新興市場

Highlights We advocate implementing asset allocation not across EM assets, but rather relative to their DM counterparts. EM stocks should be part of a global equity portfolio. EM sovereign and corporate credit should be part of a global credit portfolio. EM local currency government bonds are a unique asset class with idiosyncratic features and a low correlation with other assets. Hence, their addition to any multi-asset class portfolio is beneficial. We continue recommending below benchmark allocation to EM equities, credit and local bonds. The rebound in various EM financial markets is reaching a critical technical level where it will either stop or, if broken, will carry on for some time. In Peru, further decline in industrial metals prices and ongoing involuntary monetary tightening bode ill for share prices; continue underweighting. Feature We frequently receive questions from our clients on how they should be positioning their portfolios within EM asset classes such as equities, EM U.S. dollar bonds (credit markets) and local currency government bonds – whether they should be overweight EM stocks versus EM credit markets and domestic bonds, or vice versa. While BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy service covers EM stocks, credit and domestic bonds and exchange rates, we do not make asset allocation calls between EM equities, EM credit and local currency bonds. The reason is very simple: in a risk-on market, EM equities always outperform EM credit and local bonds, and in a risk-off environment, stocks always underperform fixed income (Chart I-1). Chart I-1EM Stocks Versus EM Credit And Local Bonds With respect to the relative performance of EM credit markets versus domestic bonds, the performance of EM currencies is key. A large portion of total returns on EM local currency bonds comes from exchange rates (Chart I-2). Hence, when EM currencies appreciate, domestic bonds outperform EM credit markets (U.S. dollar bonds), and vice versa (Chart I-3). Chart I-2EM Currencies Are Key To EM Local Bonds Returns Chart I-3EM Local Bonds Versus EM Credit: It Is A Currency Call For investors willing to allocate across EM asset classes, a directional view on financial markets should drive allocation between equities and fixed-income. In rallies, equities should be favored, while during risk-off periods, fixed income should be preferred. It follows that investors should overweight EM credit markets versus domestic bonds when EM currencies depreciate, and tilt allocation toward local currency bonds versus EM credit markets when EM exchange rates appreciate. Recommended Approach To Asset Allocation We advocate implementing asset allocation not across EM assets, but relative to their DM counterparts: EM stocks should be part of a global equity portfolio. A pertinent asset allocation decision should be whether to be overweight, neutral or underweight EM within a global equity portfolio. In short, EM stocks should not be compared with EM credit or local bonds, but rather versus their DM counterparts. Having mentioned that, we are maintaining our underweight recommendation on EM within a global equity portfolio for now. EM sovereign and corporate credit should be part of a global credit portfolio – i.e., asset allocators should compare them with other credit instruments such as U.S. and European corporate bonds. Total returns on EM U.S. dollar-denominated sovereign and corporate bonds can be deconstructed into the total return on U.S. Treasurys and the excess return of these EM bonds over U.S. Treasurys. Investors can obtain exposure to U.S. Treasurys by owning them outright. Hence, the unique feature of EM sovereign and corporate bonds is their spreads over U.S. government bonds. EM sovereign and corporate bond spreads over U.S. Treasurys reflect issuers' ability and willingness to pay. Thereby, investors should treat EM dollar-denominated bonds as a pure credit product and this asset class should be part of a global credit portfolio. At the moment, we recommend asset allocators underweight EM sovereign and corporate credit versus U.S./DM corporate credit, in line with our short EM equities/long U.S./DM equities strategy (Chart I-4). Within credit markets, EM investment-grade and high-yield credit should be compared with their peers in U.S./DM, respectively. The reason we are negative on EM credit markets relative to the U.S. and DM universe is that the majority of EM sovereign and corporate bond issuers in Latin America and the EMEA are commodity producers. Hence, their revenues fluctuate with commodity prices, and their spreads should be under upward pressure as commodity prices drop further and EM currencies correspondingly depreciate (Chart I-5). Chart I-4EM Credit Versus U.S. Credit Chart I-5EM Credit Spreads Are Sensitive To Commodities And EM Currencies In the meantime, Chinese property companies, financials and industrials/materials remain the largest issuers of corporate debt in emerging Asia. Specifically, U.S. dollar bonds issued by Chinese companies account for 32% of the Barclay’s overall EM USD Credit index and 56% of the EM Asia USD Credit index. Crucially, Chinese corporate credit is essential to trends in emerging Asian credit markets. We are bearish on the fundamentals of Chinese corporate bond issuers due to our negative view on Chinese capital spending, particularly in the real estate sector. With respect to EM local-currency government bonds, this is an entirely different asset class with returns often uncorrelated with any other asset. Table 1 shows that EM local currency bond returns in U.S. dollars have a low correlation with most other asset classes. Therefore, adding EM local-currency bonds to a global multi-asset class portfolio will help achieve risk diversification provided an expectation of a positive return on this asset class in the long run. EM domestic bond returns are comprised of local yield carry and capital gains/losses, as well as currency appreciation/depreciation. Business cycles and monetary policies could from time to time be desynchronized across EM countries, and EM currencies could also at times diverge. In short, all of this will add idiosyncratic risk to any global multi-asset class portfolio and push out the portfolio’s efficient frontier – i.e., the portfolio could achieve higher returns for the same amount of risk (volatility). The exposure to EM local currency bonds should be altered according to the view on this asset’s absolute performance. Presently, we recommend below benchmark allocation to this asset class because we expect the majority of EM currencies to depreciate versus the U.S. dollar, the euro and the Japanese yen. The key driver of EM currencies is not U.S. interest rates but the global business cycle (Chart I-6). Odds are high that global trade will continue disappointing as China’s growth weakens further. This will lead to tumbling EM currencies and outflows from high-yielding EM domestic bonds. Chart I-6What Drive EM Currencies Within an EM local currency bond portfolio, our recommended overweights are Mexico, Brazil, Chile, Russia, central Europe, Thailand and Korea. The list of our overweights and underweight across EM stocks, credit markets, local bonds and currencies is always published at the end of our reports. Bottom Line: Global asset allocation should treat EM stocks as part of a global equity portfolio. EM sovereign and corporate credit should be part of a global credit portfolio. In turn, EM local currency government bonds are a unique asset class with idiosyncratic features and a low correlation with other assets. Hence, their addition to any multi-asset class portfolio is recommended given an expectation of a positive return in the long run. A Make It Or Break It Juncture The rebound in various EM financial market segments is reaching a critical technical level. At that point, it will either reverse, or will break through and carry on the upward momentum for some time: EM share prices have troughed at their three-year moving averages but are now facing resistance at their 200-day moving averages (Chart I-7). Failure to break above their 200-day moving averages would signal higher risks of a major breakdown. Conversely, a decisive break above their 200-day moving averages would suggest that the recent rebound has much farther to go. Our Risk-on versus Safe-Haven currency ratio has found support at its 6-year moving average but is now facing resistance at its 200-day moving average (Chart I-8, top panel). This ratio is highly correlated with EM share prices, and its breakout or breakdown will be an important signal for the direction of EM, commodities and global cyclical assets in general (Chart I-8, bottom panel). Chart I-7EM Share Prices Are Between Support And Resistance Chart I-8This Currency Ratio Is Key To EM And Commodities Trend A relapse from this level would be a major bearish signal, as it would confirm the formation of a head-and-shoulders pattern in this currency ratio. The latter would entail a major breakdown. A number of EM currencies such as ZAR, MXN, KRW, TWD, MYR and CNY are at a critical juncture (Chart I-9). A breakout or failure to do so will entail a major move. Chart I-9AEM Exchange Rates Are At Make It Or Break It Juncture Chart I-9BEM Exchange Rates Are At Make It Or Break It Juncture Meanwhile, the BRL may be forming an inverted head-and-shoulders pattern (Chart I-10). Hence, continuous BRL strength would signal rising odds of an extension to the rally in Brazilian markets. Chart I-10The Brazilian Real: An Inverted Head-And-Shoulder? Finally, industrial metals prices have failed to rebound and appear to be forming a head-and-shoulders formation. This pattern foreshadows considerable downside from current levels (Chart I-11, top panel). In the meantime, oil prices have bounced off their long-term moving average and might have a bit more room to advance before hitting a major resistance between $65-$70 for Brent (Chart I-11, bottom panel). Bottom Line: Our fundamental view on EM risk assets remains negative due to our expectations of further weakness in China’s growth. However, we are monitoring various signals and indicators to gauge whether the latest rebound can last much longer, which would cause us to change our stance tactically. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Peru: Involuntary Monetary Tightening Peru’s central bank is tightly managing the country’s exchange rate. As a result, it has little control over local interest rates. The Impossible Trinity thesis stipulates that in a country that has an open capital account, the central bank can control either interest rates or the exchange rate, not both simultaneously. Provided Peru has an open capital account, its central bank can have tight control over either the exchange rate or interest rates. So long as the central bank focuses on exchange rate stability, local interest rates will fluctuate with its balance of payments (BoP). Therefore, Peru’s credit cycle and hence domestic demand swings and bank share prices are driven by BoP (Chart II-1). Negative BoP dynamics – shrinking inflow of U.S. dollars – causes local interest rates to move higher while a positive BoP leads to lower borrowing costs (Chart II-2). Chart II-1Commodities Prices & Bank Stocks Are Correlated Chart II-2Trade Balance Drives Interbank Rates We expect negative BoP dynamics for Peru going forward – metals prices will drop as China’s growth continues to decelerate, and EM countries will likely experience a bout of portfolio capital outflows. If Peru’s central bank continues to favor limited currency depreciation, its interbank rates will march higher. Chart II-3 illustrates that the pace of net foreign exchange reserves accumulation often negatively correlates with interbank rates and leads loan growth by around 12 months (Chart II-4). Chart II-3Peruvian Local Rates Have Risen Chart II-4Peru: Bank Loan Growth Will Relapse When the monetary authorities purchase foreign exchange reserves, they inject local currency excess reserves (liquidity) into the banking system. More plentiful banking system liquidity drives down interbank rates and allows banks to expand credit, boosting domestic demand. The reverse also holds true. The Peruvian central bank was able to mitigate upside in local rates amid the negative terms-of-trade shock in 2014-‘15 by conducting foreign currency swaps with banks. This swap led to an injection of local currency reserves into the system. Currently these swaps are being unwound and banks’ excess reserves are dwindling, putting upward pressure on local rates. Hence, the rise in interbank rates in the past 12 months has not only been due to negative terms of trade but also due to the expiration of foreign currency swaps. As metals prices drop and exports contraction deepens, the currency will come under selling pressure (Chart II-5). To prevent the currency from depreciating considerably, the central bank has to tighten liquidity, producing higher interbank rates. The latter bodes ill for domestic demand. Chart II-5Money Growth Is Contingent On Trade Bottom Line: We continue to underweight the Peruvian bourse because of its exposure to mining companies and banks. The former is at risk from falling industrial metals prices, while the latter will suffer from rising interbank rates. Within the mining sector, gold and silver stocks should outperform copper producers because we foresee more downside in industrial metals than precious metals prices. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Footnotes Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights Our leading indicator for China’s “old economy” remains weak, and the beneficial trade front-running effect that has supported some of China’s macro data over the past year is beginning to wane. Our "earnings recession" model for Chinese investable stocks suggests that a trade deal alone is not enough to prevent a contraction in earnings growth over the coming year. A meaningful rebound in credit relative to GDP would also be required, one that would retrace roughly 50% of the decline that has occurred since late-2017. An overweight cyclical stance (i.e. over a 6-12 month period) towards Chinese stocks versus their global peers remains premature. The equity market is conceptually supported until the beginning of March if trade talks continue to make progress, but will face (potentially severe) headwinds thereafter until credit durably accelerates at some point in the second half of the year. Feature China’s macro data remains at the forefront of investor attention, and December’s updates did not provide market participants with much comfort. Our leading indicator for China’s “old economy” deteriorated anew in December after a shallow three-month rise (Chart 1), driven by a currency-driven retracement in monetary conditions, as well as slowing growth in both M3 and adjusted total social financing (TSF). The flow of adjusted TSF relative to GDP technically ticked higher in December, but only because of a material slowdown in nominal GDP growth from 9.6% in Q3 to 8.1% in Q4 (Chart 2). This decline in nominal GDP means that it has retraced 70% of its rise from 2015 to 2017. Chart 1A Relapse In Our Leading Indicator For China's Old Economy Chart 2A 70% Retracement In Chinese Nominal GDP Growth On the housing front, sales volume growth ticked slightly higher but remains negative (and well below the pace of construction growth), and pledged supplementary lending from the PBOC, a factor that we have identified as a core driver of China’s housing market since 2015,1 decelerated further. Finally, December’s trade data was uniformly negative, with import and export growth decelerating 6-7 percentage points even on a smoothed basis, depending on whether measured in U.S. dollars or local currency. Revisiting The Measurement Of China’s “Old Economy” One notable exception to the weak data was the Bloomberg Li Keqiang index (LKI) itself, which rose from 8.4 in November to 9.3 in December. Our alternative LKI rose to exactly the same level, closing the gap with Bloomberg’s measure that had existed earlier this year (Chart 3). Chart 3Our Coincident Measures Of The Old Economy Are Trending Higher... In fact, the LKI has been providing a different message than our LKI leading indicator for several months, and the apparent uptrend in the series raises the question of whether the Chinese economy is actually strengthening rather than weakening. With high conviction, our answer to this question is no. As we have highlighted in previous reports, our view is that the gap can be explained by the (anomalous and only temporary) positive impact that the trade war has had on economic activity since March last year, as Chinese exporters rushed to front-load the production and shipment of goods to the U.S. in advance of the imposition of tariffs. Panel 1 of Chart 4 makes this point explicitly, by showing the percentile rank of the two most cyclical components of the LKI. From 2010 to early-2018, electricity production and railway freight volume moved closely together, with the former leading the latter somewhat from 2017 to early-2018. While the trade war-driven bounce in electricity production has since rolled off, railway cargo volume remains elevated and is only now rolling over. December’s extremely poor trade data suggests that a material further decline is likely in Q1 of this year. Chart 4...Because Of A (Temporarily) Beneficial Trade War Effect Panel 2 shows that bank lending, the third component of the LKI, has begun to pick up over the past few months. However, this reflects, at least in part, the goal of policymakers to shrink the size of shadow banking in the economy and reorient the provision of credit back to traditional financial institutions (Chart 5). A sustainable rise in bank loan growth that overwhelms a shrinking shadow banking sector will almost certainly show up in our preferred measure of aggregate credit growth (adjusted total social financing), which for now remains in a clear downtrend. From a bigger picture perspective, it is worth revisiting why we focus on the LKI at all. Our use of the index to represent China’s investment-relevant economic activity dates back to a November 2017 Special Report,2 in which we noted that it correlated well with China’s nominal import growth and led the growth in earnings for the MSCI China index ex-technology. Real GDP growth, by contrast, has shown barely any cyclicality over the past four years in the face of large changes in Chinese import growth and the prices of China-related assets (Chart 6). This underscores that aggregate Chinese real GDP is not, by and large, investment-relevant. Chart 5A Stunning Collapse In Shadow Banking Activity Chart 6Chinese Real GDP Growth Is Not Relevant For Investors What can we infer about the trend in China’s old economy if the LKI is combined with other closely correlated measures of investment-relevant economic activity? Panel 1 of Chart 7 answers this question by presenting the standardized LKI alongside standardized nominal import growth and nominal manufacturing output, the measure of Chinese coincident activity preferred by BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy service. Panel 2 of the chart shows an equally-weighted average of all three measures alongside our leading indicator for the LKI. We note four key observations from Chart 7: Chart 7China's Investment-Relevant Economic Activity Is Trending Lower Since 2010, the primary trend in the LKI, nominal import growth, and nominal manufacturing output has been the same The modest uptrend in the LKI since early-2018 is not corroborated by imports or manufacturing output Economic activity in China has been stronger over the past year than our leading indicator would have suggested, even after abstracting from the anomalous uptrend in the LKI The gap between our leading indicator and China’s actual economic activity is now beginning to close. These observations support the conclusion that we reached when analyzing the components of the LKI itself: a temporary boost from trade front-running has masked an underlying slowdown over the past year. But this boost has now begun to wane, implying that actual activity will continue to slow in the coming months. Is A Trade Deal Enough To Prevent An Earnings Contraction? While most global investors would acknowledge that China’s domestic economy is slowing, the performance of China-related assets over the past year highlights that the market views the trade war with the U.S. as being at least equally important as slowing Chinese money & credit growth. Chart 8 highlights that our market-based China growth indicator did not break down until the second quarter of 2018, when the threat of tariffs from the Trump administration became a reality. The indicator’s prior resilience was in contrast to a steady deterioration in our LKI leading indicator, which peaked at the beginning of 2017. Chart 8Investors Are Largely Focused On The U.S./China Trade War The surge in the indicator since early-December underscores that investor expectations of a trade deal with the U.S. have materially improved sentiment about China’s growth profile, despite the fact that Chinese money & credit growth have yet to meaningfully improve. Given that our geopolitical strategy team assigns odds as high as 45% of a framework deal emerging by the March 1 deadline,3 how can investors gauge the net impact of an improving external outlook and still-weak domestic demand? Chart 9 illustrates one method of approaching this question, using a model of Chinese investable earnings growth that we introduced in our January 16 Special Report.4 The model is designed to predict the likelihood of a serious investable earnings contraction over the coming 12-months, and includes data on credit, trade, and forward earnings momentum as predictors. The chart shows what would have to happen to the flow of adjusted total social financing as a share of GDP in a trade deal scenario, calibrated in a way that the odds of a major earnings contraction fall to 33% (the highest historical reading of the model that did not correspond to a major earnings decline). Chart 9A Trade Deal Is Not Enough To Avoid An Earnings Recession In China The chart shows that a meaningful rebound in credit flow to GDP would be required, one that would retrace roughly 50% of the decline that has occurred since late-2017. In short, our analysis shows that a trade deal alone is likely not enough to prevent a contraction in Chinese earnings growth over the coming year. Importantly, Chart 10 shows what this would imply for the volume of credit that would need to be created over the coming several months in order for the scenario shown in Chart 9 to come to pass (assuming an 8% growth rate in nominal GDP). The chart highlights that China would need to create approximately RMB 26 trillion in new credit over the coming 12 months (nearly US$ 4 trillion at current exchange rates), which would exceed the prior high set in late-2017 by a non-trivial amount. While this goal looks on its way to being achieved based on a 6-month annualized rate of change (panel 2), this largely reflects a one-month surge in local government bond issuance in September. Over the past 3-months, the annualized pace of credit creation has fallen well below the RMB 26 trillion mark, implying that either traditional credit growth, shadow credit, or local government bond issuance will have to pick up significantly over the coming several months in order for the domestic demand situation to stabilize. We expect this to occur, but it has not occurred yet. Chart 10China Needs To Create 26 Trillion RMB In Credit In 2019 Investment Conclusions The key conclusion of our analysis above is that an overweight cyclical stance (i.e. over a 6-12 month period) towards Chinese stocks versus their global peers remains premature. We noted in our December 5 weekly report that a tactical (0-3 month) overweight was probably warranted due to the prospect of a framework trade deal with the U.S. on March 1, but Chart 9 makes it clear that an improving external demand outlook is not a sufficient basis to expect that Chinese stocks will avoid an earnings recession. In this regard, investors should conceptualize the absence of a significant pickup in the volume of credit as a “gap” in a bridge representing the market support for Chinese stocks over the course of the calendar year (Chart 11). Assuming leaks from the negotiations continue and are consistent with the agreement of a framework deal, the market is conceptually supported until the beginning of March. However, following March 1, a gap in support emerges until credit durably accelerates at some point in the second half of the year. In our view, investors who go long Chinese stocks today with a 6-12 month time horizon are betting not only on the success of trade negotiations, but that this gap will close by the time that a deal is announced. This is a risky gamble given the still-relevant desire of policymakers to avoid another major credit overshoot, and as such our cyclical recommendation remains unchanged: wait. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA, Vice President Special Reports jonathanl@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report “China's Property Market: Where Will It Go From Here?”, dated September 13, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report “The Data Lab: Testing The Predictability Of China's Business Cycle”, dated November 30, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report “Is China Already Isolated?”, dated January 23, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report “Six Questions About Chinese Stocks”, dated January 16, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

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Venezuela’s stability is deteriorating rapidly along the lines of our projections in recent years. Regime failure is at this point a high probability and poses immediate risks to global oil production. Our conviction is high because of the unprecedented combination of internal and external factors working against the regime: Economic collapse: Economic collapse has translated into total social collapse, as indicated by the large-scale emigration from the country (Chart 1). The current mass protests are the largest ever and are gaining momentum, while the opposition movement is coalescing into a single force against the regime as a whole for the first time. Political illegitimacy: What remained of the Maduro administration’s political legitimacy has eroded with his decision to ignore the results of the 2015 election and rig the election of 2018. The President of the National Assembly, Juan Guaidó, has declared himself President of the Republic based on an interpretation of the Venezuelan constitution and his leadership of the democratically elected National Assembly.1 International opposition: The erosion of Maduro’s legitimacy is reinforced by a rapidly changing international environment, with several countries becoming more assertive in opposing the regime. The United States and Colombia, on January 23, formally recognized Guaidó as president. They are joined by Canada and several other Latin American states, including Brazil, which is taking a more confrontational posture under the newly inaugurated President Jair Bolsonaro. This marks a rare coordination of North and South American states in pursuing a harder policy toward Venezuela. U.S. intervention: The United States, in particular, is taking a more interventionist stance through tighter sanctions. Indeed a limited U.S. military intervention is one of our top five geopolitical “Black Swans” for this year. Such an intervention could be further motivated by President Donald Trump’s need to distract from his domestic woes (Chart 2). His weak popular approval is comparable to that of President Ronald Reagan at this stage in Reagan’s first term, when he intervened in the small island state of Grenada. Venezuela is not Grenada, but the U.S. is also not considering outright invasion. Trump is facing a serious risk of becoming a “lame duck” due to the fall in his popularity amid the government shutdown and gridlock in Congress. A foreign policy response to a humanitarian crisis is an obvious way for him to try to increase his influence over the remainder of his term. Moreover, the U.S. diplomatic and defense establishment may agree on the need to reinforce the Monroe Doctrine against anti-democratic politics and growing Chinese (and Russian) influence in Venezuela. Chart 2Trump May Distract From His Woes What remains is to see whether the U.S. adds force (tougher sanctions) to its more aggressive diplomatic posture, and whether the Venezuelan opposition remains mobilized and unified in rejecting anything except a transition to a new government. The U.S. is already considering expanding sanctions, including a likely deathblow that would involve sanctioning Venezuelan oil imports and the export of diluents necessary to process Venezuela’s heavy sour crude. Within Venezuela, the opposition’s momentum and the role of the National Bolivarian Armed Forces will be decisive: so far there are small signs of fracture (Table 1), but no sign of a substantial turn against the Maduro regime.Sufficient popular pressure can create a “tipping point,” however, after which the military and security forces are no longer effective in executing the government’s writ and the socio-political situation declines beyond the ability of the regime to stay in power. Persistent large-scale protests concentrating on Maduro’s departure and/or a split in the security forces could precipitate the final stage of transition to a new interim government in the short to medium term. Table 1Military Insurgencies Have Been Small And Unsuccessful … So Far Impact On The Oil Market In this context, we are raising the likelihood of a collapse of that state to an 80% probability, from our prior assessment (33%). We use the word “collapse” to stand for Venezuela’s production falling to 250k b/d to feed domestic refineries, from ~ 1mm b/d at present. In our simulation of how a collapse could affect oil prices, we make the following assumptions based on recent history – i.e., the run-up to the re-imposition of U.S. sanctions against Iranian oil exports. These assumptions are driven by our prior belief that the producer coalition led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia, which we’ve dubbed OPEC 2.0, and the Trump administration will attempt to hold Brent crude oil prices at or below $80/bbl in the event of a collapse in Venezuela’s oil production. Here are our assumptions: Venezuela collapses next month; OPEC 2.0 responds with a one-month lag, and increases production by 500k b/d in March 2019. If Brent spot prices trade to $85/bbl, OPEC 2.0 raises production an additional 100k b/d. If prices continue to rise toward $100/bbl, OPEC 2.0 adds another 300k b/d to global supply. Further increases lead to the U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) releasing 100k b/d as needed to reduce Brent prices to $80/bbl or less. If spot Brent prices rise toward $100/bbl, we assume there will be 200k b/d of demand destruction globally. Chart 3 shows how Brent and WTI prices would evolve per these assumptions. Because Venezuela’s production has fallen so much, we believe the collapse of that country’s oil industry can be managed by OPEC 2.0, and, if necessary, via U.S. SPR releases. Of course, a similar trajectory likely would occur in the event Venezuela’s oil industry collapses later.2 Chart 3A Venezuela Collapse Would Trigger OPEC 2.0 and U.S. Supply Responses In our simulation, the Brent spot price trades to $85/bbl in December 2019, and OPEC 2.0 adds an additional 100k b/d to global supply. Prices continue to rise, and we assume OPEC 2.0 member states release a combined 300k b/d in March 2020. The U.S. release 100k b/d of SPR in 2020. In addition, we do see demand destruction of 200k b/d in 2020, as prices reach close to $100/bbl. With all of this, prices are contained and start decreasing in mid-2020. Of course, whether these surges can be maintained indefinitely – i.e., until Venezuela comes back on line, or comparable crude grades can be shipped south from Canada – is an open question. Even so, there is no doubt that the leaders of OPEC 2.0 silenced more than a few critics by means of their 4Q18 production surge. KSA stands out in this regard, taking its November 2018 production over 11mm b/d from ~ 10mm b/d in 1H18 (Table 2). Table 2BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) As a practical matter, we have no way of knowing how OPEC 2.0 or the U.S. SPR would respond to a collapse in Venezuela’s oil industry. In these simulations, we’re making a call on how and when OPEC 2.0 might choose to release its spare capacity once again, as they did in the run-up to the U.S.’s Iran oil export sanctions last year (Chart 4). As the members of OPEC 2.0 – mostly KSA, when it’s all said and done – dig deeper into spare capacity, less is available to meet another unplanned outage – e.g., Libya or Nigeria lose significant barrels to civil unrest. That is, we are sure, a discussion OPEC 2.0 is and will be having among its members, and with the U.S. SPR. The global oil market still is exposed to a sharp loss of Iranian barrels on top of the loss of Venezuela’s supplies in the event that country’s oil industry collapses. This argues strongly for an extension of the waivers granted by the Trump administration in November for anywhere from 90 to 180 days, depending on how the Venezuela situation evolves. These waivers expire at the end of May. This would require us to change our balances assessment, should it occur.   Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President Commodity & Energy Strategy rryan@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Please see Articles 233, 333, 350 of the Venezuelan constitution. The domestic and international legal debate is beside the point: the effective power of the people, the security forces, and the international community will determine the outcome. 2 For more information on global supply and demand balances, and our most recent oil price forecasts, please see “OPEC Starts Cutting Oil Output; Demand Fears Are Overdone,” published by BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy Strategy today. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com.  

Dear Client, I will be meeting clients in Europe next week. Instead of our usual weekly bulletin, I will be sending you a Special Report discussing how “The Most Important Trend In The World” – a trend that has been around for thousands of years and accounts for all of the economic growth the world has ever experienced – has recently reversed, and what this means for your investment decisions. This is one report you will not want to miss. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights China’s debt problem is a symptom of a deeper ailment: The country’s excessively high saving rate. While the authorities are taking steps to boost consumption, this is likely to be a drawn-out process. In the meantime, the economy will have to continue recycling savings into fixed-asset investment. Now that credit growth has fallen close to nominal GDP growth, the need to further suppress credit growth has abated. The 6-month credit impulse is already moving higher, and the 12-month impulse should follow suit by the middle of the year. As Chinese growth bottoms out this summer, global growth will start to reaccelerate. This will help boost global cyclical stocks as well as EM shares. Feature Global Growth Worries Weigh On Risk Sentiment Global growth is clearly slowing (Chart 1). Our tactical MacroQuant model, which did an exemplary job of flagging the Q4 selloff in stocks, is flashing amber again, after having turned more constructive in late December (Chart 2). Chart 1Growth Is Slowing   As we discussed last week, the world economy should stabilize by mid-year, paving the way for global equities to rise further from current levels.1 Until then, volatility will remain elevated. Many factors will influence the trajectory of global growth over next 12 months, but perhaps none more important than what happens to China. In this week’s report, we focus on one of the most critical problems facing the Chinese economy – a problem that surprisingly gets very little attention from market participants. China’s Savings Problem Saving is usually considered a virtue. At the individual level, that is certainly true. However, at the economy-wide level, saving can be a vice if it leads to a shortfall of spending, resulting in higher unemployment. This is precisely the problem that China confronts today. Simply put, the country consumes too little of what it produces. The result is a national saving rate of 45% of GDP, higher than any other major economy in the world (Chart 3). Chart 3China Saves A Lot The reasons for China’s high saving rate are long and varied. Just as the Great Depression instilled a sense of thrift among Americans who came of age in the 1930s, memories of the abject poverty that many older Chinese citizens endured during the Cultural Revolution have restrained the desire to spend needlessly. While the younger generation is more willing to live it up, it also faces severe constraints to spending more. The labor market remains challenging, even for those with a university degree. Sky-high property prices require young people to save a large fraction of their incomes in order to have any hope of owning a home. Looking out, there is little reason to expect China’s saving rate to fall rapidly. While the number of people entering retirement is steadily increasing, the share of the population in their prime savings years – ages 30-to-59 – has yet to peak (Chart 4). Chart 4China: Share Of Population In Its High Savings Years Has Yet To Peak In addition, an increasingly skewed male-female sex ratio has created an "arms race" of sorts among Chinese bachelors hoping to accumulate enough wealth to find a bride. One academic study concluded that this factor accounts for half of the increase in the household saving rate since the late-1970s.2 Unfortunately, China’s gender imbalance is only likely to worsen, given that the ratio of men between the ages of 25-and-39 and women between the ages of 20-and-34 – a proxy for gender imbalances in the marriage market – is projected to rise from 1.06 in 2011 to 1.34 by the middle of the next decade (Chart 5). Chart 5Not Enough Chinese Brides What To Do With Excess Savings? By definition, a country’s savings are either recycled into domestic investment or exported abroad via a current account surplus. The latter strategy served China well in the years leading up to the Great Recession, when the country’s current account surplus reached a whopping 10% of GDP (Chart 6). Just like Germany today, China was able to export its excess production with the help of a highly undervalued currency. Chart 6China: No Longer Exporting Savings Abroad Unfortunately for China, as its economy has grown in relation to the rest of the world, running massive trade surpluses has become more difficult. This is especially true today, when the country is being singled out by the Trump administration and much of the international community for alleged unfair trade practices. As China’s ability to churn out large current account surpluses declined, the government moved to Plan B: propping up growth by recycling the country’s copious savings into fixed-asset investment (see Box 1). This process saw households park their savings in banks and other financial institutions which, in turn, lent the money out to companies and local governments in order to finance various investment projects. Not surprisingly, debt levels exploded (Chart 7). Chart 7China: From Exporting Savings To Investing Domestically (And Building Up Debt) This strategy was feasible when China did not have a lot of debt and needed more factories, housing, and public infrastructure. But those days are long gone. The rate of return on assets among state-owned enterprises has now fallen below their borrowing costs (Chart 8). Our EM team estimates that 15%-to-20% of apartments in China are sitting vacant.3 Chart 8Rate Of Return On Assets Below Borrowing Costs For Chinese SOEs How To Boost Consumption There is only one long-term solution to China’s excess savings problem: Tackle it head-on by taking steps to increase consumption. The good news is that there is some scope to do so. The Chinese income tax structure is fairly regressive. Poor households face an effective income tax rate exceeding 40%. This is well above OECD norms (Chart 9). A more progressive tax system would boost spending among poorer households. It would also curb inequality, which has increased sharply since the 1980s (Chart 10). The saving rate among the richest 10% of Chinese earners is close to 50%. Policies that shift income from the rich to the poor would reduce overall household savings. Chart 10China: Inequality Has Risen In The Past Two Decades As a share of GDP, public-sector spending in China on education, health care, and pensions is close to half of the OECD average (Chart 11). If the government were to finance the increase in social spending by running larger budget deficits, this would help reduce overall national savings both by increasing the budget deficit and by discouraging precautionary household savings. Unlike in most countries, the poor in China are net savers, largely because they cannot rely on a publicly-funded social safety net (Chart 12). Recent tax changes, including an increase in the threshold at which income begins to be taxed and an expansion of deductions for childhood education, medical costs, and home loan interest and rent, are steps in the right direction. More Financial Repression? Over a longer-term horizon, the Chinese authorities are also likely to step up efforts to discourage savings by driving down real interest rates into negative territory. Since nominal interest rates are already low in China, the only way to reduce real rates is to raise inflation. The added benefit of higher inflation is that it would boost nominal GDP growth, thus putting downward pressure on the debt-to-GDP ratio. The catch is that negative real rates could destabilize the currency, fueling capital outflows. Negative real rates could also inflate asset bubbles, especially in the property market. The only way to square the circle is to tighten administrative controls, such as those relating to property speculation and capital flows, in order to preserve the benefits of negative real rates, while attenuating the costs. This suggests that hopes that the RMB will become an international reserve currency anytime soon are likely to be dashed. China Will Continue To Back Off From Its Deleveraging Campaign Realistically, the measures to boost consumption listed above will take time to implement. In the meantime, China’s economy continues to slow. Not only does a weaker economy endanger domestic stability, it also puts the Chinese government in a weaker negotiating position with the Trump administration over trade matters. This suggests that the government will continue to ease off its deleveraging campaign at least until growth recovers. Granted, one could have said the same thing last year. That is correct, but here is the thing: last year, credit growth was running at a much faster pace than today. Total social financing increased by only 11% year-over-year in December, not much higher than trend nominal GDP growth. On all three occasions over the past ten years when credit growth has fallen back towards nominal GDP growth, the government has allowed credit growth to accelerate (Chart 13). Chart 13China: Credit Growth Versus GDP Growth We do not expect growth to surge this time around. However, if monthly credit growth simply stabilizes at current levels, the credit impulse, which is just the change in credit growth, will turn positive. Chart 14 shows that the 6-month impulse is already moving higher. The 12-month impulse is still trending down, but if credit growth remains constant at its current pace, it will start hooking up this summer (Chart 15). Chart 14Rebound In Chinese 6-Month Credit Impulse Bodes Well For Metals   Chart 15The 12-Month Credit Impulse Will Turn Up If Monthly Credit Growth Even Merely Stabilizes Importantly, the Li Keqiang index, a broad real-time measure of economic growth in China, is highly correlated with the 12-month credit impulse. As Chinese growth bottoms out this summer, global growth will start to reaccelerate. This will help boost global cyclical stocks as well as EM shares. My colleague, Arthur Budaghyan, BCA’s chief emerging markets strategist, remains bearish on EM equities in both relative and absolute terms. While this publication does not have a strong view on the relative performance of EM versus DM shares, we do expect EM stocks to rise in absolute terms over the remainder of the year. Accordingly, we sold our March-2019 EEM put on January 3rd for a gain of 104%, and are now outright long the ETF as one of our recommended trades. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com   BOX 1 Do Banks Create Money Out Of “Thin Air”? Strictly speaking, banks can create deposits by issuing new loans without the need for economic savings (which economists define as the difference between what an economy produces and consumes). In that sense, banks can create money out of “thin air.” However, this does not mean, as is sometimes claimed, that economic savings are irrelevant to credit creation or that there is no effective limit on the volume of loans that banks can originate. Even if one ignores the presence of legal capital requirements, the public must still be willing to hold whatever deposits banks create. Just like the number of apples a society wishes to consume is simultaneously determined by the number of apples farmers wish to produce and the number of apples people wish to eat (with the price of apples equilibrating supply and demand), the answer to the question of whether loans create deposits or deposits create loans is always “both.” The aggregate volume of deposits that people wish to hold depends, among other things, on the level and distribution of net worth across society, as well as the rate of return that bank deposits offer compared to competing financial instruments (including cash, which pays nothing). A country’s net worth tends to be closely correlated with the value of its capital stock. Both are mainly determined by accumulated economic savings. Real interest rates are also largely determined by economic savings, especially at the global level, where rates adjust to ensure that world savings equals investment. The distribution of savings also matters. When some people wish to spend more than they earn, while others wish to do the opposite, debt levels will rise. The same is true for individual sectors of the economy. If there are some sectors that save a lot (such as households in China) and other sectors that borrow a lot (Chinese state-owned companies and local governments), debt levels will go up. Debt levels will also rise when people purchase assets using credit. Fresh economic savings are not necessary to finance the purchase of existing assets, but with the exception of undeveloped land and natural resources, economic savings are needed to create those assets (such as when a home is constructed or a factory is built). In China, a perfect trifecta of sky-high property prices, a high and uneven distribution of savings throughout the economy, and a financial sector that has been willing to intermediate savings without much regard for credit quality, have all contributed to the elevated debt levels we see today. Footnotes 1      Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Patient Jay," dated January 18, 2019. 2      Shang-Jin Wei and Xiao Zhang, "The Competitive Saving Motive: Evidence From Rising Sex Ratios And Savings Rates In China," Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 119, No. 3, 2011. 3      Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, “China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble?” dated April 6, 2018. Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades