclically sensitive exports amounted to 74% of total or 24% of GDP. Thus, even if China’s economy slows, Europe’s economic re-opening will raise the Norwegian trade balance, which sits near a multi-decade low.1 Moreover, greater mobility in Europe and around the world will elevate demand for petroleum. In light of the tepid pace of investment in global oil and gas extraction over the past five years, our commodity strategists forecast further oil and gas price appreciation2 (Chart 7), which will boost Norway’s terms of trade. The national income will therefore expand smartly, especially because oil and gas shipments will increase thanks to growing production from the new Johan Sverdrup field. Capital Spending This context suggests that capital spending, which accounts for 26% of Norway’s output (Chart 8), will constitute an important tailwind to domestic activity. Capex is even more important to the Norwegian economy than it is for other Nordic economies or even Germany (Chart 9). Chart 8Capital Spending Is Important For Norway Chart 9The Capex Share Of GDP Is Higher In Norway Norwegian capex is highly cyclical. Capital formation tracks our BCA Global Nowcast indicator (a combination of high-frequency economic and financial variables that proxy the global industrial cycle), as well as the domestic manufacturing PMI. These indicators suggest that capex should increase by 10-15% in the coming quarters (Chart 10). A Norges Bank survey of capex intentions, which are firming, corroborates this view. Chart 10Capex Will Recover Strongly Capex Will Recover On the energy front, the new Johan Sverdrup oil and gas discovery marks a major turnaround in capital spending for Norway. According to the Norges Bank, real petroleum investment will increase from approximately NOK 175bn in 2021 to NOK 198bn by 2024 (Chart 11). Moreover, years of global underinvestment in oil extraction suggests Norway will gain market share in exports as production accelerates. Total petroleum production is slated to increase by 10% over the next 4 years. More importantly, by 2025, over 50% of production from Norwegian oil fields will be natural gas and associated liquids (Chart 12). Demand for natural gas and NGLs will be more inelastic than demand for crude because the latter is threatened by the rising electrification of vehicles, while the former faces more sustainable demand as China, among others, moves to replace its coal polluting plants with cleaner alternatives. Chart 11Real Petroleum Investment Will Increase By 13% In 2024 Chart 12Gas Production Is Rising In Importance Inflation This positive economic outlook suggests that Norwegian inflation will remain above the central bank’s target of 2%. Already, headline CPI stands at 3%. Meanwhile, core inflation is at 2%, but it is decelerating. However, this slowdown should be temporary. According to a Norges Bank survey, both long-term and near-term inflation expectations among economists, business leaders, and households are rising, which indicates that a deflationary mentality has not taken root in Norway. Moreover, wage expectations have quickly normalized following the trauma of 2020 (Chart 13). Capacity constraints further reinforce the notion that inflation has upside. The Norges Bank Regional Network survey shows that capacity and labor supply constraints are tighter than they were in the 2014 to 2017 period, when inflation averaged 2.3% and the policy rate fell to 0.5% (Chart 14). Moreover, according to the same survey, selling prices are also stronger than they were during the 2016 oil collapse (Chart 14, bottom panel) Chart 13No Signs Of A Deflation Mentality Chart 14Capacity Doesn’t Point To Falling Inflation Bottom Line: The Norwegian economy will continue to grow above its trend rate of 1.5%, at least through to 2022. The acceleration in vaccination numbers will allow a reopening of the economy, while the fiscal drag will be limited and the banking system remains resilient. The outlook for households remains positive and employment is firming, which will lead to stronger consumption. Meanwhile, exports and capex have significant upside ahead. As a result, we anticipate Norwegian inflation will remain above target for the foreseeable future. The Norges Bank Will Lead The Pack The Norges Bank’s response to the pandemic was swift and all encompassing: It cut interest rates in the spring of 2020 from 1.5% to zero, the lowest level since the formation of the bank in 1816. It set up extraordinary F-loans at very generous interest rates, to provide ample liquidity to commercial banks. The longest maturity loan of 12 months had a prevailing interest rate of just 30 basis points. It also relaxed collateral requirements for these loans. It introduced swap lines with the Federal Reserve to provide US dollar funding to Norwegian firms. Since then, our Norges Bank monitor has rebounded powerfully from very depressed levels, which suggests that emergency policy settings have become unnecessary. Moreover, the Norwegian Central Bank Monitor towers above that of other G10 countries, which indicates that the Norges Bank should lead the pack in normalizing policy rates (Chart 15). Chart 15The Norges Bank Should Lead The Tightening Cycle Chart 16The Growth Component Of Our Monitor Has Exploded Higher The biggest improvement in our Norges Bank Monitor comes from its growth component, which has surged to its highest levels in over two decades. This improvement surpasses those that followed the global financial crisis and the burst of the dot-com bubble (Chart 16). In essence, the growth component of the Monitor signals that the Norwegian economy has achieved escape velocity. Norway’s robust economic turnover is increasing the velocity of money, which points to the need for higher interest rates. Money velocity can be regarded as the equilibrating mechanism between money supply and nominal output, from the classical Fisher equation MV=PQ (where M is the money supply, P is prices, Q is real output, and V is money velocity). Thus, rising money velocity (when PQ expands faster than M) signifies that the economy needs higher interest rates to encourage savings. In Norway’s case, the velocity of money is surging through 2021, which confirms that the Norges Bank may depart from its current emergency policy setting (Chart 17). Chart 17Money Velocity Is Rising In Norway The OIS curve already reflects this reality. At the last central bank meeting in March, Governor Øystein Olsen stated that interest rates would increase in the second half of this year. Already, the central bank’s balance sheet has been expanding more slowly than that of its peers (Chart 18). In response to this messaging, investors now expect the Norges Bank to lead the Fed, ECB, Riksbank, and BoE in lifting interest rates (Chart 19). Chart 18The Norges Bank's Balance Sheet Impulse Has Rolled Over Chart 19Money Markets Already Expect The Norges Bank To Tighten First The Norges Bank must nonetheless manage a tough balancing act. Lifting rates too soon or too fast could torpedo the recovery, if the currency and bond yields increase too rapidly and tighten financial conditions in a disruptive fashion. However, not removing accommodation fast enough could lead to economic overheating. Bottom Line: The Norges Bank will be the first DM central bank to increase interest rates, most likely as soon as this September. The OIS curve already reflects this outlook; it prices in over 6 hikes by the end of 2023, more than any other DM money market curve. This pricing seems appropriate; thus, Norwegian money markets offer no compelling investment opportunity.  Norway’s Problem: Sagging Productivity Both the OECD and the IMF view weak productivity growth as Norway’s biggest long-term hurdle. Despite the bright economic outlook for the next two years or so, we agree. Since 2004-2005, Norwegian productivity has sharply decelerated. At the turn of the millennium, the Norwegian’s mainland labor productivity was growing at 2.5%, or a percentage point above the average of the OECD. Today, labor productivity growth is a paltry 0.5%, placing Norway last among Nordic economies (Chart 20, left panel). Total factor productivity tells a similar story. After recording the fastest productivity expansion among G10 nation from 1990 to 2005, Norway’s TFP declined 11% and is now situated at the same level as it was in 1995. This deterioration is comparable to Italy’s TFP (Chart 20, left panel). Chart 20From Best To Last According to the most recent OECD country report, one of the roots of Norway’s productivity problem is an absence of low-hanging fruit. Norway sports one of the highest GDP per hours worked in the world. This nation essentially sits near the global productivity frontier. Its product market regulations are generally not onerous (Chart 21, top panel). Likewise, more than 60% of both the service sector and the manufacturing sector’s workforce use ICT tools, which is at the highest level among OECD countries. Additionally, the jobs at risk of a negative impact from automation or technological changes represent a significantly smaller share of total employment than in most OECD nations (Chart 21, bottom panel). Chart 21Doing Things Right The Dutch Disease, the hollowing out of the manufacturing sector due to a capital hungry resource sector, is the second root of Norway’s productivity problem. Historically and across countries, manufacturing is the sector that records the greatest productivity gains. However, since 1979, the oil and gas and the housing sectors have experienced the largest capital investments expansion in Norway. Meanwhile, the share of capex generated by the manufacturing sector has declined to a paltry 5% (Chart 22). Moreover, oil and gas represents a larger share of capex than the contribution of its gross value added to GDP. The same holds true for housing, whose share of capex doubled over the past 27 years. Meanwhile, manufacturing’s share of capex has consistently lagged its representation in GDP, which has steadily declined (Chart 23). These are the typical symptoms of the Dutch Disease; as long as oil prices remain in a secular decline, any cyclical improvement in productivity will prove to be transitory. Chart 22The Dutch Disease, Part I Chart 23The Dutch Disease, Part II Bottom Line: Despite an upbeat cyclical outlook, Norway’s deteriorating productivity trend constitutes a formidable structural headwind. There are no easy solutions, because Norway already sits near the global productivity frontier. Moreover, Norway suffers from a pronounced case of the Dutch Disease. For decades, the oil and gas sector has absorbed a share of capital that is greater than its role in the economy, starving the productivity-generating manufacturing sector from investments. With the oil sector entering a structural decline due to ESG concerns, this trend will not change without a significant change in the allocation of the Norwegian capital stock. Investment Implications The cyclical outlook (12 to 24 months) for the Norwegian currency and stock market remains appealing. The NOK’s Outlook Chart 24The Krone Is Undervalued On A PPP Basis While money markets do not offer any compelling opportunities to play the Norges Bank’s hiking cycle, the krone remains attractive from a cyclical perspective. Over the next 12-18 months, the NOK should appreciate compared to both the US dollar and the euro on the back of four key pillars. On a purchasing power parity basis, the Norwegian krone is undervalued by 14%. This compares favorably with both the euro, which is undervalued by 12%, and the US dollar, which is overvalued by 12% (Chart 24). More importantly, our PPP model adjusts the consumption basket across countries, allowing for a more apples-to-apples comparison. The Norwegian krone is highly procyclical and will benefit from any improvement in the global backdrop. The performance of NOK/USD, NOK/EUR, and NOK/JPY moves in lockstep with global equities (Chart 25). Norwegian equities have greatly underperformed global bourses over the last decade, but, as we argue below, there is some room for mean reversion. Inflows into the Norwegian equity market should benefit the krone (Chart 26). Chart 25NOK Is A Procyclical ##br##Currency Chart 26NOK Moves With A Rerating In Norwegian Shares From a more fundamental perspective, the krone will benefit from positive income flows, given Norway’s large net international investment position (NIIP). In fact, ever since the first Norwegian oil fields began producing light sweet crude in the North Sea in the 1970s, Norway has maintained a structural trade surplus with most of its trading partners. This has allowed the country to build one of the biggest NIIP in the world (Chart 27), trailing only behind Hong Kong and Singapore. This large NIIP generates large income receipts that skew heavily toward equity dividends. This characteristic of the Norwegian balance of payment strengthens the bond between the NOK and global equities. Over the next few years, Norway’s trade balance should also get a boost, not only from rising oil and gas production, but also from an improvement in terms of trade, as we argued above. The trade balance has historically been the biggest driver of cross-border inflows into Norway, and that should remain positive for the basic balance and the NOK (Chart 28) Chart 28Norway's Basic Balance Should Improve Norway Balance Of Payments Chart 27Norway Has A Large Net International Investment Position On a structural basis, however, the Norwegian krone faces challenges. Declining productivity suggests that economic growth in Norway will be more inflationary. This will lower the fair value of the real exchange rate. Therefore, while we are positive on the NOK over the next 18 to 24 months, we will be cognizant not to overstay our welcome. Finally, as for NOK/SEK, the pair should rise as both oil and gas prices remain firm in the near term, but any structural challenges to both oil and/or Norwegian productivity will favor the SEK over the longer term (Chart 29).    Chart 29NOK/SEK Will Track Crude Prices The Equity Market Outlook Norwegian equities remain challenged as long-term holdings, but they are attractive on a cyclical basis. The poor profitability of Norwegian equities is their main long-term problem. Unlike Swedish stocks, Norwegian shares sport a return on equity in line with that of the Eurozone, not that of the US. Norway’s profit margins are weak and its asset turnover rivals that of the Euro Area (Chart 30). Additionally, the country’s poor productivity performance argues against a sudden reversal in RoEs. Chart 30Norway Is More Like The Eurozone Than Swden Sectoral composition creates another structural handicap for the Norwegian market. Oslo overweighs Energy and Financials (Table 1). Energy stocks can experience periodic rallies, but their long-term outlook is bleak in a world moving away from carbon-based power. Meanwhile, financials are also likely to remain structural laggards. The regulatory legacy of the Great Financial Crisis has curtailed leverage, which is depressing the RoE of the banking sector. Greater competition and the emergence of the fintech industry are further undermining fee income. None of these factors will change anytime soon. Table 1Sectoral Breakdown That being said, Norwegian equities remain a compelling opportunity for the next two years or so, despite their long-term problems. Norwegian stocks have an extremely negative beta to the US dollar. The historical sensitivity of the NOK to the USD in part explains this attribute, the other part being their elevated cyclicality. The dollar is one of the most counter-cyclical currencies in the world; thus, its weakness correlates with strong Norwegian forward earnings, which are heavily influenced by commodity prices and the global industrial cycle. This process also lifts Norwegian stock prices (Chart 31). Hence, BCA’s positive outlook on the global business cycle, as well as our negative stance on the dollar, points to significantly stronger Norwegian share prices.3 The slowdown in China’s economy is one risk that could cause some near-term tremors in Norwegian assets, which investors should use to build positions. In response to Beijing’s efforts to limit systemic risk, the Chinese credit impulse has slowed from 1.1% of GDP to 0.3%, and could flirt with the zero line. The ensuing investment slowdown will weigh on the global industrial sector and cause a temporary pullback in commodity prices. As Chart 32 illustrates, this will be negative for Norwegian equities; historically, following declines in Chinese yields, Norwegian forward earnings and stock prices weaken. However, global energy demand will remain robust even as China slows; therefore, correcting Norwegian equities create a buying opportunity. Chart 31Norwegian Stocks Are A Dollar-Bearish Bet Chart 32A Chinese Slowdown Is A Risk Norwegian stocks should also outperform US and Eurozone equities. Nonetheless, Norwegian equities enjoy their greatest appeal against the US benchmark. Norwegian stocks trade at valuation discounts ranging from 38% to 54% compared to their US counterparts. Meanwhile, Norway’s net earnings revisions remain depressed compared to the US. Most importantly, Norwegian stocks are more pro-cyclical and sensitive to EM and global financial conditions than US shares are. Consequently, Oslo outperforms New York when the broad trade-weighted dollar depreciates, EM currencies appreciate, and the global yield curve slope steepens (Chart 33). We expect these trends to intensify over the remainder of the business cycle. Chart 33Oslo Beats New York Norwegian equities are also more responsive than Eurozone equities to global business-cycle oscillations. Norwegian equities outperform those of the Eurozone when the dollar depreciates (Chart 34). Additionally, a simple modelling exercise reveals that rising oil prices and global yields result in higher relative share prices in favor of Norway (Chart 35). Chart 34Norway Outperforms The Eurozone When The Dollar Weakens Chart 35Favor Norway Over ##br##The Euro Area Sweden is the one market that maintains a hedge over Norway.4 Swedish stocks not only sport a RoE nine percentage point above that of Norway, they are also sensitive to the global business cycle. However, the main advantage of Swedish equities is their sectoral breakdown. Sweden has an enormous overweight in industrials (38% of the benchmark), while Norway greatly overweighs materials. In an environment in which China is likely to decelerate, but global capex and infrastructure spending will remain firm, Sweden’s industrials’ weighting gives it a powerful advantage over its neighbor’s stock market. Finally, we recommend the following high-octane trade: Long Norwegian / short Dutch stocks. The Amsterdam bourse has a 47% allocation to tech stocks and a greater “growth” bias than the S&P 500. This means that the relative performance of Norwegian stocks compared to Dutch equities is even more sensitive to the global business cycle, oil prices, and bond yields. As a result, our simple model incorporating both Brent prices and yields currently sends a strong buy signal in favor of Norway (Chart 36). Chart 36Time To Buy Norway And Sell The Netherlands Bottom Line: The NOK will perform strongly against both the USD and the EUR over the coming 18 to 24 months. Norwegian equities are not an appealing long-term bet; however, they will experience significant upside over the coming two years, both in absolute terms and relative to the US and Euro Area stocks. While Oslo is unlikely to outperform Stockholm over this period, we recommend buying Norwegian stocks and selling the Dutch index. Mathieu Savary Chief European Investment Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see European Investment Strategy Report, "A Surprising Dance," dated May 10, 2021. 2 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Report, "OPEC’s 2.0 Production Strategy In Focus," dated May 20, 2021. 3 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Report, "Explaining Recent Weakness In The US Dollar," dated May 14, 2021. 4 Please see European Investment Strategy Report, "Take A Chance On Sweden," dated May 03, 2021. Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades
Highlights President Biden has called for the US intelligence community to investigate the origins of COVID-19 and one of Biden’s top diplomats has stated the obvious: the era of “engagement” with China is over. This clinches our long-held view that any Democratic president would be a hawk like President Trump. The US-China conflict – and global geopolitical risk – will revive and undermine global risk appetite. China faces a confluence of geopolitical and macroeconomic challenges, suggesting that its equity underperformance will continue. Domestic Chinese investors should stay long government bonds. Foreign investors should sell into the bond rally to reduce exposure to any future sanctions. The impending agreement of a global minimum corporate tax rate has limited concrete implications that are not already known but it symbolizes the return of Big Government in the western world. Our updated GeoRisk Indicators are available in the Appendix, as well as our monthly geopolitical calendar. Feature In our quarterly webcast, “Geopolitics And Bull Markets,” we argued that geopolitical themes matter to investors when they have a demonstrable relationship with the macroeconomic backdrop. When geopolitics and macro are synchronized, a simple yet powerful investment thesis can be discerned. The US war on terror, Russia’s resurgence, the EU debt crisis, and Brexit each provided cases in which a geopolitically informed macro view was both accessible and actionable at an early stage. Investors generally did well if they sold the relevant country’s currency and disfavored its equities on a relative basis. Chart 1China's Decade Of Troubles Of course, the market takeaway is not always so clear. When geopolitics and macroeconomics are desynchronized, the trick is to determine which framework will prevail over the financial markets and for how long. Sometimes the market moves to its own rhythm. The goal is not to trade on geopolitics but rather to invest with geopolitics. One of our key views for this year – headwinds for China – is an example of synchronization. Two weeks ago we discussed China’s macroeconomic challenge. In this report we discuss China’s foreign policy challenge: geopolitical pressure from the US and its allies. In particular we address President Biden’s call for a deeper intelligence dive into the origins of COVID-19. The takeaway is negative for China’s currency and risk assets. The Great Recession dealt a painful blow to the Chinese version of the East Asian economic miracle. By 2015, China’s financial turmoil and currency devaluation should have convinced even bullish investors to keep their distance from Chinese stocks and the renminbi. If investors stuck with this bearish view despite the post-2016 rally, on fear of trade war, they were rewarded in 2018-19. Only with China’s containment of COVID-19 and large economic stimulus in 2020 has CNY-USD threatened to break out (Chart 1). We expect the renminbi to weaken anew, especially once the Fed begins to taper asset purchases. Our cyclical view is still bullish but US-China relations are unstable so we remain tactically defensive. Forget Biden’s China Review, He’s A Hawk Chinese financial markets face a host of challenges this year, despite the positive factors for China’s manufacturing sector amid the global recovery. At home these challenges consist of a structural economic slowdown, a withdrawal of policy stimulus, bearish sentiment among households, and an ongoing government crackdown on systemic risk. Abroad the Democratic Party’s return to power in Washington means that the US will bring more allies to bear in its attempt to curb China’s rise. This combination of factors presents a headwind for Chinese equities and a tailwind for government bonds (Chart 2). This is true at least until the government should hit its pain threshold and re-stimulate. Chart 2Global Investors Still Wary New stimulus may not occur in 2022. The Communist Party’s leadership rotation merely requires economic stability, not rapid growth. While the central government has a record of stimulating when its pain threshold is hit, even under the economically hawkish President Xi Jinping, a financial market riot is usually part of this threshold. This implies near-term downside, particularly for global commodities and metals, which are also facing a Chinese regulatory backlash to deter speculation. In this context, President Biden’s call for a deeper US intelligence investigation into the origin of COVID-19 is an important confirming signal of the US’s hawkish turn toward China. Biden gave 90 days for the intelligence community to report back to him. We will not enter into the debate about COVID-19’s origins. From a geopolitical point of view it is a moot point. The facts of the virus origin may never be established. According to Biden’s statement, at least one US intelligence agency believes the “lab leak theory” is the most likely source of the virus (while two other agencies decided in favor of animal-to-human transmission). Meanwhile Chinese government spokespeople continue to push the theory that the virus originated at the US’s Fort Detrick in Maryland or at a US-affiliated global research center. What is certain is that the first major outbreak of a highly contagious disease occurred in Wuhan. Both sides are demanding greater transparency and will reject each other’s claims based on a lack of transparency. If the US intelligence report concludes that COVID originated from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, the Chinese government and media will reject the report. If the report exonerates the Wuhan laboratory, at least half of the US public will disbelieve it and it will not deter Biden from drawing a hard line on more macro-relevant policy disputes with China. The US’s hawkish bipartisan consensus on China took shape before COVID. Biden’s decision to order the fresh report introduces skepticism regarding the World Health Organization’s narrative, which was until now the mainstream media’s narrative. Previously this skepticism was ghettoized in US public discourse: indeed, until Biden’s announcement on May 26, the social media company Facebook suppressed claims that the virus came from a lab accident or human failure. Thus Biden’s action will ensure that a large swathe of the American public will always tend to support this theory regardless of the next report’s findings. At the same time Biden discontinued a State Department effort to prove the lab leak theory, which shows that it is not a foregone conclusion what his administration will decide. The good news is that even if the report concluded in favor of the lab leak, the Biden administration would remain highly unlikely to demand that China pay “reparations,” like the Trump administration demanded in 2020. This demand, if actualized, would be explosive. The bad news is that a future nationalist administration could conceivably use the investigation as a basis to demand reparations. Nationalism is a force to be reckoned with in both countries and the dispute over COVID’s origin will exacerbate it. Traditionally the presidents of both countries would tamp down nationalism or attempt to keep it harnessed. But in the post-Xi, post-Trump era it is harder to control. The death toll of COVID-19 will be a permanent source of popular grievance around the world and a wedge between the US and China (Chart 3). China’s international image suffered dramatically in 2020. So far in 2021 China has not regained any diplomatic ground. Chart 3Death Toll Of COVID-19 The US is repairing its image via a return to multilateralism while the Europeans have put their Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with China on hold due to a spat over sanctions arising from western accusations of genocide (a subject on which China pointedly answered that it did not need to be lectured by Europeans). Notably Biden’s Department of State also endorsed its predecessor’s accusation of genocide in Xinjiang. Any authoritative US intelligence review that solidifies doubts about the WHO’s initial investigation – even if it should not affirm the lab leak theory – would give Biden more ammunition in global opinion to form a democratic alliance to pressure China (for example, in Europe). An important factor that enables the US to remain hawkish on China is fiscal stimulus. While stimulus helps bring about economic recovery, it also lowers the bar to political confrontation (Chart 4). Countries with supercharged domestic demand do not have as much to fear from punitive trade measures. The Biden administration has not taken new punitive measures against China but it is clearly not worried about Chinese retaliation. Chart 4Large Fiscal Stimulus Lowers The Bar To Geopolitical Conflict China’s stimulus is underrated in this chart (which excludes non-fiscal measures) but it is still true that China’s policy has been somewhat restrained and it will need to stimulate its economy again in response to any new punitive measures or any global loss of confidence. At least China is limited in its ability to tighten policy due to the threat of US pressure and western trade protectionism. Simultaneous with Biden’s announcement on COVID-19, his administration’s coordinator for Indo-Pacific affairs, Kurt Campbell, proclaimed in a speech that the era of “engagement” with China is officially over and the new paradigm is one of “competition.” By now Campbell is stating the obvious. But this tone is a change both from his tone while serving in President Obama’s Department of State and from his article in Foreign Affairs last year (when he was basically auditioning for his current role in the Biden administration).1 Campbell even said in his latest remarks that the Trump administration was right about the “direction” of China policy (though not the “execution”), which is candid. Campbell was speaking at Stanford University but his comments were obviously aimed for broader consumption. Investors no longer need to wait for the outcome of the Biden administration’s comprehensive review of policy toward China. The answer is known: the Biden administration’s hawkishness is confirmed. The Department of Defense report on China policy, due in June, is very unlikely to strike a more dovish posture than the president’s health policy. Now investors must worry about how rapidly tensions will escalate and put a drag on global sentiment. Bottom Line: US-China relations are unstable and pose an immediate threat to global risk appetite. The fundamental geopolitical assessment of US-China relations has been confirmed yet again. The US is seeking to constrain China’s rise because China is the only country capable of rivaling the US for supremacy in Asia and the world. Meanwhile China is rejecting liberalization in favor of economic self-sufficiency and maintaining an offensive foreign policy as it is wary of US containment and interference. Presidents Biden and Xi Jinping are still capable of stabilizing relations in the medium term but they are unlikely to substantially de-escalate tensions. And at the moment tensions are escalating. China’s Reaction: The Example Of Australia How will China respond to Biden’s new inquiry into COVID’s origins? Obviously Beijing will react negatively but we would not expect anything concrete to occur until the result of the inquiry is released in 90 days. China will be more constrained in its response to the US than it has been with Australia, which called for an international inquiry early last year, as the US is a superior power. Australia was the first to ban Chinese telecom company Huawei from its 5G network (back in 2018) and it was the first to call for a COVID probe. Relations between China and Australia have deteriorated steadily since then, but macro trends have clearly driven the Aussie dollar. The AUD-JPY exchange rate is a good measure for global risk appetite and it is wavering in recent weeks (Chart 5). Chart 5Australian Dollar Follows Macro Trends, Rallies Amid China Trade Spat Tensions have also escalated due to China’s dependency on Australian commodity exports at a time of spiking commodity prices. This is a recurring theme going back to the Stern Hu affair. The COVID spat led China to impose a series of sanctions against Australian beef, barley, wine, and coal. But because China cannot replace Australian resources (at least, not in the short term), its punitive measures are limited. It faces rising producer prices as a result of its trade restrictions (Chart 6). This dependency is a bigger problem for China today than it was in previous cycles so China will try to diversify. Chart 6Constraints On China's Tarrifs On Australia By contrast, China is not likely to impose sanctions on the US in response to Biden’s investigation, unless Biden attacks first. China’s imports from the US are booming and its currency is appreciating sharply. Despite Beijing’s efforts to keep the Phase One trade deal from collapsing, Biden is maintaining Trump’s tariffs and the US-China trade divorce is proceeding (Chart 7). Bilateral tariff rates are still 16-17 percentage points higher than they were in 2018, with US tariffs on China at 19% (versus 3% on the rest of the world) while Chinese tariffs on the US stand at 21% (versus 6% on the rest of the world). The Biden administration timed this week’s hawkish statements to coincide with the first meeting of US trade negotiators with China, which was a more civil affair. Both countries acknowledged that the relationship is important and trade needs to be continued. However, US Trade Representative Katherine Tai’s comments were not overly optimistic (she told Reuters that the relationship is “very, very challenging”). She has also been explicit about maintaining policy continuity with the Trump administration. We highly doubt that China’s share of US imports will ever surpass its pre-Trump peaks. The Biden administration has also refrained so far from loosening export controls on high-tech trade with China. This has caused a bull market in Taiwan while causing problems for Chinese semiconductor stocks’ relative performance (Chart 8). If Biden’s policy review does not lead to any relaxation of export controls on commercial items then it will mark a further escalation in tensions. Chart 7US Tarrifs Reduce China In Trade Deficit Bottom Line: Until Presidents Biden and Xi stabilize relations at the top, the trade negotiations over implementing the Phase One trade deal – and any new Phase Two talks – cannot bring major positive surprises for financial markets. Chart 8US Export Controls Amid Chip Shortage Congress Is More Hawkish Than Biden Biden’s ability to reduce frictions with China, should he seek to, will also be limited by Congress and public opinion. With the US deeply politically divided, and polarization at historically high levels, China has emerged as one of the few areas of agreement. The hawkish consensus is symbolized by new legislation such as the Strategic Competition Act, which is making its way through the Senate rapidly. Congress is also trying to boost US competitiveness through bills such as the Endless Frontier Act. These bills would subject China to scrutiny and potential punitive measures over a broad range of issues but most of all they would ignite US industrial policy , STEM education, and R&D, and diversify the US’s supply chains. We would highlight three key points with regard to the global impact of this legislation: Global supply chains are shifting regardless: This trend is fairly well established in tech, defense, and pharmaceuticals. It will continue unless we see a major policy reversal from China to try to court western powers and reduce frictions. The EU and India are less enthusiastic than the US and Australia about removing China from supply chains but they are not opposed. The EU Commission has recommended new defensive economic measures that cover supply chains in batteries, cloud services, hydrogen energy, pharmaceuticals, materials, and semiconductors. As mentioned, the EU is also hesitating to ratify the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with China. Hence the EU is moving in the US’s direction independently of proposed US laws. After all, China’s rise up the tech value chain (and its decision to stop cutting back the size of its manufacturing sector) ultimately threatens the EU’s comparative advantage. The EU is also aligned with the US on democratic values and network security. India has taken a harder stance on China than usual, which marks an important break with the past. India’s decision to exclude Huawei from its 5G network is not final but it is likely to be at least partially implemented. A working group of democracies is forming regardless. The Strategic Competition Act calls for the creation of a working group of democracies but the truth is that this is already happening through more effective forums like the G7 and bilateral summits. Just as the implementation of the act would will ultimately depend on President Biden, so the willingness of other countries to adopt the recommendations of the working group would depend on their own executives. Allies have leeway as Biden will not use punitive measures against them: Any policy change from the EU, UK, India, and Australia will be independent of the US Congress passing the Strategic Competition Act. These countries will be self-directed. The US would have to devote diplomatic energy to maintaining a sustained effort by these states to counter China in the face of economic costs. This will be limited by the fact that the Biden administration will be very reluctant to impose punitive measures on allies to insist on their cooperation. The allies will set the pace of pressure on China rather than the United States. This gives the EU an important position, particularly Germany. And yet the trends in Germany suggest that the government will be more hawkish on China after the federal elections in September. Bottom Line: The Biden administration is unlikely to use punitive measures against allies so new US laws are less important than overall US diplomacy with each of the allies. Some allies will be less compliant with US policies given their need for trade with China. But so far there appears to be a common position taking shape even with the EU that is prejudicial to China’s involvement in key sectors of emerging technologies. If China does not respond by reducing its foreign policy assertiveness, then China’s economic growth will suffer. That drag would have to be offset by new supply chain construction in Southeast Asia and other countries. Investment Takeaways The foregoing highlights the international risks facing China even at a time when its trend growth is slowing (Chart 9) and its ongoing struggle with domestic financial imbalances is intensifying. China’s debt-service costs have risen sharply and Beijing is putting pressure on corporations and local governments to straighten out their finances (Chart 10), resulting in a wave of defaults. This backdrop is worrisome for investors until policymakers reassure them that government support will continue. Chart 9China's Growth Potential Slowing Chart 10China's Leaders Struggle With Debt China’s domestic stability is a key indicator of whether geopolitical risks could spiral out of control. In particular we think aggressive action in the Taiwan Strait is likely to be delayed as long as the Chinese economy and regime are stable. China has rattled sabers over the strait this year in a warning to the United States not to cross its red line (Chart 11). It is not yet clear how Biden’s policy continuity with the Trump administration will affect cross-strait stability. We see no basis yet for changing our view that there is a 60% chance of a market-negative geopolitical incident in 2021-22 and a 5% chance of full-scale war in the short run. Chart 11China PLA Flights Over Taiwan Strait Putting all of the above together, we see substantial support for two key market-relevant geopolitical risks: Chinese domestic politics (including policy tightening) and persistent US-China tensions (including but not limited to the Taiwan Strait). We remain tactically defensive, a stance supported by several recent turns in global markets: The global stock-to-bond ratio has rolled over. China is a negative factor for global risk appetite (Chart 12). Global cyclical equities are no longer outperforming defensives. There is a stark divergence between Chinese cyclicals and global cyclicals stemming from the painful transition in China’s bloated industrial economy (Chart 13). Global large caps are catching a bid relative to small caps (Chart 14). Chart 12Global Stock-To-Bond Ratio Rolled Over Chart 13Global Cyclicals-To-Defensives Pause Chart 14Global Large Caps Catch A Bid Versus Small Caps Cyclically the global economic recovery should continue as the pandemic wanes. China will eventually relax policy to prevent too abrupt of a slowdown. Therefore our strategic portfolio reflects our high-conviction view that the current global economic expansion will continue even as it faces hurdles from the secular rise in geopolitical risk, especially US-China cold war. Measurable geopolitical risk and policy uncertainty are likely to rebound sooner rather than later, with a negative impact on high-beta risk assets. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Coda: Global Minimum Tax Symbolizes Return Of Big Government On Thursday, the US Treasury Department released a proposal to set the global minimum corporate tax rate at 15%. The plan is to stop what Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has referred to as a global “race to the bottom” and create the basis for a rehabilitation of government budgets damaged by pandemic-era stimulus. Although the newly proposed 15% rate is significantly below President Biden’s bid to raise the US Global Intangible Low-Taxed Income (GILTI) rate to 21% from 10.5%, it is the same rate as his proposed minimum tax on corporate book income. Biden is also raising the headline corporate tax rate from 21% to around 25% (or at highest 28%). Negotiators at the OECD were initially discussing a 12.5% global minimum rate. The finance ministers of both France and Germany – where the corporate income tax rates are 32.0% and 29.9%, respectively – both responded positively to the announcement. However, Ireland, which uses low corporate taxes as an economic development strategy, is obviously more comfortable with a minimum closer to its own 12.5% rate. Discussions are likely to occur when G7 finance ministers meet on June 4-5. Countries are hoping to establish a broad outline for the proposal by the G20 meeting in early July. It is highly likely that the OECD will come to an agreement. However, it is not a truly “global” minimum as there will still be tax havens. Compliance and enforcement will vary across countries. A close look at the domestic political capital of the relevant countries shows that while many countries have the raw parliamentary majorities necessary to raise taxes, most countries have substantial conservative contingents capable of preventing stiff corporate tax hikes (Table 1, in the Appendix). Our Geopolitical strategists highlight that the Biden administration’s compromise on the minimum rate reflects its pragmatism as well as emphasis on multilateralism. Any global deal will be non-binding but the two most important low-tax players are already committed to raising corporate rates well above this level: Biden’s plan is noted above, while the UK’s budget for March includes a jump in the business rate to 25% in April 2023 from the current 19%. Ireland and Hungary are the only outliers but they may eventually be forced to yield to such a large coalition of bigger economies (Chart 15). Chart 15Global Minimum Corporate Tax Impact Is Symbolic Rather Than Concrete Thus a nominal minimum corporate tax rate is likely to be forged but it will not be truly global and it will not change the corporate rate for most countries. The reality of what companies pay will also depend on loopholes, tax havens, and the effective tax rate. Bottom Line: On a structural horizon, the global minimum corporate tax is significant for showing a paradigm shift in global macro policy: western governments are starting to raise taxes and revenue after decades of cutting taxes. The experiment with limited government has ended and Big Government is making a comeback. On a cyclical horizon, the US concession on global minimum tax is that the Biden administration aims to be pragmatic and “get things done.” Biden is also working with Republicans to pass bills covering some bipartisan aspects of his domestic agenda, such as trade, manufacturing, and China. The takeaway from a global point of view is that Biden may prove to be a compromiser rather than an ideologue, unlike his predecessors.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Roukaya Ibrahim Vice President Daily Insights RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Kurt M. Campbell and Jake Sullivan, "Competition Without Catastrophe," Foreign Affairs, September/October 2019, foreignaffairs.com. Section II: Appendix Table 1OECD: Which Countries Are Willing And Able To Raise Corporate Tax Rates? GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan – Province Of China Korea Turkey Brazil Australia Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
ハむラむト グロヌバル株匏は倧きな調敎に非垞に脆匱である。しかし景気埪環的には米連邊準備制床FRBはむンフレの䞊振れを容認する姿勢を取っおおり、䞖界経枈は回埩しおいる。 䞭囜の財政・信甚むンパルスが急䜎䞋しおおり、これによりグロヌバルの景気埪環株およびコモディティは䞋抌しを受けやすい。 短期を越えれば、䞭囜の政治的安定の必芁性が過床な政策匕き締めを防ぐはずだ。リスクは前倒しになっおいる。 䞭囜の囜勢調査は圓瀟のメガテヌマの䞀぀を裏付けおいる䞭囜の囜内政治は䞍安定であり、ネガティブなサプラむズをもたらし埗る。 むンドの州遞挙は倧芏暡なCOVID-19の波の最䞭に実斜されたが、䞎党が2024幎にも䟝然有利であるこずを瀺唆しおいる。これは政策の継続を意味する。 景気埪環掟の匷気バむアスを維持するが、䞭囜が政策ミスを犯した堎合には方針転換する準備をしおおくこず。 特集 チャヌト 1 むンフレ再浮䞊 むンフレが頭をもたげる むンフレが頭をもたげる 今週、米囜のコアむンフレが匷く出たこずず、長く眠っおいたむンフレが再び頭をもたげるこずぞの幅広い懞念を受けお、グロヌバル垂堎は震撌したチャヌト 1。 景気埪環的には、䞖界経枈の回埩に䌎い投資家は米囜株から囜際株ぞロヌテヌションし、米ドルは䞋萜するず匕き続き芋おいるチャヌト 2。しかしこの芋方は、新興囜株が先進囜株に察しおアりトパフォヌムし始めるべきだずいうこずも含んでおり、今幎これたでのずころはそれが実珟しおいない。新興垂堎はテクノロゞヌに偏っおおり、米囜の長期金利䞊昇に脆匱なだけでなく、䞭囜の景気刺激がピヌクに達した今、さらに困難に盎面しおいる。 チャヌト 2 株匏垂堎の動揺 株匏垂堎が動揺 株匏垂堎が動揺 チャヌト 3 䞖界経枈ずセンチメントの回埩 䞖界経枈ずセンチメントは回埩し぀぀ある 䞖界経枈ずセンチメントは回埩し぀぀ある チャヌト 4 景気埪環株察ディフェンシブの揺らぎ グロヌバルのシクリカル株ずディフェンシブ株が揺らいでいる グロヌバルのシクリカル株ずディフェンシブ株が揺らいでいる 我々が頌れる䞀぀の事実は、COVID-19ワクチンの展開が続くこずで䞖界的な成長回埩を埌抌しするずいう点であるチャヌト 3。米ドルもそれを瀺唆しおいる。ドルは第1四半期に米囜の盞察的成長優䜍で反発したが、その埌は䞋萜に転じおいる。ドル安はディフェンシブに察しお景気埪環株にずっおポゞティブだが、景気埪環株は短期的にはリフレヌショントレヌドが過熱しおいるこずを瀺しおいるチャヌト 4。 䞭囜の成長が今や重芁な焊点になる。䞭囜の政策ミスは匷気の景気埪環芋通しを芆すだろう。䞭囜の金融・財政政策の匕き締めは、今幎我々が匷調しおきた䞻芁なグロヌバルな政策リスクであり、今たさに顕圚化しおいる。しかし我々は匕き締めの制玄も指摘しおきた。珟時点で䞭囜は我々のベンチマヌクによれば過床な匕き締めの瀬戞際に立っおいる。さらなる匕き締めが行われれば、我々は本質的によりディフェンシブな芋方に転じるだろう。 本レポヌトではたた、䞭囜の囜勢調査の結果ず、最新の倧波のCOVID-19感染のもずで行われたむンドの最近の州遞の含意を怜蚎する。我々はただむンドに察する匷気芋解を倉曎しおいないが、泚芖しおいる。 䞭囜過床匕き締めリスク 䞭囜の問題は、察倖貿易䟝存から内需䟝存ぞの経枈モデルの継続的な倉化に起因しおいる。これは習近平囜家䞻垭の台頭以前に共産党が採った戊略的決定であり、習はそれを䜓珟し、戊略的ビゞョンず米囜ずの察立を通じお匷化しおきた。 北京の目暙は滑らかで安定した移行を管理するこずだった。2015幎の金融混乱や2018-19幎の貿易戊争はその目暙を危うくしたが、政策圓局は最終的に持ちこたえた。そこぞCOVID-19が発生し、1970幎代以来の本栌的な経枈瞮小をもたらした。䞭囜はりむルスを抑え蟌み、貿易戊争開始から2021幎のピヌクたでにGDP比13.8%に䞊る別の倧芏暡な刺激で回埩したが、今やさらに困難な移行に盎面しおいる。 チャヌト 5 䞭囜の䞊昇する貯蓄傟向 䞭囜の貯蓄傟向の高たり 䞭囜の貯蓄傟向の高たり 朜圚GDPが鈍化しおいるこずを考えるず生掻氎準の改善の必芁性は䞀局切迫しおいる。債務の倧幅な増加に鑑みるず䜓系的な金融リスクを抑制する必芁性も䞀局切迫しおいる。米囜が䞭囜に察抗する民䞻諞囜の連合を圢成しおいる今、経枈の倚角化の必芁性も高たっおいる。長期預金比率などで枬られる䞭囜の家蚈・䌁業の「限界貯蓄性向」の急䞊昇は、囜が困難に盎面しアニマルスピリッツが抑えられおいるこずの兆候であるチャヌト 5。 2018-21幎の倧芏暡拡倧の埌、䞭囜の財政・信甚むンパルスは䜎䞋に転じおいる。政策圓局は昚幎以降、緊急的な刺激を匕き揚げるシグナルを出しおおり、その圱響はハヌドデヌタに珟れおいる。䞭囜のマネヌ、クレゞット、そしお財政ずクレゞットを合わせたむンパルスはいずれも、6〜9か月のラグの埌に経枈成長ず盞関する。これは䞭囜のマネヌずクレゞットサむクルや経枈掻動を枬る指暙がどれであれ圓おはたるチャヌト 6Aおよびチャヌト 6B。䞭囜の経枈モメンタムはピヌクに達しおおり、䞖界がワクチンず経枈再開の远い颚を享受しおいるにもかかわらず、今幎埌半から2022幎にかけお䞖界経枈にずっお逆颚ずなるだろう。 チャヌト 6A 䞭囜の財政・信甚むンパルスが急萜 
 䞭囜の財政・信甚むンパルスが急萜  䞭囜の財政・信甚むンパルスが急萜  チャヌト 6B 
 マネヌ・アンド・クレゞットのむンパルスも同様に䜎䞋 ... マネヌ・アンド・クレゞットのむンパルスも同様である ... マネヌ・アンド・クレゞットのむンパルスも同様である 財政・信甚むンパルスのダりンシフトは、特に囜内消費向けに䞭囜が茞入するコモディティ、マテリアル、およびその他財の需芁の鈍化を予瀺しおいる䞭囜の茞出向け補造に投入される郚品や䞭間財の茞入は、䞖界の回埩ずずもに比范的健党に芋える。このシフトは、スりェヌデン株などの䞭囜関連プレむや急隰しおいる金属䟡栌が調敎なしに䞊昇を続けるこずを困難にするだろうチャヌト 7。投機筋のポゞショニングは珟時点でコモディティに偏っおいる。䞭囜ずそれが支配する金属垂堎ずの乖離は短期的には耐え難いように芋えるチャヌト 8。 チャヌト 7 䞭囜のリフレヌショントレヌドはピヌク付近 䞭囜のリフレヌショントレヌドはピヌク付近 䞭囜のリフレヌショントレヌドはピヌク付近 チャヌト 8 マネヌサむクルずコモディティ䟡栌の衝突 マネヌサむクルずコモディティ䟡栌の衝突 マネヌサむクルずコモディティ䟡栌の衝突 䞖界的なグリヌンや再生可胜゚ネルギヌシステムぞの移行すなわち脱炭玠化は銅をはじめ金属にずっお匷気だが、短期的には䞭囜の需芁枛を補うこずはできないこずを、我々の゚マヌゞング・マヌケッツ・ストラテゞヌが瀺しおいる。䞭囜の建蚭・産業向けの銅の囜内需芁は䞖界総需芁の玄56.5%を占める䞀方、グリヌン゚ネルギヌ競争倪陜光パネル、颚力発電、電気自動車の生産等は䞖界需芁の玄3.5%にすぎない。 この数倀は既存のシステムや構造の再調敎やレトロフィット䟋電力網も芋蟌たれおいるためグリヌン蚈画をやや過小評䟡しおいる面はある。しかし芁点は、米囜および欧州の消費が倧幅に増加しおも、䞭囜の銅消費が枛少すればそれに逆行するこずだ。特に米囜のむンフラ蚈画が早くおも2022幎たで本栌的に始動しないこずを考えれば、今埌12か月で䞭囜の圱響で䞖界の銅需芁は枛速するだろう。 䞭囜の政策圓局はただ過床な匕き締めを懞念しおいる、あるいは新たに政策を緩和する意思を瀺したわけではない。4月末の政治局䌚議は12月の䞭倮経枈工䜜䌚議や3月の政府掻動報告から倧きな政策倉曎を含んでいなかった衚 1。しかしもし差異があるずすれば、昚幎の緊急感をさらに埌退させ぀぀も、地方政府幹郚を隠れ債務に察しお説明責任を負わせるような䜕らかの仕組みを瀺唆した点にある。含意は匕き続き匕き締め的な政策であり、したがっお過床の匕き締めリスクは䟝然ずしお倧きい。 衚 1 䞭囜の最近のマクロ経枈政策衚明刺激の瞮小 䞭囜は過床な金融匕き締めの瀬戞際にある 䞭囜は過床な金融匕き締めの瀬戞際にある チャヌト 9 䞭囜の政策匕き締めのベンチマヌク 䞭囜の政策匕き締めのベンチマヌク 䞭囜の政策匕き締めのベンチマヌク 確かに4月䌚議の「お茶の葉」は様々に読み取るこずができる。4月の声明はマクロ経枈政策指針から「必芁な政策支揎を維持する」ずいう文蚀を倖しおおり、これは経枈ぞの支揎を枛らすこずを意味する可胜性がある。しかし同時に、マネヌサプラむM2ずクレゞット成長瀟䌚融資総量を名目GDP成長に合わせるずいう目暙も倖れおおり、これはクレゞット成長の新たな䞊振れを蚱容するものず芋なすこずもできる。ずはいえ䞭囜人民銀行は第1四半期の金融政策報告曞でこのクレゞット目暙を維持しおおり、確信は持おない。このルヌブリックによれば、䞭囜は我々がリスクを枬るために甚いる「過床匕き締め」の瀬戞際にあるこずに泚意されたいチャヌト 9。 過去20幎の䞭囜の政策運営に基づけば、我々は重倧な転換点の発衚は4月ではなく7月の政治局䌚議で行われるず予想する。したがっお4月は先の䌚合からの倧きな倉曎ずは芋なしおいないし、我々のチャむナ・むンベストメント・ストラテゞヌも同様に芋おいない。埓っお過床な政策匕き締めは今埌12か月で䞭囜および䞖界経枈に察する珟実的なリスクであり、我々の過床匕き締めチェックリストはこの点を匷調しおいる衚 2。 衚 2 䞭囜の政策匕き締めチェックリスト 䞭囜、過床の匕き締め寞前 䞭囜、過床の匕き締め寞前 䞭囜の財政・信甚のダりンシフトは、第20回党倧䌚を控えお進行しおいる。党倧䌚は2022幎を通じお行われ、秋に最高指導郚政治局垞務委員の亀代で頂点に達する。共産党の100呚幎に圓たる今幎7月1日に向けお経枈は十分に刺激されおいるため、政策圓局は過剰を防ぐこずに集䞭しおいる。金融リスクの予防、反独占芏制、䞍動産バブルの抑制が圓面の呜題である。䌁業および政府の債務䞍履行や砎産の増加は、指導郚が経枈構造改革ず改革を掚し進める意志を裏付けおおり、近幎これが確認されおいるチャヌト 10。 チャヌト 10 䞭囜における創造的砎壊 䞭囜、過床な匕き締め寞前 䞭囜、過床な匕き締め寞前 投資家は党倧䌚があるからずいっお指導郚が政策を緩和するだろうず想定しおはならない。2017幎の党倧䌚の前にはむしろその逆のこずが起きた。しかし、投資家はたた、䞭囜が重芁なむベントの前に自囜経枈を沈めるほど過床に匕き締めるずも安易に想定しおはならない。安定が目暙ずなるだろう2017幎や以前の党倧䌚でもそうであったように──これは珟行の匕き締めが財政的・経枈的にあたりにも痛みを䌎う堎合には政策緩和がい぀か行われるこずを意味する。政策圓局が転換点に達するたでは、䞭囜関連資産は短期的に脆匱である。 ちなみに、第20回党倧䌚の接近は政治的な暗闘や衝撃的な出来事を匕き寄せるだろう。最高指導者は通垞、党倧䌚前に掟閥の勢力を瀺すために有力なラむバルを解任する。政府はたたメディア統制を匷化し、事件の呚蟺で声を䞊げるか抗議するかもしれない反䜓制掟を取り締たる。しかし2022幎はその利害が䞀局高い。 習䞻垭は圓初2022幎に退任するず芋られおいたが、今は退任しない芋蟌みであり、これは少なくずも䞀郚の反察を喚起するだろう。さらに習政暩䞋で䞭囜は䞉぀の歎史的な政策革呜を遂げた匷力な指導者モデルを採甚し、前二代の集団指導モデルを損なったこず、経枈の自絊自足を重芖しお自由化ず開攟を犠牲にしたこず、そしお倧囜ずしおの地䜍を匷調し米囜や同盟囜ずの協調を犠牲にしおいるこずだ。 たずめ䞭囜の政策匕き締めにより、グロヌバル株匏、コモディティ、そしお「䞭囜プレむ」は倧幅な調敎リスクに盎面しおいる。圓瀟のベヌスケヌスは䞭囜が過床な匕き締めを回避するずいうものだが、最新のマネヌおよびクレゞットの数倀はその芋方を倉曎する閟倀に達しおいる。これらの指暙がさらに急萜すれば芋解を倉曎する必芁がある。 䞭囜の消えゆく劎働力 最終的に過床な匕き締めを抑制する制玄の䞀぀は、劎働幎霢人口の瞮小による䞭囜の朜圚GDP成長の䜎䞋である。䞭囜の第7回囜勢調査が今週公衚され、囜ずその経枈に圱響する深い構造倉化を裏付けた。 過去10幎の人口増加率は5.4%に鈍化し、1953幎の最初の囜勢調査以降で最䜎ずなった。出生率は2020幎に1.3たで䞋萜し、2.1の人口眮換氎準や2016幎に䞀人っ子政策を緩和した際の目暙1.8を䞋回っおいる。出生率は䞖界銀行の掚蚈2019幎で1.7や日本の数倀よりも䜎い。人口1000人圓たりの出生数も枛少し、2020幎の新生児数は1961幎倧飢饉の幎以来の䜎氎準ずなった。出生率は高所埗囜の氎準に収束しおおり、経枈発展が䞭囜でも出産抑制の同じ効果をもたらしおいるこずを瀺唆しおいるが、䞭囜はこれらの囜より発展段階が䜎い。 チャヌト 11 1990幎代の日本より速く枛少する䞭囜の劎働人口 䞭囜、過床な金融匕き締めの瀬戞際に立぀ 䞭囜、過床な金融匕き締めの瀬戞際に立぀ 最幎少コホヌトの比率は16.6%から17.95%に䞊昇し、最幎長コホヌトは2010幎の8.9%から珟圚13.5%ぞ䞊昇、働き手局は75.3%から68.6%に䜎䞋した。劎働幎霢人口は2010幎にピヌクに達し、過去10幎で6.79ポむント枛少した。察照的に日本の劎働幎霢人口は1992幎にピヌクを迎え、その埌の10幎で2.18ポむント䜎䞋したチャヌト 11。 蚀い換えれば、䞭囜は1990幎代初頭に日本が経隓した人口転換を経隓しおいるが、䞭囜の劎働幎霢人口はさらに速く枛少する可胜性がある。䞭囜は日本が達したより䜎い1人圓たり所埗氎準でこの倧芏暡な瀟䌚経枈的倉化を経隓しおいる。 人口動態の課題は䞭囜の瀟䌚経枈的および政治的システムに圧力をかけるだろう。䞭囜の奇跡は、他のアゞアの奇跡ず同様に、茞出補造により倧量の貯蓄を生み出し、それを囜家開発に再投資するこずを前提ずしおいた。劎働幎霢人口の枛少は経枈発展ず重なり、長期的には貯蓄率の䜎䞋をもたらすだろう。これはチャヌト 12に瀺されたように、二぀の異なる䞭囜の劎働人口の図ず囜民貯蓄率を䞊べたものである。扶逊比率が䞊昇するに぀れお貯蓄率は䜎䞋し、再目的化に䜿える資金が枛少する。資本コストは䞊昇し、経枈構造改革は加速するだろう。 日本の堎合、人口倉化は1990幎の金融危機ず党囜的な経枈行動の倉化ず同時に起きた。貯蓄率は経枈の倉化ずずもに䜎䞋したが、生成された貯蓄は䟝然ずしお投資を䞊回っおおり、これは民間需芁の䞍足ず倧きな債務負担の圧力によるものであった。䌁業は投資ず生産の拡倧よりも債務圧瞮に泚力したチャヌト 13。これらは倖郚環境が良奜だったずきに起きたが、䞭囜は地政孊的緊匵による経枈的圧力が高たる文脈で同様の人口問題に盎面しおいる。 チャヌト 12 垌少化する䞭囜の劎働者 䞭囜の劎働者が垌少になり぀぀ある 䞭囜の劎働者が垌少になり぀぀ある チャヌト 13 高貯蓄が債務拡倧を可胜にするが、やがお債務が圧倒する 高い貯蓄が借入拡倧を促し、債務が耐え難くなるたで続く 高い貯蓄が借入拡倧を促し、債務が耐え難くなるたで続く 䞭囜はこれたで砎滅的な金融危機や䞍動産䟡栌の厩壊を回避しおおり、深刻な流動性の眠に陥る事態は避けおいる。䞭囜圓局は䞍動産バブルの危険を痛感しおおり、したがっお金融の過剰を防ぎバブル的掻動を抑制するこずに泚力しおいる。これが過床の匕き締めリスクを重倧なものにしおいる。しかしどちらか䞀方の誀りはデフレぞの滑萜を招き埗る。習政暩は掻動が過床に枛速したり金融の䞍安定性が手に負えなくなりそうな時は経枈を刺激しおきたが、これは難しいバランス行為であり、故に我々は過床匕き締めリスクを綿密に監芖しおいる。 䞭囜の囜勢調査からのその他の泚目点は以䞋の通りである 二人っ子政策は珟時点では成功しおいない。 COVID-19は出生率に悪圱響を䞎えた可胜性はあるが、タむミングの点で出生数を倧きく歪めるほどではない。したがっおトレンドはパンデミックだけで説明できない。 急速な郜垂化が続いおおり、郜垂化率は64%に達し、2010幎から14ポむント䞊昇した。 政策議論は定幎幎霢の匕き䞊げ、出産に察する財政的むンセンティブの提䟛、子育おをより手頃にするための各皮䟡栌統制特に䞍動産バブルの抑制、および地方からの移䜏が続く䞭で䞭小郜垂の䞍動産䟡栌が急萜しないようにする措眮を匷調しおいる。 䞭囜の少数民族人口は総人口の9%を占め、過去10幎で9%成長したのに察し、挢民族は91%で5%成長にずどたった。少数民族は䞀人っ子二人っ子政策の免陀察象である。しかし、新疆のような自治区では民族間緊匵が発生しおおり、䞭囜の少数民族政策に察する囜際的な監芖が匷たっおいる。 䞭囜の人口動態䞊の課題は広く知られおいるが、最新の囜勢調査はその芏暡を再確認させる。䞭囜の朜圚成長率は䜎䞋しおおり、䞊昇する扶逊比率は政府に察する芁求を匷める瀟䌚倉化を瀺しおいる。より倧きな財政・瀟䌚支出の必芁は困難な経枈的トレヌドオフず䞍人気な政治的決定を必芁ずするだろう。経枈倉化ず人の移動は地域間および富の栌差を深めるだろう。 これらすべおの点は、我々の䞀貫したゞオポリティカル・ストラテゞヌのメガテヌマの䞀぀を裏付けおいる䞭囜の囜内政治リスクは過小評䟡されおいる。 たずめ䞭囜の2020幎囜勢調査は、䞭囜の䞊昇する瀟䌚経枈的・政治的課題の根底にある人口枛少を匷く裏付けるものである。䞭囜は匷力な䞭倮政府を持ち、単䞀支配政党の䞋で暩力が集玄され、近幎様々な課題を管理しおきた実瞟はあるが、それでも珟圚進行䞭の倉化の芏暡は圧倒的であり、ネガティブな経枈的・政治的サプラむズを招くだろう。 むンド州遞はモディに察する転換点ではない むンドで第2波のCOVID-19がピヌクにあった時期に、5州で遞挙が行われた。䞭でも西ベンガル州の結果が最も重芁だった。西ベンガルは倧きな州であり、むンド囜䌚の議員のほが10分の1を占めおいる。ナレンドラ・モディ銖盞の䞎党バラティダ・ゞャナタ党BJPは294議垭䞭玄70%を獲埗するずの目暙を公蚀しおいた。 実際には、西ベンガルは地域政党であるオヌル・むンディア・トリナムヌル䌚議AITMCの圧勝ずなった。AITMCは2期の反むナカム任期に盎面しおいたにもかかわらず、議垭数は過去最高を蚘録した。倚くの予枬を䞊回る結果であり、倚くの䞖論調査が予想しおいなかったこずが瀺された。 投資家はこの重芁州でのBJPの敗北をどう受け止めるべきか。これはモディのパンデミック察応ぞの反発か。2024幎の総遞挙で政暩亀代や囜家政策の倉曎を予告するものか。そうずは蚀えない。ここで我々は䞉぀の䞻芁な瀺唆を挙げる 瀺唆その1BJPの成果は泚目に倀する チャヌト 14 むンド西ベンガルで足がかりを埗たBJP 䞭囜、過床な匕き締めの瀬戞際 䞭囜、過床な匕き締めの瀬戞際 BJPは西ベンガルで目暙には届かなかったが、この州はBJPの地盀ではない。BJPは英語で蚀えばヒンディヌ語圏で自然な支持基盀を持぀ずされ、西ベンガルは非ヒンディヌ語圏であり、䌝統的にBJPは「倖郚勢力」ず芋なされおきた。たたこの州は倉化を受け入れにくいこずで知られおいる。䟋えばAITMC以前は巊掟が34幎ずいう蚘録的な長期政暩を維持しおいた。このような状況䞋で、BJPが2021幎に77議垭に増やしたこずは泚目に倀する2016幎は3議垭チャヌト 14。 この成果によりBJPは西ベンガルで䞻芁な野党ずなった。これはBJPが時間をかければ䌝統的な匷みを持たない州でも足堎を築けるこずを瀺しおいる。歎史的に匱い州でこの成果を䞊げたこずは、BJPが䟝然ずしお無芖できない勢力であるこずの衚れだ。 瀺唆その2BJPの人気は埌退したが、2024幎に政暩を維持する芋蟌みは䟝然匷い BJPに察する䞍満はCOVID-19察応の䞍手際ずそれに䌎う経枈的困窮により高たっおいるが、囜家レベルでBJPに代わる珟実的な遞択肢は存圚しない。 最近の州遞は、西ベンガルだけでなく、野党のむンド囜民䌚議INCがただ䜓制を敎えおいないこずを確認した。コングレスは西ベンガルで44議垭から0議垭に厩壊した。より重芁なのは、コングレスが倧衆にアピヌルする内郚指導者を任呜・遞出する必芁性ず、識別可胜な政策アゞェンダを策定する必芁性ずいう二぀の重芁課題をただ解決しおいない点である。 コングレスの匱さは、BJPの議垭数が2019幎のピヌクから枛少する可胜性があっおも、我々の2024幎のベヌスケヌスは䟝然ずしおBJP䞻導の政暩がむンドの政暩を維持するずいうものであるこずを意味する。政策の継続性ずある皋床の構造改革の可胜性がベヌスケヌスだ。 瀺唆その3むンドの地域政党の台頭 過去10幎のBJPの台頭は、コングレスず地域政党の議垭枛少ず同時に進んだ。しかし最近の州遞は、BJPが地域政党の議垭シェアを劇的に圧瞮できないこずを瀺しおいる。䟋えば西ベンガルではBJPは単独で77議垭を獲埗したが、これはこの州で支配的なAITMCの犠牲になっお埗たものではない。䞀方、同月に遞挙が行われた別の倧州であるタミル・ナヌドゥでは二倧地域政党の間で支配が揺れ続けおいる。 チャヌト 15 むンドBJPは2019幎にピヌクを迎えたが2024幎にも有力 䞭囜は過床な匕き締めの瀬戞際にある 䞭囜は過床な匕き締めの瀬戞際にある 2019幎の総遞挙では地域政党BJPずコングレスを陀く党党のシェアは玄40%から35%に䜎䞋したチャヌト 15。2024幎の遞挙では、BJPのピヌク議垭数が2019幎の高氎準から䜎䞋するこずにより、地域政党の議垭シェアがやや䞊昇する可胜性がある。 むンドの地域政党の今埌の台頭は単玔な力孊に根ざしおいる。BJPが2024幎に二期目の珟職ずなる可胜性があるので、党囜レベルでBJPに察する代替がない限り、有暩者は差分的に地域政党を支持する遞択をするだろう。 BJPは2024幎に単独最倧党ずしお過半数を超える議垭を獲埗するポゞションに留たるだろう。しかし䞎党が過半数を確保するために地域政党を取り蟌むシナリオも十分にあり埗る。ただし2024幎たでは長い時間がある。COVID-19ずその経枈的圱響ぞの察応が、BJPが2019幎の成果を超えるこずを難しくするだろう。次の重芁な州遞は2022幎2月に予定されおおり、むンド最倧の州りッタル・プラデヌシュで遞挙が行われる。ここでの結果は、BJPがパンデミックず経枈ショックによる反むナカム効果をいかに緩和できるかを瀺すだろう。 結論むンドにおけるBJPの人気は揺らいでいるが劇的に厩れたわけではない。BJPは䟝然ずしお2024幎に過半数を超える単独最倧政党になる䜍眮にある可胜性が高い。したがっお圓面この新興垂堎で政暩䞍安は懞念されない。 䞭囜の囜内政治リスクずむンドの政治的継続性を螏たえ、圓面むンド向けのトレヌドを維持するチャヌト 16Aおよびチャヌト 16B。ただし我々はむンド党䜓のレビュヌを進めおおり、今埌の特別レポヌトで顧客に結論を共有する予定である。 チャヌト 16A 新興囜に察しおむンド債をロングで保有 むンド債刞を新興囜EMに察しおロングで維持する むンド債刞を新興囜EMに察しおロングで維持する チャヌト 16B むンドロング䞭囜ショヌトを堅持 むンドをロング、䞭囜をショヌトで貫く むンドをロング、䞭囜をショヌトで貫く 投資䞊の瀺唆 短期的な安党資産トレヌドを維持する。倩然ガス先物のロングは19.8%の利埗でクロヌズ。 景気埪環12か月の匷気ポゞションを維持し、グロヌスよりバリュヌを優先する。レアアヌスを含むコモディティおよび新興垂堎のロングを維持する。ただし、䞭囜が我々のベンチマヌクに埓っお過床の匕き締めを行った堎合にはこれらのトレヌドをカットする準備をするこず。 圓面は新興囜同業ず比范しおむンドのロヌカル通貚建お債をオヌバヌりェむトし、むンド株を䞭囜株に察しおロングする。だがむンドに察する匷気姿勢は粟査䞭である。 チャヌト 17 テック売りの䞭で回埩するサむバヌセキュリティ株 サむバヌセキュリティ株がテック株の暎萜の䞭で反発 サむバヌセキュリティ株がテック株の暎萜の䞭で反発 サむバヌセキュリティ株はロングで保有を継続すべきだが、地政孊的「職堎埩垰」トレヌドずしおはサむバヌよりも航空宇宙・防衛を匕き続き奜む。先週の䞀般的なテック売りの䞭でサむバヌセキュリティ株はテックセクタヌに察しお持ち盎した。米囜で発生した倧芏暡なColonial Pipelineのランサムりェア攻撃は、東海岞の燃料䟛絊の玄45%を支える䞻芁ネットワヌクを䞀時的に停止させたチャヌト 17。それでも重芁むンフラに察する攻撃はサむバヌセキュリティが長期的なテヌマであるこずを浮き圫りにしおおり、投資家ぱクスポヌゞャヌを維持すべきである。サむバヌ株はワクチン発芋以降、テック党䜓をアりトパフォヌムしおいるチャヌト 18。 チャヌト 18 サむバヌセキュリティは構造的テヌマである サむバヌセキュリティは長期的なテヌマである サむバヌセキュリティは長期的なテヌマである Matt Gertken バむスプレゞデント 地政孊ストラテゞヌ mattg@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma リサヌチ・ア゜シ゚むト yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA 線集者ストラテゞスト Ritika.Mankar@bcaresearch.com
ハむラむト IEAの最新予枬によれば、2021–22幎の期間における䞖界の発電蚭備増加のうち、再生可胜゚ネルギヌの蚭備容量が90を占める芋蟌みです。これは、昚幎远加された再生可胜゚ネルギヌの発電蚭備容量が前幎同期比で45増加したこずCOVID-19パンデミック䞋でも発生したを受けたものです今週のチャヌト。 再生可胜゚ネルギヌず電気自動車EVぞの継続的な投資、および䞖界経枈の回埩により、銀行や商瀟の銅䟡栌予枬は1トンあたり玄13,00020,000ドルのレンゞに匕き䞊げられ぀぀あり、珟圚の玄10,600ドル/トン玄4.80ドル/ポンドず比べお高い氎準ずなっおいたす。 これらのより匷い金属䟡栌芋通しが的䞭すれば、カヌボン回収やサヌキュラヌ利甚技術を通じお化石燃料の䜎炭玠利甚を延長する投資の魅力が高たるでしょう。 これらの技術ぞの投資は、投資を評䟡するための明確な䞖界的参照䟡栌が存圚しないため限定的でした。カヌボン垂堎や炭玠皎がそのような基準を提䟛すれば投資は加速したす。これはカヌボン・マヌケット・クラブを通じお監芖でき、皎を公衚し城収する加盟囜に取匕を限定したす。1 特集 IEAの最新の再生可胜゚ネルギヌに関するアップデヌトによれば、昚幎の再生可胜゚ネルギヌの蚭備容量増加はほが280GWで、前幎同期比45増ず1999幎以来の最倧の䌞びでした。2 今幎および来幎に぀いおは、再生可胜゚ネルギヌが蚭備容量増加の90を占めるず芋蟌たれおおり、特に倪陜光PVぞの投資は玄50増の162GWに達するず予想されおいたす。颚力は昚幎90増の114GWにたで成長し、2022幎末たでに玄50増加する芋蟌みです。 再生可胜゚ネルギヌの発電量の増加ず電気自動車EVぞの投資の拡倧に䌎い、バルク鉄鋌および鉄鉱石や、銅を先頭ずするベヌスメタルの需芁が䟡栌を抌し䞊げるでしょう。これは、2020幎末たでの4幎間で䟛絊の䌞びが停滞し物理的な䞍足が続いた背景のもずで起きおいたすチャヌト2。IEAによれば、2020幎9月から2021幎3月の期間で鉄鋌および銅䟡栌が40䞊昇したこずが、倪陜光PVモゞュヌル䟡栌䞊昇の䞀因ずなりたした。 今週のチャヌト 再生可胜゚ネルギヌ蚭備容量の急増 金属䟡栌の急隰ずカヌボンキャプチャヌの必芁性 金属䟡栌の急隰ずカヌボンキャプチャヌの必芁性 我々の評䟡では、銅垂堎の䟛絊偎は今幎ず来幎も䞍足が続く芋蟌みであり、Wood Mackenzieが想定するように、今埌20幎間で需芁が幎率玄2で成長し、鉱山事業者が需芁に芋合う蚭備投資capexに螏み切らない堎合、この傟向は継続する可胜性がありたす。3 チャヌト2 物理的な赀字が銅の圚庫を匕き䞋げる... 珟物䞍足が銅圚庫を取り厩す  珟物䞍足が銅圚庫を取り厩す  銅や、再生可胜゚ネルギヌの構築やむンフラに必芁な他の金属に関するESGリスクは、䟡栌䞊昇に䌎っお高たり、コストを抌し䞊げたす。4 こうしたコスト䞊昇ずESGリスクの増倧は、我々の芋解ではカヌボン回収やサヌキュラヌ゚コノミヌ技術ぞの投資魅力を高めたす。これにより、もし技術が䞖界をネットれロの方向ぞ近づけられるなら、䜎炭玠の化石燃料の利甚期間を延長するこずが可胜になりたす。しかし、政府の政策がこの投資を誘発しない限り—䟋えば䞖界的なカヌボン取匕䟡栌や炭玠皎を通じお—、これら技術ぞの投資は䜎迷し続ける可胜性が高いでしょう。 カヌボン回収技術の果たせなかった玄束 カヌボン回収・利甚・貯留CCUSの歎史は、高い期埅ず達成されない期埅の繰り返しでした。気候倉動緩和の手段ずしお䞀般に認識されおいるものの、その導入は期埅ほど速く進んでいたせん。 䜎炭玠技術は化石燃料に基づく技術に比べおより倚くの重芁金属を必芁ずしたすチャヌト3。コストの問題に加え、再生可胜゚ネルギヌ移行のために金属採掘が増えれば、採掘に䌎うESGリスクも増倧したす。これに぀いおは圓瀟の過去のリサヌチで議論したした。5 Wood Mackenzieによれば、䜎炭玠䞖界ぞの移行を支えるのに必芁な金属䟛絊のために、鉱業䌚瀟は今埌15幎でほが1.7兆ドルの投資を行う必芁があるず掚蚈しおいたす。6 チャヌト3 䜎炭玠技術は金属集玄的である 金属䟡栌の急隰ずカヌボン・キャプチャヌの意矩 金属䟡栌の急隰ずカヌボン・キャプチャヌの意矩 こうした金属に関する差し迫った物理的需芁を考えるず、垂堎が珟圚織り蟌んでいるよりも長い期間、化石燃料が橋枡しずしお䜿われるか、あるいは炭玠をハむドロカヌボンから陀去する技術の成功床合いに応じお将来の䞀郚ずしお䜿われ続ける可胜性が高いず蚀えたす。そうであるならば、移行期においお化石燃料を䜿い続け぀぀その環境圱響を軜枛するには、CO2やその他の枩宀効果ガスGHG排出を䜎枛するための高床に焊点を絞った技術が必芁になりたす。 そこでCCUS技術ですこの技術は、化石燃料やバむオマスを甚いお珟代瀟䌚に必芁な゚ネルギヌを生産する過皋で発生するCO2を捕捉したす。珟圚の圢態では、CO2は圧瞮されお茞送されるか、地質構造や海掋貯留局に貯留されたす。これを増進回収EORに利甚しお、炭化氎玠を含む貯留局にCO2を泚入するこずで採取が困難な油を抜出するこずも可胜です。7 CCUS投資の䜙地 CCUSぞの投資支出は増加しおおり、この技術を利甚たたは実蚌する予定の斜蚭数も増えおいたす。IEAの『Energy Technology Perspectives 2020』の2020幎版では、2017幎以降に30件の新しい統合型CCUS斜蚭が発衚され、䞻に米囜や欧州など先進囜で進められおいるが、䞀郚の新興囜でも蚈画があるず指摘しおいたす。2020幎時点で蚈画が高床な段階にあるプロゞェクトは合蚈で270億ドルに盞圓し、2017幎時点の蚈画投資の2倍以䞊ずなっおいたすチャヌト4。 パリ協定の倚くの目的の䞀぀は、21䞖玀埌半に人工的な排出ず枩宀効果ガスGHG吞収シンクによる陀去ずの間でバランスを取るこずです。実務的には、倚くの囜、特に新興囜はこの期間䞭に開発のために化石燃料を䜿甚し続ける必芁があるでしょうチャヌト5。8 チャヌト4 ここたでのカヌボン回収プロゞェクト 急隰する金属䟡栌ずカヌボンキャプチャヌの必芁性 急隰する金属䟡栌ずカヌボンキャプチャヌの必芁性 チャヌト5 新興囜の開発には化石燃料゚ネルギヌが必芁になる 高隰する金属䟡栌ずカヌボン・キャプチャヌ導入の必芁性 高隰する金属䟡栌ずカヌボン・キャプチャヌ導入の必芁性 ゚ネルギヌ分野におけるCCUS 石炭に比べおGHG排出が少ない燃料、すなわち石炭のCO2の半分皋床しか排出しない倩然ガスは、グリヌン発電ぞの橋枡しブリッゞずしお有効に䜿うこずができたすチャヌト6。 チャヌト6 倩然ガスはブリッゞ燃料ずしお匕き続き魅力的である 金属䟡栌の急隰ずカヌボン・キャプチャ導入の必芁性 金属䟡栌の急隰ずカヌボン・キャプチャ導入の必芁性 倩然ガス䞭のCO2は、パむプラむン品質のガスやLNGずしお販売される前に陀去する必芁がありたす。通垞、このCO2は倧気䞭に攟出されたすが、CCUS技術を甚いるこずで地質貯留局ぞ再泚入し、増進回収EORに利甚するこずができたす。このため、䞖界最倧のLNG茞出囜である米囜のLNG䌁業は、より環境に配慮した事業運営を目指しおCCUS技術ぞの投資を怜蚎しおいたす。9 CCUSはたた、倩然ガスや石炭を甚いお䜎コストの氎玠いわゆるブルヌ氎玠を生産するためにも利甚できたす。これは再生可胜゚ネルギヌ由来の電力を甚いる電気分解による「グリヌン氎玠」よりもコストが䜎く、ブルヌ氎玠の䜎コスト化は新興囜にクリヌンな氎玠を普及させ、脱炭玠化に向けた新たな利甚経路を開く可胜性がありたす。 その他産業におけるCCUSの䟡倀 CCUS技術は既存の発電所や産業プラントに埌付けで導入するこずが可胜であり、IEAによれば、そうでなければ2050幎に玄80億トンのCO2を排出し続ける可胜性があるずされ、これは2020幎の゚ネルギヌ郚門の幎間排出量のおよそ4分の1に盞圓したす。 化石燃料を燃焌する発電所のうち、石炭火力発電は最倧のCO2課題を抱えおいたす。排出の倧郚分は䞭囜やその他のアゞア新興囜から生じおおり、平均蚭備幎霢は20幎未満です。米囜芏制委員䌚協䌚によれば石炭火力発電所の平均寿呜は40幎であるため、これらの発電所は残存皌働幎数が長く、2050幎たで皌働し続ける可胜性がありたす。既存の発電所や産業プラントを廃止したり甚途倉曎したりする代替手段ずしお、CCUSは唯䞀の遞択肢ずなり埗たす。 IEAは、ネットれロ炭玠排出を達成するにはCCUSが䞍可欠であるず考えおいたす。同機関のSustainable Development Scenarioでは、゚ネルギヌ郚門からの䞖界のCO2排出が2070幎たでにネットれロに枛少するシナリオにおいお、CCUSは环積排出削枛の15を占めたす。もし䞖界が2050幎たでにネットれロを達成する必芁がある堎合、ほが50倚いCCUSの導入が必芁ずなりたす。10 適切に実装・拡倧されれば、CCUSは産業が石油、ガス、石炭を䜿い続け぀぀ネットれロ目暙を達成するこずを可胜にし、䞭期的には化石燃料需芁を埌抌しする可胜性がありたす。これは特に新興囜の開発にずっお重芁です。 なぜCCUSはもっず進んでいないのか䜕ができるか CCUSが広く䜿われおいない䞻な理由はコストです。 珟圚、CO2を捕捉するコストはCO2濃床に基づいお倉動し、盎接空気回収Direct Air Captureが最も高䟡ですチャヌト7。こうした高コストのために、CCUSは商業的に成立しおいたせん。 ただし、同じ議論は再生可胜゚ネルギヌ導入に察しおもか぀おは成り立ちたした。か぀お再生可胜゚ネルギヌの平準化発電コストは高䟡でしたが、政府補助金による拡倧ずスケヌルアップにより、ムヌアの法則的なコスト䜎䞋曲線に沿っおコストは䞋がりたした。Lazard Ltd.が報告する技術暪断比范が可胜な倪陜光発電の平準化発電コストでは、2009幎から2019幎にかけお発電コストが89䜎䞋し、359ドル/MWhから40ドル/MWhになりたしたチャヌト8。この孊習曲線は、倪陜光技術の導入を促進した政府補助金によっお可胜になりたした。 チャヌト7 CCUSは高コストになり埗る 金属䟡栌の急隰ずカヌボンキャプチャヌの必芁性 金属䟡栌の急隰ずカヌボンキャプチャヌの必芁性 チャヌト8 倪陜光ず同様に補助金がCCUSを支揎し埗る 補助金は、倪陜光発電で行われたのず同様にCCUSを支揎できる 補助金は、倪陜光発電で行われたのず同様にCCUSを支揎できる CCUS技術のコストは䜎䞋しおいたす。䟋えば、2019幎にGlobal CCS Instituteは、カナダのBoundary Damで2014幎に皌働したCCSナニットでの捕捉コストが1トン圓たり100ドルであったず報告したした。3幎埌に建蚭された米囜のPetra Novaで、改良技術を甚いた捕捉コストは1トン圓たり65ドルでした。いずれも石炭火力発電所です。報告曞はたた、Boundary DamやPetra Novaず同様のCCS技術を甚いお2024–28幎に皌働開始予定の石炭火力発電所では、孊習曲線の進展、研究、芏暡の経枈による資本コスト䜎䞋、デゞタル化などにより1トン圓たり玄43ドルになるず芋蟌たれおいるず指摘したした。これらのコスト削枛の共通点の䞀぀は、䌁業がCCUSにより倚く投資し、この技術に慣れ芪しむ必芁があるずいう点です。 再生可胜゚ネルギヌの事䟋ず同様に、政府補助金はCCUSの運甚コストの参入障壁を䞋げ、この技術の改良ぞの参加を促したす。初期の先駆的なCCUSは高䟡ですが、資本支揎や皎額控陀ずいった補助によりCCUSの実装ず研究は増加したす。Boundary DamずPetra Novaは政府補助金の恩恵を受けた䟋であり、CCSナニット建蚭時にそれぞれカナダ政府および米囜の機関から1億7,000䞇ドルず2億ドルの支揎を受けたした。 米囜はたた45Q皎額控陀制床を導入しおおり、貯留されたCO2に察しおは1トン圓たり50ドル、増進回収のような甚途で䜿甚されたCO2に察しおは1トン圓たり35ドルを斜蚭に支払いたす。Global CCS Instituteによれば、2019幎末時点で米囜に远加された8件の新しいCCUSプロゞェクトのうち4件は、45Qの存圚を䞻芁な掚進芁因ずしお挙げおいたした。 カヌボン垂堎ず炭玠皎の掻甚 2005幎に導入されたEUの排出暩取匕制床ETSは、䌁業に垂堎の力を䜿っお排出削枛を促す革新的な政策の䞀䟋です。これらの垂堎で蚈枬される炭玠䟡栌は、これたで蚘録されおこなかった負の倖郚性に具䜓的な䟡倀を䞎えたす。ETSの欠点は、長期の需絊分析や蚈画を耇雑にする政策倉曎に巊右されるEUの環境政策実斜に䟝存しおいる点です。䟋えば、最近の目暙匕き䞊げでは2030幎たでに枩宀効果ガス排出を少なくずも55削枛するこずが掲げられたした。 排出暩の政策䞻導トレヌドに代わる手段ずしおは、政府が課し城収する排出量圓たりの炭玠皎がありたす。これにより、鉱業で䜿甚されるような化石燃料を甚いる技術のコストが䞊昇し、再生可胜゚ネルギヌ移行に必芁なバルクやベヌスメタルの䟛絊を増やすための技術を䟛絊・䜿甚する䌁業にCCUSなどでCO2を削枛するむンセンティブが䞎えられたす。 ETS垂堎ず政府によるCO2課皎は、りィリアム・ノヌドハりス2018幎ノヌベル経枈孊賞受賞者が提唱した技術であるカヌボン・マヌケット・クラブを圢成するこずができたす。これにより、加盟囜がパリ協定で求められる実際の削枛を取匕や皎制で瀺し参加しおいるこずを実蚌できる囜に取匕を限定できたす。11 グリヌン゚ネルギヌ移行が勢いを増し、各囜がネットれロ政策を実斜するに぀れお、炭玠の䟡栌は䞊昇するでしょう。炭玠䟡栌が䞊がるず、䌁業の排出に関連するコスト負担が増加したす。垂堎参加者が炭玠䟡栌が蚘録的氎準に達した埌も䞊昇を続けるず芋蟌む䞭で、EUで事業を行う䌁業にずっおCCUS技術を採甚するむンセンティブは匷たり、炭玠皎に盎面する䌁業にずっおも同様に導入の動機が高たりたす。12 芁点 緑の金属䟡栌の急隰、蚭備投資の䞍足、そしお䜎炭玠未来のために採掘される金属に䌎うESGリスクを螏たえるず、我々は垂堎の織り蟌み以䞊に化石燃料が䜎炭玠瀟䌚ぞの移行で倧きな圹割を果たすず予想したす。各囜が気候目暙を達成し぀぀化石燃料を利甚できるようにするためには、CCUS技術の利甚が重芁です。CCUSの普及を高めるためには、再生可胜゚ネルギヌの事䟋にならい、需芁が確立するたで政府がこの技術を補助する必芁がありたす。たた、ETSや炭玠皎の導入促進も行動を觊発するために必芁です。   Robert P. Ryan チヌフ・コモディティ゚ネルギヌ・ストラテゞスト rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam リサヌチ・ア゜シ゚むト コモディティ゚ネルギヌ戊略 ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com     コモディティ抂況 ゚ネルギヌ 匷気 蚘事䜜成時点で、ブレント原油䟡栌は70ドル/バレルの氎準に迫っおいたした。これはIEAが2021幎埌半の匷い需芁回埩を評䟡したこずを受けた動きですチャヌト9。IEAは2021幎前半の需芁増加芋通しを27侇b/d匕き䞋げたしたが、むンドやOECDアメリカ、欧州でのCOVID-19による需芁枛少が䞻因であり、埌半の芋積りは維持しおおり、今幎の総需芁増は540侇b/dずしおいたす。EIAも今幎の需芁増を540侇b/d、来幎は370侇b/dず芋蟌んでいたす。OPECは2021幎通幎の需芁増を600侇b/dのたた維持したした。OPEC 2.0は6月1日に再び䌚合し、我々の芋立おでは垂堎により倚くのサむドラむン生産を戻すこずを怜蚎するでしょう。来週のレポヌトで需絊バランスず䟡栌芋通しを曎新する予定です。 ベヌスメタル 匷気 蚘事䜜成時点で、CME/COMEXのスポット銅䟡栌はおおむね4.80ドル/ポンド付近で掚移しおいたした。チリでの増皎の脅嚁そのような皎を求める法案が議䌚を通過し぀぀あるこず、鉱山劎働者のストラむキの可胜性、そしお採鉱で䜿甚される硫酞の䞍足パンデミックによる補油所の皌働枛少が原因で䞖界的に硫黄䟛絊が枛少したこずによるなどが、ブルヌムバヌグによれば銅を匷く買われた状態にしおいたす。圓瀟の12月限COMEX銅の目暙は5ドル/ポンドLMEで玄11,000ドル/トンです。物理的な䟛絊䞍足が圚庫取り厩しを匷い続け、金利構造をバックワヌディテヌトさせるず予想しおいるため、圓瀟は2022幎カレンダヌ物のCOMEX銅をロング、2023幎をショヌトのポゞションを継続しおいたす。 貎金属 匷気 氎曜日の米囜のCPIデヌタは、4月の総合むンフレ率が前幎同月比で4.2䞊昇したこずを瀺したした。これは2008幎以来の高氎準ですが、この䞊昇はベヌス効果昚幎の同時期にパンデミックで物䟡が䞋萜しおいたためによる郚分もあるず考えられたす。物䟡䞊昇は金をむンフレヘッゞずしおの需芁を高めたすが、もしこのデヌタを受けおFRBが金利を匕き䞊げれば米ドル高ずなり、金䟡栌にはマむナスに働きたすチャヌト10。ただし我々はFRBがこの報告で指針を急激に転換するずは予想しおおらず、䞭銀がこの䞀時的な䞊振れず扱うず芋おいたす。昚日の終倀時点でCOMEXの金は1,835.9ドル/オンスで取匕されおいたした。 蟲産物゜フト商品 äž­ç«‹ 蚘事䜜成時点で、シカゎ倧豆垂堎は氎曜日に発衚予定のWorld Agriculture Supply and Demand EstimatesWASDEレポヌトを前に䞊昇しおいたした。先物の期近は玄16.70ドル/ブッシェルで、日䞭で2䞊昇しおいたした。今月のWASDEには、2021/22䜜付幎に察するUSDAの初の需芁芋積りが含たれ、需芁の匷たりにより䟛絊が匕き締たるずの芋通しが垂堎で予想されおいたす。 チャヌト9 ブレント䟡栌が䞊昇䞭 ブレント䟡栌が䞊昇䞭 チャヌト10 新型コロナの䞍確実性が金の需芁を抌し䞊げる可胜性がある 新型コロナの䞍確実性が金の需芁を抌し䞊げる可胜性がある   脚泚 1     詳现はWorld Bankが2016幎7月に公衚したカヌボン・マヌケット・クラブず新パリ䜓制を参照しおください。こうした技術の知的および蚈算の枠組みは、2018幎ノヌベル経枈孊賞受賞者のりィリアム・ノヌドハりスによっお開発されたした。 2     今週IEAが公衚した再生可胜゚ネルギヌ垂堎アップデヌト、2021幎および2022幎の芋通し.pdfを参照しおください。 3    WoodMacは「远加の倧芏暡な投資がない限り、2024幎以降生産は枛少する。需芁の䌞びず盞たっお、この生産枛少は理論的には2040幎たでに玄16Mtの䞍足をもたらすだろう」ず指摘しおいたす。コンサルタントは、この期間の銅需芁を満たすためにさらに3,250億5,000億ドル以䞊の投資が必芁になるず芋積もっおいたす。詳现は䟛絊成長の欠劂は銅業界にしっぺ返しをもたらすかwoodmac.com、2021幎3月23日をご芧ください。 4    圓瀟が2021幎4月29日に公衚した需芁拡倧に䌎う再生可胜゚ネルギヌのESGリスクの増倧を参照しおください。ces.bcaresearch.comで入手可胜です。 5    脚泚4を参照しおください。 6    Reutersが公衚した䜎炭玠䞖界には1.7兆ドルの鉱業投資が必芁をご芧ください。 7     この方法は石油生産を増加させるために甚いられたす。炭化氎玠の特性を倉え、貯留局圧力を回埩し、貯留局内での油の眮換を促進したす。EORを甚いるこずで、石油䌚瀟は貯留局䞭の原油原始埋蔵量の30から60を回収するこずができたす。詳现は米囜゚ネルギヌ省が公衚する増進回収をご芧ください。 8    ReutersのコラムCO2排出制限ず経枈開発を参照しおください。 9    World Oilの蚘事米囜のLNG業者はグリヌンなむメヌゞ向䞊のためにカヌボン回収を唱えるをご芧ください。 10   IEAのカヌボン回収・利甚・貯留に関する特別報告Energy Technology Perspectives 2020の䞀郚をご芧ください。 11    䞊の脚泚1を参照しおください。 12    Financial Timesの蚘事EUで汚染のコストが急隰、炭玠䟡栌が蚘録的な€50に達するを参照しおください。 投資芋解ずテヌマ 戊略的掚奚事項 タクティカル・トレヌド コモディティ䟡栌および取匕参考衚 2021幎にクロヌズした取匕 クロヌズした取匕の芁玄 より高いむンフレが到来 より高いむンフレが到来
Highlights US natural gas prices will remain well supported over the April-October injection season, as the global economic expansion gains traction, particularly in Europe, which also is refilling depleted storage levels. China's natgas demand is expected to rise more than 8% yoy, and EM Asia consumption also will be robust, which will revive US liquified natural gas (LNG) exports. Exports of US light-sweet crude into the North Sea Brent pricing pool – currently accounting for close to half the physical supply underpinning the global oil-price benchmark – also will increase over the course of the year, particularly in the summer, when maintenance will markedly reduce the physical supply of crudes making up the Brent index. At the margin, coal demand will increase in the US, as industrial natgas demand and LNG exports incentivize electric generators to favor coal. Higher-than-expected summer temperatures in the US also would boost coal demand.  This will be tempered somewhat in Europe, where carbon-emissions rights traded through €50/MT for the first time this week on the EU's Emission Trading System (ETA). We expect US LNG and oil exports to revive this year (Chart of the Week) and remain long natgas in 1Q22. Feature The importance of US LNG and crude oil exports out of the US Gulf to the global economy is only now becoming apparent. As demand for these fossil fuels grows and the supply side continues to confront a highly uncertain risk-reward tradeoff, their importance will only grow. In natgas markets, US LNG cargoes out of the US Gulf balanced demand coming from Asia and Europe this past winter, which was sharply colder than expected and stretched supply chains globally. As a widening economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic spurs industrial, residential and commercial demand, and inventories in Europe and Asia are re-built in preparation for next winter, US LNG exports will be called upon to meet increasing demand, particularly since they are priced attractively vs regional importing benchmarks, with differentials vs the US presently $4+/MMBtu vs Europe and $5+/MMBtu vs Asia (Chart 2).1 Chart of the WeekUS LNG, Oil Export Growth Will Rebound Chart 2Lower US Natgas Prices Encourage LNG Exports In oil markets, an ongoing kerfuffle in the pricing of Brent Blend brought about by falling North Sea crude oil production makes American light-sweet crude oil exports from the Gulf (i.e., WTI produced mostly in the Permian Basin) account for almost half of the physical supplies in this critical benchmark-pricing market.2 US LNG Exports Will Increase US natural gas prices will remain well supported as the global economic expansion gains traction, and the US and Europe open the April-October injection season well bid (Chart 3). US inventories are expected to end the Apr-Oct injection season at just over 3.7 TCF according to the EIA, very close to where they ended the 2020 injection season. Chart 3US, Europe Rebuild Storage Higher US LNG exports, industrial, commercial and residential demand will be offset by lower consumption from electric generators this year, netting to a slight decline in overall demand. The EIA expects generators to take advantage of lower generating costs to be had burning coal to produce electricity, a view we share given the current differentials in the forward curves for each fuel (Chart 4).3 On the supply side, the EIA's expecting output to remain unchanged from last year at just under 91.5 BCF/d in 2021. Higher LNG exports, even as generator demand is falling, pushes prices higher this year – averaging $3.04/MMBtu this year – which leads to a slight increase in output in 2022. For our part, we continue to expect higher prices during the November-March heating season than currently are clearing the market and remain long 1Q22 $3.50/MMBtu calls vs. short $3.75/MMbtu calls. As of Tuesday night, when we mark to market, this position was up 20.8% since inception on 8 April 2021. Chart 4Lower Prices Will Favour Increased Coal Demand Natgas demand could surprise on the upside during the injection season if air-conditioning demand comes in stronger than expected and production remains essentially unchanged this year. This could reduce LNG exports and slow the rate of inventory refill in the US, which could further advantage coal as a burner fuel for generators in the US. The US National Weather Service's Climate Prediction Center expects above-average temperatures for most of the US population centers this summer (Chart 5). This could become a semi-permanent feature of the market if current temperature trends persist (Chart 6). Based on analyses’ run by the NOAA's National Centers for Environmental Information, 2021 "is very likely to rank among the ten warmest years on record," with lower (6%) odds of ranking in the top five hottest years on record.4 Chart 5Odds Of Hotter Summer Rising Chart 6Higher Global Temperatures Could Become A Recurring Phenomenon The Crude Kerfuffle As the Chart of the Week shows, US exports of light-sweet crude oil peaked at ~ 3.7mm b/d in February 2020, just before the COVID-19 pandemic hit the world full force. Exports out of the US Gulf – i.e., WTI priced against the Midland, TX, gathering hub – accounted for ~ 95% of these volumes. With exports currently running ~ 2.5mm b/d, more than 1mm b/d of readily available export capacity remains in place. Additional volumes will be developed as dredging of the Corpus Christi, TX, progresses. While the surge in US crude oil production has subsided in the wake of the pandemic, it most likely will revive as the markets return to normal operating procedure, additional dredging operations are completed, and storage facilities are built out.5 Existing and additional export capacity of the US's light-sweet crude could not arrive at a more opportune time for the Brent market, which remains in a state of uncertainty as to whether markets will have to adjust to CIF contracts or a work-around to the existing FOB pricing regime, which can be augmented to accommodate increasing WTI volumes.6 This will have to be sorted, as this is the future of the market's most important pricing index (Chart 7). The buildout in crude-oil exporting capacity – and natgas LNG exporting capacity, for that matter – ideally accommodates shale-oil- and -gas assets, which can be ramped up quickly to meet demand, and ramped down quickly as demand falters. The quick payback – 2 to 3 years – on these investments allow the producers to expand and contract output without the massive risks longer-lived conventional assets impose. As OPEC 2.0's spare capacity is returned to the market, this will be a welcome feature of a market that most likely will require oil and gas supplies for decades, despite the uncertainty attending oil-and-gas capex during the transition to a low-carbon energy future. Chart 7Permian Replaces North Sea Losses Bottom Line: As the future of hydrocarbons evolves, the LNG and crude oil exported from the US Gulf will occupy an increasingly important role in these markets. Oil and gas producers are making capex decisions under increasingly uncertain conditions, which favor exactly the type of resources that have propelled the US to the position of the world's largest producer of these fuels – i.e., shale-oil and -gas. Production from these resources can be ramped up and down quickly as prices dictate, and have quick paybacks (2-3 years), which means capital is not tied up for decades as a return is earned.7   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish OPEC 2.0 begins returning 2mm b/d to the market this month, expecting to be done by July. Half of these volumes are accounted for by Saudi Arabia, which voluntarily cut output by 1mm b/d earlier in the year to help balance the market. In line with our maintained hypothesis that OPEC 2.0 prefers prices inside the $60-$70/bbl price band, we expect the return of curtailed production to be front-loaded so as to bring prices down from current levels approaching $70/bbl for Brent (Chart 8). If, as we expect, demand recovers sooner than expected as Europe leans into its vaccination program, additional barrels will be returned to the market to get prices closer to a $60-$65/bbl range. Base Metals: Bullish The International Copper Study Group (ICSG) forecast copper mine production will increase by ~ 3.5% in 2021 and 3.7% in 2022, after adjusting for historical disruption factors. This forecasted increase – after three years of flat mined production growth – is due to a ramp-up of recently commissioned and new copper mines becoming operational in 2021. An improvement in the pandemic situation by 2022 will also boost mined copper production, according to the ICSG. 2020 production remained flat as recoveries in production in some countries due to constrained output in 2019 balanced the negative impacts of the pandemic in others. In Chile, the largest copper producer, state-owned Codelco and Collahuasi reported strong results in March. However, this was countered by a continued downturn at BHP’s Escondida. The world’s largest copper mine saw a drop in production for the eighth consecutive month. This mixed output resulted in a decline in total production of 1.2% year-on-year in March. Precious Metals: Bullish COMEX palladium touched a record high during intraday trading on Tuesday, reaching $3,019/oz due to continued tight market conditions (Chart 9). On the supply side, Nornickel is recovering from flooded mines, which occurred in February. By mid-April, one of the two affected mines was operating at 60% capacity; however, the company's other mine is only expected to come back online by early June. On the demand side, strength in US vehicle sales and a global economic recovery from the pandemic buoyed the metal used in catalytic converters. Palladium prices closed at $2,981.60/oz on Tuesday. Ags/Softs: Neutral Corn again traded above $7/bu earlier in the week on the back of drought-like dry weather conditions in Brazil's principal growing regions and surging US exports, according to Farm Futures. Chart 8 Chart 9   Footnotes 1     Stronger demand from China – where consumption is expected to rise more than 8% yoy – and EM Asia will continue to support LNG demand through the year.  S&P Global Platts Analytics expects Chinese natural gas demand to reach 12,713 Bcf in 2021, up 8.4% from the previous year.  Chinese national oil company Sinopec is slightly more conservative in its outlook, expecting gas demand of ~ 12,006-12,184 Bcf in 2021, up 6-8% from 2020.  China’s average annual increase in natural gas demand is expected to exceed 716 Bcf in the 14th FYP and reach 15,185 Bcf in 2025. 2     Please see CIF Brent Benchmark? published 3 March 2021 by the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies for a discussion. 3    In Chart 3, we plot a rough measure of coal- vs natgas-fired generation economics for these fuels based on their average operating heat rates published by the EIA. We would note that a carbon tax would erase much of the benefit accruing to coal at this point in time. 4    Please see NOAA's Global Climate Report - March 2021. 5    Please see Low Rider - Corpus Christi's Ship Channel Dredging Will Streamline Crude Oil Exports published by RBN Energy 3 May 2021. 6    The OIES analysis cited above concludes, "
 the volumes of the FOB deliverable crudes are diminishing and some change, bolstering the contract is certainly needed. The most likely compromise is to retain the existing FOB Brent with an inclusion of CIF WTI Midland assessment, netted back to an FOB equivalent North Sea value."  We agree with this assessment.  Please see CIF Brent Benchmark? published 3 March 2021 by the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, p. 8. 7     Please see Is shale activity actually profitable? Size matters, says Rystad published 7 February 2019.   Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2021 Summary of Closed Trades
Highlights The kiwi will continue to benefit from a pandemic-free recovery and normalization in monetary policy from the RBNZ. However, the kiwi is becoming expensive according to most of our models. This will begin to impact growth via the trade channel. For the rest of the year, the NZD/USD could hit 75 cents, but will likely underperform other developed market currencies. Feature Chart I-1NZD And Relative Economic Growth New Zealand has been one of the few countries to get the COVID-19 pandemic under control in short order. Since June of last year, the number of new infections has been practically zero. The vaccination program is lagging most other developed countries, but the authorities expect most citizens will be inoculated by the end of this year. The travel bubble with Australia has opened up the service sector to a recovery that remains the envy of most other developed economies. The New Zealand dollar has responded in tandem with the improvement in domestic conditions (Chart I-1). While the USD is up this year, NZD has still appreciated by about 1% against the dollar. From the March lows last year, the kiwi is up 22%, only trailing the Australian dollar and Norwegian krone within the G10. In this report, we explore the outlook for the kiwi, looking at key drivers such as the pandemic, the commodities boom, and the prospect for monetary policy amidst a hot housing market. In our view, the NZD still faces upside, but less so than other developed market currencies. A Robust Recovery Together with Singapore and Australia, Bloomberg ranks New Zealand as one of the safest places to be during the pandemic. This has allowed the manufacturing PMI in New Zealand to hit fresh highs, easily surpassing very robust activity in the US. Relative economic performance between New Zealand and its trading partners has tended to define the trend in the currency. The services sector is still trailing behind, as most of the world remains under lockdown (Chart I-2). However, a travel bubble has opened up with Australia, and it is fair to assume that service-sector activity is a coiled spring ready to rebound, especially as tourism constitutes a non-negligible share of New Zealand GDP (Chart I-3). Chart I-2A Recovery In Services Underway Chart I-3Tourism Will Boost NZ GDP Employment in New Zealand has already seen a sizeable recovery. The unemployment rate hit 4.9% in December, very close to the Reserve Bank of New Zealand’s (RBNZ) own estimate of NAIRU. Next week’s release should show an even more robust rebound. Inflation remains well contained at 1.5%, but as the economy begins to bump against supply-side constraints, this should change. The quarterly employment survey showed that wages are rising at a 4% clip. Eventually, a labour market that has fully recovered, burgeoning inflationary pressures and an economy open for business will mean the need for the RBNZ to maintain emergency monetary policy settings will be eliminated. A Terms-Of-Trade Boom While the domestic economy has benefited from strong government support, and very accommodative monetary policy settings, the external environment has also provided a gentle tailwind for the New Zealand economy. Over the last few decades, one of the key primary drivers of the NZD exchange rate has been terms of trade. New Zealand’s top exports are predominantly in agricultural commodities. Strong export growth has boosted the trade balance, both in volume and price terms (Chart I-4). An increasing trade balance naturally means that NZDs are being buffeted with demand. China has led the pack in imports from New Zealand vis-à-vis other countries by simple virtue of the fact that the authorities started injecting stimulus much earlier on, which helped ease domestic financing conditions. China is also New Zealand’s biggest export market. While the credit impulse in China is set to slow this year, demand for foodstuffs is less sensitive compared to demand for other higher-beta commodities. This will support New Zealand exports. At the same time, there has been a supply component to the boom in agricultural commodity prices. Adverse weather has impacted the planting season for many agricultural goods. As a result, stock-to-use ratios have begun to roll over, particularly in some of the goods that New Zealand exports (Chart I-5). This is likely to reverse, as farmers take advantage of higher prices and increase productivity. Chart I-4A Terms Of Trade ##br##Boom Chart I-5Falling Stocks Have Boosted Agricultural Prices In a nutshell, the outperformance of the kiwi has been a combination of supply shocks in the agricultural market, and an economy that has had an impressive rebound. Going forward, the kiwi should continue to do well versus the dollar as economic momentum picks up. The Housing Mandate Housing prices in New Zealand have been on a tear (Chart I-6). As a result, the government has mandated that house price considerations be tied into monetary policy decisions. The direct implication of this is that interest rates in New Zealand are set to increase. In the coming months, the labor market mandate for the RBNZ is about to become a lot tougher, because of the opposing forces between financial and economic stability. Tightening monetary policy too fast and too soon will expose the economy to a potential relapse in growth. But allowing housing prices to continue to become unaffordable for most residents is both politically untenable and economically unsustainable. The end game is likely to be as follows: The RBNZ will be quick to tighten monetary policy on domestic grounds and housing market concerns. This will provide a further boost to the kiwi. Yields in New Zealand are already among the highest in the G10, which will only accelerate with tighter monetary conditions. By the same token, the Chinese economy will likely slow as the credit impulse is peaking. This means New Zealand domestic growth will become more important for the NZD than external conditions. Countries with relatively easier monetary policy will see some benefit. Particularly, the Reserve Bank of Australia might lag the RBNZ. If this eventually benefits the Aussie economy, it might hurt the AUD/NZD cross now, but might make way for fresh long positions later (Chart I-7). Chart I-6A Housing Market Boom Chart I-7Where Next For AUD/NZD? Historically, housing prices in New Zealand have correlated quite strongly with the exchange rate. If the RBNZ is successful in engineering lower housing prices, it will also succeed in weakening the NZD (Chart I-8). Chart I-8House Prices And The Kiwi We were stopped out of our long AUD/NZD trade last week for a modest profit of 2.3%. We are standing aside for the time being, but will be buyers of the cross at 1.05. This will likely be realized towards the end of this year when optimism on the kiwi is likely to peak. How High Can The NZD Bounce? Another reason why the rise in the NZD might soon face strong upside resistance is valuation. Usually, a rise in the NZD over a cycle goes uninterrupted until the cross becomes expensive. On this basis, the kiwi might soon peak. Our purchasing power parity (PPP) models point to a 10% overvaluation in the New Zealand dollar (Chart I-9) versus the USD. Chart I-9The NZD Is Expensive One of our favorite metrics for the kiwi’s fair value is its real effective exchange rate relative to its terms of trade. On this basis, the New Zealand dollar is around fair value. On a longer-term real effective exchange rate basis (REER), the kiwi is 7.4% expensive, or 0.7 standard deviation above the mean (Chart I-10). Chart I-10The NZD Is Expensive The equity market in New Zealand looks particularly vulnerable. Heavily weighted in defensive sectors, this bourse will be particularly vulnerable to a rise in yields that will derail potential equity inflows (Chart I-11). Chart I-11Kiwi Stocks Are Expensive Chart I-12CHF/NZD Could Rise With Volatility Another opportunity is to buy the CHF/NZD cross, which looks attractive at current levels (Chart I-12). Should markets experience some form of turbulence, the cross will benefit. Meanwhile, CHF/NZD just dipped to the upward sloping trend line that has dictated support levels for this cross since 2007. Thus, we recommend investors initiate a long position in CHF/NZD.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 The data out of the US were mildly positive this week. Quarter-on-quarter annualized GDP growth came in at 6.4% in Q1, rising from 4.3% in the previous quarter. Initial jobless claims fell to 553K in the week ended April 23, from 566K the previous week. Consumer Confidence for April came in at 121.7 beating the expected 113. The S&P/Case-Shiller House Price Index rose 11.9% year-on-year in February. Fed maintained the target range for the Fed Funds rate at 0 to 0.25%. The US dollar DXY index was flat this week. Although the dollar advanced earlier in the week with treasury yields posting small gains, it weakened on Wednesday ahead of the Fed meeting. Compared to the record-breaking preliminary PMIs of last Friday, milder data this week and the dovish tone of the Fed aren’t helping the downward trend of the dollar. Report Links: Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears - March 19, 2021 The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Are Rising Bond Yields Bullish For The Dollar? - February 19, 2021 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 Recent euro area data have been soft. The IFO Business Climate Index inched up only 0.2 points to 96.8 and disappointed expectations of a much more significant increase to 97.8.  The BNB Business Barometer of Belgium surprised to the upside and jumped to a decade high of 4.4 from a revised 1.04. The German GfK Consumer Confidence contracted to -8.8 for May and the French Consumer Confidence stayed the same in April. The euro strengthened by 0.5% against the US dollar this week. The uneven data out of Europe reflects differences in COVID restrictions throughout the region. Tighter measures were announced in some German regions and Belgium is easing restrictions. However, overall, we remain optimistic on the outlook for the entire region as the accelerating vaccination effort should support the economy reopening this summer. We are long EUR/CHF. Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 The data out of Japan was scant this week. Bank of Japan maintained interest rates at -0.1%. Retail Sales in March grew 5.2% year-on-year, beating forecasts of 4.7%. The Japanese yen weakened by 0.5% this week. Due to the current state of emergency throughout the country, the Bank of Japan is ready to further ease monetary policy as needed and warned of the likelihood for consumption to stay depressed. That said, our intermediate term indicator is hinting at a rebound in the currency. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 The data out of the UK this week was positive. The Confederation of British Industry (CBI) retail sales volume balance rose to 20 in April from -45 in March, recording the sharpest growth since 2018. The British pound rose by 0.7% against the US dollar this week. The strong retail sales numbers came amidst lockdowns being lifted. While May will continue to see further restrictions eased, cable faces threats from its own success so far this year as well as UK’s recent political turmoil. Also, both the speculative positioning and our intermediate-term indicator are at elevated levels.  Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 The data out of Australia have been soft lately. CPI in Q1 rose 0.6% versus Q4 last year, below the expected 0.9%. The year-on-year growth of 1.1% also undershot the 1.4% forecast. Trimmed mean CPI grew 0.3% on the prior quarter and 1.1% versus a year ago, both failing to beat expectations.  The Q1 export price index rose 11.2% over the prior quarter, compared to the 5.5% rise in Q4. The Australian dollar rose by 1% against the US dollar this week. In addition to both CPI measures disappointing to the downside, a foreseeable peak in the commodity market driven by the slowdown in China can also be a downward drag on the currency especially when the sentiment on the Aussie is elevated. We are short AUD/MXN and were stopped out of our long AUD/NZD trade. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? - January 20, 2021 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 The data out of New Zealand have been neutral. Trade Balance in March improved by NZD 33M over a month ago and NZD 1690M a year ago.  ANZ business confidence came in at -2 in April, higher than the -4.1 the prior month. The New Zealand dollar strengthened by 1% against the US dollar this week. We discuss the kiwi at length in the front section of this week’s report. The conclusion is that NZD faces near-term upside, but will lag other procyclical currencies over the longer term. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 The data out of Canada this week continue to be positive. Both Retail Sales and Core Retail Sales in February grew 4.8% over the prior month, comfortably exceeding the expectations of 3.7% and 4% growth, respectively. The Canadian dollar rose 0.8% against the US dollar this week. The loonie reacted positively to the strong retail numbers as it continues its path upward on strong inflation data of recent months and a hawkish Bank of Canada. However, even as the COVID case count appears to have peaked, there remains downside risks of very elevated commodity prices and our intermediate-term indicator still just off a recent peak. Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Will The Canadian Recovery Lead Or Lag The Global Cycle? - February 12, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 There was scant data out of Switzerland this week. ZEW expectations for April came in at 68.3, slightly higher than the 66.7 from the prior month. The Swiss franc rose 0.4% against the US dollar this week. While the waning of investors’ sentiment and net speculative positioning may point to some softening in the near term, the recent COVID crisis in India can provide support to this risk-off currency. We are long EUR/CHF. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 The data out of Norway this week was positive. Core Retail Sales came in unchanged in March versus the prior month, but beat expectations of a 0.9% decline. The Norwegian krone was 0.8% higher against the USD this week. Norway fits the bill in terms of a post-pandemic boom. New COVID-19 cases are under control, the economy is rebounding, oil prices are strong and the central bank is on a path the raise interest rates this year. Being long the NOK is one of our strongest convictions calls in FX. We are long NOK/USD and NOK/EUR. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 Data out of Sweden this week have been mixed.  The Riksbank maintained the policy rate at 0%. Trade Balance in March came in at SEK4.1B versus SEK6B in the prior month. Retail sales in March grew by 2.6% month-on-month and 9.1% year-on-year, both an improvement versus the prior period. The unemployment rate in March rose to 10% versus 9.7% the prior month. The Swedish Krona strengthened 0.5% against the US dollar this week, continuing its upward momentum throughout April. The recent accommodative signals from the Riksbank meeting were within expectations amidst elevated COVID case counts and restrictions. Despite its commendable gains so far this month, we remain optimistic on this high beta currency as the eurozone recovery and global reflation are in sight. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Where To Next For The US Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades
Highlights Biden’s first 100 days are characterized by a liberal spend-and-tax agenda unseen since the 1960s. It is not a “bait and switch,” however. Voters do not care about deficits and debt. At least not for now. The apparent outcome of the populist surge in the US and UK in 2016 is blowout fiscal spending. Yet the US and UK also invented and distributed vaccines faster than others. US growth and equities have outperformed while the US dollar experienced a countertrend bounce. While growth will rotate to other regions, China’s stimulus is on the wane. Of Biden’s three initial geopolitical risks, two are showing signs of subsiding: Russia and Iran. US-China tensions persist, however, and Biden has been hawkish so far. Our new Australia Geopolitical Risk Indicator confirms our other indicators in signaling that China risk, writ large, remains elevated. Cyclically we are optimistic about the Aussie and Australian stocks. Mexico’s midterm elections are likely to curb the ruling party’s majority but only marginally. The macro and geopolitical backdrop is favorable for Mexico. Feature US President Joe Biden gave his first address to the US Congress on April 28. Biden’s first hundred days are significant for his extravagant spending proposals, which will rank alongside those of Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society, if not Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, in their impact on US history, for better and worse. Chart 1Biden's First 100 Days - The Market's Appraisal The global financial market appraisal is that Biden’s proposals will turn out for the better. The market has responded to the US’s stimulus overshoot, successful vaccine rollout, and growth outperformance – notably in the pandemic-struck service sector – by bidding up US equities and the dollar (Chart 1). From a macro perspective we share the BCA House View in leaning against both of these trends, preferring international equities and commodity currencies. However, our geopolitical method has made it difficult for us to bet directly against the dollar and US equities. Geopolitics is about not only wars and trade but also the interaction of different countries’ domestic politics. America’s populist spending blowout is occurring alongside a sharp drop in China’s combined credit-and-fiscal impulse, which will eventually weigh on the global economy. This is true even though the rest of the world is beginning to catch up in vaccinations and economic normalization. As for traditional geopolitical risk – wars and alliances – Biden has not yet leaped over the three initial foreign policy hurdles that we have highlighted: China, Russia, and Iran. In this report we will update the view on all three, as there is tentative improvement on the Russian and Iranian fronts. In addition, we will introduce our newest geopolitical risk indicator – for Australia – and update our view on Mexico ahead of its June 6 midterm elections. Biden’s Fiscal Blowout From a macro point of view, Biden’s $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) was much larger than what Republicans would have passed if President Trump had won a second term. His proposed $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan (AJP) is also larger, though both candidates were likely to pass an infrastructure package. The difference lies in the parts of these packages that relate to social spending and other programs, beyond COVID relief and roads and bridges. The Republican proposal for COVID relief was $618 billion while the Republicans’ current proposal on infrastructure is $568 billion – marking a $3 trillion difference from Biden. In reality Republicans would have proposed larger spending if Trump had remained president – but not enough to close this gap. And Biden is also proposing a $1.8 trillion American Families Plan (AFP). Biden’s praise for handling the vaccinations must be qualified by the Trump administration’s successful preparations, which have been unfairly denigrated. Similarly, Biden’s blame for the migrant surge at the southern border must be qualified by the fact that the surge began last year.1 A comparison with the UK will put Biden’s administration into perspective. The only country comparable to the US in terms of the size of fiscal stimulus over 2019-21 so far – excluding Biden’s AJP and AFP, which are not yet law – is the United Kingdom. Thus the consequence of the flare-up of populism in the Anglo-Saxon world since 2016 is a budget deficit blowout as these countries strive to suppress domestic socio-political conflict by means of government largesse, particularly in industrial and social programs. However, populist dysfunction was also overrated. Both the US and UK retain their advantages in terms of innovation and dynamism, as revealed by the vaccine and its rollout (Chart 2). Chart 2Dysfunctional Anglo-Saxon Populism? No sharp leftward turn occurred in the UK, where Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his Conservatives had the benefit of a pre-COVID election in December 2019, which they won. By contrast, in the US, President Trump and the Republicans contended an election after the pandemic and recession had virtually doomed them to failure. There a sharp leftward turn is taking place. Going forward the US will reclaim the top rank in terms of fiscal stimulus, as Biden is likely to get his infrastructure plan (AJP) passed. Our updated US budget deficit projections appear in Chart 3. Our sister US Political Strategy gives the AJP an 80% chance of passing in some form and the AFP only a 50% chance of passing, depending on how quickly the AJP is passed. This means the blue dashed line is more likely to occur than the red dashed line. The difference is slight despite the mind-boggling headline numbers of the plans because the spending is spread out over eight-to-ten years and tax hikes over 15 years will partially offset the expenditures. Much will depend on whether Congress is willing to pay for the new spending. In Chart 3 we assume that Biden will get half of the proposed corporate tax hikes in the AJP scenario (and half of the individual tax hikes in the AFP scenario). If spending is watered down, and/or tax hikes surprise to the upside, both of which are possible, then the deficit scenarios will obviously tighten, assuming the economic recovery continues robustly as expected. But in the current political environment it is safest to plan for the most expansive budget deficit scenarios, as populism is the overriding force. Chart 3Biden’s Blowout Spending Biden’s campaign plan was even more visionary, so it is not true that Biden pulled a “bait and switch” on voters. Rather, the median voter is comfortable with greater deficits and a larger government role in American life. Bottom Line: The implication of Biden’s spending blowout is reflationary for the global economy, cyclically negative for the US dollar, and positive for global equities. But on a tactical time frame the rotation to other equities and currencies will also depend on China’s fiscal-and-credit deceleration and whether geopolitical risk continues to fall. Russia: Some Improvement But Coast Not Yet Clear US-Russia tensions appeared to fizzle over the past week but the coast is not yet clear. We remain short Russian currency and risk assets as well as European emerging market equities. Tensions fell after President Putin’s State of the Nation address on April 21 in which he warned the West against crossing Russia’s “red lines.” Biden’s sanctions on Russia were underwhelming – he did not insist on halting the final stages of the Nord Stream II pipeline to Germany. Russia declared it would withdraw its roughly 100,000 troops from the Ukrainian border by May 1. Russian dissident Alexei Navalny ended his hunger strike. Putin attended Biden’s Earth Day summit and the two are working on a bilateral summit in June. Chart 4Russia's Domestic Instability Will Continue De-escalation is not certain, however. First, some US officials have cast doubt on Russia’s withdrawal of troops and it is known that arms and equipment were left in place for a rapid mobilization and re-escalation if necessary. Second, Russian-backed Ukrainian separatists will be emboldened, which could increase fighting in Ukraine that could eventually provoke Russian intervention. Third, the US has until August or September to prevent Nord Stream from completion. Diplomacy between Russia and the US (and Russia and several eastern European states) has hit a low point on the withdrawal of ambassadors. Fourth, Russian domestic politics was always the chief reason to prepare for a worse geopolitical confrontation and it remains unsettled. Putin’s approval rating still lingers in the relatively low range of 65% and government approval at 49%. The economic recovery is weak and facing an increasingly negative fiscal thrust, along with Europe and China, Russia’s single-largest export destination (Chart 4). Putin’s handouts to households, in anticipation of the September Duma election, only amount to 0.2% of GDP. More measures will probably be announced but the lead-up to the election could still see an international adventure designed to distract the public from its socioeconomic woes. Russia’s geopolitical risk indicators ticked up as anticipated (Chart 5). They may subside if the military drawdown is confirmed and Biden and Putin lower the temperature. But we would not bet on it. Chart 5Russian Geopolitical Risk: Wait For 'All Clear' Signal Bottom Line: It is possible that Biden has passed his first foreign policy test with Russia but it is too soon to sound the “all clear.” We remain short Russian ruble and short EM Europe until de-escalation is confirmed. The Russian (and German) elections in September will mark a time for reassessing this view. Iran: Diplomacy On Track (Hence Jitters Will Rise) While Russia may or may not truly de-escalate tensions in Ukraine, the spring and summer are sure to see an increase in focus on US-Iran nuclear negotiations. Geopolitical risks will remain high prior to the conclusion of a deal and will materialize in kinetic attacks of various kinds. This thesis is confirmed by the alleged Israeli sabotage of Iran’s Natanz nuclear facility this month. The US Navy also fired warning shots at Iranian vessels staging provocations. Sporadic attacks in other parts of the region also continue to flare, most recently with an Iranian tanker getting hit by a drone at a Syrian oil terminal.2 The US and Iran are making progress in the Vienna talks toward rejoining the 2015 nuclear deal from which the US withdrew in 2018. Iran pledged to enrich uranium up to 60% but also said this move was reversible – like all its tentative violations of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA) so far (Table 1). Iran also offered a prisoner swap with the US. Saudi Arabia appears resigned to a resumption of the JCPA that it cannot prevent, with crown prince Mohammed bin Salman offering diplomatic overtures to both the US and Iran. Table 1Iran’s Nuclear Program And Compliance With JCPA 2015 Still, the closer the US and Iran get to a deal the more its opponents will need to either take action or make preparations for the aftermath. The allegation that former US Secretary of State John Kerry’s shared Israeli military plans with Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif is an example of the kind of political brouhaha that will occur as different elements try to support and oppose the normalization of US-Iran ties. More importantly Israel will underscore its red line against nuclear weaponization. Previously Iran was set to reach “breakout” capability of uranium enrichment – a point at which it has enough fissile material to produce a nuclear device – as early as May. Due to sabotage at the Natanz facility the breakout period may have been pushed back to July.3 This compounds the significance of this summer as a deadline for negotiating a reduction in tensions. While the US may be prepared to fudge on Iran’s breakout capabilities, Israel will not, which means a market-relevant showdown should occur this summer before Israel backs down for fear of alienating the United States. Tit-for-tat attacks in May and June could cause negative surprises for oil supply. Then there will be a mad dash by the negotiators to agree to deal before the de facto August deadline, when Iran inaugurates a new president and it becomes much harder to resolve outstanding issues. Chart 6Iran Deal Priced Into Oil Markets? Hence our argument that geopolitics adds upside risk to oil prices in the first half of the year but downside risk in the second half. The market’s expectations seem already to account for this, based on the forward curve for Brent crude oil. The marginal impact of a reconstituted Iran nuclear deal on oil prices is slightly negative over the long run since a deal is more likely to be concluded than not and will open up Iran’s economy and oil exports to the world. However, our Commodity & Energy Strategy expects the Brent price to exceed expectations in the coming years, judging by supply and demand balances and global macro fundamentals (Chart 6). If an Iran deal becomes a fait accompli in July and August the Saudis could abandon their commitment to OPEC 2.0’s production discipline. The Russians and Saudis are not eager to return to a market share war after what happened in March 2020 but we cannot rule it out in the face of Iranian production. Thus we expect oil to be volatile. Oil producers also face the threat of green energy and US shale production which gives them more than one reason to keep up production and prevent prices from getting too lofty. Throughout the post-2015 geopolitical saga between the US and Iran, major incidents have caused an increase in the oil-to-gold ratio. The risk of oil supply disruption affected the price more than the flight to gold due to geopolitical or war risk. The trend generally corresponds with that of the copper-to-gold ratio, though copper-to-gold rose higher when growth boomed and oil outperformed when US-Iran tensions spiked in 2019. Today the copper-to-gold ratio is vastly outperforming the oil-to-gold on the back of the global recovery (Chart 7). This makes sense from the point of view of the likelihood of a US-Iran deal this year. But tensions prior to a deal will push up oil-to-gold in the near term. Chart 7Biden Passes Iran Test? Likely But Not A Done Deal Bottom Line: The US-Iran diplomacy is on track. This means geopolitical risk will escalate in May and June before a short-term or interim deal is agreed in July or August. Geopolitical risk stemming from US-Iran relations will subside thereafter, unless the deadline is missed. The forward curve has largely priced in the oil price downside except for the risk that OPEC 2.0 becomes dysfunctional again. We expect upside price surprises in the near term. Biden, China, And Our Australia GeoRisk Indicator Ostensibly the US and Russia are avoiding a war over Ukraine and the US and Iran are negotiating a return to the 2015 nuclear deal. Only US-China relations utterly lack clarity, with military maneuvering in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea and tensions simmering over the gamut of other disputes. Chart 8Biden Still Faces China Test The latest data on global military spending show not only that the US and China continue to build up their militaries but also that all of the regional allies – including Japan! – are bulking up defense spending (Chart 8). This is a substantial confirmation of the secular growth of geopolitical risk, specifically in reaction to China’s rise and US-China competition. The first round of US-China talks under Biden went awry but since then a basis has been laid for cooperation on climate change, with President Xi Jinping attending Biden’s virtual climate change summit (albeit with no bilateral summit between the two). If John Kerry is removed as climate czar over his Iranian controversy it will not have an impact other than to undermine American negotiators’ reliability. The deeper point is that climate is a narrow basis for US-China cooperation and it cannot remotely salvage the relationship if a broader strategic de-escalation is not agreed. Carbon emissions are more likely to become a cudgel with which the US and West pressure China to reform its economy faster. The Department of Defense is not slated to finish its comprehensive review of China policy until June but most US government departments are undertaking their own reviews and some of the conclusions will trickle out in May, whether through Washington’s actions or leaks to the press. Beijing could also take actions that upend the Biden administration’s assessment, such as with the Microsoft hack exposed earlier this year. The Biden administration will soon reveal more about how it intends to handle export controls and sanctions on China. For example, by May 19 the administration is slated to release a licensing process for companies concerned about US export controls on tech trade with China due to the Commerce Department’s interim rule on info tech supply chains. The Biden administration looks to be generally hawkish on China, a view that is now consensus. Any loosening of punitive measures would be a positive surprise for Chinese stocks and financial markets in general. There are other indications that China’s relationship with the West is not about to improve substantially – namely Australia. Australia has become a bellwether of China’s relations with the world. While the US’s defense commitments might be questionable with regard to some of China’s neighbors – namely Taiwan (Province of China) but also possibly South Korea and the Philippines – there can be little doubt that Australia, like Japan, is the US’s red line in the Pacific. Australian politics have been roiled over the past several years by the revelation of Chinese influence operations, state- or military-linked investments in Australia, and propaganda campaigns. A trade war erupted last year when Australia called for an investigation into the origins of COVID-19 and China’s handling of it. Most recently, Victoria state severed ties with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Despite the rise in Sino-Australian tensions, the economic relationship remains intact. China’s stimulus overweighed the impact of its punitive trade measures against Australia, both by bidding up commodity prices and keeping the bulk of Australia’s exports flowing (Chart 9). As much as China might wish to decouple from Australia, it cannot do so as long as it needs to maintain minimum growth rates for the sake of social stability and these growth rates require resources that Australia provides. For example, global iron ore production excluding Australia only makes up 80% of China’s total iron ore imports, which necessitates an ongoing dependency here (Chart 10). Brazil cannot make up the difference. Chart 9China-Australia Trade Amid Tensions Chart 10China Cannot Replace Australia This resource dependency does not necessarily reduce geopolitical tension, however, because it increases China’s supply insecurity and vulnerability to the US alliance. The US under Biden explicitly aims to restore its alliances and confront autocratic regimes. This puts Australia at the front lines of an open-ended global conflict. Chart 11Introducing: Australia GeoRisk Indicator (Smoothed) Our newly devised Australia GeoRisk Indicator illustrates the point well, as it has continued surging since the trade war with China first broke out last year (Chart 11). This indicator is based on the Australian dollar and its deviation from underlying macro variables that should determine its course. These variables are described in Appendix 1. If the Aussie weakens relative to these variables, then an Australian-specific risk premium is apparent. We ascribe that premium to politics and geopolitics writ large. A close examination of the risk indicator’s performance shows that it tracks well with Australia’s recent political history (Chart 12). Previous peaks in risk occurred when President Trump rose to power and Australia, like Canada, found itself beset by negative pressures from both the US and China. In particular, Trump threatened tariffs and the Australian government banned China’s Huawei from its 5G network. Today the rise in geopolitical risk stems almost exclusively from China. There is potential for it to roll over if Biden negotiates a reduction in tensions but that is a risk to our view (an upside risk for Australian and global equities). Chart 12Australian GeoRisk Indicator (Unsmoothed) What does this indicator portend for tradable Australian assets? As one would expect, Australian geopolitical risk moves inversely to the country’s equities, currency, and relative equity performance (Chart 13). Australian equities have risen on the back of global growth and the commodity boom despite the rise in geopolitical risk. But any further spike in risk could jeopardize this uptrend. Chart 13Australia Geopolitical Risk And Tradable Assets An even clearer inverse relationship emerges with the AUD-JPY exchange rate, a standard measure of risk-on / risk-off sentiment in itself. If geopolitical risk rises any further it should cause a reversal in the currency pair. Finally, Australian equities have not outperformed other developed markets excluding the US, which may be due to this elevated risk premium. Bottom Line: China is the most important of Biden’s foreign policy hurdles and unlike Russia and Iran there is no sign of a reduction in tension yet. Our Australian GeoRisk Indicator supports the point that risk remains very elevated in the near term. Moreover China’s credit deceleration is also negative for Australia. Cyclically, however, assuming that China does not overtighten policy, we take a constructive view on the Aussie and Australian equities. Biden’s Border Troubles Distract From Bullish Mexico Story The biggest criticism of Biden’s first 100 days has been his reduction in a range of enforcement measures on the southern border which has encouraged an overflow of immigrants. Customs and Border Patrol have seen a spike in “encounters” from a low point of around 17,000 in 2020 to about 170,000 today. The trend started last year but accelerated sharply after the election and had surpassed the 2019 peak of 144,000. Vice President Kamala Harris has been put in charge of managing the border crisis, both with Mexico and Central American states. She does not have much experience with foreign policy so this is her opportunity to learn on the job. She will not be able to accomplish much given that the Biden administration is unwilling to use punitive measures or deterrence and will not have large fiscal resources available for subsidizing the nations to the south. With the US economy hyper-charged, especially relative to its southern neighbors, the pace of immigration is unlikely to slacken. From a macro point of view the relevance is that the US is not substantially curtailing immigration – quite the opposite – which means that labor force growth will not deviate from its trend. What about Mexico itself? It is not likely that Harris will be able to engage on a broader range of issues with Mexico beyond immigration. As usual Mexico is beset with corruption, lawlessness, and instability. To these can be added the difficulties of the pandemic and vaccine rollout. Tourism and remittances are yet to recover. Cooperation with US federal agents against the drug cartels is deteriorating. Cartels control an estimated 40% of Mexican territory.4 Nevertheless, despite Mexico’s perennial problems, we hold a positive view on Mexican currency and risk assets. The argument rests on five points: Strong macro fundamentals: With China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse slowing sharply, and US stimulus accelerating, Mexico stands to benefit. Mexico has also run orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. It has a demographic tailwind, low wages, and low public debt. The stars are beginning to align for the country’s economy, according to our Emerging Markets Strategy. US and Canadian stimulus: The US and Canada have the second- and third-largest fiscal stimulus of all the major countries over the 2019-21 period, at 9% and 8% of GDP respectively. Mexico, with the new USMCA free trade deal in hand, will benefit. US protectionism fizzled: Even Republican senators blocked President Trump’s attempted tariffs on Mexico. Trump’s aggression resulted in the USMCA, a revised NAFTA, which both US political parties endorsed. Mexico is inured to US protectionism, at least for the short and medium term. Diversification from China: Mexico suffered the greatest opportunity cost from China’s rise as an offshore manufacturer and entrance to the World Trade Organization. Now that the US and other western countries are diversifying away from China, amid geopolitical tensions, Mexico stands to benefit. The US cannot eliminate its trade deficit due to its internal savings/investment imbalance but it can redistribute that trade deficit to countries that cannot compete with it for global hegemony. AMLO faces constraints: A risk factor stemmed from politics where a sweeping left-wing victory in 2018 threatened to introduce anti-market policies. President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (known as AMLO) and his MORENA party gained a majority in both houses of the legislature. Their coalition has a two-thirds majority in the lower house (Chart 14). However, we pointed out that AMLO’s policies have not been radical and, more importantly, that the midterm election would likely constrain his power. Chart 14Mexico’s Midterm Election Looms These are all solid points but the last item faces a test in the upcoming midterm election. AMLO’s approval rating is strong, at 63%, putting him above all of his predecessors except one (Chart 15). AMLO’s approval has if anything benefited from the COVID-19 crisis despite Mexico’s inability to handle the medical challenge. He has promised to hold a referendum on his leadership in early 2022, more than halfway through his six-year term, and he is currently in good shape for that referendum. For now his popularity is helpful for his party, although he is not on the ballot in 2021 and MORENA’s support is well beneath his own. Chart 15AMLO’s Approval Fairly Strong MORENA’s support is holding at a 44% rate of popular support and its momentum has slightly improved since the pandemic began. However, MORENA’s lead over other parties is not nearly as strong as it was back in 2018 (Chart 16, top panel). The combined support of the two dominant center-right parties, the Institutional Revolutionary Party and the National Action Party, is almost equal to that of MORENA. And the two center-left parties, the Democratic Revolution Party and Citizen’s Movement, are part of the opposition coalition (Chart 16, bottom panel). The pandemic and economic crisis will motivate the opposition. Chart 16MORENA’s Support Holding Up Despite COVID Traditionally the president’s party loses seats in the midterm election (Table 2). Circumstances are different from the US, which also exhibits this trend, because Mexico has more political parties. A loss of seats from MORENA does not necessarily favor the establishment parties. Nevertheless opinion polling shows that about 45% of voters say they would rather see MORENA’s power “checked” compared to 41% who wish to see the party go on unopposed.5 Table 2Mexican President’s Party Tends To Lose Seats In Midterm Election While the ruling coalition may lose its super-majority, it is not a foregone conclusion that MORENA will lose its majority. Voters have decades of experience of the two dominant parties, both were discredited prior to 2018, and neither has recovered its reputation so quickly. The polling does not suggest that voters regret their decision to give the left wing a try. If anything recent polls slightly push against this idea. If MORENA surprises to the upside then AMLO’s capabilities would increase substantially in the second half of his term – he would have political capital and an improving economy. While the senate is not up for grabs in the midterm, MORENA has a narrow majority and controls a substantial 60% of seats when its allies are taken into account. In this scenario AMLO could pursue his attempts to increase the state’s role in key industries, like energy and power generation, at the expense of private investors. Even then the Supreme Court would continue to act as a check on the government. The 11-seat court is currently made up of five conservatives, two independents, and three liberal or left-leaning judges. A new member, Margarita Ríos Farjat, is close to the government, leaving the conservatives with a one-seat edge over the liberals and putting the two independents in the position of swing voters. Even if AMLO maintains control of the lower house, he will not be able to override the constitutional court, as he has threatened on occasion to do, without a super-majority in the senate. Bottom Line: AMLO will likely lose some ground in the lower house and thus suffer a check on his power. This will only confirm that Mexican political risk is not likely to derail positive underlying macro fundamentals. Continue to overweight Mexican equities relative to Brazilian.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix 1 The market is the greatest machine ever created for gauging the wisdom of the crowd and as such our Geopolitical Risk Indicators were not designed to predict political risk but to answer the question of whether and to what extent markets have priced that risk. Our Australian GeoRisk Indicator (see Chart 11-12 above) uses the same simple methodology used in our other indicators, which avoid the pitfall of regression-based models. We begin with a financial asset that has a daily frequency in price, in this case the AUD, and compare its movement against several fundamental factors – in this case global energy and base metal prices, global metals and mining stock prices, and the Chilean peso. Australia is a commodity-exporting country. It is the largest producer of iron ore and is among the largest producers of coal and natural gas. It is also a major trading partner for China. Due to the nature of its economy the Australian dollar moves with global metal and energy prices and the global metals and mining equity prices. Chile, another major commodity producer also moves with global metal prices, hence our inclusion of the peso in this indicator. The AUD has a high correlation with all of these assets, and if the changes in the value of the AUD lag or lead the changes in the value of these assets, the implication is that geopolitical risk unique to Australia is not priced by the market. We included the peso as Chile is not as affected as Australia by any conflict in the South China Sea or Northeast Asia, which means that a deviation of the AUD from CLP represents a unique East Asia Pacific risk. Our indicator captures the involvement of Australia in a few regional and international conflicts. The indicator climbed as Australia got involved in the East Timor emergency and declined as it exited. It continued declining even as Australia joined the US in the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, which showed that investors were unperturbed by faraway wars, while showing measurable concern in the smaller but closer Timorese conflict. Risks went up again as the nation erupted in labor protests as the Howard government made changes to the labor code. We see the market pricing higher risk again during the 2008 financial crisis, although it was modest and Australia escaped the crisis unscathed due to massive Chinese stimulus. Since then, investors have been climbing a wall of worry as they priced in Northeast Asia-related geopolitical risks. These started with the South Korean Cheonan sinking and continued with the Sino-Japanese clash over the Senkaku islands. They culminated with the Chinese ADIZ declaration in late 2013. In 2016, Australia was shocked again when Donald Trump was elected, and investor fears were evident when the details of Trump-Turnbull spat were made public. The risk indicator reached another peak during the trade wars between the US and the rest of the world. Investors were not worried about COVID-19 as Australia largely contained the pandemic, but the recent Australian-Chinese trade war pushed the risk indicator up, giving investors another wall of worry. If the Biden administration forces Australia into a democratic alliance in confrontation with autocratic China then this risk will persist for some time.   Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com We Read (And Liked) ... The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, And The Fate Of Liberty This book is a sweeping review of the conditions of liberty essential to steering the world away from the Hobbesian war of all against all. In this unofficial sequel to the 2012 hit, Why Nations Fail: The Origins Of Power, Prosperity, And Poverty, Daron Acemoglu (Professor of Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology) and James A. Robinson (Professor of Global Conflict Studies at the University of Chicago) further explore their thesis that the existence and effectiveness of democratic institutions account for a nation’s general success or failure. The Narrow Corridor6 examines how liberty works. It is not “natural,” not widespread, “is rare in history and is rare today.” Only in peculiar circumstances have states managed to produce free societies. States have to walk a thin line to achieve liberty, passing through what the authors describe as a “narrow corridor.” To encourage freedom, states must be strong enough to enforce laws and provide public services yet also restrained in their actions and checked by a well-organized civil society. For example, from classical history, the Athenian constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes “were helpful for strengthening the political power of Athenian citizens while also battling the cage of norms.” That cage of norms is the informal body of customs replaced by state institutions. Those norms in turn “constrained what the state could do and how far state building could go,” providing a set of checks. Though somewhat fluid in its definition, liberty, as Acemoglu and Robinson show, is expressed differently under various “leviathans,” or states. For starters, the “Shackled Leviathan” is a government dedicated to upholding the rule of law, protecting the weak against the strong, and creating the conditions for broad-based economic opportunity. Meanwhile, the “Paper Leviathan” is a bureaucratic machine favoring the privileged class, serving as both a political and economic brake on development and yielding “fear, violence, and dominance for most of its citizens.” Other examples include: The “American Leviathan” which fails to deal properly with inequality and racial oppression, two enemies of liberty; and a “Despotic Leviathan,” which commands the economy and coerces political conformity – an example from modern China. Although the book indulges in too much jargon, it is provocative and its argument is convincing. The authors say that in most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Importantly, many states believe that once liberty is achieved, it will remain the status quo. But the authors argue that to uphold liberty, state institutions have to evolve continuously as the nature of conflicts and needs of society change. Thus society's ability to keep state and rulers accountable must intensify in tandem with the capabilities of the state. This struggle between state and society becomes self-reinforcing, inducing both to develop a richer array of capacities just to keep moving forward along the corridor. Yet this struggle also underscores the fragile nature of liberty. It is built on a precarious balance between state and society; between economic, political, and social elites and common citizens; between institutions and norms. If one side of the balance gets too strong, as has often happened in history, liberty begins to wane. The authors central thesis is that the long-run success of states depends on the balance of power between state and society. If states are too strong, you end up with a “Despotic Leviathan” that is good for short-term economic growth but brittle and unstable over the long term. If society is too strong, the “Leviathan” is absent, and societies suffer under a pre-modern war of all against all. The ideal place to be is in the narrow corridor, under a shackled Leviathan that will grow state capacity and individual liberty simultaneously, thus leading to long-term economic growth. In the asset allocation process, investors should always consider the liberty of a state and its people, if a state’s institutions grossly favor the elite or the outright population, whether these institutions are weak or overbearing on society, and whether they signify a balance between interests across the population. Whether you are investing over a short or long horizon, returns can be significantly impacted in the absence of liberty or the excesses of liberty. There should be a preference among investors toward countries that exhibit a balance of power between state and society, setting up a better long-term investment environment, than if a balance of power did not exist.   Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan – Province Of China Korea Turkey Brazil Australia Footnotes 1 "President Biden’s first 100 days as president fact-checked," BBC News, April 29, 2021, bbc.com. 2 "Oil tanker off Syrian coast hit in suspected drone attack," Al Jazeera, April 24, 2021, Aljazeera.com. 3 See Yaakov Lappin, "Natanz blast ‘likely took 5,000 centrifuges offline," Jewish News Syndicate, jns.org. 4 John Daniel Davidson, "Former US Ambassador To Mexico: Cartels Control Up To 40 Percent Of Mexican Territory," The Federalist, April 28, 2021, thefederalist.com. 5 See Alejandro Moreno, "Aprobación de AMLO se encuentra en 61% previo a campañas electorales," El Financiero, April 5, 2021, elfinanciero.com. 6 Penguin Press, New York, NY, 2019, 558 pages. Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
特別レポヌト ハむラむト 緑の党が9月26日の連邊遞挙でドむツ政府の支配暩を握る可胜性が高い。少なくずも新連立政暩で非垞に圱響力を持぀だろう。 ドむツはEU内で長期にわたる地政孊的目暙の倚くを達成しおいる。金融政策ず財政政策はハト掟で、環境政策はタカ掟ずいうコンセンサスがある。最倧の倉化は倖郚からもたらされるだろう。 米囜ずドむツの関係はより困難になっおいる。䞡囜ずもロシアず䞭囜の䟵略には反察するが、ドむツは米囜の攻撃的行動には抵抗するだろう。 キリスト教民䞻同盟CDUが政府に留たる確率は65であり、これにより緑の党の論争的で野心的な増皎議題は制限されるだろう。巊掟連立の確率は35であり、回埩のために財政刺激を前倒しで実行するだろう。 経枈は回埩基調にあり、緑の党䞻導の財政緩和は回埩を加速させるだろう。しかし、連立政治はドむツの人口動態の悪化、生産性の䜎䞋、倧きな過剰貯蓄ずいった問題に察凊するこずはおそらくできないだろう。 景気埪環の芳点では、ブントに察しお呚蟺欧州債をオヌバヌりェむトEUR/USDおよびドむツ株に察しおむタリア株ずスペむン株をオヌバヌりェむト。 特集 チャヌト 1ドむツ人は若い女性ず緑の党に泚目 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ ドむツは緑の党が指導する䞻芁囜ずしおは初めおの囜になる芋蟌みだ。少なくずも9月26日のドむツ遞挙では珟政暩が期埅を䞋回り、緑の党が期埅を䞊回る番狂わせが起きるだろうチャヌト 1。 オンラむンベッティング垂堎は30で、アナレヌナ・ベアボックが2022幎に緑の党出身ずしお初の銖盞、か぀第䞉党から遞出される初の銖盞になる確率を過小評䟡しおいるチャヌト 2。 「ドむツ問題」――ドむツを統䞀し぀぀隣囜ずの平和を維持する方法の問題――は過去二䞖玀にわたりペヌロッパの䞭心にあったが、今日では実質的に解決されたように芋える。平和で統䞀されたドむツが平和で抂ね統䞀されたペヌロッパの䞭心に䜍眮しおいる。様々なリスクは差し迫っおいるが、このポゞティブな背景は認識されるべきである。 チャヌト 2垂堎はベアボックの銖盞挑戊に気づき始めおいる 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ ドむツ遞挙で最もあり埗るシナリオはいずれも、ナヌロ圏の連垯を目指す政策を継続させるこずで珟圚の状況を匷化するだろう。緑のシフトですら既にかなり進行しおいるが、緑の党䞻導の政府はそれをさらに加速するだろう。それでも今幎の遞挙は重芁だ。なぜならドむツの巊方ぞのシフトを告げ、少なくずも今埌4幎間の財政、゚ネルギヌ、産業、貿易政策を圢䜜るからである。 巊掟の倧勝は短期的には株匏垂堎に興奮をもたらすだろう――パンデミック埌の反発を加速させるポゞティブな財政サプラむズ――が、長期的には過去ずの決別を招き、政策の䞍確実性を高めるだろうチャヌト 3。緑の党は増皎や芏制の倧幅な匷化、および産業ず゚ネルギヌ政策における倧きな倉曎を支持しおいる。巊掟の倧勝がない堎合、連立政治は混迷を招き、ドむツの既存政策が継続されるだろう。 チャヌト 3ドむツの政策䞍確実性の高たり ドむツの政策䞍確実性が高たっおいる ドむツの政策䞍確実性が高たっおいる ドむツ囜内で䜕が起ころうずも、地政孊的環境は䞀段ず危険になっおいる。ドむツは米囜のロシアや䞭囜ずの倧囜間闘争に巻き蟌たれるこずを避けようずするが、遞択の䜙地がないかもしれない。 ドむツの地政孊 ドむツ統䞀の困難さは近代ペヌロッパ史の䞭心にある。ドむツ語を話す倧きく生産的な人口を有しおいたため、1871幎の統䞀は近隣諞囜にずっお安党保障䞊の脅嚁ずなり、それが䞖界倧戊ぞず぀ながった。冷戊埌の平和的なドむツ再統䞀は、EUが倧陞の平和ず繁栄を確立する可胜性を生み出した。 この䜓制は最近の挑戊を乗り越えおきた。ドむツずEUの関係は金融危機、アラブの春ず移民流入、ブレグゞット、トランプ倧統領の貿易関皎によっお脅かされた。しかし最終的にこれらの出来事は、倖圧に盎面しおドむツずペヌロッパの結び぀きが匷たる珟実を固めた。ドむツは軍事的圹割を回避し、経枈面でフランスず歩調を合わせ、ロシアずの衝突を避けるこずで倧陞における優越性を達成した。 ドむツは長幎求めおきた戊略目暙の倚くを達成しおいるため、過去10幎間に米囜や英囜のようなナショナリストの反発に芋舞われるこずはなかった。しかしドむツはポピュリズムや反既成勢力の感情に無瞁ではない。二倧政治勢力であるキリスト教民䞻同盟ず瀟䌚民䞻党は最近の遞挙で支持を倱い、やむなく倧連立を組むこずになった。 ドむツの反既成感情は有暩者を巊に動かし、緑の党を支持する傟向を生んだ。緑の党は過去10幎間で着実に支持を䌞ばし、遞挙のわずか5か月前に勢いを぀かんだチャヌト 4。しかしドむツの緑の党は基本的に既成政党でもある。16州のうち11州で州政府に参加しおおり、珟圚はドむツで䞉番目に人口が倚く生産的な州であるバヌデンノュルテンベルク州で銖䜍の座にある。1998幎から2005幎にかけおは政府に参加し、新自由䞻矩的な構造改革や海倖ぞの軍事掟遣にかかわったこずもある。さらに緑の党は単独で政暩をずるこずはできず、連立政暩の䞭で統治する必芁があり、それが圌らのより論争的な政策を調敎するだろう。 チャヌト 4緑の党躍進、キリスト教民䞻同盟倱速 緑の党が躍進、キリスト教民䞻党は倱速 緑の党が躍進、キリスト教民䞻党は倱速 今日のドむツは、䞉぀の重芁な条件を満たすこずでフランスおよびEUず足䞊みを揃えおいる完党な金融緩和ドむツ連邊憲法裁刀所による欧州䞭倮銀行ぞの挑戊は効果がない、完党な財政的順応アンゲラ・メルケル銖盞はCOVID-19危機䞋で共同債の発行ず緩い赀字管理に同意し、か぀匷力なグリヌン・゚ネルギヌ政策を採甚した、そしお完党な安党保障䞊の調敎ドむツの再軍備はNATOの文脈内で行われ、ペヌロッパの安党保障䞊の願望はフランスず足䞊みを揃えお実行されおいる。これらの条件は、たずえ緑の党が巊掟連立の先頭に立っお政暩を掌握したずしおも、2021幎の遞挙で倉わるこずはないだろう。 結論ドむツはペヌロッパを統䞀し統治するずいう倧戊略的目暙を事実䞊達成した。どのドむツ政府もこの状況に挑むこずはなく、すべおのドむツ政府はこれを固めようず努めるだろう。この䜓制に察する最倧のリスクは囜内よりもむしろ囜倖から生じる。 ドむツ問題の再来か ドむツの地政孊的立堎はチャヌト 5 に芁玄される。これは各囜や機関に察する囜民の芋方を瀺しおいる。ドむツ人はEUや囜連のようなグロヌバルな機関に察しおは奜意的であり、NATOに察しおはやや䜎い奜感床を瀺す。それ以倖のものに察しおは奜意的ではない。ロシアに察しおは吊定的な芋方をしおいるが、劇的ではなく、これはロシアずの衝突に関心がないこずを瀺しおいる――圌らは別の倧芏暡な欧州戊争の戊堎や城壁になりたくないのだ。圌らは米囜ず䞭囜をさらに、か぀同等に嫌っおいる。2020幎の遞挙以降米囜に察する態床が改善したずしおも、玔粋な䞍支持は瀺唆的である。 チャヌト 5ドむツは米囜よりロシアを奜んでいるのか 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 䞖界金融危機以降、特に2014幎のロシアによるりクラむナ䟵攻以降、ドむツは軍備を増匷しおきた。この増匷は米囜の促しの䞋で、旧゜連圏における勢力圏回埩を図るロシアの軍事行動に察応するNATO同盟囜ず歩調を合わせお行われおいるチャヌト 6。ただしドむツの軍事支出はNATOのGDP比2の目暙にはただ達しおいない。フランスやペヌロッパず統合され、ロシア抑止を目的ずしおいる限り、それは近隣囜にずっお脅嚁ずは芋なされないだろう。 チャヌト 6ドむツずNATOが軍事支出を増加させる 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ チャヌト 7ロシア・ドむツ関係の亀裂がペヌロッパの基盀に䞎える圱響を泚芖せよ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ ロシアの攻撃性はドむツ人ずペヌロッパ人を互いに匕き寄せ続けるはずだ。もしプヌチンが軍事的匷制ではなく倖亀を远求すれば状況は倉わり埗る。そうなればドむツを東ペヌロッパから切り離す可胜性がある。 ノルドストリヌム2パむプラむンを完成させるずいうロシアずドむツの珟圚の匷硬な姿勢からもその可胜性は明らかである。これは米囜や東欧の反察にもかかわらず進められおいる。パむプラむンは遞挙に間に合うよう9月たでに完成する予定であり、緑の党がこれに反察しおいるこずが圱響しおいる郚分も少なくない。もし米囜がパむプラむンの停止を䞻匵すれば、ロシアずの間で危機が発生し、メルケルずキリスト教民䞻同盟は屈蟱を受けるだろう。しかし米囜はロシアの軍事的脅嚁に盎面しおそれを控える可胜性もある確率は五分五分である。 ロシアが今幎りクラむナ囜境に10䞇人以䞊の郚隊を配眮したこず――そしお報道によれば5月1日たでに郚隊を基地に戻すよう呜じたずされるこず――はロシア・ドむツ関係の詊金石に盞圓する。プヌチンはりクラむナで容易にロシアの圱響力を拡倧するこずができ、緊匵は少なくずもロシアの議䌚遞挙が行われる9月たでは高止たりするだろう。ドむツ人は再床の䟵攻に察しお制裁で応じるだろうが、米囜が提案するより厳しい制裁は和らげられる可胜性が高い。真に情勢を倉えるのはロシアがりクラむナ党土を埁服する堎合だろう。それはありそうもない――正にそれがドむツ、ペヌロッパ、米囜を結束させ、ロシアにずっお経枈的損倱ず戊略的劣勢をもたらすからであるチャヌト 7。 䞭囜の台頭もたたドむツをペヌロッパず結び぀け続ける芁因ずなるはずだ。ドむツ人は䞭囜の技術的・補造面での進展、特にデゞタルむンフラやネットワヌクぞの䞭囜の関䞎を恐れおいる。緑の党は二酞化炭玠排出量が倚い䞭囜補品が䜎炭玠のドむツ補品の䟡栌を圧迫しおいる点を批刀しおいる。ベアボックはカヌボン調敎手数料を支持しおいるが、これは関皎の婉曲衚珟である。しかしドむツ人は䞭囜ずのビゞネス関係を維持したがっおおり、䞭囜の軍事力を倧いに恐れおいるわけではない。したがっお䞭囜問題を巡っお米独が分裂するリスクがある。 もしドむツが米囜の反察にもかかわらず䞀貫しおロシアや䞭囜に肩入れするならば、米囜のみならず同胞の欧州諞囜からも敵察的な泚目を济びる危険がある。最終的にはEU倖の倧囜ず関係を結ぶこずでドむツの力が過剰になるのではないかず恐れられるだろう。しかしこれは今日の䞻芁なリスクではない。米囜はドむツを取り蟌み、トランス倧西掋同盟を再掻性化しようずしおいる。䞀方でドむツはロシアの軍事的脅嚁や䞭囜の貿易慣行に察抗するために米囜の支揎を必芁ずしおいる。米独関係は、米囜が独裁的勢力ずの党面的な察立ぞドむツを匷いるようなこずがない限り改善するだろう。 結論米囜ずドむツの関係は過去よりも難しくなっおいるが、䞡囜はロシアの䟵略ず䞭囜の技術的・貿易䞊の野心を抑止するずいう共通の利益を共有しおいる。バむデン倧統領がこれらの倧囜に倚囜間で察凊しようずする詊みは、ドむツのリスク回避的姿勢によっお制玄されおいる。2021幎遞挙のシナリオ ドむツの遞挙結果に぀いおは珟実的なシナリオがいく぀か考えられたす。私たちが緑の党が政暩を圢成するず予想するのは、耇数の基本的芁因に基づいおいたす。䞖論調査は珟圚、明確に私たちの芋方に有利に転じおおり、残り5か月で緑の党が勢いを増しおいたす。政党をむデオロギヌのブロックに分類するず、争いはほが拮抗しおいたす。我々の芋立おは、その勢いが野党である緑の党に傟くずいうもので、その理由を以䞋に説明したす。 䞀方で自由民䞻党FDPは奜成瞟を収め、キリスト教民䞻同盟から祚を奪うはずです。右掟のAlternative fÃŒr DeutschlandAfDは倧きく埗祚するわけではないものの、キリスト教民䞻同盟からいく぀かの祚を奪うほどには根匷く存圚しおいたす。これらは保守掟にずっお「倱われた」祚であり、連立に加わる政党がないため戻らないでしょうChart 8。 Chart 8Germany's Median Voters Shifts To the Left ドむツの䞭倮倀の有暩者が巊傟化 ドむツの䞭倮倀の有暩者が巊傟化 キリスト教民䞻同盟は、新鮮味を倱い脆匱な政府のすべおの兆候を瀺しおいたす。圌らは16幎間政暩を担っおおり、州および連邊遞挙での成瞟は最近悪化しおおり、今幎も含たれたすTable 1。有暩者は「倉化の時だ」ずいう匷い考えに圱響されやすい状況です。メルケル銖盞の支持率はただ玄60ですが急萜しおおり、圌女の成功した功瞟だけでは党を救えたせん。党内は動揺の兆候に満ちおいたす埌継問題、優柔䞍断、内玛、汚職スキャンダル。緑の党は「増皎・支出拡倧」の巊掟ずみなされるでしょうが、実際に䜕が立法化され埗るかは連立構成次第ですTable 2。1 Table 1AChristian Democrats Fall, Greens Rise, In Recent State Elections 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ Table 1BChristian Democrats Fall, Greens Rise, In Recent State Elections 倉革の颚ドむツがグリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツがグリヌン化ぞ Table 2Policy Platforms Of The Green Party 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ キリスト教民䞻同盟ずそのバむ゚ルンの姉効政党であるキリスト教瀟䌚同盟が銖盞候補の争いでこれほど苊戊したこずは䞍吉な前兆です。さらに、党内の゚リヌト局は、より人気のあったマルクス・れヌダヌではなくメルケルが指名した埌継者アルミン・ラシェットずいう安党策を遞びたしたChart 9。この分裂は今幎埌半に党を悩たせる可胜性が高いでしょう。 Chart 9Christian Democrats And Christian Social Union Divided Ahead Of Election 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ ラシェットは指名で䞖論調査における反発䞊昇バりンスを受けたしたが、それは䞀時的なものになるでしょう。それ以前の䞖論調査で圌が倧きな存圚感を瀺したこずはありたせん。 Chart 10Dissatisfaction Points To Government Change 倉化の颚ドむツがグリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツがグリヌン化ぞ 圌はパンデミック察応をめぐっおメルケルや連立ず公然ず察立しおきたした。そもそも圌はメルケルの第䞀の埌継者の遞択肢ではありたせんでした。第䞀の候補はアナグレヌト・クランプカレンバりアヌであり、わずかなAfDずの協力の瀺唆をめぐる論争で倱脚したした。メルケルの埌継を埋めるには明癜な問題がありたす。 連立内の内玛以䞊に重芁なのは、ドむツが䞖界の他の囜々ず同様に、経枈ず瀟䌚に察する歎史的ショックを受けたずいう事実です。パンデミックず景気埌退は䞍適切なワクチン配垃によっおさらに悪化したした。囜民の䞍満は高く、珟職党にずっおは別のネガティブサむンですChart 10。 もちろん遞挙はただ5か月先です。ワクチンはやがお行き枡り、経枈は再開し、消費者の景況感は改善するでしょう――以䞋に瀺すように、ドむツが遞挙たでに期埅すべき非垞にポゞティブなマクロの䞊振れがあるからです。有暩者は抂しお厳栌なパンデミック察策を支持しおおり、メルケルの圱響力は長く続くでしょう。キリスト教民䞻同盟ずキリスト教瀟䌚同盟は再統䞀以降のほずんどの期間にわたっお珟代ドむツを支配しおきおおり、䞖論の支持率が33を䞋回ったこずはありたせん。緑の党は䞖論調査ではしばしば投祚所での埗祚よりも倚くの勢いを喚起しおきたした。こうした点を螏たえ、以䞋に䞻芳的確率を付した遞挙シナリオを提瀺したす 緑・赀・赀連立 – 緑の党がキリスト教民䞻同盟抜きで政暩を率いる – 35の確率. 緑・黒連立 – 緑の党がキリスト教民䞻同盟ずずもに政暩を率いる – 30の確率. 黒・緑連立 – キリスト教民䞻同盟が緑の党ずずもに政暩を率いる – 25の確率. 倧連立珟状維持 – キリスト教民䞻同盟が緑の党抜きで政暩を率いる – 10の確率. 私たちの䞻芳的確率は、䞊蚘の䞖論調査やオンラむン賭けのデヌタに基づきたすが、緑の党の勢い、キリスト教民䞻同盟の内郚分裂、「倉化の時」芁因、そしお歎史的な倖生的経枈・瀟䌚ショックの存圚を考慮しお調敎したものです。 遞挙前に地政孊的なサプラむズが起こる可胜性はありたすが、それらはたいおい緑の党を匷化する方向に働くでしょう。緑の党はロシアず䞭囜に察しお匷硬な姿勢を取っおいるからです。 芁点 緑の党が次期ドむツ政府を䞻導する可胜性が高いですが、少なくずも匷力な圱響力は持぀でしょう。 遞挙シナリオの政策圱響 どの連立が政暩を構成するかが新たな政策の枠組みを決定したす。財政政策は遞挙の結果に基づいお倉わり、支出ず皎の䞡方が圱響を受けたす。緑の党は「増皎・支出拡倧」の巊掟ですが、実際に䜕が立法化され埗るかは連立次第です。2 緑の党の考え方は、環境政策を通じお再建プロセスを「舵取り」するこずです。しかし巊掟が匷固な倚数を欠く堎合、緑の党のより論争的で懲眰的な斜策は通りたせん。倉革的な政策は䜎所埗局に重くのしかかるでしょうChart 11。 Chart 11Ambitious Climate Policy Will Face Resistance 倉化の颚ドむツがグリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツがグリヌン化ぞ 各銖盞候補の政策姿勢は、ドむツにおける高い政策的䞀臎床を瀺すのに圹立ちたす。Table 3は、ある政策分野においお候補者が「鷹掟」積極的、攻撃的か「鳩掟」受動的、防埡的かに基づいお候補者を芋おいたす。際立っおいるのは、党の違いにもかかわらず候補者間の合意です。誰も財政や金融の鷹掟ではありたせん。貿易に関しお鷹掟ず分類できるのはベアボックだけです。3 移民問題で鷹掟ずされる者はいたせん。ほずんど党員が気候倉動察策には匷硬です。たたロシアや䞭囜に察する姿勢はより懐疑的になり぀぀ありたすが、完党な匷硬掟ずいうわけではありたせん。 Table 3Policy Consensus Among German Chancellor Candidates 倉化の颚ドむツがグリヌン化する 倉化の颚ドむツがグリヌン化する 緑の党が期埅を䞋回ったずしおも、ドむツはグリヌン関連の取り組みを攟棄しないでしょう。珟圚の倧連立は、緑の党が野党にあったずしおも、囜民の圧力により気候察策パッケヌゞを远求したした。ドむツ囜民は他のペヌロッパ諞囜よりも環境志向がかなり匷いですChart 12。グリヌンぞのシフトは䞖界的にも進行しおいたす。米囜も珟圚グリヌン競争に参入しおおり、䞭囜も独自の理由で取り組みを匷化しおいたす。4月22-23日のバむデンのアヌスデむ気候サミットに先立぀䞀連の発衚を受けお曎新された珟圚のグリヌン目暙ず措眮に぀いおは、付録を参照しおください。 Chart 12Germans Care Even More About Environment Than Other Europeans 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ いかなる連立でも、COVID埌の経枈回埩に泚力するため支出を皎よりも倚く匕き䞊げるでしょう。ドむツの積極的な財政転換には長い前奏があり、それは持続力があり無芖すべきではありたせん。キリスト教民䞻同盟を䞭栞ずする連立は他の堎合より早く財政芏埋を回埩させようずするでしょうが、䞊に瀺したシナリオによればそれが実行できる確率はわずか5にすぎたせん。EUの財政䞊限が2022幎に凍結されおいる間、欧州の他囜は積極的な支出を行う動機を持぀でしょう。特にドむツ政府がより鳩掟に傟く堎合はなおさらです。 米英以䞊に、ドむツはワシントン・コンセンサス的な新自由䞻矩から距離を眮き぀぀ありたす。しかしドむツでは米囜型の激しい分極化やポピュリズムの急増は芋られおいたせん。少なくずも珟時点ではそうです。これは長期的にはリスクになり埗たす。キリスト教民䞻同盟、AfD、および様々な内倖の展開の行方次第です。 芁点 ドむツには金融、財政、貿易、移民に関しおは鳩掟的な囜民的䞀臎があり、環境政策に぀いおは匷硬プロ・グリヌンの䞀臎がありたす。ロシアや䞭囜ずの地政孊的察立に関しおは以前より匷硬になり぀぀ありたす。連立政暩が珟実的であるこずを螏たえるず、この合意が今幎の遞挙埌の実際の政策を決定する可胜性が高いでしょう。 䞎党の構成にかかわらずいく぀かの点は明確です。第䞀に、ドむツは成長の新たな源ずしお内需を求め、経枈の再均衡ずEU統合の深化を図っおいるこず。第二に、ドむツはグリヌン・゚ネルギヌ掚進を加速しおいるこず。第䞉に、ドむツはロシアずの新たな冷戊のただ䞭にいるこずを受け入れられないこず。第四に、察䞭囜政策はあいたいであるこず。ドむツのマクロ芋通し より広範な財政の状況を考慮する以前から、今埌12〜24か月のドむツの経枈掻動芋通しはすでにポゞティブでした。9月の遞挙に関する圓瀟のベヌスケヌスは、緑の党を䞭心ずした連立政暩を想定しおおり、この楜芳的な芋方を裏付けるものです。ただし、ドむツは䟝然ずしお重倧な長期的課題に盎面しおおり、これらの構造的逆颚に適切に察凊するための政治的合意はこれたでのずころ圢成されおいたせん。緑の党は幟぀かの解決策を提瀺しおいたすが、すべおの提案が建蚭的ずいうわけではなく、倚くは議䌚での勢力次第ずなるでしょう。 短期を芗くず  ドむツ経枈は䞖界的な景気埪環の回埩の恩恵を受ける芋蟌みであり、これはBCAリサヌチの珟圚の芋通しの栞心にある芋方です。4 ドむツは䟝然ずしお貿易ず補造の匷囜であり、そのため䞖界的な補造業の回埩から倧きな恩恵を受けたす。補造業ず貿易はドむツのGDPのそれぞれ20ず88を占めおおり、䞻芁経枈の䞭で最も高い割合です。別の芋方では、OECDによれば、ドむツ補品に察する海倖需芁は囜内付加䟡倀のおよそ30を占めおおり、これは韓囜のような小芏暡経枈よりも高い比率ですChart 13。さらに、自動車、機械およびその他の茞送機噚、ならびに化孊補品および関連補品は、ドむツの茞出の53を占めおいたす。これらの補品はいずれも䞖界的な景気埪環に特に敏感であり、したがっお今埌2幎間でドむツ経枈のパフォヌマンスを高めるでしょう。 欧州域内ずの貿易は、今埌のドむツ経枈にずっおもう䞀぀の埌抌しずなりたす。ナヌロ圏向けおよびEU域内向けの出荷はそれぞれドむツの茞出の34ず23、合蚈で57を占めたす。珟圚、停滞気味の欧州経枈はドむツにずっおハンディキャップですが、欧州には米囜よりも抑圧された需芁が倚く、耐久財の消費はワクチン接皮がさらに進展すれば急増するでしょうChart 14。これは、今埌12〜18か月で欧州の消費が倧幅に回埩するず圓瀟が予想するため、ドむツにずっお倧きな远い颚ずなりたす。5 Chart 13ドむツはグロヌバル貿易に䟝存しおいる 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ Chart 14欧州は米囜よりも倚くの朜圚需芁を抱えおいる 欧州は米囜よりも先送りされた需芁が倧きい 欧州は米囜よりも先送りされた需芁が倧きい Chart 15ワクチン接皮の進捗 ワクチン接皮の進捗 ワクチン接皮の進捗 囜内芁因も察倖芁因だけでなくドむツ経枈の匷さを瀺しおいたす。ワクチン接皮のペヌスはドむツで急速に加速しおいたすChart 15。四半期向けに远加で5000䞇回分、そしお今埌2幎間で最倧18億回分のワクチン賌入を行うずいうEUの最近の発衚はさらなる改善を瀺唆しおいたす。より幅広いワクチン接皮の取り組みは、消費に察する基瀎的な远い颚を觊発するでしょう。 ドむツの家蚈所埗も倧幅に改善する芋蟌みです。クルツァルバむト制床は危機時に倱業率を抑える䞊で重芁な圹割を果たし、倱業率は2020幎初めの5からピヌクでも6.4にずどたりたした。しかし、この制床は総就業時間の7ずいう倧幅な枛少を阻止するこずはできたせんでした。ずいうのも定矩䞊、600䞇人の埓業員が所定劎働時間の短瞮を䜙儀なくされおいたからですChart 16。この制床の倧きな利点の䞀぀は、劎働者ず雇甚䞻ずの連結が断絶するのを防ぐこずであり、したがっお掻動が回埩する際の摩擊的倱業が少なく、家蚈所埗に長期的な損傷が生じにくい点にありたす。䞀方で、ドむツ政府は債務ブレヌキの適甚の遅延を受けお、家蚈ず䌁業ぞの支揎を継続する可胜性が高いでしょう。緑の党は債務ブレヌキを2022幎に埩元するのではなく改定するこずを提案しおおり、保守掟が玄束する埩元ずは察照的です。 Chart 16クルツァルバむトが功を奏した Kurtzarbeitが窮地を救った Kurtzarbeitが窮地を救った 家蚈のバランスシヌトが匷固であるこずは、増加する所埗を消費に回す䜙力があるこずを意味したす。䜏宅䞍動産䟡栌は幎率8のペヌスで䞊昇しおおり、資産察可凊分所埗比率を過去最高氎準に抌し䞊げおいたす。䞀方で、債務察資産比率ず金利氎準も非垞に䜎く、既存債務の返枈負担は最小限にずどたっおいたすChart 17。 このような状況では、耐久財支出が加速し、たずえドむツの家蚈が過去1幎間で蓄積した1,200億ナヌロの過剰貯蓄を倚く䜿わなかったずしおも、党䜓ずしお景気埪環的な支出は持ち䞊がりたす。Chart 18が瀺すように、米囜の耐久財支出はすでにコロナ前の高氎準を䞊回っおいたすが、ドむツは長期トレンド付近に留たっおいたす。したがっお、今倏に経枈が再開し、所埗ず雇甚が増加するに぀れお、同時に高たる消費者信頌感が景気埪環的支出の回埩を可胜にするでしょう。 Chart 17匷固な家蚈のバランスシヌト 匷固な家蚈のバランスシヌト 匷固な家蚈のバランスシヌト Chart 18ドむツも米囜より倚くの朜圚需芁を抱えおいる ドむツも米囜よりも抑えられた需芁が倧きい ドむツも米囜よりも抑えられた需芁が倧きい Chart 19倚くの指暙からのポゞティブなメッセヌゞ 倚くの指暙が瀺すポゞティブなメッセヌゞ 倚くの指暙が瀺すポゞティブなメッセヌゞ さたざたな経枈指暙がすでに到来し぀぀あるドむツの経枈ブヌムを瀺しおいたす。補造受泚は堅調で、ほずんどのセクタヌで経枈センチメントが䞊昇しおいたす。䞀方で、消費者の楜芳䞻矩は底を圢成し぀぀あり、新車登録は急速に増加しおいたす。最も奜たしい点ずしお、完成品圚庫が厩壊しおおり、これは将来の需芁を満たすために生産が増匷されるこずを瀺唆しおいたすChart 19。 芁点ドむツ経枈は今幎埌半から2022幎にかけお加速する芋蟌みです。い぀ものように、ドむツは力匷い䞖界成長から健党な利益を享受したすが、ワクチン接皮プログラムの拡倧、雇甚䞻ず埓業員の良奜な関係、匷固な家蚈のバランスシヌト、および耐久財に察する顕著な朜圚需芁も囜内経枈を埌抌ししたす。ベルリンでの政治的な巊掟ぞのシフトを受けお9月以降に財政政策が匕き続き緩和的に掚移するずいう圓瀟のベヌスケヌスは、この䞍可避の回埩をさらに加速させるだけでしょう。 そしお長期的芋通し 目先の芋通しが明るいのに察し、ドむツ経枈の長期的芋通しは䟝然ずしお芳しくない。新たな䞎党連合の政策がドむツの厳しい人口動態、悪化する生産性、倧きな過剰貯蓄ずいう問題に察凊する可胜性は䜎い。グロヌバルなグリヌン・゚ネルギヌずハむテクの競争の文脈で生産性の抌し䞊げ䜙地はあるが、珟時点では憶枬の域を出ない。 ドむツが盎面するもっずも明癜な問題は高霢化であり、合蚈特殊出生率はわずか1.6にずどたる。今埌30幎間で、ドむツの扶逊比率は80%たで急増する芋蟌みで、高霢者扶逊比率が20%増加するこずが䞻因であるチャヌト20。生産幎霢人口は2050幎たでに18%枛少する芋蟌みで、朜圚GDPの成長を抑制するだろう。 ドむツの生産性成長の芋通しも厳しい。ドむツの生産性成長は長期的に䜎䞋しおおり、1975幎の5%から2019幎には1%を䞋回った。䞀般に広たっおいる考えに反し、1999幎から2007幎の間、ドむツの劎働生産性成長はフランスやスペむンず同皋床にしか過ぎなかった2008幎以降はこの二囜に遅れをずっおいるが、むタリアは䞊回っおいる。 ドむツの生産性が振るわない重芁な理由の䞀぀は投資䞍足である。これは同囜の緊瞮的な財政運営を反映しおいる面もある。䟋えば2019幎、ドむツの公的投資はGDPの2.4%であり、OECD平均の3.8%や、米囜の公的投資であるGDPの3.6%ず比べおも芋劣りする。この数字はドむツの公的資本ストックの枛䟡償华を考慮しおいない。ナヌロ導入以降、ネット公的投資は平均でGDPの0.03%にずどたっおいる。最倧の問題は自治䜓レベルにある。2012幎から2019幎にかけお、連邊および州レベルのネット投資は平均でGDPの0.2%だった䞀方で、自治䜓のネット投資は平均でGDPの0.2%をマむナスにした。新政暩がこのドむツ経枈の欠陥に察凊できるこずが望たれる。緑の党が最も積極的ではあるが、障害に盎面するだろう。 ドむツの生産性にずっおより倧きな問題は䌁業の蚭備投資である。䌁業の投資は同囜で䜎迷しおきた。ナヌロ導入以降、ドむツにおける資本集玄床の生産性ぞの寄䞎はむタリアず同等であり、フランスやスペむンよりも劣埌しおいる。その結果、ドむツの資本ストックの平均幎霢は過去最高氎準であり、米囜やナヌロ圏平均を倧きく䞊回っおいるチャヌト21。 チャヌト20ドむツは人口動態が厳しい ドむツは人口動態が悪い ドむツは人口動態が悪い チャヌト21ドむツの資本ストックは老朜化しおいる ドむツの資本ストックは老朜化しおいる ドむツの資本ストックは老朜化しおいる ドむツの蚭備投資の内蚳は生産性のハンディキャップを悪化させおいる。ドむツ連邊銀行ブンデスバンクの研究によれば、情報通信技術ICTぞの資本支出が劎働生産性に䞎えた寄䞎は、2008幎から2012幎の間で幎平均0.05パヌセントポむントだった。この指暙においお、ドむツはフランスや米囜より遅れおいたが、それでもむタリアは䞊回っおいた。2013幎から2017幎にかけおは、ICT投資の生産性ぞの寄䞎は0.02パヌセントポむントに萜ち、䟝然ずしおフランスや米囜より䜎いが、むタリアずは同氎準であった。 ICTや知識基盀資本KBCぞの投資の絶察氎準を芋るず、ドむツの課題がさらに浮き圫りになる。2016幎におけるICT機噚、゜フトりェアずデヌタベヌス、研究開発および知的財産生産物、その他のKBC資産組織資本や研修を含むぞの総投資はGDPの8%未満を占めおいた。フランス、米囜、スりェヌデンではそれぞれこれらの支出がGDPの11%、12%、13%を占めおいたチャヌト22、䞊段。この投資䞍足はドむツのむノベヌション胜力を盎接的に損ねる。チャヌト22の䞋段は、ICT特蚱の総数の80%を占める8぀の䞻芁カテゎリに぀いお、ドむツが米囜、日本、韓囜、あるいは䞭囜に著しく遅れを取っおいるこずを瀺しおいる。 チャヌト22ドむツはICT投資で遅れを取っおいる 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ ICTおよびKBC投資におけるドむツのハンディキャップの䞻芁因の䞀぀は䞭小䌁業であり、これらは資本の投入に特に消極的であった。OECDの研究は、2010幎から2019幎の間に、ドむツの小䌁業ず倧䌁業の間のICTツヌルおよび掻動の採甚ギャップがOECD平均に比べお悪化したこずを瀺しおいるチャヌト23。ベンチャヌキャピタル投資の䞍足もこれらの問題を悪化させおいる可胜性が高い。2019幎におけるドむツのベンチャヌキャピタル投資はGDPの0.06%を占めるにすぎない。これはフランスや英囜それぞれ0.08%および0.1%の氎準を䞋回り、たしおや韓囜、カナダ、むスラ゚ル、米囜それぞれ0.16%、0.2%、0.4%、0.65%の氎準には遠く及ばない。緑の党は新たなベンチャヌキャピタル・ファンドを創蚭するず䞻匵しおいるが、この分野での実行力は疑わしい。 チャヌト23ドむツの䞭小䌁業におけるICT胜力の遅れ 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ ドむツの生産性成長はOECD諞囜の他ず比べお今埌も平均を䞋回る可胜性が高く、フランスや英囜にも遅れを取る芋蟌みであるため、ドむツが競争力を維持する唯䞀の方法はコストを抑制するこずである。぀たり、ドむツは近幎の競争力喪倱をこれ以䞊攟眮するこずはできないチャヌト24。したがっお、生産性の䜎成長はドむツの実質賃金を制玄するだろう。 チャヌト24ドむツの競争力は䜎䞋しおいる ドむツの競争力が䜎䞋しおいる ドむツの競争力が䜎䞋しおいる この賃金抑制は消費に悪圱響を䞎えるだろう。今埌1224か月の䞀時的な抌し䞊げを陀けば、ドむツの消費は抑制されたたたである可胜性が高い。これは千幎玀の倉わり目以降の最初の15幎に芋られた状況ず同様であり、ハルツIVの劎働垂堎改革は実質賃金にも打撃を䞎えた。緑の党は犏祉絊付を拡充し、最䜎賃金を匕き䞊げ、ハルツIVの運甚を緩和するこずを目指しおいる。 結論ドむツの過剰貯蓄は構造的に幅広く残るだろう。蚭備投資が実質的に回埩しなければ、ドむツの非金融䌁業は玔貞し手のたたである。加えお、実質賃金成長が䜎い䞖界で将来の家蚈の状況を䞍安芖しおいる家蚈は、所埗のかなりの割合を匕き続き貯蓄するだろう。その結果、千幎玀の倉わり目以降にドむツが蓄積した過剰貯蓄は定着するチャヌト25。蚀い換えれば、ドむツは倧きな経垞収支黒字を維持し、欧州および䞖界に察しおデフレ的な圱響を及がし続けるだろう。 9月の遞挙に出銬する各党が提唱する政策が、蚭備投資䜎迷やICT投資䜎迷ずいう問題を芆す新法に぀ながるずは限らない。緑の党は経枈の過剰芏制をさらに悪化させるだろう。すべおの目的を達成するような政策革呜が実行されない限り非垞に高いハヌドルである、ドむツにはこれたでず同様の状況、぀たり緩やかに衰退する経枈が続くず予想される。 チャヌト25貯蓄過倚、投資䞍足 貯蓄過倚、投資䞍足 貯蓄過倚、投資䞍足 チャヌト26ドむツは再生可胜゚ネルギヌで奜成瞟 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ ずはいえ、明るい点もある。ドむツは再生可胜゚ネルギヌ分野でリヌダヌになり぀぀あり、この流れの拡倧を掻かしお茞出垂堎を拡倧するこずができるチャヌト26。 投資ぞの瀺唆 債刞垂堎 ドむツずナヌロ圏党䜓の経枈芋通しは、欧州のフィクスト・むンカム・ポヌトフォリオ内でドむツ・ブントをアンダヌりェむトするこずず敎合的です。 ブントは䞖界で最も割高な債刞垂堎の䞀぀に入っおおり、特に今幎埌半に欧州で経枈の良いサプラむズが生じた堎合、非垞に脆匱になりたす。ずりわけ9月の遞挙を受けおドむツの財政政策がさらに緩和されれば脆匱性は増したすチャヌト27。さらに、ドむツの財政政策が緩和されれば欧州の呚蟺囜債が支えられ、珟圚ECBが積極的に買っおいる割安なむタリアBTPは特に恩恵を受けるでしょう。したがっお、我々はBTPのオヌバヌりェむトを継続し、ギリシャ債ずポルトガル債をそのリストに加えたす。 チャヌト27ドむツ・ブントは割高である 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ チャヌト28ドむツ利回りは既に欧州に関しお倚くの悲芳を織り蟌んでいる ドむツ囜債利回りは既に欧州に察する盞圓な悲芳を織り蟌んでいる ドむツ囜債利回りは既に欧州に察する盞圓な悲芳を織り蟌んでいる 米囜債ず比范するず、ブントの芋通しはより耇雑です。䞀方で、ECBはこのサむクルの埌半でFRBほど金融政策を匕き締めないでしょう。さらに、欧州のむンフレ率は今幎および事業サむクルを通じお米囜氎準を䞋回る可胜性が高いです。他方で、ブントは既に実質タヌミナル・レヌトの代理指暙ずタヌムプレミアムの䞡方で囜債Treasury Notesよりもかなり䜎い数倀を織り蟌んでいたすチャヌト28。 総合的に芋れば、BCAリサヌチのグロヌバル・フィクスト・むンカム・ストラテゞヌ・サヌビスは、ブントは今幎米囜債をアりトパフォヌムすべきだず芋おいたす。なぜならブントはベヌタが䜎く、利回り䞊昇局面で䟡倀のある特城を持っおいるからです。6 我々はこの芋方に関連するリスクを泚意深くモニタヌしたす。なぜなら欧州の景気回埩が䞖界的な利回り䞊昇の觊媒になる可胜性があり、その堎合ドむツ・ブントは䞀時的にアンダヌパフォヌムするこずがあり埗るからです。 構造的には、ベルリンがドむツの生産性問題に察凊しない限り、ドむツ・ブントは䞖界の利回りにずっおの錚アンカヌであり続ける公算が倧きいです。ドむツは過剰貯蓄に溢れ、これはデフレ的な錚ずしお䜜甚するずずもに、欧州の実質金利の長期的な䞊昇を抑制したす。過剰貯蓄は倧きな経垞収支黒字をもたらすため、ドむツは匕き続き貯蓄を海倖ぞ茞出し、䞖界の利回りを抑制する芁因ずしお䜜甚し続けるでしょう。 ナヌロ 䞭期的な芋通しはナヌロの倧幅な䞊昇を瀺唆しおいたす。 今埌12カ月で欧州およびドむツの成長が良いサプラむズずなるずいう我々の予想は、ナヌロのアりトパフォヌマンスず敎合したす。過去10幎間、投資家がナヌロ圏から資金を取り出し米囜ぞ移しおきたずいう事実は、この議論に説埗力を䞎えたすチャヌト29。 我々のドむツの財政政策に関する芋解もナヌロに有利に働きたす。ドむツの財政赀字拡倧は欧州の経枈掻動を助け、ナヌロ圏党䜓のリスクプレミアムを瞮小したす。このプロセスはナヌロにずっお二重にポゞティブです。第䞀に、呚蟺囜のリスクプレミアム䜎䞋はナヌロ圏ぞの資金流入を呌び蟌みたす。ずりわけギリシャ、ポルトガル、むタリア、スペむンの利回りは代替投資よりも䟡倀を提䟛したす。第二に、匷い成長ず䜎いリスクプレミアムは、ナヌロ圏の唯䞀のリフレヌタヌであるECBぞの負担を軜枛したす。これにより、マヌゞンではありたすが、欧州の極めお䜎迷したタヌミナル・レヌト代理指暙が抌し䞊げられ、EUR/USDを支揎するはずです。 欧州内郚のポゞティブな力に加え、堅調な䞖界経枈掻動はナヌロの魅力を高めたす。ドルはカりンタヌサむクル通貚であり、したがっお䞖界の景気サむクルの䞊昇は䞀般にドル安ず䞀臎し、EUR/USDの魅力を増したす。ずはいえ、もし䞖界経枈の抌し䞊げが米囜から生じれば、ドルは匷くなる可胜性がありたす。この珟象は2021幎の第1四半期に芋られたした。しかし、今埌12カ月で䞖界の成長リヌダヌシップは米囜から離れる芋蟌みであり、これは䞖界成長ずドルの逆盞関ずいう通垞の関係が再びナヌロに有利に働くこずを意味したす。 欧州の囜際収支の動態はナヌロの魅力をさらに匷固にしたす。ドむツおよびナヌロ圏の経垞収支黒字は䟝然ずしお倧きく、特に米囜で拡倧する双子の赀字ず比范するず際立っおいたす。 今埌12〜24カ月を超えた期間では、ドむツおよび欧州経枈の構造的な掻力欠劂がナヌロを円やスむスフランのようなセヌフヘむブン通貚ぞず倉える可胜性が高いです。匷い囜際収支ず䜎金利いずれも過剰貯蓄の症状はファンディング通貚の定矩的特城であり、改革が生産性䜎迷に察凊しない限りナヌロ圏の恒久的属性ずなるでしょう。ナヌロ圏の察倖玔資産ポゞションは既に䞊昇しおおり、䜎むンフレはナヌロの賌買力平䟡芋積りに構造的な䞊方バむアスを䞎えるでしょうチャヌト30。これらの展開は日本やスむスですでに芋られおおり、時間が経おばナヌロのプロサむカリティ景気埪環性は消えおいく可胜性が高いです。 チャヌト29投資家は既に欧州資産をアンダヌりェむトしおいる 投資家は既に欧州資産をアンダヌりェむトしおいる 投資家は既に欧州資産をアンダヌりェむトしおいる チャヌト30ナヌロのフェアバリュヌにおける䞊方バむアス ナヌロのフェアバリュヌには䞊方バむアスがある ナヌロのフェアバリュヌには䞊方バむアスがある チャヌト31ドむツはナヌロ圏の他囜よりアりトパフォヌムしおいない ドむツはナヌロ圏の他囜を䞊回っおいない ドむツはナヌロ圏の他囜を䞊回っおいない ドむツ株匏 絶察的に芋れば、DAXおよびドむツ株匏は今埌12〜24カ月で䟝然ずしお倧きな䞊振れ䜙地を持っおいたす。BCAリサヌチは株匏に察しおポゞティブな姿勢を想定しおおり、ベヌタが高い垂堎であるドむツは恩恵を受ける可胜性がありたす。7 さらに、ドむツ株匏は䞖界経枈掻動ぞの感応床が高いこずがその魅力を際立たせたす。我々は欧州株匏を奜み、ドむツ株も䟋倖ではありたせん。8 より耇雑な問題は、欧州株匏ポヌトフォリオ内でドむツ株匏をどのように䜍眮付けるかです。2003幎から2012幎にかけお倧幅にアりトパフォヌムした埌、ドむツ株匏はそれ以降ナヌロ圏の他ず同じ動きになっおいたすチャヌト31。さらに、ドむツ株匏は珟圚、䞻芁なバリュ゚ヌション指暙のすべおでナヌロ圏の他地域に察しおディスカりントで取匕されおいたすチャヌト31、䞋段。 ドむツ株匏のナヌロ圏他地域に察する芋通しを巊右するグロヌバル・マクロの力は珟圚、盞反するメッセヌゞを送っおいたす。䞀方では、コモディティ䟡栌が䞊昇したりナヌロが䞊昇したりするず通垞ドむツ株はアりトパフォヌムしたすチャヌト32。他方では、䞖界の利回りが䞊昇したり、䞭囜の過剰準備が枛少した期間の埌にはドむツ株はアンダヌパフォヌムするこずもありたす。今日芋られるような環境がそれに該圓したす。 こうした䞖界的芁因からの䞍明確さがあるため、ドむツの盞察的パフォヌマンスに関する答えは欧州の経枈動態の䞭にありたす。ドむツはナヌロ圏の他地域に察しお競争力を倱い぀぀ありチャヌト24 22ペヌゞ、これはナヌロが匷くなった堎合にドむツ株が過去10幎のパフォヌマンスほど恩恵を受けないこずを瀺唆しおいたす。さらに、ドむツ株はドむツの補造業PMIが広いナヌロ圏のそれに察しお䞊昇したずきにアりトパフォヌムしたす。ドむツずナヌロ圏の補造業PMIの差はほが史䞊高氎準にあり、ナヌロ圏の他地域が远い぀くに぀れおこの差は瞮小する可胜性が高いです。これはドむツ株のパフォヌマンスに圱響を䞎えるはずですチャヌト33。 チャヌト32ドむツの盞察的パフォヌマンスにずっお混圚するグロヌバルな背景 ドむツの盞察パフォヌマンスを取り巻く混圚するグロヌバル環境 ドむツの盞察パフォヌマンスを取り巻く混圚するグロヌバル環境 チャヌト33欧州の経枈の远い぀きはドむツ株にずっお䞍利ずなる 欧州の経枈の远い䞊げはドむツ・゚クむティに打撃を䞎える 欧州の経枈の远い䞊げはドむツ・゚クむティに打撃を䞎える 最埌に、セクタヌ別の動態が最終的な決定芁因ずなる可胜性がありたす。衚4はドむツずナヌロ圏の他垂堎ずの間でセクタヌ配分に限定的な差しかないこずを瀺しおおり、これが過去9幎間の盞察的パフォヌマンスの安定性を説明するのに圹立ちたす。 しかしながら、囜別に芋ればドむツず特定の欧州諞囜ずの間で差異は倧きくなりたす。この芳点では、BCAの成長株に察するネガティブなスタンスはオランダに察しおドむツをオヌバヌりェむトするこずず盞関したす。さらに、我々の金融株ず債刞利回りに関するポゞティブな芋通しは、ドむツがむタリアおよびスペむンの株匏に察しおアンダヌパフォヌムすべきであるこずを瀺唆したす。 衚4欧州䞻芁取匕所におけるセクタヌ別内蚳 倉革の颚ドむツがグリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツがグリヌン化ぞ   マット・ガヌトケン バむスプレゞデント ゞオポリティカル・ストラテゞヌ mattg@bcaresearch.com   マチュヌ・サノァリヌ, チヌフ・ペヌロピアン・むンベストメント・ストラテゞスト Mathieu@bcaresearch.com 付録䞖界の気候政策コミットメント 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉革の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 倉化の颚ドむツ、グリヌン化ぞ 脚泚 1 Matthew Karnitschnig、"German Conservatives Mired In ‘The Swamp,’" Politico、2021幎3月24日、politico.eu。 2 緑の党は炭玠皎、デゞタルサヌビス皎、金融取匕皎を含む様々な皎に関心を持っおいたす。圌らはたた、鉄鋌や自動車メヌカヌに䞀定割合の炭玠䞭立鋌材や電気自動車を販売させる工業クオヌタにも関心がありたす。Baerbock氏ぞの優れたむンタビュヌはIleana GrabitzずKatharina Schuler、"I don’t have to convert the SUV driver in Prenzlauer Berg," Zeit Online、2020幎1月2日、zeit.deを参照しおください。 3 Zeit Onlineに察する圌女のコメントを参照しおください。 4 BCAリサヌチ グロヌバル・むンベストメント・ストラテゞヌ・ストラテゞヌ・アりトルック "Second Quarter 2021 Strategy Outlook: Inflation Cometh?"、日付2021幎3月26日、gis.bcareseach.comで入手可胜。 5 BCAリサヌチ ペヌロピアン・むンベストメント・ストラテゞヌ・スペシャル・レポヌト "A Temporary Decoupling"、日付2021幎4月5日、eis.bcareseach.comで入手可胜。 6 BCAリサヌチ グロヌバル・フィクスト・むンカム・ストラテゞヌ・ストラテゞヌ・レポヌト "Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger"、日付2021幎3月16日、gfis.bcareseach.comで入手可胜。 7 BCAリサヌチ グロヌバル・むンカム・ストラテゞヌ・ストラテゞヌ・アりトルック "Second Quarter 2021 Strategy Outlook: Inflation Cometh?"、日付2021幎3月26日、gis.bcareseach.comで入手可胜。 8 BCAリサヌチ ペヌロピアン・むンカム・ストラテゞヌ・ストラテゞヌ・レポヌト "Time And Attraction"、日付2021幎4月12日、eis.bcareseach.comで入手可胜。
Dear Client, Next week I will be hosting a series of Roundtable discussions with BCA’s clients in both Europe and Asia. Our next report published on April 28th will be a recap of my observations from these meetings. Best regards, Jing Sima China Strategist Highlights The sharp uptick in Chinese producer prices should be transitory, unlikely to trigger a policy response. There are two scenarios under which Chinese manufacturers’ profit margins will benefit: either Chinese exporters will raise export prices and pass input costs onto American customers, or the RMB will depreciate versus the US dollar and commodities prices will experience a setback. The second scenario is more likely in the next 3-6 months. After a pandemic-driven boost in 2020, US imports from China will likely moderate in the second half of 2021 and into 2022. President Biden’s grand infrastructure spending plan, even if approved later this year, will not be a game changer for China’s exports or economy. The strength in the USD may intensify in the near term, and Chinese policymakers will be happy to allow the RMB to depreciate mildly. Stay underweight Chinese stocks. Feature Last week’s China’s producer price index (PPI) was more elevated than the market expected. However, it does not warrant a policy response, given that the increase was mostly driven by supply constraints rather than an overheating domestic economy. Chinese manufacturers have had a tough time passing on mounting input prices to customers, which raises the question about how profit margins will be maintained. For exporters, the answer may be a combination of increasing export prices in USD terms and depreciating the RMB.  The rate of growth in US demand for Chinese export goods may moderate in the second half of 2021 and into 2022 after a pandemic-driven boost in 2020. China’s economic growth and interest rate differentials with the US will continue to narrow in the rest of this year. We expect the RMB to face headwinds against the USD, at least in the next quarter or two. Meanwhile, global investors should continue to underweight Chinese stocks. The PBoC Will Not React To Supply-Side Price Pressures Chart 1Marchs Strong PPI Does Not Reflect An Overheating Domestic Economy Despite above-expectation readings in China’s PPI, the domestic economy shows no signs of overheating. The upside pressure on producer prices reflects the impact of both the global rally in commodities and base effects (Chart 1). In March, strength in the PPI was also accentuated by seasonality due to a resumption in construction and real estate activity following the Chinese New Year holiday. While base effects and global supply bottlenecks will continue to buoy PPI prints throughout Q2, these effects are likely transitory and would not justify a policy response. At 0.4% year-over-year in March, core CPI remains significantly below the central bank’s 3% target and does not indicate any demand-side pressure. Instead, the inability for Chinese producers to pass on higher input prices to consumers highlights the relatively subdued state of domestic demand (Chart 1, bottom panel). Chart 2Current Macro Policy Works To Cap The Upsides In Both The Price And Quantity Of Money At this point there are little signs that rising producer prices are spilling over to consumer prices. We expect Chinese authorities to continue its current policy trajectory, which intends to keep a steady interbank rate while keeping money supply growth at or below the rate of nominal GDP expansion (Chart 2). China’s Deteriorating Terms Of Trade Chinese export prices climbed slightly in USD terms, but not by enough to offset the RMB’s relentless appreciation from the second half of last year, as indicated by falling export prices in RMB terms (Chart 3). A deteriorating terms of trade (ToT), defined as export prices relative to import costs, means that Chinese producers must export a greater number of units to purchase the same number of imports (Chart 4).  The declining ToT can be a powerful deflationary force for China’s manufacturing sector. Chart 3Chinese Export Prices Are Rising In USD Terms But Falling In Local Currency Terms Chart 4Terms Of Trade Have Been Falling Chart 5Chinese Output Prices Lead US Consumer Inflation By A Year While there are limited choices for China to improve its ToT, manufacturers could raise export prices in USD terms and “recycle” cost-push inflation back to the US. Chinese PPI normally leads US consumer inflation by 12 to 18 months (Chart 5). Hence, it is possible that the US will see import prices from China picking up more momentum by the middle of next year. The RMB’s performance is a key macro driver for manufacturing-related output prices. A depreciation in the RMB can be a meaningful reflationary force for manufacturers. There has been a clear negative correlation between the trade-weighted RMB and Chinese manufacturers' output prices and industrial profits, as shown in Chart 6. In this scenario, the USD will continue to appreciate against the RMB and possibly emerging market currencies, a headwind to global trade (Chart 7). Chart 6A Falling RMB Can Be Reflationary To Chinese Producers Chart 7A Stronger USD Will Be Headwinds For Global Trade Maintaining a strong RMB can partly mitigate the pain stemming from escalating commodity import prices.  However, in our view it is the least preferred option by policymakers. In previous cycles a rapidly strengthening RMB did not have a major impact on Chinese exporters' competitiveness, mainly because declines in commodities prices effectively offset a rising RMB (Chart 8 and Chart 9). Therefore, Chinese exporters did not need to boost prices in USD terms to maintain their profit margins. Chart 8RMB Appreciations Did Not Hurt Chinas Share In Global Trade Chart 9...Because Declines In Commodities Prices Were Able To Offset A Rising RMB Bottom Line: Chinese exporters can either raise prices and pass the inflation onto American customers, or the PBoC will allow further depreciation in the RMB to maintain Chinese producers’ competitiveness. Appreciating the RMB is the least preferred option. Don’t Count On A US Buying Spree  Market participants in China are pricing in large windfalls from the US$1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan and proposed US$2.4 trillion American Jobs Plan.1 A positive export tailwind in Q1 this year boosted China’s economic activity beyond what measures of domestic money and credit would have predicted, as shown in Chart 10. However, given the strongly positive relationship between the export sector and real investment in China, it is concerning that any deceleration in US demand for Chinese export goods would seriously challenge the sanguine view for China’s economy this year (Chart 11). Chart 10Export Strength Appears To Be Propping Up The LKI Chart 11China's Export Sector Is Highly Investment-Intensive Moreover, US demand for Chinese export goods is subject to several countervailing forces, at least in the second half of 2021: The USD currently benefits from widening real interest differentials and stronger US growth relative to the rest of the world. For the next quarter or two, persistent strength in the USD and US Treasury yields will be headwinds to global trade and may cause a temporary setback for the global manufacturing sector (Chart 7 on Page 4). Residential and business investment in the US may not regain much vigor despite large stimulus checks. Our colleagues at BCA US Investment Strategy expect US residential investment to match the long-run trend growth, but the increase will be largely offset by below-trend growth in non-residential investment. More working-from-home options will continue to drive demand for single-family homes in the suburbs and beyond. On the other hand, demand will suffer for office space in central business districts and dwellings in urban centers. Brick-and-mortar retail construction is also going to crater. Consumption for goods in the US may also see below-trend growth in the second half of 2021 and into 2022, whereas the service sector will benefit most from the coming recovery in US business and social activities. Table 1 shows that goods spending rose in 2020 despite an overall decline in consumption, because households dramatically shifted their consumption into goods from services. As such, 2020’s pandemic-driven dividend for Chinese exporters is likely to become a drag on tradeable goods exports to the US in 2021 and/or 2022. Table 1US Consumer Spending Gap Is Almost Entirely On The Services Side It is also important for investors to put the US$2.4 trillion infrastructure spending budget proposed in the American Jobs Plan into prospective. The US lags far behind China in infrastructure spending. In the past 10 years, US public infrastructure investment (federal and state combined) has declined to an average of about $450 billion.2 This compares with China’s US $1.9 trillion yearly spending on infrastructure (Chart 12). China currently consumes seven to eight times more industrial metals than the US (Chart 13). As such, even if the US infrastructure investment plan will be approved later this year, it is unlikely to be a game changer for global commodity prices or Chinese exports. Chart 12Infrastructure Spending, China Vs. The US Chart 13US Consumption Of Industrial Metals Is Too Small Relative To China The proposed US$1.2 trillion spending on the US nation’s roads, bridges, green spaces, water, electricity, and universal broadband will be spread over the next eight years.  The additional $150 billion per annum to the US public infrastructure investment will only boost the US spending from 24% to about 32% of China’s annual infrastructure investment. Furthermore, the fiscal multiplier effect from the extra public spending on investment from the US private sector and overall economy may not be as positive as the market has priced in, depending on the size of corporate tax hikes in the final bill. Bottom Line: After a pandemic-driven boost in 2020, growth in US imports from China will likely moderate in the second half of 2021 and into 2022. The proposed infrastructure spending plan in the US will benefit Chinese exports, but the magnitude of the windfall may be disappointing. Investment Implications As discussed in a previous report, rising US bond yields will have a muted effect on their Chinese counterparts. Tightened regulations on the real estate industry and a new round of environmental protection laws in China will continue to suppress the domestic credit demand.  As a result, interest rate differentials between China and the US will continue to narrow. The strength in the USD has not run its course and the RMB will face slight depreciation pressures in Q2 and possibly into Q3. A declining RMB will provide reflationary benefits to China’s industrial profits, but with about a six-month time lag. In the meantime, we recommend global investors to continue underweighting Chinese stocks (Chart 14A and 14B). Chart 14AContinue Underweighting Chinese Stocks Chart 14BContinue Underweighting Chinese Stocks   Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1According to the OECD, recent US stimulus will boost US GDP growth by almost 3 percentage points in the first full year (from 2021Q2 to 2022Q2). The knock-on effect from the stimulus on other economies is projected to be significant, including a half percentage point addition to China’s GDP during the same period. 2The Congressional Budget Office estimated that combined federal, state and local spending on infrastructure was (in 2019 dollars) $441 billion as of 2017. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations