Trade / BOP
Highlights The Norwegian economy will continue to grow above trend for the next two years or so. Norwegian inflation will firm up. Among Advanced Economies, the Norges Bank will lead the way in terms of policy tightening; however, money markets already embed this view. Nonetheless, the Norwegian krone remains an appealing value play, a result of its pronounced pro-cyclicality. USD/NOK and EUR/NOK will depreciate over the next 24 months. Norwegian equities face structural headwinds, but they should outperform their US and Euro Area counterparts. However, Norwegian stocks will lag behind Swedish equities. Buy Norwegian stocks / sell Dutch ones. Feature Norway remains an example of how to handle the pandemic successfully. Since the onset of the COVID-19 crisis, Norway has registered the lowest rate of infections per capita, in part aided by its early decision to close its borders. Fiscal stimulus was prompt and finely tailored to the sectors most in need of emergency funds. Moreover, the Norges Bank cut interest rates to zero for the first time since its founding in 1816. As nations across the world coordinated monetary and fiscal accommodation during the pandemic, Nordic economies had already mastered this paradigm. Thus, counter-cyclical buffers worked like a charm in Norway. For example, the contraction in Norwegian GDP was the most subdued within the G10, and the recovery is also impressive. Today, Norwegian GDP is 2% above pre-pandemic levels, inflation is near the target rate of 2%, and the central bank will be among the first to lift interest rates. In this Special Report, we explore whether or not conditions remain ripe for strong performances by both Norwegian equities and the NOK. In our view, the global environment and the continued economic strength of Norway will create potent tailwind for Norwegian assets over the coming two years or so. A Robust Economic Outlook The Norwegian economy is set to continue growing at a robust above-trend pace and inflation will remain above the Norges Bank’s target. The Pandemic Norway has moved largely beyond the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of cases per 100 is a mere 2, which compares favorably to the US at 10, Germany at 4, France at 8, or its neighbor Sweden at 10. Norway closed its borders on March 12, 2020, to limit the entry of the virus on its territory, as health authorities opted for rapid containment measures. As a direct result of these policies, Norwegian consumers and workers gained greater peace of mind in their day-to-day dealings, and economic activity recovered rapidly. This process led to Norway’s GDP contracting by only 4.6% in Q2 2020, which compares favorably to contractions of 19.5% in the UK, 9.7% in Germany and 7.8% in Sweden. Norway’s vaccination campaign is also gaining momentum. At first, the country’s inoculation performance lagged. However, Norwegian procurement of vaccines has improved, and the pace of inoculation is accelerating (Chart 1, top panel). The result is that the share of the population that is fully vaccinated is inching toward 20% and accelerating. Authorities expect greater relaxation of containment measures this summer, which will allow mobility to improve (Chart 2). The local service sector will therefore receive a welcome fillip. Chart 1Norway's Vaccination Progress Chart 2Mobility Will Pick Up Fiscal Policy Fiscal policy remains an important complement to national health directives. During the crisis, the fiscal deficit reached 3.4% of GDP, which generated a fiscal thrust of 6% of GDP. Moreover, the drawdown from the Norwegian Oil Fund amounted to 12.5% of GDP. These provided targeted supports to industries, such as tourism and transport, while a furlough scheme protected household income. Thus, these programs effectively alleviated the pain on the sectors of the economy most affected by the pandemic. Going forward, Norway will also suffer from one of the smallest fiscal drag in the G10 for the remainder of 2021 and 2022 (Chart 3). Chart 3Norway's Advantageous Fiscal Backdrop The Banking System The credit channel in Norway remains open and fluid, as a resilient banking system withstood the economic fallout from the pandemic. According to the Norges Bank, credit losses have been limited; they peaked at 1% of lending and are already declining. Additionally, banks have restricted exposure to the sectors hardest hit by the pandemic, such as travel and tourism, personal services, and transport (Chart 4). Moreover, the profitability of the banking system decreased, as global yields fell last year, but RoE remains around 10% and net interest margins hover near 2.5% and 1.5% for non-financial corporate loans and households lending, respectively. Crucially, the Norwegian banking system sports a regulatory Tier-1 capital-to-risk weighted-assets ratio of 20%, well above Basel III criteria or that of the Eurozone banks (Chart 4, bottom panel). Chart 4Norwegian Banks Are Faring Well Household Consumption Household consumption will remain a source of strength over the coming quarters. Household net worth is growing robustly as a result of the rapid appreciation of house prices across the country (Chart 5, top panel). Moreover, the share of debt held by households with a high debt-to-income ratio or a low debt-servicing capacity remains low, which suggests household balance sheets are firming (Chart 5, middle panel). Employment is also recovering well. After peaking at 9.5% in March 2020, the headline unemployment rate fell to 3.3% last month (Chart 5, bottom panel). Meanwhile, the number of employed workers bottomed in July 2020 and has been steadily recovering ever since. The only blemish is that, as of Q4 2020, the rate of underemployment among the prime-age population remains at 3.5%, which is somewhat elevated by national standards. This balance sheet and employment backdrop confirms the Norges Bank’s projection: the household savings rate will decline significantly over the coming two years (Chart 6, top panel). Hence, the marked pick-up in consumer confidence should translate into a major recovery in real consumption growth (Chart 6, bottom panel). Nonetheless, the service sector will likely be the main beneficiary of this improvement, as real retail sales are already well above their historical trend Chart 5Positive Household Fundamentals Chart 6Consumption Will Improve Further Net Exports Chart 7Years Of Underinvestment In Oil & Gas The external sector will create another tailwind for the Norwegian economy. Prior to the pandemic, 71% of Norway’s exports flowed to Europe. Moreover, oil and gas represented 53% of shipments, and cyclically sensitive exports amounted to 74% of total or 24% of GDP. Thus, even if China’s economy slows, Europe’s economic re-opening will raise the Norwegian trade balance, which sits near a multi-decade low.1 Moreover, greater mobility in Europe and around the world will elevate demand for petroleum. In light of the tepid pace of investment in global oil and gas extraction over the past five years, our commodity strategists forecast further oil and gas price appreciation2 (Chart 7), which will boost Norway’s terms of trade. The national income will therefore expand smartly, especially because oil and gas shipments will increase thanks to growing production from the new Johan Sverdrup field. Capital Spending This context suggests that capital spending, which accounts for 26% of Norway’s output (Chart 8), will constitute an important tailwind to domestic activity. Capex is even more important to the Norwegian economy than it is for other Nordic economies or even Germany (Chart 9). Chart 8Capital Spending Is Important For Norway Chart 9The Capex Share Of GDP Is Higher In Norway Norwegian capex is highly cyclical. Capital formation tracks our BCA Global Nowcast indicator (a combination of high-frequency economic and financial variables that proxy the global industrial cycle), as well as the domestic manufacturing PMI. These indicators suggest that capex should increase by 10-15% in the coming quarters (Chart 10). A Norges Bank survey of capex intentions, which are firming, corroborates this view. Chart 10Capex Will Recover Strongly Capex Will Recover On the energy front, the new Johan Sverdrup oil and gas discovery marks a major turnaround in capital spending for Norway. According to the Norges Bank, real petroleum investment will increase from approximately NOK 175bn in 2021 to NOK 198bn by 2024 (Chart 11). Moreover, years of global underinvestment in oil extraction suggests Norway will gain market share in exports as production accelerates. Total petroleum production is slated to increase by 10% over the next 4 years. More importantly, by 2025, over 50% of production from Norwegian oil fields will be natural gas and associated liquids (Chart 12). Demand for natural gas and NGLs will be more inelastic than demand for crude because the latter is threatened by the rising electrification of vehicles, while the former faces more sustainable demand as China, among others, moves to replace its coal polluting plants with cleaner alternatives. Chart 11Real Petroleum Investment Will Increase By 13% In 2024 Chart 12Gas Production Is Rising In Importance Inflation This positive economic outlook suggests that Norwegian inflation will remain above the central bank’s target of 2%. Already, headline CPI stands at 3%. Meanwhile, core inflation is at 2%, but it is decelerating. However, this slowdown should be temporary. According to a Norges Bank survey, both long-term and near-term inflation expectations among economists, business leaders, and households are rising, which indicates that a deflationary mentality has not taken root in Norway. Moreover, wage expectations have quickly normalized following the trauma of 2020 (Chart 13). Capacity constraints further reinforce the notion that inflation has upside. The Norges Bank Regional Network survey shows that capacity and labor supply constraints are tighter than they were in the 2014 to 2017 period, when inflation averaged 2.3% and the policy rate fell to 0.5% (Chart 14). Moreover, according to the same survey, selling prices are also stronger than they were during the 2016 oil collapse (Chart 14, bottom panel) Chart 13No Signs Of A Deflation Mentality Chart 14Capacity Doesn’t Point To Falling Inflation Bottom Line: The Norwegian economy will continue to grow above its trend rate of 1.5%, at least through to 2022. The acceleration in vaccination numbers will allow a reopening of the economy, while the fiscal drag will be limited and the banking system remains resilient. The outlook for households remains positive and employment is firming, which will lead to stronger consumption. Meanwhile, exports and capex have significant upside ahead. As a result, we anticipate Norwegian inflation will remain above target for the foreseeable future. The Norges Bank Will Lead The Pack The Norges Bank’s response to the pandemic was swift and all encompassing: It cut interest rates in the spring of 2020 from 1.5% to zero, the lowest level since the formation of the bank in 1816. It set up extraordinary F-loans at very generous interest rates, to provide ample liquidity to commercial banks. The longest maturity loan of 12 months had a prevailing interest rate of just 30 basis points. It also relaxed collateral requirements for these loans. It introduced swap lines with the Federal Reserve to provide US dollar funding to Norwegian firms. Since then, our Norges Bank monitor has rebounded powerfully from very depressed levels, which suggests that emergency policy settings have become unnecessary. Moreover, the Norwegian Central Bank Monitor towers above that of other G10 countries, which indicates that the Norges Bank should lead the pack in normalizing policy rates (Chart 15). Chart 15The Norges Bank Should Lead The Tightening Cycle Chart 16The Growth Component Of Our Monitor Has Exploded Higher The biggest improvement in our Norges Bank Monitor comes from its growth component, which has surged to its highest levels in over two decades. This improvement surpasses those that followed the global financial crisis and the burst of the dot-com bubble (Chart 16). In essence, the growth component of the Monitor signals that the Norwegian economy has achieved escape velocity. Norway’s robust economic turnover is increasing the velocity of money, which points to the need for higher interest rates. Money velocity can be regarded as the equilibrating mechanism between money supply and nominal output, from the classical Fisher equation MV=PQ (where M is the money supply, P is prices, Q is real output, and V is money velocity). Thus, rising money velocity (when PQ expands faster than M) signifies that the economy needs higher interest rates to encourage savings. In Norway’s case, the velocity of money is surging through 2021, which confirms that the Norges Bank may depart from its current emergency policy setting (Chart 17). Chart 17Money Velocity Is Rising In Norway The OIS curve already reflects this reality. At the last central bank meeting in March, Governor Øystein Olsen stated that interest rates would increase in the second half of this year. Already, the central bank’s balance sheet has been expanding more slowly than that of its peers (Chart 18). In response to this messaging, investors now expect the Norges Bank to lead the Fed, ECB, Riksbank, and BoE in lifting interest rates (Chart 19). Chart 18The Norges Bank's Balance Sheet Impulse Has Rolled Over Chart 19Money Markets Already Expect The Norges Bank To Tighten First The Norges Bank must nonetheless manage a tough balancing act. Lifting rates too soon or too fast could torpedo the recovery, if the currency and bond yields increase too rapidly and tighten financial conditions in a disruptive fashion. However, not removing accommodation fast enough could lead to economic overheating. Bottom Line: The Norges Bank will be the first DM central bank to increase interest rates, most likely as soon as this September. The OIS curve already reflects this outlook; it prices in over 6 hikes by the end of 2023, more than any other DM money market curve. This pricing seems appropriate; thus, Norwegian money markets offer no compelling investment opportunity. Norway’s Problem: Sagging Productivity Both the OECD and the IMF view weak productivity growth as Norway’s biggest long-term hurdle. Despite the bright economic outlook for the next two years or so, we agree. Since 2004-2005, Norwegian productivity has sharply decelerated. At the turn of the millennium, the Norwegian’s mainland labor productivity was growing at 2.5%, or a percentage point above the average of the OECD. Today, labor productivity growth is a paltry 0.5%, placing Norway last among Nordic economies (Chart 20, left panel). Total factor productivity tells a similar story. After recording the fastest productivity expansion among G10 nation from 1990 to 2005, Norway’s TFP declined 11% and is now situated at the same level as it was in 1995. This deterioration is comparable to Italy’s TFP (Chart 20, left panel). Chart 20From Best To Last According to the most recent OECD country report, one of the roots of Norway’s productivity problem is an absence of low-hanging fruit. Norway sports one of the highest GDP per hours worked in the world. This nation essentially sits near the global productivity frontier. Its product market regulations are generally not onerous (Chart 21, top panel). Likewise, more than 60% of both the service sector and the manufacturing sector’s workforce use ICT tools, which is at the highest level among OECD countries. Additionally, the jobs at risk of a negative impact from automation or technological changes represent a significantly smaller share of total employment than in most OECD nations (Chart 21, bottom panel). Chart 21Doing Things Right The Dutch Disease, the hollowing out of the manufacturing sector due to a capital hungry resource sector, is the second root of Norway’s productivity problem. Historically and across countries, manufacturing is the sector that records the greatest productivity gains. However, since 1979, the oil and gas and the housing sectors have experienced the largest capital investments expansion in Norway. Meanwhile, the share of capex generated by the manufacturing sector has declined to a paltry 5% (Chart 22). Moreover, oil and gas represents a larger share of capex than the contribution of its gross value added to GDP. The same holds true for housing, whose share of capex doubled over the past 27 years. Meanwhile, manufacturing’s share of capex has consistently lagged its representation in GDP, which has steadily declined (Chart 23). These are the typical symptoms of the Dutch Disease; as long as oil prices remain in a secular decline, any cyclical improvement in productivity will prove to be transitory. Chart 22The Dutch Disease, Part I Chart 23The Dutch Disease, Part II Bottom Line: Despite an upbeat cyclical outlook, Norway’s deteriorating productivity trend constitutes a formidable structural headwind. There are no easy solutions, because Norway already sits near the global productivity frontier. Moreover, Norway suffers from a pronounced case of the Dutch Disease. For decades, the oil and gas sector has absorbed a share of capital that is greater than its role in the economy, starving the productivity-generating manufacturing sector from investments. With the oil sector entering a structural decline due to ESG concerns, this trend will not change without a significant change in the allocation of the Norwegian capital stock. Investment Implications The cyclical outlook (12 to 24 months) for the Norwegian currency and stock market remains appealing. The NOK’s Outlook Chart 24The Krone Is Undervalued On A PPP Basis While money markets do not offer any compelling opportunities to play the Norges Bank’s hiking cycle, the krone remains attractive from a cyclical perspective. Over the next 12-18 months, the NOK should appreciate compared to both the US dollar and the euro on the back of four key pillars. On a purchasing power parity basis, the Norwegian krone is undervalued by 14%. This compares favorably with both the euro, which is undervalued by 12%, and the US dollar, which is overvalued by 12% (Chart 24). More importantly, our PPP model adjusts the consumption basket across countries, allowing for a more apples-to-apples comparison. The Norwegian krone is highly procyclical and will benefit from any improvement in the global backdrop. The performance of NOK/USD, NOK/EUR, and NOK/JPY moves in lockstep with global equities (Chart 25). Norwegian equities have greatly underperformed global bourses over the last decade, but, as we argue below, there is some room for mean reversion. Inflows into the Norwegian equity market should benefit the krone (Chart 26). Chart 25NOK Is A Procyclical ##br##Currency Chart 26NOK Moves With A Rerating In Norwegian Shares From a more fundamental perspective, the krone will benefit from positive income flows, given Norway’s large net international investment position (NIIP). In fact, ever since the first Norwegian oil fields began producing light sweet crude in the North Sea in the 1970s, Norway has maintained a structural trade surplus with most of its trading partners. This has allowed the country to build one of the biggest NIIP in the world (Chart 27), trailing only behind Hong Kong and Singapore. This large NIIP generates large income receipts that skew heavily toward equity dividends. This characteristic of the Norwegian balance of payment strengthens the bond between the NOK and global equities. Over the next few years, Norway’s trade balance should also get a boost, not only from rising oil and gas production, but also from an improvement in terms of trade, as we argued above. The trade balance has historically been the biggest driver of cross-border inflows into Norway, and that should remain positive for the basic balance and the NOK (Chart 28) Chart 28Norway's Basic Balance Should Improve Norway Balance Of Payments Chart 27Norway Has A Large Net International Investment Position On a structural basis, however, the Norwegian krone faces challenges. Declining productivity suggests that economic growth in Norway will be more inflationary. This will lower the fair value of the real exchange rate. Therefore, while we are positive on the NOK over the next 18 to 24 months, we will be cognizant not to overstay our welcome. Finally, as for NOK/SEK, the pair should rise as both oil and gas prices remain firm in the near term, but any structural challenges to both oil and/or Norwegian productivity will favor the SEK over the longer term (Chart 29). Chart 29NOK/SEK Will Track Crude Prices The Equity Market Outlook Norwegian equities remain challenged as long-term holdings, but they are attractive on a cyclical basis. The poor profitability of Norwegian equities is their main long-term problem. Unlike Swedish stocks, Norwegian shares sport a return on equity in line with that of the Eurozone, not that of the US. Norway’s profit margins are weak and its asset turnover rivals that of the Euro Area (Chart 30). Additionally, the country’s poor productivity performance argues against a sudden reversal in RoEs. Chart 30Norway Is More Like The Eurozone Than Swden Sectoral composition creates another structural handicap for the Norwegian market. Oslo overweighs Energy and Financials (Table 1). Energy stocks can experience periodic rallies, but their long-term outlook is bleak in a world moving away from carbon-based power. Meanwhile, financials are also likely to remain structural laggards. The regulatory legacy of the Great Financial Crisis has curtailed leverage, which is depressing the RoE of the banking sector. Greater competition and the emergence of the fintech industry are further undermining fee income. None of these factors will change anytime soon. Table 1Sectoral Breakdown That being said, Norwegian equities remain a compelling opportunity for the next two years or so, despite their long-term problems. Norwegian stocks have an extremely negative beta to the US dollar. The historical sensitivity of the NOK to the USD in part explains this attribute, the other part being their elevated cyclicality. The dollar is one of the most counter-cyclical currencies in the world; thus, its weakness correlates with strong Norwegian forward earnings, which are heavily influenced by commodity prices and the global industrial cycle. This process also lifts Norwegian stock prices (Chart 31). Hence, BCA’s positive outlook on the global business cycle, as well as our negative stance on the dollar, points to significantly stronger Norwegian share prices.3 The slowdown in China’s economy is one risk that could cause some near-term tremors in Norwegian assets, which investors should use to build positions. In response to Beijing’s efforts to limit systemic risk, the Chinese credit impulse has slowed from 1.1% of GDP to 0.3%, and could flirt with the zero line. The ensuing investment slowdown will weigh on the global industrial sector and cause a temporary pullback in commodity prices. As Chart 32 illustrates, this will be negative for Norwegian equities; historically, following declines in Chinese yields, Norwegian forward earnings and stock prices weaken. However, global energy demand will remain robust even as China slows; therefore, correcting Norwegian equities create a buying opportunity. Chart 31Norwegian Stocks Are A Dollar-Bearish Bet Chart 32A Chinese Slowdown Is A Risk Norwegian stocks should also outperform US and Eurozone equities. Nonetheless, Norwegian equities enjoy their greatest appeal against the US benchmark. Norwegian stocks trade at valuation discounts ranging from 38% to 54% compared to their US counterparts. Meanwhile, Norway’s net earnings revisions remain depressed compared to the US. Most importantly, Norwegian stocks are more pro-cyclical and sensitive to EM and global financial conditions than US shares are. Consequently, Oslo outperforms New York when the broad trade-weighted dollar depreciates, EM currencies appreciate, and the global yield curve slope steepens (Chart 33). We expect these trends to intensify over the remainder of the business cycle. Chart 33Oslo Beats New York Norwegian equities are also more responsive than Eurozone equities to global business-cycle oscillations. Norwegian equities outperform those of the Eurozone when the dollar depreciates (Chart 34). Additionally, a simple modelling exercise reveals that rising oil prices and global yields result in higher relative share prices in favor of Norway (Chart 35). Chart 34Norway Outperforms The Eurozone When The Dollar Weakens Chart 35Favor Norway Over ##br##The Euro Area Sweden is the one market that maintains a hedge over Norway.4 Swedish stocks not only sport a RoE nine percentage point above that of Norway, they are also sensitive to the global business cycle. However, the main advantage of Swedish equities is their sectoral breakdown. Sweden has an enormous overweight in industrials (38% of the benchmark), while Norway greatly overweighs materials. In an environment in which China is likely to decelerate, but global capex and infrastructure spending will remain firm, Sweden’s industrials’ weighting gives it a powerful advantage over its neighbor’s stock market. Finally, we recommend the following high-octane trade: Long Norwegian / short Dutch stocks. The Amsterdam bourse has a 47% allocation to tech stocks and a greater “growth” bias than the S&P 500. This means that the relative performance of Norwegian stocks compared to Dutch equities is even more sensitive to the global business cycle, oil prices, and bond yields. As a result, our simple model incorporating both Brent prices and yields currently sends a strong buy signal in favor of Norway (Chart 36). Chart 36Time To Buy Norway And Sell The Netherlands Bottom Line: The NOK will perform strongly against both the USD and the EUR over the coming 18 to 24 months. Norwegian equities are not an appealing long-term bet; however, they will experience significant upside over the coming two years, both in absolute terms and relative to the US and Euro Area stocks. While Oslo is unlikely to outperform Stockholm over this period, we recommend buying Norwegian stocks and selling the Dutch index. Mathieu Savary Chief European Investment Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see European Investment Strategy Report, "A Surprising Dance," dated May 10, 2021. 2 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Report, "OPEC’s 2.0 Production Strategy In Focus," dated May 20, 2021. 3 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Report, "Explaining Recent Weakness In The US Dollar," dated May 14, 2021. 4 Please see European Investment Strategy Report, "Take A Chance On Sweden," dated May 03, 2021. Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades
Highlights President Biden has called for the US intelligence community to investigate the origins of COVID-19 and one of Biden’s top diplomats has stated the obvious: the era of “engagement” with China is over. This clinches our long-held view that any Democratic president would be a hawk like President Trump. The US-China conflict – and global geopolitical risk – will revive and undermine global risk appetite. China faces a confluence of geopolitical and macroeconomic challenges, suggesting that its equity underperformance will continue. Domestic Chinese investors should stay long government bonds. Foreign investors should sell into the bond rally to reduce exposure to any future sanctions. The impending agreement of a global minimum corporate tax rate has limited concrete implications that are not already known but it symbolizes the return of Big Government in the western world. Our updated GeoRisk Indicators are available in the Appendix, as well as our monthly geopolitical calendar. Feature In our quarterly webcast, “Geopolitics And Bull Markets,” we argued that geopolitical themes matter to investors when they have a demonstrable relationship with the macroeconomic backdrop. When geopolitics and macro are synchronized, a simple yet powerful investment thesis can be discerned. The US war on terror, Russia’s resurgence, the EU debt crisis, and Brexit each provided cases in which a geopolitically informed macro view was both accessible and actionable at an early stage. Investors generally did well if they sold the relevant country’s currency and disfavored its equities on a relative basis. Chart 1China's Decade Of Troubles Of course, the market takeaway is not always so clear. When geopolitics and macroeconomics are desynchronized, the trick is to determine which framework will prevail over the financial markets and for how long. Sometimes the market moves to its own rhythm. The goal is not to trade on geopolitics but rather to invest with geopolitics. One of our key views for this year – headwinds for China – is an example of synchronization. Two weeks ago we discussed China’s macroeconomic challenge. In this report we discuss China’s foreign policy challenge: geopolitical pressure from the US and its allies. In particular we address President Biden’s call for a deeper intelligence dive into the origins of COVID-19. The takeaway is negative for China’s currency and risk assets. The Great Recession dealt a painful blow to the Chinese version of the East Asian economic miracle. By 2015, China’s financial turmoil and currency devaluation should have convinced even bullish investors to keep their distance from Chinese stocks and the renminbi. If investors stuck with this bearish view despite the post-2016 rally, on fear of trade war, they were rewarded in 2018-19. Only with China’s containment of COVID-19 and large economic stimulus in 2020 has CNY-USD threatened to break out (Chart 1). We expect the renminbi to weaken anew, especially once the Fed begins to taper asset purchases. Our cyclical view is still bullish but US-China relations are unstable so we remain tactically defensive. Forget Biden’s China Review, He’s A Hawk Chinese financial markets face a host of challenges this year, despite the positive factors for China’s manufacturing sector amid the global recovery. At home these challenges consist of a structural economic slowdown, a withdrawal of policy stimulus, bearish sentiment among households, and an ongoing government crackdown on systemic risk. Abroad the Democratic Party’s return to power in Washington means that the US will bring more allies to bear in its attempt to curb China’s rise. This combination of factors presents a headwind for Chinese equities and a tailwind for government bonds (Chart 2). This is true at least until the government should hit its pain threshold and re-stimulate. Chart 2Global Investors Still Wary New stimulus may not occur in 2022. The Communist Party’s leadership rotation merely requires economic stability, not rapid growth. While the central government has a record of stimulating when its pain threshold is hit, even under the economically hawkish President Xi Jinping, a financial market riot is usually part of this threshold. This implies near-term downside, particularly for global commodities and metals, which are also facing a Chinese regulatory backlash to deter speculation. In this context, President Biden’s call for a deeper US intelligence investigation into the origin of COVID-19 is an important confirming signal of the US’s hawkish turn toward China. Biden gave 90 days for the intelligence community to report back to him. We will not enter into the debate about COVID-19’s origins. From a geopolitical point of view it is a moot point. The facts of the virus origin may never be established. According to Biden’s statement, at least one US intelligence agency believes the “lab leak theory” is the most likely source of the virus (while two other agencies decided in favor of animal-to-human transmission). Meanwhile Chinese government spokespeople continue to push the theory that the virus originated at the US’s Fort Detrick in Maryland or at a US-affiliated global research center. What is certain is that the first major outbreak of a highly contagious disease occurred in Wuhan. Both sides are demanding greater transparency and will reject each other’s claims based on a lack of transparency. If the US intelligence report concludes that COVID originated from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, the Chinese government and media will reject the report. If the report exonerates the Wuhan laboratory, at least half of the US public will disbelieve it and it will not deter Biden from drawing a hard line on more macro-relevant policy disputes with China. The US’s hawkish bipartisan consensus on China took shape before COVID. Biden’s decision to order the fresh report introduces skepticism regarding the World Health Organization’s narrative, which was until now the mainstream media’s narrative. Previously this skepticism was ghettoized in US public discourse: indeed, until Biden’s announcement on May 26, the social media company Facebook suppressed claims that the virus came from a lab accident or human failure. Thus Biden’s action will ensure that a large swathe of the American public will always tend to support this theory regardless of the next report’s findings. At the same time Biden discontinued a State Department effort to prove the lab leak theory, which shows that it is not a foregone conclusion what his administration will decide. The good news is that even if the report concluded in favor of the lab leak, the Biden administration would remain highly unlikely to demand that China pay “reparations,” like the Trump administration demanded in 2020. This demand, if actualized, would be explosive. The bad news is that a future nationalist administration could conceivably use the investigation as a basis to demand reparations. Nationalism is a force to be reckoned with in both countries and the dispute over COVID’s origin will exacerbate it. Traditionally the presidents of both countries would tamp down nationalism or attempt to keep it harnessed. But in the post-Xi, post-Trump era it is harder to control. The death toll of COVID-19 will be a permanent source of popular grievance around the world and a wedge between the US and China (Chart 3). China’s international image suffered dramatically in 2020. So far in 2021 China has not regained any diplomatic ground. Chart 3Death Toll Of COVID-19 The US is repairing its image via a return to multilateralism while the Europeans have put their Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with China on hold due to a spat over sanctions arising from western accusations of genocide (a subject on which China pointedly answered that it did not need to be lectured by Europeans). Notably Biden’s Department of State also endorsed its predecessor’s accusation of genocide in Xinjiang. Any authoritative US intelligence review that solidifies doubts about the WHO’s initial investigation – even if it should not affirm the lab leak theory – would give Biden more ammunition in global opinion to form a democratic alliance to pressure China (for example, in Europe). An important factor that enables the US to remain hawkish on China is fiscal stimulus. While stimulus helps bring about economic recovery, it also lowers the bar to political confrontation (Chart 4). Countries with supercharged domestic demand do not have as much to fear from punitive trade measures. The Biden administration has not taken new punitive measures against China but it is clearly not worried about Chinese retaliation. Chart 4Large Fiscal Stimulus Lowers The Bar To Geopolitical Conflict China’s stimulus is underrated in this chart (which excludes non-fiscal measures) but it is still true that China’s policy has been somewhat restrained and it will need to stimulate its economy again in response to any new punitive measures or any global loss of confidence. At least China is limited in its ability to tighten policy due to the threat of US pressure and western trade protectionism. Simultaneous with Biden’s announcement on COVID-19, his administration’s coordinator for Indo-Pacific affairs, Kurt Campbell, proclaimed in a speech that the era of “engagement” with China is officially over and the new paradigm is one of “competition.” By now Campbell is stating the obvious. But this tone is a change both from his tone while serving in President Obama’s Department of State and from his article in Foreign Affairs last year (when he was basically auditioning for his current role in the Biden administration).1 Campbell even said in his latest remarks that the Trump administration was right about the “direction” of China policy (though not the “execution”), which is candid. Campbell was speaking at Stanford University but his comments were obviously aimed for broader consumption. Investors no longer need to wait for the outcome of the Biden administration’s comprehensive review of policy toward China. The answer is known: the Biden administration’s hawkishness is confirmed. The Department of Defense report on China policy, due in June, is very unlikely to strike a more dovish posture than the president’s health policy. Now investors must worry about how rapidly tensions will escalate and put a drag on global sentiment. Bottom Line: US-China relations are unstable and pose an immediate threat to global risk appetite. The fundamental geopolitical assessment of US-China relations has been confirmed yet again. The US is seeking to constrain China’s rise because China is the only country capable of rivaling the US for supremacy in Asia and the world. Meanwhile China is rejecting liberalization in favor of economic self-sufficiency and maintaining an offensive foreign policy as it is wary of US containment and interference. Presidents Biden and Xi Jinping are still capable of stabilizing relations in the medium term but they are unlikely to substantially de-escalate tensions. And at the moment tensions are escalating. China’s Reaction: The Example Of Australia How will China respond to Biden’s new inquiry into COVID’s origins? Obviously Beijing will react negatively but we would not expect anything concrete to occur until the result of the inquiry is released in 90 days. China will be more constrained in its response to the US than it has been with Australia, which called for an international inquiry early last year, as the US is a superior power. Australia was the first to ban Chinese telecom company Huawei from its 5G network (back in 2018) and it was the first to call for a COVID probe. Relations between China and Australia have deteriorated steadily since then, but macro trends have clearly driven the Aussie dollar. The AUD-JPY exchange rate is a good measure for global risk appetite and it is wavering in recent weeks (Chart 5). Chart 5Australian Dollar Follows Macro Trends, Rallies Amid China Trade Spat Tensions have also escalated due to China’s dependency on Australian commodity exports at a time of spiking commodity prices. This is a recurring theme going back to the Stern Hu affair. The COVID spat led China to impose a series of sanctions against Australian beef, barley, wine, and coal. But because China cannot replace Australian resources (at least, not in the short term), its punitive measures are limited. It faces rising producer prices as a result of its trade restrictions (Chart 6). This dependency is a bigger problem for China today than it was in previous cycles so China will try to diversify. Chart 6Constraints On China's Tarrifs On Australia By contrast, China is not likely to impose sanctions on the US in response to Biden’s investigation, unless Biden attacks first. China’s imports from the US are booming and its currency is appreciating sharply. Despite Beijing’s efforts to keep the Phase One trade deal from collapsing, Biden is maintaining Trump’s tariffs and the US-China trade divorce is proceeding (Chart 7). Bilateral tariff rates are still 16-17 percentage points higher than they were in 2018, with US tariffs on China at 19% (versus 3% on the rest of the world) while Chinese tariffs on the US stand at 21% (versus 6% on the rest of the world). The Biden administration timed this week’s hawkish statements to coincide with the first meeting of US trade negotiators with China, which was a more civil affair. Both countries acknowledged that the relationship is important and trade needs to be continued. However, US Trade Representative Katherine Tai’s comments were not overly optimistic (she told Reuters that the relationship is “very, very challenging”). She has also been explicit about maintaining policy continuity with the Trump administration. We highly doubt that China’s share of US imports will ever surpass its pre-Trump peaks. The Biden administration has also refrained so far from loosening export controls on high-tech trade with China. This has caused a bull market in Taiwan while causing problems for Chinese semiconductor stocks’ relative performance (Chart 8). If Biden’s policy review does not lead to any relaxation of export controls on commercial items then it will mark a further escalation in tensions. Chart 7US Tarrifs Reduce China In Trade Deficit Bottom Line: Until Presidents Biden and Xi stabilize relations at the top, the trade negotiations over implementing the Phase One trade deal – and any new Phase Two talks – cannot bring major positive surprises for financial markets. Chart 8US Export Controls Amid Chip Shortage Congress Is More Hawkish Than Biden Biden’s ability to reduce frictions with China, should he seek to, will also be limited by Congress and public opinion. With the US deeply politically divided, and polarization at historically high levels, China has emerged as one of the few areas of agreement. The hawkish consensus is symbolized by new legislation such as the Strategic Competition Act, which is making its way through the Senate rapidly. Congress is also trying to boost US competitiveness through bills such as the Endless Frontier Act. These bills would subject China to scrutiny and potential punitive measures over a broad range of issues but most of all they would ignite US industrial policy , STEM education, and R&D, and diversify the US’s supply chains. We would highlight three key points with regard to the global impact of this legislation: Global supply chains are shifting regardless: This trend is fairly well established in tech, defense, and pharmaceuticals. It will continue unless we see a major policy reversal from China to try to court western powers and reduce frictions. The EU and India are less enthusiastic than the US and Australia about removing China from supply chains but they are not opposed. The EU Commission has recommended new defensive economic measures that cover supply chains in batteries, cloud services, hydrogen energy, pharmaceuticals, materials, and semiconductors. As mentioned, the EU is also hesitating to ratify the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with China. Hence the EU is moving in the US’s direction independently of proposed US laws. After all, China’s rise up the tech value chain (and its decision to stop cutting back the size of its manufacturing sector) ultimately threatens the EU’s comparative advantage. The EU is also aligned with the US on democratic values and network security. India has taken a harder stance on China than usual, which marks an important break with the past. India’s decision to exclude Huawei from its 5G network is not final but it is likely to be at least partially implemented. A working group of democracies is forming regardless. The Strategic Competition Act calls for the creation of a working group of democracies but the truth is that this is already happening through more effective forums like the G7 and bilateral summits. Just as the implementation of the act would will ultimately depend on President Biden, so the willingness of other countries to adopt the recommendations of the working group would depend on their own executives. Allies have leeway as Biden will not use punitive measures against them: Any policy change from the EU, UK, India, and Australia will be independent of the US Congress passing the Strategic Competition Act. These countries will be self-directed. The US would have to devote diplomatic energy to maintaining a sustained effort by these states to counter China in the face of economic costs. This will be limited by the fact that the Biden administration will be very reluctant to impose punitive measures on allies to insist on their cooperation. The allies will set the pace of pressure on China rather than the United States. This gives the EU an important position, particularly Germany. And yet the trends in Germany suggest that the government will be more hawkish on China after the federal elections in September. Bottom Line: The Biden administration is unlikely to use punitive measures against allies so new US laws are less important than overall US diplomacy with each of the allies. Some allies will be less compliant with US policies given their need for trade with China. But so far there appears to be a common position taking shape even with the EU that is prejudicial to China’s involvement in key sectors of emerging technologies. If China does not respond by reducing its foreign policy assertiveness, then China’s economic growth will suffer. That drag would have to be offset by new supply chain construction in Southeast Asia and other countries. Investment Takeaways The foregoing highlights the international risks facing China even at a time when its trend growth is slowing (Chart 9) and its ongoing struggle with domestic financial imbalances is intensifying. China’s debt-service costs have risen sharply and Beijing is putting pressure on corporations and local governments to straighten out their finances (Chart 10), resulting in a wave of defaults. This backdrop is worrisome for investors until policymakers reassure them that government support will continue. Chart 9China's Growth Potential Slowing Chart 10China's Leaders Struggle With Debt China’s domestic stability is a key indicator of whether geopolitical risks could spiral out of control. In particular we think aggressive action in the Taiwan Strait is likely to be delayed as long as the Chinese economy and regime are stable. China has rattled sabers over the strait this year in a warning to the United States not to cross its red line (Chart 11). It is not yet clear how Biden’s policy continuity with the Trump administration will affect cross-strait stability. We see no basis yet for changing our view that there is a 60% chance of a market-negative geopolitical incident in 2021-22 and a 5% chance of full-scale war in the short run. Chart 11China PLA Flights Over Taiwan Strait Putting all of the above together, we see substantial support for two key market-relevant geopolitical risks: Chinese domestic politics (including policy tightening) and persistent US-China tensions (including but not limited to the Taiwan Strait). We remain tactically defensive, a stance supported by several recent turns in global markets: The global stock-to-bond ratio has rolled over. China is a negative factor for global risk appetite (Chart 12). Global cyclical equities are no longer outperforming defensives. There is a stark divergence between Chinese cyclicals and global cyclicals stemming from the painful transition in China’s bloated industrial economy (Chart 13). Global large caps are catching a bid relative to small caps (Chart 14). Chart 12Global Stock-To-Bond Ratio Rolled Over Chart 13Global Cyclicals-To-Defensives Pause Chart 14Global Large Caps Catch A Bid Versus Small Caps Cyclically the global economic recovery should continue as the pandemic wanes. China will eventually relax policy to prevent too abrupt of a slowdown. Therefore our strategic portfolio reflects our high-conviction view that the current global economic expansion will continue even as it faces hurdles from the secular rise in geopolitical risk, especially US-China cold war. Measurable geopolitical risk and policy uncertainty are likely to rebound sooner rather than later, with a negative impact on high-beta risk assets. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Coda: Global Minimum Tax Symbolizes Return Of Big Government On Thursday, the US Treasury Department released a proposal to set the global minimum corporate tax rate at 15%. The plan is to stop what Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has referred to as a global “race to the bottom” and create the basis for a rehabilitation of government budgets damaged by pandemic-era stimulus. Although the newly proposed 15% rate is significantly below President Biden’s bid to raise the US Global Intangible Low-Taxed Income (GILTI) rate to 21% from 10.5%, it is the same rate as his proposed minimum tax on corporate book income. Biden is also raising the headline corporate tax rate from 21% to around 25% (or at highest 28%). Negotiators at the OECD were initially discussing a 12.5% global minimum rate. The finance ministers of both France and Germany – where the corporate income tax rates are 32.0% and 29.9%, respectively – both responded positively to the announcement. However, Ireland, which uses low corporate taxes as an economic development strategy, is obviously more comfortable with a minimum closer to its own 12.5% rate. Discussions are likely to occur when G7 finance ministers meet on June 4-5. Countries are hoping to establish a broad outline for the proposal by the G20 meeting in early July. It is highly likely that the OECD will come to an agreement. However, it is not a truly “global” minimum as there will still be tax havens. Compliance and enforcement will vary across countries. A close look at the domestic political capital of the relevant countries shows that while many countries have the raw parliamentary majorities necessary to raise taxes, most countries have substantial conservative contingents capable of preventing stiff corporate tax hikes (Table 1, in the Appendix). Our Geopolitical strategists highlight that the Biden administration’s compromise on the minimum rate reflects its pragmatism as well as emphasis on multilateralism. Any global deal will be non-binding but the two most important low-tax players are already committed to raising corporate rates well above this level: Biden’s plan is noted above, while the UK’s budget for March includes a jump in the business rate to 25% in April 2023 from the current 19%. Ireland and Hungary are the only outliers but they may eventually be forced to yield to such a large coalition of bigger economies (Chart 15). Chart 15Global Minimum Corporate Tax Impact Is Symbolic Rather Than Concrete Thus a nominal minimum corporate tax rate is likely to be forged but it will not be truly global and it will not change the corporate rate for most countries. The reality of what companies pay will also depend on loopholes, tax havens, and the effective tax rate. Bottom Line: On a structural horizon, the global minimum corporate tax is significant for showing a paradigm shift in global macro policy: western governments are starting to raise taxes and revenue after decades of cutting taxes. The experiment with limited government has ended and Big Government is making a comeback. On a cyclical horizon, the US concession on global minimum tax is that the Biden administration aims to be pragmatic and “get things done.” Biden is also working with Republicans to pass bills covering some bipartisan aspects of his domestic agenda, such as trade, manufacturing, and China. The takeaway from a global point of view is that Biden may prove to be a compromiser rather than an ideologue, unlike his predecessors. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim Vice President Daily Insights RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Kurt M. Campbell and Jake Sullivan, "Competition Without Catastrophe," Foreign Affairs, September/October 2019, foreignaffairs.com. Section II: Appendix Table 1OECD: Which Countries Are Willing And Able To Raise Corporate Tax Rates? GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan – Province Of China Korea Turkey Brazil Australia Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
Aspectos destacados
Las acciones globales son muy vulnerables a una corrección. Pero cíclicamente la Fed está comprometida con un exceso de inflación y la economía global se está recuperando.
El impulso fiscal y de crédito de China cayó bruscamente, lo que deja a las acciones cíclicas globales y a las materias primas expuestas a una retirada.
Más allá del corto plazo, la necesidad de China de estabilidad política debería evitar un endurecimiento excesivo de la política. El riesgo está concentrado en el corto plazo.
El censo de población de China subraya uno de nuestros megatemas: la política interna de China es inestable y puede traer sorpresas negativas.
Las elecciones estatales de India, celebradas en medio de una enorme ola de COVID-19, sugieren que el partido gobernante sigue siendo favorito en 2024. Esto implica continuidad en las políticas.
Mantener un sesgo cíclico alcista pero estar preparado para cambiar si China comete un error de política.
Artículo principal
Gráfico 1
La inflación asoma la cabeza
La inflación asoma la cabeza
La inflación asoma la cabeza
Los mercados globales se estremecieron esta semana ante un dato fuerte de inflación subyacente en EE. UU. así como por temores más amplios al resurgimiento de la inflación tras un largo letargo (Gráfico 1).
Cíclicamente todavía esperamos que los inversores roten fuera de las acciones de EE. UU. hacia acciones internacionales y que el dólar estadounidense caiga a medida que la economía global se recupere (Gráfico 2). Sin embargo, esta visión también implica que las acciones de mercados emergentes deberían comenzar a superar a sus pares de mercados desarrollados, lo cual no se ha materializado hasta ahora este año. Los mercados emergentes no solo son intensivos en tecnología y vulnerables a la subida de los rendimientos de los bonos estadounidenses, sino que además se ven ahora desafiados por el hecho de que el estímulo de China ha alcanzado su pico.
Gráfico 2
El mercado de acciones tiembla
El mercado bursátil tiembla
El mercado bursátil tiembla
Gráfico 3
La economía global y el sentimiento se recuperan
La economía global y el sentimiento se recuperan
La economía global y el sentimiento se recuperan
Gráfico 4
Cíclicos globales frente a defensivos vacilando
Cíclicos globales frente a defensivos vacilan
Cíclicos globales frente a defensivos vacilan
Lo único en lo que podemos confiar es que el despliegue de la vacuna contra el COVID-19 continuará permitiendo una recuperación del crecimiento global (Gráfico 3). El dólar estadounidense está señalando algo similar. El billete verde rebotó en el primer trimestre por el mejor desempeño relativo del crecimiento de EE. UU., pero desde entonces ha retrocedido. Un dólar en caída es positivo para las acciones cíclicas frente a las defensivas, aunque las cíclicas indican que la operación de reflación está sobreextendida en el corto plazo (Gráfico 4).
El crecimiento de China se convierte ahora en el punto focal crítico. Un error de política en China trastocaría la visión alcista cíclica. El endurecimiento de la política monetaria y fiscal en China es un riesgo político global importante que hemos señalado este año y que ahora se está materializando. No obstante, también hemos señalado las limitaciones al endurecimiento. En la actualidad China se encuentra justo en el umbral del sobreendurecimiento según nuestros puntos de referencia. Si China endurece más, adoptaremos una postura fundamentalmente más defensiva.
También en este informe revisaremos los resultados del censo de población de China y las implicaciones de las recientes elecciones estatales de India frente a la última gran oleada de infecciones por COVID-19. Por ahora no haremos cambios a nuestra visión alcista sobre India, pero la ponemos bajo vigilancia.
China: El riesgo de sobreendurecimiento
Los problemas de China provienen del cambio en curso de su modelo económico, que pasa de depender del comercio exterior a depender de la demanda interna. Esta fue una decisión estratégica que el Partido Comunista tomó antes del ascenso del presidente Xi Jinping. Xi también ha llegado a encarnar y reforzar esta visión estratégica y la confrontación con Estados Unidos.
El objetivo de Pekín era gestionar una transición suave y estable. La turbulencia financiera de 2015 y la guerra comercial de 2018-19 pusieron en peligro ese objetivo, pero los responsables de la política finalmente prevalecieron. Luego estalló el COVID-19 y causó la primera contracción económica real desde la década de 1970. Aunque China contuvo el virus y rebotó con otra ronda masiva de estímulo (13,8% del PIB desde el inicio de la guerra comercial hasta el pico de 2021), ahora enfrenta una transición aún más difícil.
Gráfico 5
Aumento de la propensión al ahorro en China
La creciente propensión de China a ahorrar
La creciente propensión de China a ahorrar
La necesidad de mejorar la calidad de vida es más urgente dado que el PIB potencial se ha desacelerado. La necesidad de contener el riesgo financiero sistémico es más urgente dado el gran nuevo aumento de la deuda. Y la necesidad de diversificar la economía es más urgente dado que EE. UU. está ahora formando una coalición de democracias para confrontar a China en una serie de políticas. El aumento en la “propensión marginal al ahorro” entre personas y empresas chinas —medida por la proporción de depósitos a plazo largo frente a depósitos a corto plazo— es una indicación de que el país está aquejado de problemas y que los ánimos empresariales están deprimidos (Gráfico 5).
El impulso fiscal y de crédito de China está girando a la baja tras la gran expansión de 2018-21. Los responsables de la política han señalado desde el año pasado que retirarían el estímulo de emergencia y ahora el impacto es aparente en los datos reales. El dinero, el crédito y los impulsos combinados de crédito y fiscal de China se correlacionan con el crecimiento económico tras un rezago de seis a nueve meses. Esto es cierto independientemente de qué indicadores se usen para los ciclos de dinero y crédito y la actividad económica de China (Gráficos 6A y 6B). El impulso económico de China está en su punto máximo y se convertirá en un viento en contra para la economía global más adelante este año y en 2022, aunque el resto del mundo disfruta de los vientos favorables de la vacunación y la reapertura económica.
Gráfico 6A
El impulso fiscal y de crédito de China cae bruscamente …
El impulso fiscal y crediticio de China cae bruscamente...
El impulso fiscal y crediticio de China cae bruscamente...
Gráfico 6B
… al igual que los impulsos de dinero y crédito
... Al igual que los impulsos de dinero y crédito
... Al igual que los impulsos de dinero y crédito
La desaceleración del impulso fiscal y de crédito presagia una caída de la demanda de materias primas, materiales y otros bienes que China importa, especialmente para el consumo interno. (Las importaciones chinas de piezas e insumos que forman parte de sus exportaciones manufacturadas al resto del mundo se ven más saludables a medida que el resto del mundo se recupera). Este cambio dificultará que los elevados precios de los metales y otras apuestas vinculadas a China, como las acciones suecas, sigan subiendo sin una corrección (Gráfico 7). La posición especulativa favorece en gran medida a las materias primas en este momento. La divergencia entre China y los mercados de metales que domina parece insostenible a corto plazo (Gráfico 8).
Gráfico 7
Las operaciones de reflación de China cerca de los picos
Operaciones de reflación en China cerca de máximos
Operaciones de reflación en China cerca de máximos
Gráfico 8
Choque entre el ciclo del dinero y los precios de las materias primas
El ciclo monetario y los precios de las materias primas chocan
El ciclo monetario y los precios de las materias primas chocan
La transición global hacia sistemas de energía verdes o renovables (es decir, la descarbonización) es alcista para los metales, especialmente el cobre, pero no podrá compensar la caída de la demanda china en el corto plazo, como ha mostrado nuestra Estrategia de Mercados Emergentes. Los usos internos del cobre en China para la construcción y la industria representan aproximadamente el 56,5% de la demanda mundial de cobre, mientras que la carrera por la energía verde —es decir, la producción de paneles solares, aerogeneradores, coches eléctricos— representa solo alrededor del 3,5% de la demanda mundial.
Este número subestima algo el programa verde ya que también se prevé el reacondicionamiento y la adaptación de sistemas y estructuras existentes, como las redes eléctricas. Pero el punto es que una caída en el consumo de cobre de China actuará en contra del gran aumento del consumo en Estados Unidos y Europa, sobre todo dado que el programa de infraestructura de EE. UU. no empezará hasta 2022 como muy pronto. Por lo tanto, la demanda mundial de cobre se ralentizará en los próximos 12 meses en respuesta a China, aunque la demanda del resto del mundo esté subiendo.
Los responsables de la política chinos aún no han señalado que estén preocupados por un sobreendurecimiento de la política o que vayan a aflojar la política de nuevo. La reunión del Politburó a finales de abril no contenía un cambio de política importante respecto a la Conferencia Central de Trabajo Económico en diciembre o al Informe de Trabajo del Gobierno en marzo (Tabla 1). Pero si hubo una diferencia significativa, residió en reducir aún más el sentido de emergencia del año pasado al tiempo que se proyectaba algún tipo de esquema para responsabilizar a los funcionarios locales por la deuda oculta. La implicación es la continuación de una política estricta, y por ende el riesgo de sobreendurecimiento sigue siendo sustancial.
Tabla 1
Declaraciones macroeconómicas recientes de la política de China: eliminando el estímulo
China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
Gráfico 9
Puntos de referencia para el endurecimiento de la política en China
Puntos de referencia para el endurecimiento de la política en China
Puntos de referencia para el endurecimiento de la política en China
Cierto es que las señales de la reunión de abril pueden leerse de varias maneras. La declaración de abril omitió frases sobre “mantener el apoyo de política necesario” en la orientación macroeconómica general, lo que implicaría menos apoyo para la economía. Pero también omitió el objetivo de mantener el crecimiento de la oferta monetaria (M2) y del crédito (financiación social total) en línea con el crecimiento del PIB nominal, lo que podría verse como permitir un repunte en el crecimiento del crédito. Sin embargo, el Banco Popular de China mantuvo este objetivo de crédito en su informe de política monetaria del primer trimestre, por lo que no se puede estar seguro. Observa que, según este criterio, China está justo en el umbral del “sobreendurecimiento” de la política que hemos utilizado para medir el riesgo (Gráfico 9).
Basándonos en la formulación de políticas china durante las últimas dos décadas, esperaríamos que cualquier punto de inflexión importante se anuncie en la reunión del Politburó de julio, no en la de abril. No consideramos que abril suponga un cambio importante respecto a las reuniones previas – ni lo considera nuestra Estrategia de Inversión en China. Por lo tanto, el endurecimiento excesivo de la política sigue siendo un riesgo real para la economía china y global durante los próximos 12 meses. Nuestra lista de verificación para el endurecimiento excesivo subraya este punto (Tabla 2).
Tabla 2
Lista de verificación para el endurecimiento de la política china
China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
El descenso del impulso fiscal y de crédito de China está ocurriendo antes del vigésimo congreso nacional del partido, que tendrá lugar a lo largo de 2022 y culminará con la rotación del liderazgo superior (el Comité Permanente del Politburó) en otoño. La economía está suficientemente estimulada para el centenario del Partido Comunista el 1 de julio de este año, por lo que los responsables de la política están centrados en prevenir excesos. La prevención del riesgo financiero, la regulación antimonopolio y la contención de la burbuja inmobiliaria son las órdenes del día. El aumento de los impagos y quiebras de bonos corporativos y gubernamentales subraya la disposición del liderazgo a avanzar con la reestructuración económica y la reforma, lo cual está bien documentado en los últimos años (Gráfico 10).
Gráfico 10
Destrucción creativa en China
China al borde del endurecimiento excesivo
China al borde del endurecimiento excesivo
Los inversores no pueden asumir que el congreso del partido en 2022 sea una razón para que el liderazgo afloje la política. Ocurrió lo contrario en la antesala del congreso de 2017. Sin embargo, los inversores tampoco pueden asumir que China se sobreendurezca y hunda su propia economía antes de un evento tan importante. La estabilidad será el objetivo, como ocurrió en 2017 y en congresos anteriores, y esto significa que en algún momento habrá un alivio de la política si la ronda actual de endurecimiento se vuelve demasiado dolorosa financiera y económicamente. Los activos vinculados a China son vulnerables en el corto plazo hasta que los responsables de la política alcancen su punto de inflexión.
De paso, la aproximación del vigésimo congreso nacional del partido será un imán para la intriga política y eventos impactantes. El líder máximo normalmente destituye a un rival prominente antes de un congreso como muestra de fuerza en el proceso de promoción de su facción. El gobierno también endurece el control de los medios y reprime a los disidentes, que pueden alzar la voz o protestar en torno al evento. Pero en 2022 las apuestas son más altas.
Originalmente se esperaba que el presidente Xi dimitiera en 2022, pero ahora no lo hará, lo que suscitará al menos cierta oposición. Además, bajo Xi, China ha emprendido tres revoluciones políticas históricas: está adoptando un modelo de liderazgo autoritario, en detrimento del modelo de liderazgo colectivo bajo los dos presidentes anteriores; está enfatizando la autosuficiencia económica, en detrimento de la liberalización y la apertura; y está enfatizando el estatus de gran potencia, en detrimento de la cooperación con Estados Unidos y sus aliados.
Conclusión: Las acciones globales, las materias primas y las “apuestas vinculadas a China” están en riesgo de una corrección sustancial como resultado del endurecimiento de la política en China. Nuestro caso base es que China evitará el sobreendurecimiento, pero los últimos números de dinero y crédito rozan nuestro umbral para cambiar esa visión. Otra caída pronunciada en estos indicadores exigirá un cambio.
Fuerza laboral desaparecida de China
En última instancia, una de las limitaciones al sobreendurecimiento de la política es la caída del crecimiento potencial del PIB de China como resultado de su población en edad laboral en disminución. El séptimo censo de población de China se publicó esta semana y subrayó los profundos cambios estructurales que afectan al país y su economía.
El crecimiento de la población en los últimos diez años se desaceleró hasta el 5,4%, la tasa más baja desde el primer censo en 1953. La tasa de fecundidad cayó a 1,3 en 2020, por debajo de la tasa de reemplazo de 2,1 y del objetivo de 1,8 establecido cuando las autoridades chinas relajaron la política del hijo único en 2016. La tasa de fecundidad también es más baja que las estimaciones del Banco Mundial (1,7 en 2019) e incluso que la de Japón. La tasa de natalidad (nacimientos por 1.000 personas) también cayó, con el número de recién nacidos en 2020 en el punto más bajo desde 1961, el año de la Gran Hambruna. La tasa de natalidad se ha convergido con la de los países de ingresos altos, lo que implica que el desarrollo económico está teniendo el mismo efecto de desalentar la procreación en China, aunque China está menos desarrollada que esos países.
Gráfico 11
La población en edad laboral de China cae más rápido que la de Japón en los años 90
China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
La cohorte más joven aumentó del 16,6% al 17,95% de la población, la cohorte más anciana aumentó del 8,9% en 2010 al 13,5% hoy, mientras que la cohorte en edad laboral cayó del 75,3% al 68,6%. La población en edad laboral alcanzó su pico en 2010 y cayó 6,79 puntos porcentuales en los últimos diez años. En contraste, la población en edad laboral de Japón alcanzó su pico en 1992 y cayó 2,18 puntos porcentuales en la década posterior (Gráfico 11).
En otras palabras, China está experimentando la transición demográfica que afectó a Japón a principios de los años 90, pero la población en edad laboral de China podría caer incluso más rápido. El país está experimentando este cambio tectónico socioeconómico en un nivel de riqueza per cápita más bajo del que Japón había alcanzado.
El desafío demográfico presionará el sistema socioeconómico y político de China. El milagro chino, como otros milagros asiáticos, se basó en el uso de la manufactura orientada a la exportación para generar grandes cantidades de ahorro que podían reorientarse para el desarrollo nacional. La caída de la población en edad laboral de China coincide con el desarrollo económico y una probable disminución de la tasa de ahorro a largo plazo. Esto se muestra en el Gráfico 12, que presenta dos imágenes diferentes de la población trabajadora de China junto con la tasa de ahorro nacional bruta. A medida que aumenta la ratio de dependencia, la tasa de ahorro caerá y habrá menos fondos disponibles para repropositar. El costo del capital aumentará y la reestructuración económica se acelerará.
En el caso de Japón, el cambio demográfico coincidió con la crisis financiera de 1990 y luego con un cambio nacional en el comportamiento económico. La tasa de ahorro cayó a medida que la economía evolucionó, pero los ahorros generados aún superaron la inversión debido a la falta de demanda privada y a la presión de grandes cargas de deuda. Las empresas se centraron en pagar la deuda en lugar de expandir la inversión y la producción (Gráfico 13). Todo esto ocurrió cuando el entorno externo era benigno, mientras que China enfrenta un desafío demográfico similar en el contexto de una creciente presión económica debido a tensiones geopolíticas.
Gráfico 12
Los trabajadores chinos son cada vez más escasos
Trabajadores chinos cada vez más escasos
Trabajadores chinos cada vez más escasos
Gráfico 13
Altos niveles de ahorro permiten derroches de deuda hasta que la deuda abruma
Los altos ahorros permiten un derroche de deuda hasta que esta se vuelve abrumadora.
Los altos ahorros permiten un derroche de deuda hasta que esta se vuelve abrumadora.
China hasta ahora ha evitado una crisis financiera debilitante y un colapso de los precios de la vivienda que condenaría al país a una trampa de liquidez traumática. Las autoridades chinas son dolorosamente conscientes del peligro de la burbuja inmobiliaria y por ello están ansiosas por prevenir excesos financieros y frenar la actividad con rasgos de burbuja. Esto es lo que hace que el riesgo de sobreendurecimiento sea significativo. Pero un error en cualquiera de las dos direcciones puede conducir a una caída hacia la deflación. La administración de Xi ha estimulado la economía cada vez que la actividad se ralentizaba excesivamente o la inestabilidad financiera amenazaba con salirse de control, como se ha señalado arriba, pero este es un acto de equilibrio difícil, razón por la cual vigilamos tan de cerca el riesgo de endurecimiento excesivo.
Algunos otros puntos notables del censo de población de China incluyen:
La política de dos hijos no está teniendo éxito hasta ahora.
COVID-19 podría haber tenido un efecto negativo en la fecundidad, pero no podría haber afectado mucho a los nacimientos debido al momento. Así que las tendencias no pueden estar demasiado distorsionadas por la pandemia.
La urbanización rápida continúa, con la tasa alcanzando el 64% de la población, 14 puntos porcentuales más que en 2010.
Las discusiones de política enfatizan elevar la edad de jubilación; ofrecer incentivos financieros para tener hijos; una serie de controles de precios para hacer más asequible tener hijos, destacando la supresión de la burbuja inmobiliaria; y medidas para asegurar que los precios de la vivienda no caigan demasiado rápido en las ciudades más pequeñas a medida que continúa la migración desde el campo.
La población de minorías étnicas de China, que constituye el 9% de la población total, creció mucho más rápido (tasa del 10%) durante la última década que la mayoría Han, que representa el 91% de la población (creciendo al 5%). Las minorías están exentas de la política del hijo único (y de la de dos hijos). Sin embargo, han surgido tensiones étnicas, particularmente en regiones autónomas como Xinjiang, lo que ha provocado un mayor escrutinio internacional de las políticas de China hacia las minorías.
El desafío demográfico de China es ampliamente conocido, pero el último censo refuerza la magnitud del reto. El crecimiento potencial de China está disminuyendo mientras que la ratio de dependencia creciente subraya cambios sociales que exigirán más al gobierno. Mayores necesidades de gasto fiscal y social requerirán difíciles compensaciones económicas y decisiones políticas impopulares. El cambio económico y el movimiento de personas también profundizarán las disparidades regionales y de riqueza.
Todos estos puntos subrayan uno de nuestros megatemas constantes de Estrategia Geopolítica: los riesgos políticos internos de China están subestimados.
Conclusión: El censo de 2020 de China refuerza el declive demográfico que está en la raíz de los crecientes desafíos socioeconómicos y políticos de China. Aunque China tiene un gobierno central fuerte con el poder consolidado bajo un solo partido gobernante y un historial de gestión exitosa de sus distintos desafíos en las últimas décadas, la magnitud de los cambios que están ocurriendo es abrumadora y traerá sorpresas económicas y políticas negativas.
India: las elecciones estatales no representan un punto de inflexión contra Modi
En el apogeo de la segunda ola de COVID-19 en India, se celebraron elecciones en cinco estados indios. Los resultados para el estado de Bengala Occidental fueron los más importantes. Bengala Occidental es un estado grande, que representa casi una décima parte de los legisladores en la asamblea nacional de India, y el gobernante Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) del primer ministro Narendra Modi había declarado que ganaría cerca del 70% de los 294 escaños allí.
Al final, Bengala Occidental entregó una victoria aplastante al All India Trinamool Congress (AITMC), un partido regional. A pesar de que el AITMC enfrentaba una anti-incumbencia de dos mandatos, el recuento de escaños del AITMC alcanzó un máximo histórico. Pocos lo habían previsto, como lo demuestra el hecho de que el desempeño del AITMC superó las previsiones hechas por la mayoría de encuestadores.
¿Qué deben hacer los inversores con la pérdida del BJP en este estado clave? ¿Fue una reacción contra la gestión de la pandemia por parte de Modi? ¿Presagia un cambio de gobierno y de política nacional en las elecciones generales de 2024? No realmente. Aquí destacamos tres conclusiones clave:
Conclusión n.º 1: El desempeño del BJP fue notable
Gráfico 14
India: el BJP consigue penetrar en Bengala Occidental
China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
Si bien el BJP no alcanzó sus objetivos en Bengala Occidental, el estado no es un bastión del BJP. Se sabe que el BJP tiene tracción natural en las regiones de habla hindi de India y Bengala Occidental es un estado de habla no hindi donde tradicionalmente se veía al BJP como un forastero. Además, este estado es conocido por ser inusualmente renuente al cambio. Por ejemplo, antes del AITMC, la Izquierda estuvo en el poder durante un récord de 34 años en este estado. En ese contexto, el desempeño del BJP en 2021 en Bengala Occidental es notable: el partido aumentó su número de escaños a 77, en comparación con solo 3 escaños en 2016 (Gráfico 14).
Este desempeño catapulta ahora al BJP a convertirse en el principal partido de oposición en Bengala Occidental. También indica que el BJP puede tardar, pero tiene lo necesario para construir tracción en estados que no son bastiones tradicionales. Dado que logró esta hazaña en un estado donde tiene poca fuerza histórica, su actuación es significativa como señal de que el BJP sigue siendo una fuerza a tener en cuenta.
Conclusión n.º 2: La popularidad del BJP se resintió pero aún se le considera favorito para mantener el poder en 2024
Aunque el descontento contra el BJP está aumentando por su mala gestión del COVID-19 y la consiguiente angustia económica, no existe una alternativa viable al BJP a nivel nacional.
Las recientes elecciones estatales, no solo en Bengala Occidental, confirman que la oposición, el Indian National Congress (INC), aún no ha organizado su actuación. El partido del Congreso se hundió de 44 escaños en Bengala a 0 escaños. Más importante aún, el Congreso aún no ha resuelto dos cuestiones críticas, es decir, la necesidad de designar o elegir a un líder interno con atractivo masivo y la necesidad de desarrollar una agenda política identificable.
La debilidad del Congreso significa que, aunque el número de escaños del BJP podría disminuir respecto a su rendimiento máximo de 2019, nuestro escenario base para 2024 sigue siendo el de un gobierno liderado por el BJP que mantiene el poder en India. La continuidad de las políticas y la posibilidad de alguna reforma estructural siguen siendo el caso base.
Conclusión n.º 3: El auge constante de los partidos regionales de India
El ascenso del BJP en la última década ha coincidido con pérdidas de escaños tanto por parte del Congreso como de los partidos regionales de India. Sin embargo, la ronda más reciente de elecciones estatales indica que el BJP no puede comprimir drásticamente la cuota de escaños de los partidos regionales. Por ejemplo, en Bengala Occidental consiguió 77 escaños por sí solo, pero esto no fue a expensas del AITMC, que es el actor dominante en este estado. En otro estado grande donde se celebraron elecciones a principios de este mes, es decir, Tamil Nadu, el control continúa fluctuando entre dos partidos regionales bien afianzados.
Gráfico 15
India: el BJP alcanzó su pico en 2019 pero sigue siendo favorito para 2024
China, al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
China, al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo
Las elecciones generales de 2019 vieron que la cuota de los partidos regionales (definidos como todos los partidos excluyendo al BJP y al Congreso) cayó al 35% desde casi el 40% observado en las elecciones generales de 2014 (Gráfico 15). Las elecciones de 2024 podrían de hecho ver aumentar un punto la cuota de escaños de los partidos regionales, ya que el conteo máximo de escaños del BJP podría disminuir respecto a los máximos de 2019.
El próximo auge de los partidos regionales de India es una tendencia arraigada en una dinámica simple. Con el BJP como incumbente de dos mandatos en las elecciones de 2024, los votantes podrían optar por gratificar a los partidos regionales en el margen, en ausencia de cualquier alternativa al BJP a nivel nacional.
El BJP sigue en condiciones de ser el partido más grande de India en 2024 con un número de escaños superior a la marca de la mitad. ¿Podría surgir una situación en la que el partido gobernante incorpore a un partido regional para mantenerse por delante de la marca de la mitad con un amplio colchón? Absolutamente. Pero, por supuesto, 2024 aún está lejos. Gestionar el COVID-19 y sus secuelas económicas hará más difícil de lo habitual para el BJP superar su rendimiento de 2019. La siguiente tanda de elecciones estatales clave en India está prevista para febrero de 2022 y el estado más grande de India, Uttar Pradesh, celebrará elecciones. Con el BJP actualmente en el poder en este estado de habla hindi, las elecciones de febrero de 2022 arrojarán más luz sobre la capacidad del BJP para mitigar el efecto de anti-incumbencia de la pandemia y el shock económico.
Conclusión: La popularidad del BJP en India se ha sacudido pero no de forma dramática. El BJP sigue firmemente en una posición para ser el partido más grande en India con un número de escaños que debería superar la marca de la mitad en 2024. Así que la estabilidad gubernamental no es una preocupación en este mercado emergente por ahora.
A la luz de los riesgos políticos internos de China y de la continuidad política en India, mantendremos nuestras apuestas en India por el momento (Gráficos 16A y 16B). Sin embargo, estamos llevando a cabo una revisión de India en su conjunto y actualizaremos a los clientes con nuestras conclusiones en un próximo informe especial.
Gráfico 16A
Mantener posiciones largas en bonos indios frente a mercados emergentes
Mantener posiciones largas en bonos indios frente a los mercados emergentes (EM)
Mantener posiciones largas en bonos indios frente a los mercados emergentes (EM)
Gráfico 16B
Mantener largo en India / corto en China
Manténgase largo en India / corto en China
Manténgase largo en India / corto en China
Conclusiones de inversión
Mantener operaciones refugio a corto plazo. Cerrar posiciones largas en futuros de gas natural con una ganancia del 19.8%.
Mantener una posición alcista cíclica (12 meses) con preferencia por las acciones de valor sobre las de crecimiento. Mantener posiciones largas en materias primas, incluidos los metales de tierras raras, y en mercados emergentes. Pero estar preparado para recortar estas operaciones si China sobreendurece la política según nuestros puntos de referencia.
Por ahora, continuar sobreponderando bonos indios en moneda local respecto a pares de mercados emergentes y acciones indias respecto a acciones chinas. Pero estamos revisando nuestra postura alcista sobre India.
Gráfico 17
Las acciones de ciberseguridad se animan en medio de la caída tecnológica
Las acciones de ciberseguridad repuntan en medio del desplome del sector tecnológico
Las acciones de ciberseguridad repuntan en medio del desplome del sector tecnológico
Mantener posiciones largas en acciones de ciberseguridad, aunque seguir prefiriendo aeroespacial y defensa sobre ciberseguridad como una apuesta geopolítica de “vuelta al trabajo”. Las acciones de ciberseguridad se animaron respecto al sector tecnológico durante la venta general de tecnología en la última semana. El ataque masivo de ransomware a Colonial Pipeline en EE. UU. cerró temporalmente una red importante que suministra alrededor del 45% del combustible de la Costa Este (Gráfico 17). No obstante, el ataque a la infraestructura crítica destaca que la ciberseguridad es un tema secular y los inversores deberían mantener exposición. Las acciones de ciberseguridad han superado al sector tecnológico en general desde el descubrimiento de la vacuna (Gráfico 18).
Gráfico 18
La ciberseguridad es un tema secular
La Ciberseguridad Es Un Tema Secular
La Ciberseguridad Es Un Tema Secular
Matt Gertken Vicepresidente Estrategia Geopolítica mattg@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Asociada de investigación yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editora/Estratega Ritika.Mankar@bcaresearch.com
Aspectos destacados
Durante el período 2021-22, la capacidad renovable representará el 90% de las incorporaciones a la generación eléctrica global, según la última previsión de la IEA. Esto seguirá al aumento del 45% a/a en la capacidad de generación renovable añadida el año pasado, que se produjo a pesar de la pandemia de COVID-19 (Gráfico de la semana).
Las continuas inversiones en renovables y vehículos eléctricos (VE) –junto con la recuperación económica global– están empujando las previsiones en bancos y empresas de trading hacia un rango de $13k - $20k/MT para el cobre, frente a ~ $10.6k/MT (~ $4.80/lb) en la actualidad.
Si estas previsiones más altas para los metales se confirman, las inversiones que prolonguen el uso de combustibles fósiles de bajas emisiones mediante tecnologías de captura de carbono y de uso circular se volverán más atractivas.
La inversión en estas tecnologías ha sido limitada porque no existe un precio de referencia global explícito con el que evaluar las inversiones. Un mercado o impuesto sobre el carbono proporcionaría dicha referencia y aceleraría la inversión. Podría monitorizarse vía un Club del Mercado de Carbono, que limitaría el comercio a los estados que publiquen y recauden el impuesto.1
Artículo
Con casi 280 GW, las incorporaciones de capacidad de energía renovable el año pasado aumentaron un 45% a/a, el mayor incremento desde 1999, según la actualización más reciente de la IEA sobre energía renovable.2 Para este año y el siguiente, se espera que las renovables representen el 90% de las incorporaciones de capacidad, lideradas por una inversión en energía solar fotovoltaica que aumentará aproximadamente un 50% hasta 162 GW. La capacidad eólica creció un 90% el año pasado, hasta 114 GW, y se espera que aumente alrededor de un 50% hasta finales de 2022.
A medida que la generación renovable –y la inversión en VE– continúa creciendo, la demanda de productos básicos (acero y mineral de hierro) y de metales base, liderada por el cobre, llevará los precios al alza. Esto ocurre en un contexto de crecimiento de la oferta plano y déficits físicos durante los cuatro años hasta 2020 (Gráfico 2). Según la IEA, un aumento del 40% en los precios del acero y el cobre entre septiembre de 2020 y marzo de 2021 contribuyó al alza de los precios de los módulos solares fotovoltaicos.
Gráfico de la semana
Aumento espectacular de la capacidad renovable
Precios de los metales en alza y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
Precios de los metales en alza y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
En nuestra evaluación, el lado de la oferta del mercado del cobre seguirá en déficit este año y el siguiente, y podría continuar en esa trayectoria si, como espera Wood Mackenzie, la demanda crece a una tasa del 2% anual durante los próximos 20 años y los mineros siguen siendo reacios a comprometer el capex necesario para mantenerse al ritmo de la demanda.3
Gráfico 2
Los déficits físicos reducirán las existencias de cobre...
Los déficits físicos reducirán las existencias de cobre...
Los déficits físicos reducirán las existencias de cobre...
El riesgo ESG para el cobre –y otros metales necesarios para construir la generación y la infraestructura requeridas en la expansión de las renovables– aumentará a medida que suban los precios, lo que también incrementará los costes.4 Los aumentos de costes junto con los crecientes riesgos ESG en esta expansión aumentarán el atractivo de la inversión en tecnologías de captura de carbono y de economía circular, en nuestra opinión. Esto extendería el uso de combustibles fósiles de bajas emisiones si la tecnología consigue acercar al mundo a un futuro de emisiones netas cero. Sin embargo, salvo que la política catalice esta inversión –por ejemplo, vía un precio global de intercambio de carbono o un impuesto– la inversión en estas tecnologías probablemente seguirá estancada.
La promesa incumplida de la tecnología de captura de carbono
La historia de la Captura, Utilización y Almacenamiento de Carbono (CCUS) ha sido una de grandes esperanzas y expectativas no cumplidas. Se reconoce generalmente como una vía para mitigar el cambio climático; sin embargo, su despliegue ha sido más lento de lo esperado.
La tecnología de bajas emisiones requiere más metales críticos que su homóloga basada en combustibles fósiles (Gráfico 3). Aparte del problema del coste, los riesgos ESG de la minería de metales para la transición energética renovable aumentarán a medida que se demanden más metales, como discutimos en investigaciones previas.5 Según Wood Mackenzie, las compañías mineras tendrán que invertir casi $1.7 billones en los próximos 15 años para ayudar a suministrar suficientes metales que permitan la transición a un mundo de bajas emisiones de carbono.6
Gráfico 3
La tecnología baja en carbono requiere muchos metales
Precios de los metales en alza y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
Precios de los metales en alza y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
Dadas estas inminentes necesidades físicas de metales, lo más probable es que los combustibles fósiles deban utilizarse durante más tiempo del que los mercados anticipan actualmente, como puente hacia el futuro bajo en carbono, o como parte de ese futuro, dependiendo de qué tan eficazmente se elimine el carbono de los hidrocarburos que alimentan la sociedad moderna. Si ese fuera el caso, usar combustibles fósiles mientras se mitiga su impacto ambiental requerirá tecnologías altamente focalizadas para reducir las emisiones de CO2 y otros gases de efecto invernadero (GEI) durante la transición hacia un futuro bajo en carbono.
Aquí entra la tecnología CCUS: esta tecnología captura el CO2 de fuentes que usan combustibles fósiles o biomasa para generar la energía necesaria para el funcionamiento de la sociedad moderna. En las iteraciones actuales de esta tecnología, el CO2 puede comprimirse y transportarse, o almacenarse en reservorios geológicos u oceánicos. Esto luego puede utilizarse para Recuperación Mejorada de Petróleo (EOR) para extraer petróleo más difícil de alcanzar inyectando CO2 en los reservorios que contienen los hidrocarburos.7
El alcance de la inversión en CCUS
El gasto en inversión en CCUS está aumentando, al igual que el número de instalaciones planificadas que usan o demuestran esta tecnología. En la edición 2020 de su Energy Technology Perspectives, la IEA señaló que se han anunciado 30 nuevas instalaciones integradas de CCUS desde 2017, principalmente en economías avanzadas como EE. UU. y Europa, pero también en algunas naciones de mercados emergentes. A fecha de 2020, los proyectos en etapas avanzadas de planificación representaban un total de $27 mil millones, más del doble de la inversión prevista en 2017 (Gráfico 4).
Entre sus muchos objetivos, el Acuerdo de París busca un equilibrio entre las emisiones de origen humano y la eliminación por sumideros de gases de efecto invernadero (absorción de los gases) en la segunda mitad del siglo XXI. En la práctica, muchos países –especialmente las economías de mercados emergentes– todavía necesitarán usar combustibles fósiles para desarrollarse durante este periodo (Gráfico 5).8
Gráfico 4
Proyectos de captura de carbono hasta la fecha
Precios de los metales en alza y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
Precios de los metales en alza y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
Gráfico 5
El desarrollo de mercados emergentes requerirá energía de combustibles fósiles
Los precios de los metales en alza y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
Los precios de los metales en alza y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
CCUS en el sector energético
Como combustible que emite menos GEI que el carbón –es decir, la mitad del CO2 del carbón– el gas natural puede usarse eficazmente como puente hacia la generación eléctrica verde (Gráfico 6).
Gráfico 6
El gas natural seguirá siendo atractivo como combustible puente
Precios de los metales en fuerte ascenso y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
Precios de los metales en fuerte ascenso y el caso a favor de la captura de carbono
El CO2 del gas natural debe eliminarse antes de que el gas seco se venda como gas de calidad para redes de gasoducto o GNL. Normalmente este CO2 se libera a la atmósfera; sin embargo, empleando la tecnología CCUS, puede reinyectarse en formaciones geológicas y utilizarse para EOR. Por esta razón, las compañías de GNL en EE. UU., el mayor exportador mundial de GNL, han estado estudiando invertir en tecnología CCUS en un intento por volverse más ecológicas.9
El CCUS también puede usarse para producir hidrógeno de bajo coste –el llamado hidrógeno azul– usando gas natural y carbón, en lugar del proceso de electrólisis más caro, que utiliza electricidad de origen renovable para producir hidrógeno "verde". Los menores costes del hidrógeno azul harán que el hidrógeno limpio sea más accesible para las naciones emergentes, abriendo nuevas vías para que el mundo utilice este vector energético en sus esfuerzos de descarbonización.
El valor del CCUS en otras industrias
La tecnología CCUS puede instalarse en centrales eléctricas e industrias existentes, que, según la IEA, de otro modo podrían seguir emitiendo 8.000 millones de toneladas de CO2 en 2050, alrededor de una cuarta parte de las emisiones anuales del sector energético en 2020.
De los generadores basados en combustibles fósiles, la generación eléctrica a carbón presenta el mayor reto de CO2, con la mayor parte de las emisiones procedentes de China y otras naciones del Asia de mercados emergentes, donde la edad media de las plantas es inferior a 20 años. Dado que la edad media de una central térmica a carbón es de 40 años, según la Asociación Nacional de Comisionados Reguladores de EE. UU., esto implica que estas plantas tienen una larga vida útil restante y podrían seguir operando hasta 2050. El CCUS es la única alternativa a retirar o reconvertir las centrales eléctricas e instalaciones industriales existentes.
La IEA considera que el CCUS es imprescindible para alcanzar emisiones netas cero. En su Escenario de Desarrollo Sostenible - en el que las emisiones globales de CO2 del sector energético disminuyen hasta alcanzar emisiones netas cero en 2070 - el CCUS representa el 15% de la reducción acumulada de emisiones. Si el mundo necesita alcanzar emisiones netas cero para 2050 en su lugar, se requeriría casi un 50% más de despliegue de CCUS.10
Implementado y escalado adecuadamente, el CCUS puede permitir que las industrias sigan usando petróleo, gas y carbón y alcanzar objetivos de emisiones netas cero, impulsando la demanda de combustibles fósiles en el medio plazo. Esto es especialmente importante para el desarrollo de los mercados emergentes.
¿Por qué no hemos avanzado más en CCUS? ¿Qué se puede hacer?
La razón principal por la que el CCUS no se utiliza más ampliamente es su coste.
Actualmente, el coste de capturar carbono varía en función de la concentración de CO2, siendo la Captura Directa de Aire la más cara (Gráfico 7). Dado lo prohibitivos de los costes, el CCUS no ha sido viable comercialmente.
Sin embargo, el mismo argumento podría haberse usado contra la implementación de fuentes de energía renovable. Si bien en un momento el coste nivelado de la energía (LCOE) de las renovables era alto, a medida que estas fuentes se han escalado –ayudadas en buena parte por subsidios gubernamentales– los costes han caído, siguiendo algo similar a una curva de decrecimiento de costes tipo Ley de Moore. Un LCOE para la generación solar informado por Lazard Ltd., que permite comparaciones entre tecnologías (por ejemplo, combustibles fósiles vs renovables), muestra que los costes de generación cayeron un 89% hasta $40/MWh desde $359/MWh entre 2009 y 2019 (Gráfico 8). Esta curva de aprendizaje pudo producirse gracias a los subsidios gubernamentales, que promovieron el despliegue de la tecnología solar.
Gráfico 7
El CCUS puede ser caro
Precios de los Metales en Alza y el Argumento a Favor de la Captura de Carbono
Precios de los Metales en Alza y el Argumento a Favor de la Captura de Carbono
Gráfico 8
Los subsidios podrían apoyar al CCUS, tal como se hizo con la solar
Los subsidios podrían respaldar el CCUS, tal como se hizo con la energía solar
Los subsidios podrían respaldar el CCUS, tal como se hizo con la energía solar
El coste de la tecnología CCUS está disminuyendo. Por ejemplo, en 2019 el Global CCS Institute informó que costó $100/tonelada capturar carbono en la planta canadiense Boundary Dam usando una unidad de CCS construida en 2014. El coste del carbono capturado en la planta estadounidense Petra Nova –construida tres años después– usando tecnología mejorada fue de $65/tonelada. Ambas son plantas eléctricas alimentadas por carbón. El informe también señaló que las plantas térmicas a carbón que planean comenzar operaciones en 2024-28 usando la misma tecnología CCS que las de Boundary Dam y Petra Nova esperan costes de carbono de aproximadamente $43/tonelada, debido a curvas de aprendizaje más pronunciadas, investigación, menores costes de capital por economías de escala y digitalización. Una característica común entre estas fuentes de reducción de costes es que las empresas necesitan invertir más en CCUS y familiarizarse con esta tecnología.
Como ocurrió con las renovables, los subsidios gubernamentales reducirían los costes prohibitivos de operar la tecnología CCUS y atraerían más participación para perfeccionar esta tecnología. Los primeros CCUS pioneros serán caros; sin embargo, los subsidios en forma de apoyo de capital o créditos fiscales aumentarán la implementación y la investigación en CCUS. Boundary Dam y Petra Nova son ejemplos de instalaciones que se beneficiaron de subsidios gubernamentales. Las instalaciones recibieron $170 millones y $200 millones respectivamente de agencias gubernamentales de Canadá y EE. UU. en el momento de la construcción de las unidades de CCS.
EE. UU. también ha implementado un sistema de crédito fiscal 45Q que paga a las instalaciones $50/tonelada de CO2 almacenada y $35/tonelada de CO2 si se utiliza en aplicaciones como la Recuperación Mejorada de Petróleo. Según el Global CCS Institute, a finales de 2019, de los ocho nuevos proyectos CCUS que se añadieron en EE. UU., cuatro citaron la presencia del 45Q como el factor clave.
Poner en marcha mercados e impuestos al carbono
El mercado del Sistema de Comercio de Emisiones (ETS) de la UE, implementado en 2005, es un ejemplo de política innovadora que incentiva a las empresas a reducir emisiones mediante fuerzas de mercado. El precio del carbono medido en estos mercados otorga un valor tangible a una externalidad negativa que antes no se registraba. La desventaja de este ETS es su dependencia de la implementación de la política ambiental de la UE, que está sujeta a cambios de política que complican el análisis de oferta y demanda para la planificación a más largo plazo –por ejemplo, el reciente aumento de su objetivo de emisiones a una reducción neta mínima del 55% de las emisiones de GEI para 2030.
Una alternativa al comercio impulsado por la política de derechos de emisiones es un impuesto por tonelada sobre las emisiones, que los gobiernos imponerían y recaudarían. Esto aumentaría los costes de las tecnologías que usan combustibles fósiles –incluidas las utilizadas en la industria minera para aumentar la oferta de productos básicos y metales base críticos necesarios para la transición a las renovables. Al mismo tiempo, dicho impuesto daría a las empresas que suministran y usan tecnologías que aumentan los niveles de CO2 un incentivo para reducir las emisiones de CO2 mediante tecnologías CCUS.
Los mercados ETS y los gobiernos que impongan impuestos al CO2 podrían formar Clubes del Mercado de Carbono –una tecnología desarrollada por William Nordhaus, el laureado con el Nobel de Economía en 2018– que restrinjan el comercio a los estados que puedan demostrar su participación y apoyo a la reducción real de carbono detallada en el Acuerdo de París mediante esquemas de comercio o impuestos.11
A medida que la transición energética verde gane tracción y los gobiernos implementen políticas más orientadas a emisiones netas cero, el precio del carbono aumentará. Al subir el precio del carbono, el coste asociado a las emisiones de carbono de las empresas también aumentará. Con los participantes del mercado esperando que el precio del carbono continúe subiendo tras alcanzar valores récord, el incentivo para que las empresas que operan en la UE utilicen la tecnología CCUS aumentará, al igual que el incentivo para las empresas sujetas a un impuesto al carbono.12
Conclusión: Dado el meteórico aumento de precio de los metales verdes, el capex infrafinanciado y los riesgos ESG asociados a la minería de metales para el futuro bajo en carbono, esperamos que los combustibles fósiles desempeñen un papel mayor en la transición hacia una sociedad baja en carbono del que los mercados anticipan actualmente. Para que los países puedan usar combustibles fósiles garantizando el cumplimiento de sus objetivos climáticos, el uso de la tecnología CCUS es importante. Para aumentar la adopción del CCUS, los gobiernos deberán subvencionar esta tecnología hasta que la demanda gane tracción, tal como ocurrió en el caso de las renovables. También será necesario fomentar los esquemas de ETS y de impuestos al carbono para catalizar la acción.
Robert P. Ryan Jefe de Estrategia de Materias Primas y Energía rryan@bcaresearch.com
Ashwin Shyam Asociado de Investigación Estrategia de Materias Primas y Energía ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com
Resumen de materias primas
Energía: Alcista
Los precios del Brent estaban rozando la puerta de $70/bbl al cierre de esta edición, tras la evaluación de la IEA sobre una robusta recuperación de la demanda en la segunda mitad de 2021 (Gráfico 9). La IEA redujo su crecimiento de la demanda para la primera mitad de 2021 en 270k b/d, debido a la destrucción de demanda inducida por el COVID-19 en India, las Américas de la OCDE y Europa, pero mantuvo intacta su estimación para la segunda mitad de 2021, dejando el crecimiento total de la demanda para este año en 5.4 mm b/d. La EIA también espera un crecimiento de la demanda de 5.4 mm b/d para este año y un crecimiento de 3.7 mm b/d el próximo año. La OPEP dejó su estimación de crecimiento de la demanda para todo 2021 en 6 mm b/d. OPEP 2.0 se reúne de nuevo el 1 de junio y, en nuestra opinión, buscará devolver más de su producción apartada al mercado. Actualizaremos nuestros balances de oferta y demanda y nuestras previsiones de precios en el informe de la próxima semana.
Metales base: Alcista
Los precios spot del cobre se negociaron en uno y otro lado de $4.80/lb en el mercado CME/COMEX esta semana al cierre de esta edición. Las amenazas de un aumento de impuestos en Chile, donde un proyecto de ley que propone tal medida avanza en el Congreso; una posible huelga de trabajadores mineros; y una escasez de ácido sulfúrico usado en la extracción del mineral provocada, según Bloomberg, por la reducción de suministros globales de azufre debido a menores refinerías en funcionamiento durante la pandemia, mantienen al cobre con buena demanda. Nuestro objetivo para el cobre COMEX de dic-21 sigue siendo $5/lb (~ $11k/ton en la LME). Mantenemos una posición larga en cobre COMEX calendario 2022 frente a corta en cobre COMEX calendario 2023 esperando que los déficits de suministro físico sigan forzando descargas de almacenamiento, lo que backwardizará la curva a plazo del metal.
Metales preciosos: Alcista
Los datos del IPC de EE. UU. del miércoles mostraron que la inflación general aumentó un 4.2% en el mes de abril en comparación con el año anterior. Aunque este aumento es el más alto desde 2008, este salto también podría estar alimentado por un efecto de base baja –los niveles de inflación estaban cayendo en esta fecha del año pasado cuando la pandemia se intensificó. Si bien la subida de precios incrementa la demanda de oro como cobertura contra la inflación, si la Reserva Federal aumenta las tasas de interés a raíz de estos datos, el dólar estadounidense se apreciará, afectando negativamente a los precios del oro (Gráfico 10). No obstante, no esperamos que la Fed cambie bruscamente su orientación por este informe, y por tanto esperamos que el banco central trate este repunte como transitorio. Al cierre de ayer, el oro COMEX cotizaba a $1,835.9/oz.
Agrícolas/Softs: Neutral
Al cierre de esta edición, el mercado de soja de Chicago estaba acelerando antes del informe programado de World Agriculture Supply and Demand Estimates (WASDE) que se publicará el miércoles. Los contratos de primera posición de soja cotizaban alrededor de $16.70/bu, subiendo un 2% en el día. El WASDE de este mes contendrá la primera estimación del USDA para la demanda en los mercados agrícolas para la campaña 2021/22. Los mercados esperan que las existencias se ajusten a medida que se fortalezca la demanda.
Gráfico 9
Precios del Brent en alza
Precios del Brent en alza
Gráfico 10
La incertidumbre por el Covid podría impulsar la demanda de oro
La incertidumbre por el Covid podría impulsar la demanda de oro
Notas al pie
1 Consulte Carbon Market Clubs and the New Paris Regime publicado por el Banco Mundial en julio de 2016. El marco intelectual y computacional para dicha tecnología fue desarrollado por William Nordhaus, el laureado con el Nobel de Economía en 2018.
2 Consulte Actualización del mercado de energía renovable, Perspectivas para 2021 y 2022.pdf, publicado por la IEA esta semana.
3 WoodMac señala: "sin inversión adicional sustancial, la producción disminuirá a partir de 2024. Unido al crecimiento de la demanda, esta disminución de la producción conducirá a un déficit teórico de alrededor de 16 Mt para 2040." La consultora estima que se necesitarán entre $325 y más de $500 mil millones adicionales para satisfacer la demanda de cobre durante este periodo. Consulte ¿Volverá a pasar factura a la industria del cobre la falta de crecimiento de la oferta? Publicado el 23 de marzo de 2021 por woodmac.com.
4 Consulte Los riesgos ESG de las renovables crecen con la demanda, que publicamos el 29 de abril de 2021. Está disponible en ces.bcaresearch.com.
5 Remítase a la nota a pie 4.
6 Consulte Un mundo bajo en carbono necesita $1.7 billones en inversión minera, publicado por Reuters.
7 Este método se usa para aumentar la producción de petróleo. Cambia las propiedades de los hidrocarburos, restaura la presión de la formación y mejora el desplazamiento del petróleo en el yacimiento. Usando EOR, las compañías petroleras pueden recuperar del 30% al 60% del petróleo original en el yacimiento. Consulte Recuperación mejorada de petróleo publicado por el Departamento de Energía de EE. UU.
8 Consulte la columna de Reuters Límites de emisiones de CO2 y desarrollo económico.
9 Consulte en World Oil el artículo de Financial Times Los actores del GNL de EE. UU. promocionan la captura de carbono para mejorar su imagen verde.
10 Consulte el Informe especial sobre Captura, Utilización y Almacenamiento de Carbono, publicado como parte de Energy Technology Perspectives 2020.
11 Véase la nota a pie 1 arriba.
12 Consulte El coste de contaminar en la UE se dispara mientras el precio del carbono alcanza un récord de €50 del Financial Times.
Perspectivas y temas de inversión
Recomendaciones estratégicas
Operaciones tácticas
Tabla de referencia de precios y estrategias de materias primas
Operaciones cerradas en 2021
Resumen de operaciones cerradas
Se avecina mayor inflación
Se avecina mayor inflación
Highlights US natural gas prices will remain well supported over the April-October injection season, as the global economic expansion gains traction, particularly in Europe, which also is refilling depleted storage levels. China's natgas demand is expected to rise more than 8% yoy, and EM Asia consumption also will be robust, which will revive US liquified natural gas (LNG) exports. Exports of US light-sweet crude into the North Sea Brent pricing pool – currently accounting for close to half the physical supply underpinning the global oil-price benchmark – also will increase over the course of the year, particularly in the summer, when maintenance will markedly reduce the physical supply of crudes making up the Brent index. At the margin, coal demand will increase in the US, as industrial natgas demand and LNG exports incentivize electric generators to favor coal. Higher-than-expected summer temperatures in the US also would boost coal demand. This will be tempered somewhat in Europe, where carbon-emissions rights traded through €50/MT for the first time this week on the EU's Emission Trading System (ETA). We expect US LNG and oil exports to revive this year (Chart of the Week) and remain long natgas in 1Q22. Feature The importance of US LNG and crude oil exports out of the US Gulf to the global economy is only now becoming apparent. As demand for these fossil fuels grows and the supply side continues to confront a highly uncertain risk-reward tradeoff, their importance will only grow. In natgas markets, US LNG cargoes out of the US Gulf balanced demand coming from Asia and Europe this past winter, which was sharply colder than expected and stretched supply chains globally. As a widening economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic spurs industrial, residential and commercial demand, and inventories in Europe and Asia are re-built in preparation for next winter, US LNG exports will be called upon to meet increasing demand, particularly since they are priced attractively vs regional importing benchmarks, with differentials vs the US presently $4+/MMBtu vs Europe and $5+/MMBtu vs Asia (Chart 2).1 Chart of the WeekUS LNG, Oil Export Growth Will Rebound Chart 2Lower US Natgas Prices Encourage LNG Exports In oil markets, an ongoing kerfuffle in the pricing of Brent Blend brought about by falling North Sea crude oil production makes American light-sweet crude oil exports from the Gulf (i.e., WTI produced mostly in the Permian Basin) account for almost half of the physical supplies in this critical benchmark-pricing market.2 US LNG Exports Will Increase US natural gas prices will remain well supported as the global economic expansion gains traction, and the US and Europe open the April-October injection season well bid (Chart 3). US inventories are expected to end the Apr-Oct injection season at just over 3.7 TCF according to the EIA, very close to where they ended the 2020 injection season. Chart 3US, Europe Rebuild Storage Higher US LNG exports, industrial, commercial and residential demand will be offset by lower consumption from electric generators this year, netting to a slight decline in overall demand. The EIA expects generators to take advantage of lower generating costs to be had burning coal to produce electricity, a view we share given the current differentials in the forward curves for each fuel (Chart 4).3 On the supply side, the EIA's expecting output to remain unchanged from last year at just under 91.5 BCF/d in 2021. Higher LNG exports, even as generator demand is falling, pushes prices higher this year – averaging $3.04/MMBtu this year – which leads to a slight increase in output in 2022. For our part, we continue to expect higher prices during the November-March heating season than currently are clearing the market and remain long 1Q22 $3.50/MMBtu calls vs. short $3.75/MMbtu calls. As of Tuesday night, when we mark to market, this position was up 20.8% since inception on 8 April 2021. Chart 4Lower Prices Will Favour Increased Coal Demand Natgas demand could surprise on the upside during the injection season if air-conditioning demand comes in stronger than expected and production remains essentially unchanged this year. This could reduce LNG exports and slow the rate of inventory refill in the US, which could further advantage coal as a burner fuel for generators in the US. The US National Weather Service's Climate Prediction Center expects above-average temperatures for most of the US population centers this summer (Chart 5). This could become a semi-permanent feature of the market if current temperature trends persist (Chart 6). Based on analyses’ run by the NOAA's National Centers for Environmental Information, 2021 "is very likely to rank among the ten warmest years on record," with lower (6%) odds of ranking in the top five hottest years on record.4 Chart 5Odds Of Hotter Summer Rising Chart 6Higher Global Temperatures Could Become A Recurring Phenomenon The Crude Kerfuffle As the Chart of the Week shows, US exports of light-sweet crude oil peaked at ~ 3.7mm b/d in February 2020, just before the COVID-19 pandemic hit the world full force. Exports out of the US Gulf – i.e., WTI priced against the Midland, TX, gathering hub – accounted for ~ 95% of these volumes. With exports currently running ~ 2.5mm b/d, more than 1mm b/d of readily available export capacity remains in place. Additional volumes will be developed as dredging of the Corpus Christi, TX, progresses. While the surge in US crude oil production has subsided in the wake of the pandemic, it most likely will revive as the markets return to normal operating procedure, additional dredging operations are completed, and storage facilities are built out.5 Existing and additional export capacity of the US's light-sweet crude could not arrive at a more opportune time for the Brent market, which remains in a state of uncertainty as to whether markets will have to adjust to CIF contracts or a work-around to the existing FOB pricing regime, which can be augmented to accommodate increasing WTI volumes.6 This will have to be sorted, as this is the future of the market's most important pricing index (Chart 7). The buildout in crude-oil exporting capacity – and natgas LNG exporting capacity, for that matter – ideally accommodates shale-oil- and -gas assets, which can be ramped up quickly to meet demand, and ramped down quickly as demand falters. The quick payback – 2 to 3 years – on these investments allow the producers to expand and contract output without the massive risks longer-lived conventional assets impose. As OPEC 2.0's spare capacity is returned to the market, this will be a welcome feature of a market that most likely will require oil and gas supplies for decades, despite the uncertainty attending oil-and-gas capex during the transition to a low-carbon energy future. Chart 7Permian Replaces North Sea Losses Bottom Line: As the future of hydrocarbons evolves, the LNG and crude oil exported from the US Gulf will occupy an increasingly important role in these markets. Oil and gas producers are making capex decisions under increasingly uncertain conditions, which favor exactly the type of resources that have propelled the US to the position of the world's largest producer of these fuels – i.e., shale-oil and -gas. Production from these resources can be ramped up and down quickly as prices dictate, and have quick paybacks (2-3 years), which means capital is not tied up for decades as a return is earned.7 Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish OPEC 2.0 begins returning 2mm b/d to the market this month, expecting to be done by July. Half of these volumes are accounted for by Saudi Arabia, which voluntarily cut output by 1mm b/d earlier in the year to help balance the market. In line with our maintained hypothesis that OPEC 2.0 prefers prices inside the $60-$70/bbl price band, we expect the return of curtailed production to be front-loaded so as to bring prices down from current levels approaching $70/bbl for Brent (Chart 8). If, as we expect, demand recovers sooner than expected as Europe leans into its vaccination program, additional barrels will be returned to the market to get prices closer to a $60-$65/bbl range. Base Metals: Bullish The International Copper Study Group (ICSG) forecast copper mine production will increase by ~ 3.5% in 2021 and 3.7% in 2022, after adjusting for historical disruption factors. This forecasted increase – after three years of flat mined production growth – is due to a ramp-up of recently commissioned and new copper mines becoming operational in 2021. An improvement in the pandemic situation by 2022 will also boost mined copper production, according to the ICSG. 2020 production remained flat as recoveries in production in some countries due to constrained output in 2019 balanced the negative impacts of the pandemic in others. In Chile, the largest copper producer, state-owned Codelco and Collahuasi reported strong results in March. However, this was countered by a continued downturn at BHP’s Escondida. The world’s largest copper mine saw a drop in production for the eighth consecutive month. This mixed output resulted in a decline in total production of 1.2% year-on-year in March. Precious Metals: Bullish COMEX palladium touched a record high during intraday trading on Tuesday, reaching $3,019/oz due to continued tight market conditions (Chart 9). On the supply side, Nornickel is recovering from flooded mines, which occurred in February. By mid-April, one of the two affected mines was operating at 60% capacity; however, the company's other mine is only expected to come back online by early June. On the demand side, strength in US vehicle sales and a global economic recovery from the pandemic buoyed the metal used in catalytic converters. Palladium prices closed at $2,981.60/oz on Tuesday. Ags/Softs: Neutral Corn again traded above $7/bu earlier in the week on the back of drought-like dry weather conditions in Brazil's principal growing regions and surging US exports, according to Farm Futures. Chart 8 Chart 9 Footnotes 1 Stronger demand from China – where consumption is expected to rise more than 8% yoy – and EM Asia will continue to support LNG demand through the year. S&P Global Platts Analytics expects Chinese natural gas demand to reach 12,713 Bcf in 2021, up 8.4% from the previous year. Chinese national oil company Sinopec is slightly more conservative in its outlook, expecting gas demand of ~ 12,006-12,184 Bcf in 2021, up 6-8% from 2020. China’s average annual increase in natural gas demand is expected to exceed 716 Bcf in the 14th FYP and reach 15,185 Bcf in 2025. 2 Please see CIF Brent Benchmark? published 3 March 2021 by the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies for a discussion. 3 In Chart 3, we plot a rough measure of coal- vs natgas-fired generation economics for these fuels based on their average operating heat rates published by the EIA. We would note that a carbon tax would erase much of the benefit accruing to coal at this point in time. 4 Please see NOAA's Global Climate Report - March 2021. 5 Please see Low Rider - Corpus Christi's Ship Channel Dredging Will Streamline Crude Oil Exports published by RBN Energy 3 May 2021. 6 The OIES analysis cited above concludes, "… the volumes of the FOB deliverable crudes are diminishing and some change, bolstering the contract is certainly needed. The most likely compromise is to retain the existing FOB Brent with an inclusion of CIF WTI Midland assessment, netted back to an FOB equivalent North Sea value." We agree with this assessment. Please see CIF Brent Benchmark? published 3 March 2021 by the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, p. 8. 7 Please see Is shale activity actually profitable? Size matters, says Rystad published 7 February 2019. Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2021 Summary of Closed Trades
Highlights The kiwi will continue to benefit from a pandemic-free recovery and normalization in monetary policy from the RBNZ. However, the kiwi is becoming expensive according to most of our models. This will begin to impact growth via the trade channel. For the rest of the year, the NZD/USD could hit 75 cents, but will likely underperform other developed market currencies. Feature Chart I-1NZD And Relative Economic Growth New Zealand has been one of the few countries to get the COVID-19 pandemic under control in short order. Since June of last year, the number of new infections has been practically zero. The vaccination program is lagging most other developed countries, but the authorities expect most citizens will be inoculated by the end of this year. The travel bubble with Australia has opened up the service sector to a recovery that remains the envy of most other developed economies. The New Zealand dollar has responded in tandem with the improvement in domestic conditions (Chart I-1). While the USD is up this year, NZD has still appreciated by about 1% against the dollar. From the March lows last year, the kiwi is up 22%, only trailing the Australian dollar and Norwegian krone within the G10. In this report, we explore the outlook for the kiwi, looking at key drivers such as the pandemic, the commodities boom, and the prospect for monetary policy amidst a hot housing market. In our view, the NZD still faces upside, but less so than other developed market currencies. A Robust Recovery Together with Singapore and Australia, Bloomberg ranks New Zealand as one of the safest places to be during the pandemic. This has allowed the manufacturing PMI in New Zealand to hit fresh highs, easily surpassing very robust activity in the US. Relative economic performance between New Zealand and its trading partners has tended to define the trend in the currency. The services sector is still trailing behind, as most of the world remains under lockdown (Chart I-2). However, a travel bubble has opened up with Australia, and it is fair to assume that service-sector activity is a coiled spring ready to rebound, especially as tourism constitutes a non-negligible share of New Zealand GDP (Chart I-3). Chart I-2A Recovery In Services Underway Chart I-3Tourism Will Boost NZ GDP Employment in New Zealand has already seen a sizeable recovery. The unemployment rate hit 4.9% in December, very close to the Reserve Bank of New Zealand’s (RBNZ) own estimate of NAIRU. Next week’s release should show an even more robust rebound. Inflation remains well contained at 1.5%, but as the economy begins to bump against supply-side constraints, this should change. The quarterly employment survey showed that wages are rising at a 4% clip. Eventually, a labour market that has fully recovered, burgeoning inflationary pressures and an economy open for business will mean the need for the RBNZ to maintain emergency monetary policy settings will be eliminated. A Terms-Of-Trade Boom While the domestic economy has benefited from strong government support, and very accommodative monetary policy settings, the external environment has also provided a gentle tailwind for the New Zealand economy. Over the last few decades, one of the key primary drivers of the NZD exchange rate has been terms of trade. New Zealand’s top exports are predominantly in agricultural commodities. Strong export growth has boosted the trade balance, both in volume and price terms (Chart I-4). An increasing trade balance naturally means that NZDs are being buffeted with demand. China has led the pack in imports from New Zealand vis-à-vis other countries by simple virtue of the fact that the authorities started injecting stimulus much earlier on, which helped ease domestic financing conditions. China is also New Zealand’s biggest export market. While the credit impulse in China is set to slow this year, demand for foodstuffs is less sensitive compared to demand for other higher-beta commodities. This will support New Zealand exports. At the same time, there has been a supply component to the boom in agricultural commodity prices. Adverse weather has impacted the planting season for many agricultural goods. As a result, stock-to-use ratios have begun to roll over, particularly in some of the goods that New Zealand exports (Chart I-5). This is likely to reverse, as farmers take advantage of higher prices and increase productivity. Chart I-4A Terms Of Trade ##br##Boom Chart I-5Falling Stocks Have Boosted Agricultural Prices In a nutshell, the outperformance of the kiwi has been a combination of supply shocks in the agricultural market, and an economy that has had an impressive rebound. Going forward, the kiwi should continue to do well versus the dollar as economic momentum picks up. The Housing Mandate Housing prices in New Zealand have been on a tear (Chart I-6). As a result, the government has mandated that house price considerations be tied into monetary policy decisions. The direct implication of this is that interest rates in New Zealand are set to increase. In the coming months, the labor market mandate for the RBNZ is about to become a lot tougher, because of the opposing forces between financial and economic stability. Tightening monetary policy too fast and too soon will expose the economy to a potential relapse in growth. But allowing housing prices to continue to become unaffordable for most residents is both politically untenable and economically unsustainable. The end game is likely to be as follows: The RBNZ will be quick to tighten monetary policy on domestic grounds and housing market concerns. This will provide a further boost to the kiwi. Yields in New Zealand are already among the highest in the G10, which will only accelerate with tighter monetary conditions. By the same token, the Chinese economy will likely slow as the credit impulse is peaking. This means New Zealand domestic growth will become more important for the NZD than external conditions. Countries with relatively easier monetary policy will see some benefit. Particularly, the Reserve Bank of Australia might lag the RBNZ. If this eventually benefits the Aussie economy, it might hurt the AUD/NZD cross now, but might make way for fresh long positions later (Chart I-7). Chart I-6A Housing Market Boom Chart I-7Where Next For AUD/NZD? Historically, housing prices in New Zealand have correlated quite strongly with the exchange rate. If the RBNZ is successful in engineering lower housing prices, it will also succeed in weakening the NZD (Chart I-8). Chart I-8House Prices And The Kiwi We were stopped out of our long AUD/NZD trade last week for a modest profit of 2.3%. We are standing aside for the time being, but will be buyers of the cross at 1.05. This will likely be realized towards the end of this year when optimism on the kiwi is likely to peak. How High Can The NZD Bounce? Another reason why the rise in the NZD might soon face strong upside resistance is valuation. Usually, a rise in the NZD over a cycle goes uninterrupted until the cross becomes expensive. On this basis, the kiwi might soon peak. Our purchasing power parity (PPP) models point to a 10% overvaluation in the New Zealand dollar (Chart I-9) versus the USD. Chart I-9The NZD Is Expensive One of our favorite metrics for the kiwi’s fair value is its real effective exchange rate relative to its terms of trade. On this basis, the New Zealand dollar is around fair value. On a longer-term real effective exchange rate basis (REER), the kiwi is 7.4% expensive, or 0.7 standard deviation above the mean (Chart I-10). Chart I-10The NZD Is Expensive The equity market in New Zealand looks particularly vulnerable. Heavily weighted in defensive sectors, this bourse will be particularly vulnerable to a rise in yields that will derail potential equity inflows (Chart I-11). Chart I-11Kiwi Stocks Are Expensive Chart I-12CHF/NZD Could Rise With Volatility Another opportunity is to buy the CHF/NZD cross, which looks attractive at current levels (Chart I-12). Should markets experience some form of turbulence, the cross will benefit. Meanwhile, CHF/NZD just dipped to the upward sloping trend line that has dictated support levels for this cross since 2007. Thus, we recommend investors initiate a long position in CHF/NZD. Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 The data out of the US were mildly positive this week. Quarter-on-quarter annualized GDP growth came in at 6.4% in Q1, rising from 4.3% in the previous quarter. Initial jobless claims fell to 553K in the week ended April 23, from 566K the previous week. Consumer Confidence for April came in at 121.7 beating the expected 113. The S&P/Case-Shiller House Price Index rose 11.9% year-on-year in February. Fed maintained the target range for the Fed Funds rate at 0 to 0.25%. The US dollar DXY index was flat this week. Although the dollar advanced earlier in the week with treasury yields posting small gains, it weakened on Wednesday ahead of the Fed meeting. Compared to the record-breaking preliminary PMIs of last Friday, milder data this week and the dovish tone of the Fed aren’t helping the downward trend of the dollar. Report Links: Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears - March 19, 2021 The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Are Rising Bond Yields Bullish For The Dollar? - February 19, 2021 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 Recent euro area data have been soft. The IFO Business Climate Index inched up only 0.2 points to 96.8 and disappointed expectations of a much more significant increase to 97.8. The BNB Business Barometer of Belgium surprised to the upside and jumped to a decade high of 4.4 from a revised 1.04. The German GfK Consumer Confidence contracted to -8.8 for May and the French Consumer Confidence stayed the same in April. The euro strengthened by 0.5% against the US dollar this week. The uneven data out of Europe reflects differences in COVID restrictions throughout the region. Tighter measures were announced in some German regions and Belgium is easing restrictions. However, overall, we remain optimistic on the outlook for the entire region as the accelerating vaccination effort should support the economy reopening this summer. We are long EUR/CHF. Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 The data out of Japan was scant this week. Bank of Japan maintained interest rates at -0.1%. Retail Sales in March grew 5.2% year-on-year, beating forecasts of 4.7%. The Japanese yen weakened by 0.5% this week. Due to the current state of emergency throughout the country, the Bank of Japan is ready to further ease monetary policy as needed and warned of the likelihood for consumption to stay depressed. That said, our intermediate term indicator is hinting at a rebound in the currency. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 The data out of the UK this week was positive. The Confederation of British Industry (CBI) retail sales volume balance rose to 20 in April from -45 in March, recording the sharpest growth since 2018. The British pound rose by 0.7% against the US dollar this week. The strong retail sales numbers came amidst lockdowns being lifted. While May will continue to see further restrictions eased, cable faces threats from its own success so far this year as well as UK’s recent political turmoil. Also, both the speculative positioning and our intermediate-term indicator are at elevated levels. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 The data out of Australia have been soft lately. CPI in Q1 rose 0.6% versus Q4 last year, below the expected 0.9%. The year-on-year growth of 1.1% also undershot the 1.4% forecast. Trimmed mean CPI grew 0.3% on the prior quarter and 1.1% versus a year ago, both failing to beat expectations. The Q1 export price index rose 11.2% over the prior quarter, compared to the 5.5% rise in Q4. The Australian dollar rose by 1% against the US dollar this week. In addition to both CPI measures disappointing to the downside, a foreseeable peak in the commodity market driven by the slowdown in China can also be a downward drag on the currency especially when the sentiment on the Aussie is elevated. We are short AUD/MXN and were stopped out of our long AUD/NZD trade. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? - January 20, 2021 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 The data out of New Zealand have been neutral. Trade Balance in March improved by NZD 33M over a month ago and NZD 1690M a year ago. ANZ business confidence came in at -2 in April, higher than the -4.1 the prior month. The New Zealand dollar strengthened by 1% against the US dollar this week. We discuss the kiwi at length in the front section of this week’s report. The conclusion is that NZD faces near-term upside, but will lag other procyclical currencies over the longer term. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 The data out of Canada this week continue to be positive. Both Retail Sales and Core Retail Sales in February grew 4.8% over the prior month, comfortably exceeding the expectations of 3.7% and 4% growth, respectively. The Canadian dollar rose 0.8% against the US dollar this week. The loonie reacted positively to the strong retail numbers as it continues its path upward on strong inflation data of recent months and a hawkish Bank of Canada. However, even as the COVID case count appears to have peaked, there remains downside risks of very elevated commodity prices and our intermediate-term indicator still just off a recent peak. Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Will The Canadian Recovery Lead Or Lag The Global Cycle? - February 12, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 There was scant data out of Switzerland this week. ZEW expectations for April came in at 68.3, slightly higher than the 66.7 from the prior month. The Swiss franc rose 0.4% against the US dollar this week. While the waning of investors’ sentiment and net speculative positioning may point to some softening in the near term, the recent COVID crisis in India can provide support to this risk-off currency. We are long EUR/CHF. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 The data out of Norway this week was positive. Core Retail Sales came in unchanged in March versus the prior month, but beat expectations of a 0.9% decline. The Norwegian krone was 0.8% higher against the USD this week. Norway fits the bill in terms of a post-pandemic boom. New COVID-19 cases are under control, the economy is rebounding, oil prices are strong and the central bank is on a path the raise interest rates this year. Being long the NOK is one of our strongest convictions calls in FX. We are long NOK/USD and NOK/EUR. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 Data out of Sweden this week have been mixed. The Riksbank maintained the policy rate at 0%. Trade Balance in March came in at SEK4.1B versus SEK6B in the prior month. Retail sales in March grew by 2.6% month-on-month and 9.1% year-on-year, both an improvement versus the prior period. The unemployment rate in March rose to 10% versus 9.7% the prior month. The Swedish Krona strengthened 0.5% against the US dollar this week, continuing its upward momentum throughout April. The recent accommodative signals from the Riksbank meeting were within expectations amidst elevated COVID case counts and restrictions. Despite its commendable gains so far this month, we remain optimistic on this high beta currency as the eurozone recovery and global reflation are in sight. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Where To Next For The US Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades
Highlights Biden’s first 100 days are characterized by a liberal spend-and-tax agenda unseen since the 1960s. It is not a “bait and switch,” however. Voters do not care about deficits and debt. At least not for now. The apparent outcome of the populist surge in the US and UK in 2016 is blowout fiscal spending. Yet the US and UK also invented and distributed vaccines faster than others. US growth and equities have outperformed while the US dollar experienced a countertrend bounce. While growth will rotate to other regions, China’s stimulus is on the wane. Of Biden’s three initial geopolitical risks, two are showing signs of subsiding: Russia and Iran. US-China tensions persist, however, and Biden has been hawkish so far. Our new Australia Geopolitical Risk Indicator confirms our other indicators in signaling that China risk, writ large, remains elevated. Cyclically we are optimistic about the Aussie and Australian stocks. Mexico’s midterm elections are likely to curb the ruling party’s majority but only marginally. The macro and geopolitical backdrop is favorable for Mexico. Feature US President Joe Biden gave his first address to the US Congress on April 28. Biden’s first hundred days are significant for his extravagant spending proposals, which will rank alongside those of Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society, if not Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, in their impact on US history, for better and worse. Chart 1Biden's First 100 Days - The Market's Appraisal The global financial market appraisal is that Biden’s proposals will turn out for the better. The market has responded to the US’s stimulus overshoot, successful vaccine rollout, and growth outperformance – notably in the pandemic-struck service sector – by bidding up US equities and the dollar (Chart 1). From a macro perspective we share the BCA House View in leaning against both of these trends, preferring international equities and commodity currencies. However, our geopolitical method has made it difficult for us to bet directly against the dollar and US equities. Geopolitics is about not only wars and trade but also the interaction of different countries’ domestic politics. America’s populist spending blowout is occurring alongside a sharp drop in China’s combined credit-and-fiscal impulse, which will eventually weigh on the global economy. This is true even though the rest of the world is beginning to catch up in vaccinations and economic normalization. As for traditional geopolitical risk – wars and alliances – Biden has not yet leaped over the three initial foreign policy hurdles that we have highlighted: China, Russia, and Iran. In this report we will update the view on all three, as there is tentative improvement on the Russian and Iranian fronts. In addition, we will introduce our newest geopolitical risk indicator – for Australia – and update our view on Mexico ahead of its June 6 midterm elections. Biden’s Fiscal Blowout From a macro point of view, Biden’s $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) was much larger than what Republicans would have passed if President Trump had won a second term. His proposed $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan (AJP) is also larger, though both candidates were likely to pass an infrastructure package. The difference lies in the parts of these packages that relate to social spending and other programs, beyond COVID relief and roads and bridges. The Republican proposal for COVID relief was $618 billion while the Republicans’ current proposal on infrastructure is $568 billion – marking a $3 trillion difference from Biden. In reality Republicans would have proposed larger spending if Trump had remained president – but not enough to close this gap. And Biden is also proposing a $1.8 trillion American Families Plan (AFP). Biden’s praise for handling the vaccinations must be qualified by the Trump administration’s successful preparations, which have been unfairly denigrated. Similarly, Biden’s blame for the migrant surge at the southern border must be qualified by the fact that the surge began last year.1 A comparison with the UK will put Biden’s administration into perspective. The only country comparable to the US in terms of the size of fiscal stimulus over 2019-21 so far – excluding Biden’s AJP and AFP, which are not yet law – is the United Kingdom. Thus the consequence of the flare-up of populism in the Anglo-Saxon world since 2016 is a budget deficit blowout as these countries strive to suppress domestic socio-political conflict by means of government largesse, particularly in industrial and social programs. However, populist dysfunction was also overrated. Both the US and UK retain their advantages in terms of innovation and dynamism, as revealed by the vaccine and its rollout (Chart 2). Chart 2Dysfunctional Anglo-Saxon Populism? No sharp leftward turn occurred in the UK, where Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his Conservatives had the benefit of a pre-COVID election in December 2019, which they won. By contrast, in the US, President Trump and the Republicans contended an election after the pandemic and recession had virtually doomed them to failure. There a sharp leftward turn is taking place. Going forward the US will reclaim the top rank in terms of fiscal stimulus, as Biden is likely to get his infrastructure plan (AJP) passed. Our updated US budget deficit projections appear in Chart 3. Our sister US Political Strategy gives the AJP an 80% chance of passing in some form and the AFP only a 50% chance of passing, depending on how quickly the AJP is passed. This means the blue dashed line is more likely to occur than the red dashed line. The difference is slight despite the mind-boggling headline numbers of the plans because the spending is spread out over eight-to-ten years and tax hikes over 15 years will partially offset the expenditures. Much will depend on whether Congress is willing to pay for the new spending. In Chart 3 we assume that Biden will get half of the proposed corporate tax hikes in the AJP scenario (and half of the individual tax hikes in the AFP scenario). If spending is watered down, and/or tax hikes surprise to the upside, both of which are possible, then the deficit scenarios will obviously tighten, assuming the economic recovery continues robustly as expected. But in the current political environment it is safest to plan for the most expansive budget deficit scenarios, as populism is the overriding force. Chart 3Biden’s Blowout Spending Biden’s campaign plan was even more visionary, so it is not true that Biden pulled a “bait and switch” on voters. Rather, the median voter is comfortable with greater deficits and a larger government role in American life. Bottom Line: The implication of Biden’s spending blowout is reflationary for the global economy, cyclically negative for the US dollar, and positive for global equities. But on a tactical time frame the rotation to other equities and currencies will also depend on China’s fiscal-and-credit deceleration and whether geopolitical risk continues to fall. Russia: Some Improvement But Coast Not Yet Clear US-Russia tensions appeared to fizzle over the past week but the coast is not yet clear. We remain short Russian currency and risk assets as well as European emerging market equities. Tensions fell after President Putin’s State of the Nation address on April 21 in which he warned the West against crossing Russia’s “red lines.” Biden’s sanctions on Russia were underwhelming – he did not insist on halting the final stages of the Nord Stream II pipeline to Germany. Russia declared it would withdraw its roughly 100,000 troops from the Ukrainian border by May 1. Russian dissident Alexei Navalny ended his hunger strike. Putin attended Biden’s Earth Day summit and the two are working on a bilateral summit in June. Chart 4Russia's Domestic Instability Will Continue De-escalation is not certain, however. First, some US officials have cast doubt on Russia’s withdrawal of troops and it is known that arms and equipment were left in place for a rapid mobilization and re-escalation if necessary. Second, Russian-backed Ukrainian separatists will be emboldened, which could increase fighting in Ukraine that could eventually provoke Russian intervention. Third, the US has until August or September to prevent Nord Stream from completion. Diplomacy between Russia and the US (and Russia and several eastern European states) has hit a low point on the withdrawal of ambassadors. Fourth, Russian domestic politics was always the chief reason to prepare for a worse geopolitical confrontation and it remains unsettled. Putin’s approval rating still lingers in the relatively low range of 65% and government approval at 49%. The economic recovery is weak and facing an increasingly negative fiscal thrust, along with Europe and China, Russia’s single-largest export destination (Chart 4). Putin’s handouts to households, in anticipation of the September Duma election, only amount to 0.2% of GDP. More measures will probably be announced but the lead-up to the election could still see an international adventure designed to distract the public from its socioeconomic woes. Russia’s geopolitical risk indicators ticked up as anticipated (Chart 5). They may subside if the military drawdown is confirmed and Biden and Putin lower the temperature. But we would not bet on it. Chart 5Russian Geopolitical Risk: Wait For 'All Clear' Signal Bottom Line: It is possible that Biden has passed his first foreign policy test with Russia but it is too soon to sound the “all clear.” We remain short Russian ruble and short EM Europe until de-escalation is confirmed. The Russian (and German) elections in September will mark a time for reassessing this view. Iran: Diplomacy On Track (Hence Jitters Will Rise) While Russia may or may not truly de-escalate tensions in Ukraine, the spring and summer are sure to see an increase in focus on US-Iran nuclear negotiations. Geopolitical risks will remain high prior to the conclusion of a deal and will materialize in kinetic attacks of various kinds. This thesis is confirmed by the alleged Israeli sabotage of Iran’s Natanz nuclear facility this month. The US Navy also fired warning shots at Iranian vessels staging provocations. Sporadic attacks in other parts of the region also continue to flare, most recently with an Iranian tanker getting hit by a drone at a Syrian oil terminal.2 The US and Iran are making progress in the Vienna talks toward rejoining the 2015 nuclear deal from which the US withdrew in 2018. Iran pledged to enrich uranium up to 60% but also said this move was reversible – like all its tentative violations of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA) so far (Table 1). Iran also offered a prisoner swap with the US. Saudi Arabia appears resigned to a resumption of the JCPA that it cannot prevent, with crown prince Mohammed bin Salman offering diplomatic overtures to both the US and Iran. Table 1Iran’s Nuclear Program And Compliance With JCPA 2015 Still, the closer the US and Iran get to a deal the more its opponents will need to either take action or make preparations for the aftermath. The allegation that former US Secretary of State John Kerry’s shared Israeli military plans with Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif is an example of the kind of political brouhaha that will occur as different elements try to support and oppose the normalization of US-Iran ties. More importantly Israel will underscore its red line against nuclear weaponization. Previously Iran was set to reach “breakout” capability of uranium enrichment – a point at which it has enough fissile material to produce a nuclear device – as early as May. Due to sabotage at the Natanz facility the breakout period may have been pushed back to July.3 This compounds the significance of this summer as a deadline for negotiating a reduction in tensions. While the US may be prepared to fudge on Iran’s breakout capabilities, Israel will not, which means a market-relevant showdown should occur this summer before Israel backs down for fear of alienating the United States. Tit-for-tat attacks in May and June could cause negative surprises for oil supply. Then there will be a mad dash by the negotiators to agree to deal before the de facto August deadline, when Iran inaugurates a new president and it becomes much harder to resolve outstanding issues. Chart 6Iran Deal Priced Into Oil Markets? Hence our argument that geopolitics adds upside risk to oil prices in the first half of the year but downside risk in the second half. The market’s expectations seem already to account for this, based on the forward curve for Brent crude oil. The marginal impact of a reconstituted Iran nuclear deal on oil prices is slightly negative over the long run since a deal is more likely to be concluded than not and will open up Iran’s economy and oil exports to the world. However, our Commodity & Energy Strategy expects the Brent price to exceed expectations in the coming years, judging by supply and demand balances and global macro fundamentals (Chart 6). If an Iran deal becomes a fait accompli in July and August the Saudis could abandon their commitment to OPEC 2.0’s production discipline. The Russians and Saudis are not eager to return to a market share war after what happened in March 2020 but we cannot rule it out in the face of Iranian production. Thus we expect oil to be volatile. Oil producers also face the threat of green energy and US shale production which gives them more than one reason to keep up production and prevent prices from getting too lofty. Throughout the post-2015 geopolitical saga between the US and Iran, major incidents have caused an increase in the oil-to-gold ratio. The risk of oil supply disruption affected the price more than the flight to gold due to geopolitical or war risk. The trend generally corresponds with that of the copper-to-gold ratio, though copper-to-gold rose higher when growth boomed and oil outperformed when US-Iran tensions spiked in 2019. Today the copper-to-gold ratio is vastly outperforming the oil-to-gold on the back of the global recovery (Chart 7). This makes sense from the point of view of the likelihood of a US-Iran deal this year. But tensions prior to a deal will push up oil-to-gold in the near term. Chart 7Biden Passes Iran Test? Likely But Not A Done Deal Bottom Line: The US-Iran diplomacy is on track. This means geopolitical risk will escalate in May and June before a short-term or interim deal is agreed in July or August. Geopolitical risk stemming from US-Iran relations will subside thereafter, unless the deadline is missed. The forward curve has largely priced in the oil price downside except for the risk that OPEC 2.0 becomes dysfunctional again. We expect upside price surprises in the near term. Biden, China, And Our Australia GeoRisk Indicator Ostensibly the US and Russia are avoiding a war over Ukraine and the US and Iran are negotiating a return to the 2015 nuclear deal. Only US-China relations utterly lack clarity, with military maneuvering in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea and tensions simmering over the gamut of other disputes. Chart 8Biden Still Faces China Test The latest data on global military spending show not only that the US and China continue to build up their militaries but also that all of the regional allies – including Japan! – are bulking up defense spending (Chart 8). This is a substantial confirmation of the secular growth of geopolitical risk, specifically in reaction to China’s rise and US-China competition. The first round of US-China talks under Biden went awry but since then a basis has been laid for cooperation on climate change, with President Xi Jinping attending Biden’s virtual climate change summit (albeit with no bilateral summit between the two). If John Kerry is removed as climate czar over his Iranian controversy it will not have an impact other than to undermine American negotiators’ reliability. The deeper point is that climate is a narrow basis for US-China cooperation and it cannot remotely salvage the relationship if a broader strategic de-escalation is not agreed. Carbon emissions are more likely to become a cudgel with which the US and West pressure China to reform its economy faster. The Department of Defense is not slated to finish its comprehensive review of China policy until June but most US government departments are undertaking their own reviews and some of the conclusions will trickle out in May, whether through Washington’s actions or leaks to the press. Beijing could also take actions that upend the Biden administration’s assessment, such as with the Microsoft hack exposed earlier this year. The Biden administration will soon reveal more about how it intends to handle export controls and sanctions on China. For example, by May 19 the administration is slated to release a licensing process for companies concerned about US export controls on tech trade with China due to the Commerce Department’s interim rule on info tech supply chains. The Biden administration looks to be generally hawkish on China, a view that is now consensus. Any loosening of punitive measures would be a positive surprise for Chinese stocks and financial markets in general. There are other indications that China’s relationship with the West is not about to improve substantially – namely Australia. Australia has become a bellwether of China’s relations with the world. While the US’s defense commitments might be questionable with regard to some of China’s neighbors – namely Taiwan (Province of China) but also possibly South Korea and the Philippines – there can be little doubt that Australia, like Japan, is the US’s red line in the Pacific. Australian politics have been roiled over the past several years by the revelation of Chinese influence operations, state- or military-linked investments in Australia, and propaganda campaigns. A trade war erupted last year when Australia called for an investigation into the origins of COVID-19 and China’s handling of it. Most recently, Victoria state severed ties with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Despite the rise in Sino-Australian tensions, the economic relationship remains intact. China’s stimulus overweighed the impact of its punitive trade measures against Australia, both by bidding up commodity prices and keeping the bulk of Australia’s exports flowing (Chart 9). As much as China might wish to decouple from Australia, it cannot do so as long as it needs to maintain minimum growth rates for the sake of social stability and these growth rates require resources that Australia provides. For example, global iron ore production excluding Australia only makes up 80% of China’s total iron ore imports, which necessitates an ongoing dependency here (Chart 10). Brazil cannot make up the difference. Chart 9China-Australia Trade Amid Tensions Chart 10China Cannot Replace Australia This resource dependency does not necessarily reduce geopolitical tension, however, because it increases China’s supply insecurity and vulnerability to the US alliance. The US under Biden explicitly aims to restore its alliances and confront autocratic regimes. This puts Australia at the front lines of an open-ended global conflict. Chart 11Introducing: Australia GeoRisk Indicator (Smoothed) Our newly devised Australia GeoRisk Indicator illustrates the point well, as it has continued surging since the trade war with China first broke out last year (Chart 11). This indicator is based on the Australian dollar and its deviation from underlying macro variables that should determine its course. These variables are described in Appendix 1. If the Aussie weakens relative to these variables, then an Australian-specific risk premium is apparent. We ascribe that premium to politics and geopolitics writ large. A close examination of the risk indicator’s performance shows that it tracks well with Australia’s recent political history (Chart 12). Previous peaks in risk occurred when President Trump rose to power and Australia, like Canada, found itself beset by negative pressures from both the US and China. In particular, Trump threatened tariffs and the Australian government banned China’s Huawei from its 5G network. Today the rise in geopolitical risk stems almost exclusively from China. There is potential for it to roll over if Biden negotiates a reduction in tensions but that is a risk to our view (an upside risk for Australian and global equities). Chart 12Australian GeoRisk Indicator (Unsmoothed) What does this indicator portend for tradable Australian assets? As one would expect, Australian geopolitical risk moves inversely to the country’s equities, currency, and relative equity performance (Chart 13). Australian equities have risen on the back of global growth and the commodity boom despite the rise in geopolitical risk. But any further spike in risk could jeopardize this uptrend. Chart 13Australia Geopolitical Risk And Tradable Assets An even clearer inverse relationship emerges with the AUD-JPY exchange rate, a standard measure of risk-on / risk-off sentiment in itself. If geopolitical risk rises any further it should cause a reversal in the currency pair. Finally, Australian equities have not outperformed other developed markets excluding the US, which may be due to this elevated risk premium. Bottom Line: China is the most important of Biden’s foreign policy hurdles and unlike Russia and Iran there is no sign of a reduction in tension yet. Our Australian GeoRisk Indicator supports the point that risk remains very elevated in the near term. Moreover China’s credit deceleration is also negative for Australia. Cyclically, however, assuming that China does not overtighten policy, we take a constructive view on the Aussie and Australian equities. Biden’s Border Troubles Distract From Bullish Mexico Story The biggest criticism of Biden’s first 100 days has been his reduction in a range of enforcement measures on the southern border which has encouraged an overflow of immigrants. Customs and Border Patrol have seen a spike in “encounters” from a low point of around 17,000 in 2020 to about 170,000 today. The trend started last year but accelerated sharply after the election and had surpassed the 2019 peak of 144,000. Vice President Kamala Harris has been put in charge of managing the border crisis, both with Mexico and Central American states. She does not have much experience with foreign policy so this is her opportunity to learn on the job. She will not be able to accomplish much given that the Biden administration is unwilling to use punitive measures or deterrence and will not have large fiscal resources available for subsidizing the nations to the south. With the US economy hyper-charged, especially relative to its southern neighbors, the pace of immigration is unlikely to slacken. From a macro point of view the relevance is that the US is not substantially curtailing immigration – quite the opposite – which means that labor force growth will not deviate from its trend. What about Mexico itself? It is not likely that Harris will be able to engage on a broader range of issues with Mexico beyond immigration. As usual Mexico is beset with corruption, lawlessness, and instability. To these can be added the difficulties of the pandemic and vaccine rollout. Tourism and remittances are yet to recover. Cooperation with US federal agents against the drug cartels is deteriorating. Cartels control an estimated 40% of Mexican territory.4 Nevertheless, despite Mexico’s perennial problems, we hold a positive view on Mexican currency and risk assets. The argument rests on five points: Strong macro fundamentals: With China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse slowing sharply, and US stimulus accelerating, Mexico stands to benefit. Mexico has also run orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. It has a demographic tailwind, low wages, and low public debt. The stars are beginning to align for the country’s economy, according to our Emerging Markets Strategy. US and Canadian stimulus: The US and Canada have the second- and third-largest fiscal stimulus of all the major countries over the 2019-21 period, at 9% and 8% of GDP respectively. Mexico, with the new USMCA free trade deal in hand, will benefit. US protectionism fizzled: Even Republican senators blocked President Trump’s attempted tariffs on Mexico. Trump’s aggression resulted in the USMCA, a revised NAFTA, which both US political parties endorsed. Mexico is inured to US protectionism, at least for the short and medium term. Diversification from China: Mexico suffered the greatest opportunity cost from China’s rise as an offshore manufacturer and entrance to the World Trade Organization. Now that the US and other western countries are diversifying away from China, amid geopolitical tensions, Mexico stands to benefit. The US cannot eliminate its trade deficit due to its internal savings/investment imbalance but it can redistribute that trade deficit to countries that cannot compete with it for global hegemony. AMLO faces constraints: A risk factor stemmed from politics where a sweeping left-wing victory in 2018 threatened to introduce anti-market policies. President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (known as AMLO) and his MORENA party gained a majority in both houses of the legislature. Their coalition has a two-thirds majority in the lower house (Chart 14). However, we pointed out that AMLO’s policies have not been radical and, more importantly, that the midterm election would likely constrain his power. Chart 14Mexico’s Midterm Election Looms These are all solid points but the last item faces a test in the upcoming midterm election. AMLO’s approval rating is strong, at 63%, putting him above all of his predecessors except one (Chart 15). AMLO’s approval has if anything benefited from the COVID-19 crisis despite Mexico’s inability to handle the medical challenge. He has promised to hold a referendum on his leadership in early 2022, more than halfway through his six-year term, and he is currently in good shape for that referendum. For now his popularity is helpful for his party, although he is not on the ballot in 2021 and MORENA’s support is well beneath his own. Chart 15AMLO’s Approval Fairly Strong MORENA’s support is holding at a 44% rate of popular support and its momentum has slightly improved since the pandemic began. However, MORENA’s lead over other parties is not nearly as strong as it was back in 2018 (Chart 16, top panel). The combined support of the two dominant center-right parties, the Institutional Revolutionary Party and the National Action Party, is almost equal to that of MORENA. And the two center-left parties, the Democratic Revolution Party and Citizen’s Movement, are part of the opposition coalition (Chart 16, bottom panel). The pandemic and economic crisis will motivate the opposition. Chart 16MORENA’s Support Holding Up Despite COVID Traditionally the president’s party loses seats in the midterm election (Table 2). Circumstances are different from the US, which also exhibits this trend, because Mexico has more political parties. A loss of seats from MORENA does not necessarily favor the establishment parties. Nevertheless opinion polling shows that about 45% of voters say they would rather see MORENA’s power “checked” compared to 41% who wish to see the party go on unopposed.5 Table 2Mexican President’s Party Tends To Lose Seats In Midterm Election While the ruling coalition may lose its super-majority, it is not a foregone conclusion that MORENA will lose its majority. Voters have decades of experience of the two dominant parties, both were discredited prior to 2018, and neither has recovered its reputation so quickly. The polling does not suggest that voters regret their decision to give the left wing a try. If anything recent polls slightly push against this idea. If MORENA surprises to the upside then AMLO’s capabilities would increase substantially in the second half of his term – he would have political capital and an improving economy. While the senate is not up for grabs in the midterm, MORENA has a narrow majority and controls a substantial 60% of seats when its allies are taken into account. In this scenario AMLO could pursue his attempts to increase the state’s role in key industries, like energy and power generation, at the expense of private investors. Even then the Supreme Court would continue to act as a check on the government. The 11-seat court is currently made up of five conservatives, two independents, and three liberal or left-leaning judges. A new member, Margarita Ríos Farjat, is close to the government, leaving the conservatives with a one-seat edge over the liberals and putting the two independents in the position of swing voters. Even if AMLO maintains control of the lower house, he will not be able to override the constitutional court, as he has threatened on occasion to do, without a super-majority in the senate. Bottom Line: AMLO will likely lose some ground in the lower house and thus suffer a check on his power. This will only confirm that Mexican political risk is not likely to derail positive underlying macro fundamentals. Continue to overweight Mexican equities relative to Brazilian. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Appendix 1 The market is the greatest machine ever created for gauging the wisdom of the crowd and as such our Geopolitical Risk Indicators were not designed to predict political risk but to answer the question of whether and to what extent markets have priced that risk. Our Australian GeoRisk Indicator (see Chart 11-12 above) uses the same simple methodology used in our other indicators, which avoid the pitfall of regression-based models. We begin with a financial asset that has a daily frequency in price, in this case the AUD, and compare its movement against several fundamental factors – in this case global energy and base metal prices, global metals and mining stock prices, and the Chilean peso. Australia is a commodity-exporting country. It is the largest producer of iron ore and is among the largest producers of coal and natural gas. It is also a major trading partner for China. Due to the nature of its economy the Australian dollar moves with global metal and energy prices and the global metals and mining equity prices. Chile, another major commodity producer also moves with global metal prices, hence our inclusion of the peso in this indicator. The AUD has a high correlation with all of these assets, and if the changes in the value of the AUD lag or lead the changes in the value of these assets, the implication is that geopolitical risk unique to Australia is not priced by the market. We included the peso as Chile is not as affected as Australia by any conflict in the South China Sea or Northeast Asia, which means that a deviation of the AUD from CLP represents a unique East Asia Pacific risk. Our indicator captures the involvement of Australia in a few regional and international conflicts. The indicator climbed as Australia got involved in the East Timor emergency and declined as it exited. It continued declining even as Australia joined the US in the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, which showed that investors were unperturbed by faraway wars, while showing measurable concern in the smaller but closer Timorese conflict. Risks went up again as the nation erupted in labor protests as the Howard government made changes to the labor code. We see the market pricing higher risk again during the 2008 financial crisis, although it was modest and Australia escaped the crisis unscathed due to massive Chinese stimulus. Since then, investors have been climbing a wall of worry as they priced in Northeast Asia-related geopolitical risks. These started with the South Korean Cheonan sinking and continued with the Sino-Japanese clash over the Senkaku islands. They culminated with the Chinese ADIZ declaration in late 2013. In 2016, Australia was shocked again when Donald Trump was elected, and investor fears were evident when the details of Trump-Turnbull spat were made public. The risk indicator reached another peak during the trade wars between the US and the rest of the world. Investors were not worried about COVID-19 as Australia largely contained the pandemic, but the recent Australian-Chinese trade war pushed the risk indicator up, giving investors another wall of worry. If the Biden administration forces Australia into a democratic alliance in confrontation with autocratic China then this risk will persist for some time. Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com We Read (And Liked) ... The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, And The Fate Of Liberty This book is a sweeping review of the conditions of liberty essential to steering the world away from the Hobbesian war of all against all. In this unofficial sequel to the 2012 hit, Why Nations Fail: The Origins Of Power, Prosperity, And Poverty, Daron Acemoglu (Professor of Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology) and James A. Robinson (Professor of Global Conflict Studies at the University of Chicago) further explore their thesis that the existence and effectiveness of democratic institutions account for a nation’s general success or failure. The Narrow Corridor6 examines how liberty works. It is not “natural,” not widespread, “is rare in history and is rare today.” Only in peculiar circumstances have states managed to produce free societies. States have to walk a thin line to achieve liberty, passing through what the authors describe as a “narrow corridor.” To encourage freedom, states must be strong enough to enforce laws and provide public services yet also restrained in their actions and checked by a well-organized civil society. For example, from classical history, the Athenian constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes “were helpful for strengthening the political power of Athenian citizens while also battling the cage of norms.” That cage of norms is the informal body of customs replaced by state institutions. Those norms in turn “constrained what the state could do and how far state building could go,” providing a set of checks. Though somewhat fluid in its definition, liberty, as Acemoglu and Robinson show, is expressed differently under various “leviathans,” or states. For starters, the “Shackled Leviathan” is a government dedicated to upholding the rule of law, protecting the weak against the strong, and creating the conditions for broad-based economic opportunity. Meanwhile, the “Paper Leviathan” is a bureaucratic machine favoring the privileged class, serving as both a political and economic brake on development and yielding “fear, violence, and dominance for most of its citizens.” Other examples include: The “American Leviathan” which fails to deal properly with inequality and racial oppression, two enemies of liberty; and a “Despotic Leviathan,” which commands the economy and coerces political conformity – an example from modern China. Although the book indulges in too much jargon, it is provocative and its argument is convincing. The authors say that in most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Importantly, many states believe that once liberty is achieved, it will remain the status quo. But the authors argue that to uphold liberty, state institutions have to evolve continuously as the nature of conflicts and needs of society change. Thus society's ability to keep state and rulers accountable must intensify in tandem with the capabilities of the state. This struggle between state and society becomes self-reinforcing, inducing both to develop a richer array of capacities just to keep moving forward along the corridor. Yet this struggle also underscores the fragile nature of liberty. It is built on a precarious balance between state and society; between economic, political, and social elites and common citizens; between institutions and norms. If one side of the balance gets too strong, as has often happened in history, liberty begins to wane. The authors central thesis is that the long-run success of states depends on the balance of power between state and society. If states are too strong, you end up with a “Despotic Leviathan” that is good for short-term economic growth but brittle and unstable over the long term. If society is too strong, the “Leviathan” is absent, and societies suffer under a pre-modern war of all against all. The ideal place to be is in the narrow corridor, under a shackled Leviathan that will grow state capacity and individual liberty simultaneously, thus leading to long-term economic growth. In the asset allocation process, investors should always consider the liberty of a state and its people, if a state’s institutions grossly favor the elite or the outright population, whether these institutions are weak or overbearing on society, and whether they signify a balance between interests across the population. Whether you are investing over a short or long horizon, returns can be significantly impacted in the absence of liberty or the excesses of liberty. There should be a preference among investors toward countries that exhibit a balance of power between state and society, setting up a better long-term investment environment, than if a balance of power did not exist. Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan – Province Of China Korea Turkey Brazil Australia Footnotes 1 "President Biden’s first 100 days as president fact-checked," BBC News, April 29, 2021, bbc.com. 2 "Oil tanker off Syrian coast hit in suspected drone attack," Al Jazeera, April 24, 2021, Aljazeera.com. 3 See Yaakov Lappin, "Natanz blast ‘likely took 5,000 centrifuges offline," Jewish News Syndicate, jns.org. 4 John Daniel Davidson, "Former US Ambassador To Mexico: Cartels Control Up To 40 Percent Of Mexican Territory," The Federalist, April 28, 2021, thefederalist.com. 5 See Alejandro Moreno, "Aprobación de AMLO se encuentra en 61% previo a campañas electorales," El Financiero, April 5, 2021, elfinanciero.com. 6 Penguin Press, New York, NY, 2019, 558 pages. Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
Dear Client, Next week I will be hosting a series of Roundtable discussions with BCA’s clients in both Europe and Asia. Our next report published on April 28th will be a recap of my observations from these meetings. Best regards, Jing Sima China Strategist Highlights The sharp uptick in Chinese producer prices should be transitory, unlikely to trigger a policy response. There are two scenarios under which Chinese manufacturers’ profit margins will benefit: either Chinese exporters will raise export prices and pass input costs onto American customers, or the RMB will depreciate versus the US dollar and commodities prices will experience a setback. The second scenario is more likely in the next 3-6 months. After a pandemic-driven boost in 2020, US imports from China will likely moderate in the second half of 2021 and into 2022. President Biden’s grand infrastructure spending plan, even if approved later this year, will not be a game changer for China’s exports or economy. The strength in the USD may intensify in the near term, and Chinese policymakers will be happy to allow the RMB to depreciate mildly. Stay underweight Chinese stocks. Feature Last week’s China’s producer price index (PPI) was more elevated than the market expected. However, it does not warrant a policy response, given that the increase was mostly driven by supply constraints rather than an overheating domestic economy. Chinese manufacturers have had a tough time passing on mounting input prices to customers, which raises the question about how profit margins will be maintained. For exporters, the answer may be a combination of increasing export prices in USD terms and depreciating the RMB. The rate of growth in US demand for Chinese export goods may moderate in the second half of 2021 and into 2022 after a pandemic-driven boost in 2020. China’s economic growth and interest rate differentials with the US will continue to narrow in the rest of this year. We expect the RMB to face headwinds against the USD, at least in the next quarter or two. Meanwhile, global investors should continue to underweight Chinese stocks. The PBoC Will Not React To Supply-Side Price Pressures Chart 1Marchs Strong PPI Does Not Reflect An Overheating Domestic Economy Despite above-expectation readings in China’s PPI, the domestic economy shows no signs of overheating. The upside pressure on producer prices reflects the impact of both the global rally in commodities and base effects (Chart 1). In March, strength in the PPI was also accentuated by seasonality due to a resumption in construction and real estate activity following the Chinese New Year holiday. While base effects and global supply bottlenecks will continue to buoy PPI prints throughout Q2, these effects are likely transitory and would not justify a policy response. At 0.4% year-over-year in March, core CPI remains significantly below the central bank’s 3% target and does not indicate any demand-side pressure. Instead, the inability for Chinese producers to pass on higher input prices to consumers highlights the relatively subdued state of domestic demand (Chart 1, bottom panel). Chart 2Current Macro Policy Works To Cap The Upsides In Both The Price And Quantity Of Money At this point there are little signs that rising producer prices are spilling over to consumer prices. We expect Chinese authorities to continue its current policy trajectory, which intends to keep a steady interbank rate while keeping money supply growth at or below the rate of nominal GDP expansion (Chart 2). China’s Deteriorating Terms Of Trade Chinese export prices climbed slightly in USD terms, but not by enough to offset the RMB’s relentless appreciation from the second half of last year, as indicated by falling export prices in RMB terms (Chart 3). A deteriorating terms of trade (ToT), defined as export prices relative to import costs, means that Chinese producers must export a greater number of units to purchase the same number of imports (Chart 4). The declining ToT can be a powerful deflationary force for China’s manufacturing sector. Chart 3Chinese Export Prices Are Rising In USD Terms But Falling In Local Currency Terms Chart 4Terms Of Trade Have Been Falling Chart 5Chinese Output Prices Lead US Consumer Inflation By A Year While there are limited choices for China to improve its ToT, manufacturers could raise export prices in USD terms and “recycle” cost-push inflation back to the US. Chinese PPI normally leads US consumer inflation by 12 to 18 months (Chart 5). Hence, it is possible that the US will see import prices from China picking up more momentum by the middle of next year. The RMB’s performance is a key macro driver for manufacturing-related output prices. A depreciation in the RMB can be a meaningful reflationary force for manufacturers. There has been a clear negative correlation between the trade-weighted RMB and Chinese manufacturers' output prices and industrial profits, as shown in Chart 6. In this scenario, the USD will continue to appreciate against the RMB and possibly emerging market currencies, a headwind to global trade (Chart 7). Chart 6A Falling RMB Can Be Reflationary To Chinese Producers Chart 7A Stronger USD Will Be Headwinds For Global Trade Maintaining a strong RMB can partly mitigate the pain stemming from escalating commodity import prices. However, in our view it is the least preferred option by policymakers. In previous cycles a rapidly strengthening RMB did not have a major impact on Chinese exporters' competitiveness, mainly because declines in commodities prices effectively offset a rising RMB (Chart 8 and Chart 9). Therefore, Chinese exporters did not need to boost prices in USD terms to maintain their profit margins. Chart 8RMB Appreciations Did Not Hurt Chinas Share In Global Trade Chart 9...Because Declines In Commodities Prices Were Able To Offset A Rising RMB Bottom Line: Chinese exporters can either raise prices and pass the inflation onto American customers, or the PBoC will allow further depreciation in the RMB to maintain Chinese producers’ competitiveness. Appreciating the RMB is the least preferred option. Don’t Count On A US Buying Spree Market participants in China are pricing in large windfalls from the US$1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan and proposed US$2.4 trillion American Jobs Plan.1 A positive export tailwind in Q1 this year boosted China’s economic activity beyond what measures of domestic money and credit would have predicted, as shown in Chart 10. However, given the strongly positive relationship between the export sector and real investment in China, it is concerning that any deceleration in US demand for Chinese export goods would seriously challenge the sanguine view for China’s economy this year (Chart 11). Chart 10Export Strength Appears To Be Propping Up The LKI Chart 11China's Export Sector Is Highly Investment-Intensive Moreover, US demand for Chinese export goods is subject to several countervailing forces, at least in the second half of 2021: The USD currently benefits from widening real interest differentials and stronger US growth relative to the rest of the world. For the next quarter or two, persistent strength in the USD and US Treasury yields will be headwinds to global trade and may cause a temporary setback for the global manufacturing sector (Chart 7 on Page 4). Residential and business investment in the US may not regain much vigor despite large stimulus checks. Our colleagues at BCA US Investment Strategy expect US residential investment to match the long-run trend growth, but the increase will be largely offset by below-trend growth in non-residential investment. More working-from-home options will continue to drive demand for single-family homes in the suburbs and beyond. On the other hand, demand will suffer for office space in central business districts and dwellings in urban centers. Brick-and-mortar retail construction is also going to crater. Consumption for goods in the US may also see below-trend growth in the second half of 2021 and into 2022, whereas the service sector will benefit most from the coming recovery in US business and social activities. Table 1 shows that goods spending rose in 2020 despite an overall decline in consumption, because households dramatically shifted their consumption into goods from services. As such, 2020’s pandemic-driven dividend for Chinese exporters is likely to become a drag on tradeable goods exports to the US in 2021 and/or 2022. Table 1US Consumer Spending Gap Is Almost Entirely On The Services Side It is also important for investors to put the US$2.4 trillion infrastructure spending budget proposed in the American Jobs Plan into prospective. The US lags far behind China in infrastructure spending. In the past 10 years, US public infrastructure investment (federal and state combined) has declined to an average of about $450 billion.2 This compares with China’s US $1.9 trillion yearly spending on infrastructure (Chart 12). China currently consumes seven to eight times more industrial metals than the US (Chart 13). As such, even if the US infrastructure investment plan will be approved later this year, it is unlikely to be a game changer for global commodity prices or Chinese exports. Chart 12Infrastructure Spending, China Vs. The US Chart 13US Consumption Of Industrial Metals Is Too Small Relative To China The proposed US$1.2 trillion spending on the US nation’s roads, bridges, green spaces, water, electricity, and universal broadband will be spread over the next eight years. The additional $150 billion per annum to the US public infrastructure investment will only boost the US spending from 24% to about 32% of China’s annual infrastructure investment. Furthermore, the fiscal multiplier effect from the extra public spending on investment from the US private sector and overall economy may not be as positive as the market has priced in, depending on the size of corporate tax hikes in the final bill. Bottom Line: After a pandemic-driven boost in 2020, growth in US imports from China will likely moderate in the second half of 2021 and into 2022. The proposed infrastructure spending plan in the US will benefit Chinese exports, but the magnitude of the windfall may be disappointing. Investment Implications As discussed in a previous report, rising US bond yields will have a muted effect on their Chinese counterparts. Tightened regulations on the real estate industry and a new round of environmental protection laws in China will continue to suppress the domestic credit demand. As a result, interest rate differentials between China and the US will continue to narrow. The strength in the USD has not run its course and the RMB will face slight depreciation pressures in Q2 and possibly into Q3. A declining RMB will provide reflationary benefits to China’s industrial profits, but with about a six-month time lag. In the meantime, we recommend global investors to continue underweighting Chinese stocks (Chart 14A and 14B). Chart 14AContinue Underweighting Chinese Stocks Chart 14BContinue Underweighting Chinese Stocks Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1According to the OECD, recent US stimulus will boost US GDP growth by almost 3 percentage points in the first full year (from 2021Q2 to 2022Q2). The knock-on effect from the stimulus on other economies is projected to be significant, including a half percentage point addition to China’s GDP during the same period. 2The Congressional Budget Office estimated that combined federal, state and local spending on infrastructure was (in 2019 dollars) $441 billion as of 2017. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations