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Highlights China’s Communist Party has overcome a range of challenges over the past 100 years, performed especially well over the past 42 years, but the macro and geopolitical outlook is darkening. The “East Asian miracle” phase of Chinese growth has ended. Potential GDP growth is slowing and it will be harder for Beijing to maintain financial and sociopolitical stability. The Communist Party has shifted the basis of its legitimacy from rapid growth to quality of life and nationalist foreign policy. The latter, however, will undermine the former by stirring up foreign protectionism. In the near term, global investors should favor developed market equities over China/EM equities. But they should favor China and Hong Kong stocks over Taiwanese stocks given significant geopolitical risk over the Taiwan Strait. Structurally, favor the US dollar and euro over the renminbi. Feature Ten years ago, in the lead up to the Communist Party’s 90th anniversary, I wrote a report called “China and the End of the Deng Dynasty,” referring to Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese Communist Party’s great pro-market reformer.1 The argument rested on three points: the end of the export-manufacturing economic model, an increasingly assertive foreign policy, and the revival of Maoist nationalism. After ten years the report holds up reasonably well but it did not venture to forecast what precisely would come next. In reality it is the rule of the Communist Party, and not the leader of any one man, that fits into China’s history of dynastic cycles. As the party celebrates a hundred years since its founding on July 23, 1921, it is necessary to pause and reflect on what the party has achieved over the past century and what the current Xi Jinping era implies for the country’s next 100 years. Single-Party Rule Can Bring Economic Success. Communism Cannot. Regime type does not preclude wealth. Countries can prosper regardless of whether they are ruled by one person, one party, or many parties. The richest countries in the world grew rich over centuries in which their governments evolved from monarchy to democracy and sometimes back again. Even today several of the world’s wealthy democracies are better described as republics or oligarchies. Chart 1China Outperformed Communism But Not Liberal Democracy The rule of one person, or autocracy, is not necessarily bad for economic growth. For every Kim Il Sung of North Korea there is a Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. But authority based on a single person often expires with that person and rarely survives his grandchild. In China, Chairman Mao Zedong’s death occasioned a power struggle. Deng Xiaoping’s attempts to step down led to popular unrest that threatened the Communist Party’s rule on two separate occasions in the 1980s. The rule of a single party is thought to be more sustainable. Japan and Singapore are effectively single-party states and the wealthiest countries in Asia. They are democracies with leadership rotation and a popular voice in national affairs. And yet South Korea’s boom times occurred under single-party military rule. The same goes for the renegade province of Taiwan. Only around the time these two reached about $11,000-$14,000 GDP per capita did they evolve into multi-party democracies – though their wealth grew rapidly in the wake of that transition. China and soon Vietnam will test whether non-democratic, single-party rule can persist beyond the middle-income economic status that brought about democratic transition in Taiwan (Chart 1). Vietnam and Taiwan are the closest communist and non-communist governing systems, respectively, to mainland China. Insofar as China and Vietnam succeed at catching up with Taiwan it will be for reasons other than Marxist-Leninist ideology. Most communist systems have failed. At the height of international communism in the twentieth century there were 44 states ruled by communist parties; today there are five. China and Vietnam are the rare examples of communist states that not only survived the Soviet Union’s fall but also unleashed market forces and prospered (Chart 2). North Korea survived in squalor; Cuba’s experience is mixed. States that close off their economies do not have a good record of generating wealth. Closed economies lack competition and investment, struggle with stagflation, and often succumb to corruption and political strife. Openness seems to be a more diagnostic variable than government type or ideology, given the prosperity of democratic Japan and non-democratic China. Has the CPC performed better than other communist regimes? Arguably. It performs better than Vietnam but worse than Cuba on critical measures like infant mortality rates and life expectancy. Has it performed better than comparable non-communist regimes? Not really, though it is fast approaching Taiwan in all of these measures (Chart 3). Chart 2Communist States Get Rich By Compromising Their Communism Chart 3China Catching Up To Cuba On Basic Wellbeing What can be said for certain is that, since China’s 1979 reform and opening up, the CPC has avoided many errors and catastrophes. It survived the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s without succumbing to international isolation, internal divisions, or economic crisis. It has drastically increased its share of global power (Table 1). Contrast this global ascent with the litany of mistakes and crises in the US since the year 2000. The CPC also managed the past decade relatively well despite the Chinese financial turmoil of 2015-16, the US trade war of 2018-19, and the COVID-19 pandemic. However, these events hint at greater challenges to come. China’s transition to a consumer-oriented economy has hardly begun. The struggle to manage systemic financial risk is intensifying today at risk to growth and stability (Chart 4). The trade war is simmering despite the Phase One trade deal and the change of party in the White House. And it is too soon to draw conclusions about the impact of the global pandemic, though China suppressed the virus more rapidly than other countries and led the world into recovery. Table 1China’s Global Rise After ‘Reform And Opening Up’ Chart 4China To Keep Struggling With Financial Instability Judging by the points above, there are two significant risks on the horizon. First, the CPC’s revival of neo-Maoist ideology, particularly the new economic mantra of self-reliance and “dual circulation” (import substitution), poses the risk of closing the economy and undermining productivity.2 Second, China’s sliding back into the rule of a single person – after the “consensus rule” that prevailed after Deng Xiaoping – increases the risk of unpredictable decision-making and a succession crisis whenever General Secretary Xi Jinping steps down. The party’s internal logic holds that China’s economic and geopolitical challenges are so enormous as to require a strongman leader at the helm of a single-party and centralized state. But because of the traditional problems with one-man rule, there is no guarantee that the country will remain as stable as it has been over the past 42 years. Slowing Growth Drives Clash With Foreign Powers Every major East Asian economy has enjoyed a “miracle” phase of growth – and every one of them has seen this phase come to an end. Now it is China’s turn. The country’s potential GDP growth is slowing as the population peaks, the labor force shrinks, wages rise, and companies outsource production to cheaper neighbors (Charts 5A & 5B). The Communist Party is attempting to reverse the collapse in the fertility rate by shifting from its historic “one Child policy,” which sharply reduced births. It shifted to a two-child policy in 2016 and a three-child policy in 2021 but the results have not been encouraging over the past five years. Chart 5AChina’s Demographic Decline Accelerating Chart 5BChina’s Demographic Decline Accelerating In the best case China’s growth will follow the trajectory of Taiwan and South Korea, which implies at most a 6% yearly growth rate over the next decade (Chart 6). This is not too slow but it will induce financial instability as well as hardship for overly indebted households, firms, and local governments. Chart 6China's Growth Rates Will Converge With Taiwan, South Korea The Communist Party’s legitimacy was not originally based on rapid economic growth but it came to be seen that way over the roaring decades of the 1980s through the 2000s. Thus when the Great Recession struck the party had to shift the party’s base of legitimacy. The new focus became quality of life, as marked by the Xi administration’s ongoing initiatives to cut back on corruption, pollution, poverty, credit excesses, and industrial overcapacity while increasing spending on health, education, and society (Chart 7). Chart 7China’s Fiscal Burdens Will Rise On Social Welfare Needs The party’s efforts to improve standards of living and consumer safety also coincided with an increase in propaganda, censorship, and repression to foreclose political dissent. The country falls far short in global governance indicators (Chart 8). Chart 8China Lags In Governance, Rule Of Law A second major new source of party legitimacy is nationalist foreign policy. China adopted a “more assertive” foreign and trade policy in the mid-2000s as its import dependencies ballooned. It helped that the US was distracted with wars of choice and financial crises. After the Great Recession the CPC’s foreign policy nationalism became a tool of generating domestic popular support amid slower economic growth. This was apparent in the clashes with Japan and other countries in the East and South China Seas in the early 2010s, in territorial disputes with India throughout the past decade, in political spats with Norway and most recently Australia, and in military showdowns over the Korean peninsula (2015-16) and today the Taiwan Strait (Chart 9). Chart 9Proxy Wars A Real Risk In China’s Periphery If China were primarily focused on foreign policy and global strategy then it would not provoke multiple neighbors on opposite sides of its territory at the same time. This is a good way to motivate the formation of a global balance-of-power coalition that can constrain China in the coming years. But China’s outward assertiveness is not driven primarily by foreign policy considerations. It is driven by the secular economic slowdown at home and the need to use nationalism to drum up domestic support. This is why China seems indifferent to offending multiple countries at once (like India and Australia) as well as more distant trade partners whom it “should be” courting rather than offending (like Europe). Such assertive foreign policy threatens to undermine quality of life, namely by provoking international protectionism and sanctions on trade and investment. The US is galvanizing a coalition of democracies to put pressure on China over its trade practices and human rights. The Asian allies are mostly in step with the US because they fear China’s growing clout. The European states do not have as much to fear from China’s military but they do fear China’s state-backed industry and technological rise. Europe’s elites also worry about anti-establishment political movements just like American elites and therefore are trying to win back the hearts and minds of the working class through a more proactive use of fiscal and industrial policy. This entails a more assertive trade policy. China has so far not adapted to the potential for a unified front among the democracies, other than through rhetoric. Thus the international horizon is darkening even as China’s growth rates shift downward. China’s Geopolitical Outlook Is Dimming China’s government has overcome a range of challenges and crises. The country takes an ever larger role in global trade despite its falling share of global population because of its productivity and competitiveness. The drop in China’s outward direct investment is tied to the global pandemic and may not mark a top, given that the country will still run substantial current account surpluses for the foreseeable future and will need to recycle these into natural resources and foreign production (Chart 10). However, the limited adoption of the renminbi as a reserve currency in the face of this formidable commercial power reveals the world’s reservations about Beijing’s ability to maintain macroeconomic stability, good governance, and peaceful foreign relations. Chart 10China's Rise Continues Chart 11China's Policy Uncertainty: A Structural Uptrend China is not in a position to alter the course of national policy dramatically prior to the Communist Party’s twentieth national congress in 2022. The Xi administration is focused on normalizing monetary and fiscal policy and heading off any sociopolitical disturbances prior to that critical event, in which General Secretary Xi Jinping, who was originally slated to step down at this time according to the old rules, may be anointed the overarching “chairman” position that Mao Zedong once held. The seventh generation of Chinese leaders will be promoted at this five-year rotation of the Central Committee and will further consolidate the Xi administration’s grip. It will also cement the party’s rotation back to leaders who have ideological educations, as opposed to the norm in the 1990s and early 2000s of promoting leaders with technocratic skills and scientific educations.3 This does not mean that President Xi will refuse to hold a summit with US President Biden in the coming months nor does it mean that US-China strategic and economic dialogue will remain defunct. But it does mean that Beijing is unlikely to make any major course correction until after the 2022 reshuffle – and even then a course correction is unlikely. China has taken its current path because the Communist Party fears the sociopolitical consequences of relinquishing economic control just as potential growth slows. The new ruling philosophy holds that the Soviet Union fell because of Mikhail Gorbachev’s glasnost and perestroika, not because openness and restructuring came too late. Moreover it is far from clear that the US, Europe, and other democratic allies will apply such significant and sustained pressure as to force China to change its overall strategy. America is still internally divided and its foreign policy incoherent; the EU remains reactive and risk-averse. China has a well-established set of strategic goals for 2035 and 2049, the 100th anniversary of the People’s Republic, and the broad outlines will not be abandoned. The implication is that tensions with the US and China’s Asian neighbors will persist. Rising policy uncertainty is a secular trend that will pick back up sooner rather than later (Chart 11), to the detriment of a stable and predictable investment environment. Chart 12Chinese Government’s Net Worth High But Hidden Liabilities Pose Risks Monetary and fiscal dovishness and a continued debt buildup are the obvious and necessary solutions to China’s combination of falling growth potential, rising social liabilities, the need to maintain the rapid military buildup in the face of geopolitical challenges. Sovereign countries can amass vast debts if they own their own debt and keep nominal growth above average bond yields. China’s government has a very favorable balance sheet when national assets are taken into consideration as well as liabilities, according to the IMF (Chart 12). On the other hand, China’s government is having to assume a lot of hidden liabilities from inefficient state-owned companies and local governments. In the short run there are major systemic financial risks even though in the long run Beijing will be able to increase its borrowing and bail out failing entities in order to maintain stability, just like Japan, the US, and Europe have had to do. The question for China is whether the social and political system will be able to handle major crises as well as the US and Europe have done, which is not that well. Investment Takeaways The rule of a single party is not a bar to economic success – but the rule of a single person is a liability due to the problem of succession. Marxism-Leninism is terrible for productivity unless it is compromised to allow for markets to operate, as in China and Vietnam. States that close their economies to the outside world usually atrophy. There is no compelling evidence that China’s Communist Party has performed better than a non-communist alternative would have done, given the province of Taiwan’s superior performance on most economic indicators. Since 1979, the Communist Party has avoided catastrophic errors. It has capitalized on domestic economic potential and a favorable international environment. Now, in the 2020s, both of these factors are changing for the worse. China’s “miracle” phase of growth has expired, as it did for other East Asian states before it. The maturation of the economy and slowdown of potential GDP have forced the Communist Party to shift the base of its political legitimacy to something other than rapid income growth: namely, quality of life and nationalist foreign policy. An aggressive foreign policy works against quality of life by provoking protectionism from foreign powers, particularly the United States, which is capable of leading a coalition of states to pressure China. The Communist Party’s policy trajectory is unlikely to change much through the twentieth national party congress in 2022. After that, a major course correction to improve relations with the West is conceivable, though we would not bet on it. Between 2021 and China’s 2035 and 2049 milestones, the Communist Party must navigate between rising socioeconomic pressures at home and rising geopolitical pressures abroad. An economic or political breakdown at home, or a total breakdown in relations with the US, could lead to proxy wars in China’s periphery, including but not limited to the Taiwan Strait. For now, global investors should favor the euro and US dollar over the renminbi (Chart 13). Chart 13Prefer The Dollar And Euro To The Renminbi Mainland investors should favor government bonds relative to stocks. Chinese stocks hit a major peak earlier this year and the government’s seizure of control over the tech sector is taking a toll. Investors should prefer developed market equities relative to Chinese equities until China’s current phase of policy tightening ends and there is at least a temporary improvement in relations with the United States. But investors should also prefer Chinese and Hong Kong stocks relative to Taiwanese due to the high risk of a diplomatic crisis and the tail risk of a war. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 The report concluded, “the emerging trends suggest a likely break from Deng's position toward heavier state intervention in the economy, more contentious relationships with neighbors, and a Party that rules primarily through ideology and social control.” Co-written with Jennifer Richmond, "China and the End of the Deng Dynasty," Stratfor, April 19, 2011, worldview.stratfor.com. 2 The Xi administration’s new concept of “dual circulation” entails that state policy will encourage the domestic economy whereas the international economy will play a secondary role. This is a reversal of the outward and trade-oriented economic model under Deng Xiaoping. See “Xi: China’s economy has potential to maintain long-term stable development,” November 4, 2020, news.cgtn.com. 3 See Willy Wo-Lap Lam, "China’s Seventh-Generation Leadership Emerges onto the Stage," Jamestown Foundation, China Brief 19:7, April 9, 2019, Jamestown.org.

Aspectos destacados Las acciones globales son muy vulnerables a una corrección. Pero cíclicamente la Fed está comprometida con un exceso de inflación y la economía global se está recuperando. El impulso fiscal y de crédito de China cayó bruscamente, lo que deja a las acciones cíclicas globales y a las materias primas expuestas a una retirada. Más allá del corto plazo, la necesidad de China de estabilidad política debería evitar un endurecimiento excesivo de la política. El riesgo está concentrado en el corto plazo. El censo de población de China subraya uno de nuestros megatemas: la política interna de China es inestable y puede traer sorpresas negativas. Las elecciones estatales de India, celebradas en medio de una enorme ola de COVID-19, sugieren que el partido gobernante sigue siendo favorito en 2024. Esto implica continuidad en las políticas. Mantener un sesgo cíclico alcista pero estar preparado para cambiar si China comete un error de política. Artículo principal Gráfico 1 La inflación asoma la cabeza La inflación asoma la cabeza La inflación asoma la cabeza Los mercados globales se estremecieron esta semana ante un dato fuerte de inflación subyacente en EE. UU. así como por temores más amplios al resurgimiento de la inflación tras un largo letargo (Gráfico 1). Cíclicamente todavía esperamos que los inversores roten fuera de las acciones de EE. UU. hacia acciones internacionales y que el dólar estadounidense caiga a medida que la economía global se recupere (Gráfico 2). Sin embargo, esta visión también implica que las acciones de mercados emergentes deberían comenzar a superar a sus pares de mercados desarrollados, lo cual no se ha materializado hasta ahora este año. Los mercados emergentes no solo son intensivos en tecnología y vulnerables a la subida de los rendimientos de los bonos estadounidenses, sino que además se ven ahora desafiados por el hecho de que el estímulo de China ha alcanzado su pico. Gráfico 2 El mercado de acciones tiembla El mercado bursátil tiembla El mercado bursátil tiembla Gráfico 3 La economía global y el sentimiento se recuperan La economía global y el sentimiento se recuperan La economía global y el sentimiento se recuperan Gráfico 4 Cíclicos globales frente a defensivos vacilando Cíclicos globales frente a defensivos vacilan Cíclicos globales frente a defensivos vacilan Lo único en lo que podemos confiar es que el despliegue de la vacuna contra el COVID-19 continuará permitiendo una recuperación del crecimiento global (Gráfico 3). El dólar estadounidense está señalando algo similar. El billete verde rebotó en el primer trimestre por el mejor desempeño relativo del crecimiento de EE. UU., pero desde entonces ha retrocedido. Un dólar en caída es positivo para las acciones cíclicas frente a las defensivas, aunque las cíclicas indican que la operación de reflación está sobreextendida en el corto plazo (Gráfico 4). El crecimiento de China se convierte ahora en el punto focal crítico. Un error de política en China trastocaría la visión alcista cíclica. El endurecimiento de la política monetaria y fiscal en China es un riesgo político global importante que hemos señalado este año y que ahora se está materializando. No obstante, también hemos señalado las limitaciones al endurecimiento. En la actualidad China se encuentra justo en el umbral del sobreendurecimiento según nuestros puntos de referencia. Si China endurece más, adoptaremos una postura fundamentalmente más defensiva. También en este informe revisaremos los resultados del censo de población de China y las implicaciones de las recientes elecciones estatales de India frente a la última gran oleada de infecciones por COVID-19. Por ahora no haremos cambios a nuestra visión alcista sobre India, pero la ponemos bajo vigilancia. China: El riesgo de sobreendurecimiento Los problemas de China provienen del cambio en curso de su modelo económico, que pasa de depender del comercio exterior a depender de la demanda interna. Esta fue una decisión estratégica que el Partido Comunista tomó antes del ascenso del presidente Xi Jinping. Xi también ha llegado a encarnar y reforzar esta visión estratégica y la confrontación con Estados Unidos. El objetivo de Pekín era gestionar una transición suave y estable. La turbulencia financiera de 2015 y la guerra comercial de 2018-19 pusieron en peligro ese objetivo, pero los responsables de la política finalmente prevalecieron. Luego estalló el COVID-19 y causó la primera contracción económica real desde la década de 1970. Aunque China contuvo el virus y rebotó con otra ronda masiva de estímulo (13,8% del PIB desde el inicio de la guerra comercial hasta el pico de 2021), ahora enfrenta una transición aún más difícil. Gráfico 5 Aumento de la propensión al ahorro en China La creciente propensión de China a ahorrar La creciente propensión de China a ahorrar La necesidad de mejorar la calidad de vida es más urgente dado que el PIB potencial se ha desacelerado. La necesidad de contener el riesgo financiero sistémico es más urgente dado el gran nuevo aumento de la deuda. Y la necesidad de diversificar la economía es más urgente dado que EE. UU. está ahora formando una coalición de democracias para confrontar a China en una serie de políticas. El aumento en la “propensión marginal al ahorro” entre personas y empresas chinas —medida por la proporción de depósitos a plazo largo frente a depósitos a corto plazo— es una indicación de que el país está aquejado de problemas y que los ánimos empresariales están deprimidos (Gráfico 5). El impulso fiscal y de crédito de China está girando a la baja tras la gran expansión de 2018-21. Los responsables de la política han señalado desde el año pasado que retirarían el estímulo de emergencia y ahora el impacto es aparente en los datos reales. El dinero, el crédito y los impulsos combinados de crédito y fiscal de China se correlacionan con el crecimiento económico tras un rezago de seis a nueve meses. Esto es cierto independientemente de qué indicadores se usen para los ciclos de dinero y crédito y la actividad económica de China (Gráficos 6A y 6B). El impulso económico de China está en su punto máximo y se convertirá en un viento en contra para la economía global más adelante este año y en 2022, aunque el resto del mundo disfruta de los vientos favorables de la vacunación y la reapertura económica. Gráfico 6A El impulso fiscal y de crédito de China cae bruscamente … El impulso fiscal y crediticio de China cae bruscamente... El impulso fiscal y crediticio de China cae bruscamente... Gráfico 6B … al igual que los impulsos de dinero y crédito ... Al igual que los impulsos de dinero y crédito ... Al igual que los impulsos de dinero y crédito La desaceleración del impulso fiscal y de crédito presagia una caída de la demanda de materias primas, materiales y otros bienes que China importa, especialmente para el consumo interno. (Las importaciones chinas de piezas e insumos que forman parte de sus exportaciones manufacturadas al resto del mundo se ven más saludables a medida que el resto del mundo se recupera). Este cambio dificultará que los elevados precios de los metales y otras apuestas vinculadas a China, como las acciones suecas, sigan subiendo sin una corrección (Gráfico 7). La posición especulativa favorece en gran medida a las materias primas en este momento. La divergencia entre China y los mercados de metales que domina parece insostenible a corto plazo (Gráfico 8). Gráfico 7 Las operaciones de reflación de China cerca de los picos Operaciones de reflación en China cerca de máximos Operaciones de reflación en China cerca de máximos Gráfico 8 Choque entre el ciclo del dinero y los precios de las materias primas El ciclo monetario y los precios de las materias primas chocan El ciclo monetario y los precios de las materias primas chocan La transición global hacia sistemas de energía verdes o renovables (es decir, la descarbonización) es alcista para los metales, especialmente el cobre, pero no podrá compensar la caída de la demanda china en el corto plazo, como ha mostrado nuestra Estrategia de Mercados Emergentes. Los usos internos del cobre en China para la construcción y la industria representan aproximadamente el 56,5% de la demanda mundial de cobre, mientras que la carrera por la energía verde —es decir, la producción de paneles solares, aerogeneradores, coches eléctricos— representa solo alrededor del 3,5% de la demanda mundial. Este número subestima algo el programa verde ya que también se prevé el reacondicionamiento y la adaptación de sistemas y estructuras existentes, como las redes eléctricas. Pero el punto es que una caída en el consumo de cobre de China actuará en contra del gran aumento del consumo en Estados Unidos y Europa, sobre todo dado que el programa de infraestructura de EE. UU. no empezará hasta 2022 como muy pronto. Por lo tanto, la demanda mundial de cobre se ralentizará en los próximos 12 meses en respuesta a China, aunque la demanda del resto del mundo esté subiendo. Los responsables de la política chinos aún no han señalado que estén preocupados por un sobreendurecimiento de la política o que vayan a aflojar la política de nuevo. La reunión del Politburó a finales de abril no contenía un cambio de política importante respecto a la Conferencia Central de Trabajo Económico en diciembre o al Informe de Trabajo del Gobierno en marzo (Tabla 1). Pero si hubo una diferencia significativa, residió en reducir aún más el sentido de emergencia del año pasado al tiempo que se proyectaba algún tipo de esquema para responsabilizar a los funcionarios locales por la deuda oculta. La implicación es la continuación de una política estricta, y por ende el riesgo de sobreendurecimiento sigue siendo sustancial. Tabla 1 Declaraciones macroeconómicas recientes de la política de China: eliminando el estímulo China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo Gráfico 9 Puntos de referencia para el endurecimiento de la política en China Puntos de referencia para el endurecimiento de la política en China Puntos de referencia para el endurecimiento de la política en China Cierto es que las señales de la reunión de abril pueden leerse de varias maneras. La declaración de abril omitió frases sobre “mantener el apoyo de política necesario” en la orientación macroeconómica general, lo que implicaría menos apoyo para la economía. Pero también omitió el objetivo de mantener el crecimiento de la oferta monetaria (M2) y del crédito (financiación social total) en línea con el crecimiento del PIB nominal, lo que podría verse como permitir un repunte en el crecimiento del crédito. Sin embargo, el Banco Popular de China mantuvo este objetivo de crédito en su informe de política monetaria del primer trimestre, por lo que no se puede estar seguro. Observa que, según este criterio, China está justo en el umbral del “sobreendurecimiento” de la política que hemos utilizado para medir el riesgo (Gráfico 9). Basándonos en la formulación de políticas china durante las últimas dos décadas, esperaríamos que cualquier punto de inflexión importante se anuncie en la reunión del Politburó de julio, no en la de abril. No consideramos que abril suponga un cambio importante respecto a las reuniones previas – ni lo considera nuestra Estrategia de Inversión en China. Por lo tanto, el endurecimiento excesivo de la política sigue siendo un riesgo real para la economía china y global durante los próximos 12 meses. Nuestra lista de verificación para el endurecimiento excesivo subraya este punto (Tabla 2). Tabla 2 Lista de verificación para el endurecimiento de la política china China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo El descenso del impulso fiscal y de crédito de China está ocurriendo antes del vigésimo congreso nacional del partido, que tendrá lugar a lo largo de 2022 y culminará con la rotación del liderazgo superior (el Comité Permanente del Politburó) en otoño. La economía está suficientemente estimulada para el centenario del Partido Comunista el 1 de julio de este año, por lo que los responsables de la política están centrados en prevenir excesos. La prevención del riesgo financiero, la regulación antimonopolio y la contención de la burbuja inmobiliaria son las órdenes del día. El aumento de los impagos y quiebras de bonos corporativos y gubernamentales subraya la disposición del liderazgo a avanzar con la reestructuración económica y la reforma, lo cual está bien documentado en los últimos años (Gráfico 10). Gráfico 10 Destrucción creativa en China China al borde del endurecimiento excesivo China al borde del endurecimiento excesivo Los inversores no pueden asumir que el congreso del partido en 2022 sea una razón para que el liderazgo afloje la política. Ocurrió lo contrario en la antesala del congreso de 2017. Sin embargo, los inversores tampoco pueden asumir que China se sobreendurezca y hunda su propia economía antes de un evento tan importante. La estabilidad será el objetivo, como ocurrió en 2017 y en congresos anteriores, y esto significa que en algún momento habrá un alivio de la política si la ronda actual de endurecimiento se vuelve demasiado dolorosa financiera y económicamente. Los activos vinculados a China son vulnerables en el corto plazo hasta que los responsables de la política alcancen su punto de inflexión. De paso, la aproximación del vigésimo congreso nacional del partido será un imán para la intriga política y eventos impactantes. El líder máximo normalmente destituye a un rival prominente antes de un congreso como muestra de fuerza en el proceso de promoción de su facción. El gobierno también endurece el control de los medios y reprime a los disidentes, que pueden alzar la voz o protestar en torno al evento. Pero en 2022 las apuestas son más altas. Originalmente se esperaba que el presidente Xi dimitiera en 2022, pero ahora no lo hará, lo que suscitará al menos cierta oposición. Además, bajo Xi, China ha emprendido tres revoluciones políticas históricas: está adoptando un modelo de liderazgo autoritario, en detrimento del modelo de liderazgo colectivo bajo los dos presidentes anteriores; está enfatizando la autosuficiencia económica, en detrimento de la liberalización y la apertura; y está enfatizando el estatus de gran potencia, en detrimento de la cooperación con Estados Unidos y sus aliados. Conclusión: Las acciones globales, las materias primas y las “apuestas vinculadas a China” están en riesgo de una corrección sustancial como resultado del endurecimiento de la política en China. Nuestro caso base es que China evitará el sobreendurecimiento, pero los últimos números de dinero y crédito rozan nuestro umbral para cambiar esa visión. Otra caída pronunciada en estos indicadores exigirá un cambio. Fuerza laboral desaparecida de China En última instancia, una de las limitaciones al sobreendurecimiento de la política es la caída del crecimiento potencial del PIB de China como resultado de su población en edad laboral en disminución. El séptimo censo de población de China se publicó esta semana y subrayó los profundos cambios estructurales que afectan al país y su economía. El crecimiento de la población en los últimos diez años se desaceleró hasta el 5,4%, la tasa más baja desde el primer censo en 1953. La tasa de fecundidad cayó a 1,3 en 2020, por debajo de la tasa de reemplazo de 2,1 y del objetivo de 1,8 establecido cuando las autoridades chinas relajaron la política del hijo único en 2016. La tasa de fecundidad también es más baja que las estimaciones del Banco Mundial (1,7 en 2019) e incluso que la de Japón. La tasa de natalidad (nacimientos por 1.000 personas) también cayó, con el número de recién nacidos en 2020 en el punto más bajo desde 1961, el año de la Gran Hambruna. La tasa de natalidad se ha convergido con la de los países de ingresos altos, lo que implica que el desarrollo económico está teniendo el mismo efecto de desalentar la procreación en China, aunque China está menos desarrollada que esos países. Gráfico 11 La población en edad laboral de China cae más rápido que la de Japón en los años 90 China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo La cohorte más joven aumentó del 16,6% al 17,95% de la población, la cohorte más anciana aumentó del 8,9% en 2010 al 13,5% hoy, mientras que la cohorte en edad laboral cayó del 75,3% al 68,6%. La población en edad laboral alcanzó su pico en 2010 y cayó 6,79 puntos porcentuales en los últimos diez años. En contraste, la población en edad laboral de Japón alcanzó su pico en 1992 y cayó 2,18 puntos porcentuales en la década posterior (Gráfico 11). En otras palabras, China está experimentando la transición demográfica que afectó a Japón a principios de los años 90, pero la población en edad laboral de China podría caer incluso más rápido. El país está experimentando este cambio tectónico socioeconómico en un nivel de riqueza per cápita más bajo del que Japón había alcanzado. El desafío demográfico presionará el sistema socioeconómico y político de China. El milagro chino, como otros milagros asiáticos, se basó en el uso de la manufactura orientada a la exportación para generar grandes cantidades de ahorro que podían reorientarse para el desarrollo nacional. La caída de la población en edad laboral de China coincide con el desarrollo económico y una probable disminución de la tasa de ahorro a largo plazo. Esto se muestra en el Gráfico 12, que presenta dos imágenes diferentes de la población trabajadora de China junto con la tasa de ahorro nacional bruta. A medida que aumenta la ratio de dependencia, la tasa de ahorro caerá y habrá menos fondos disponibles para repropositar. El costo del capital aumentará y la reestructuración económica se acelerará. En el caso de Japón, el cambio demográfico coincidió con la crisis financiera de 1990 y luego con un cambio nacional en el comportamiento económico. La tasa de ahorro cayó a medida que la economía evolucionó, pero los ahorros generados aún superaron la inversión debido a la falta de demanda privada y a la presión de grandes cargas de deuda. Las empresas se centraron en pagar la deuda en lugar de expandir la inversión y la producción (Gráfico 13). Todo esto ocurrió cuando el entorno externo era benigno, mientras que China enfrenta un desafío demográfico similar en el contexto de una creciente presión económica debido a tensiones geopolíticas. Gráfico 12 Los trabajadores chinos son cada vez más escasos Trabajadores chinos cada vez más escasos Trabajadores chinos cada vez más escasos Gráfico 13 Altos niveles de ahorro permiten derroches de deuda hasta que la deuda abruma Los altos ahorros permiten un derroche de deuda hasta que esta se vuelve abrumadora. Los altos ahorros permiten un derroche de deuda hasta que esta se vuelve abrumadora. China hasta ahora ha evitado una crisis financiera debilitante y un colapso de los precios de la vivienda que condenaría al país a una trampa de liquidez traumática. Las autoridades chinas son dolorosamente conscientes del peligro de la burbuja inmobiliaria y por ello están ansiosas por prevenir excesos financieros y frenar la actividad con rasgos de burbuja. Esto es lo que hace que el riesgo de sobreendurecimiento sea significativo. Pero un error en cualquiera de las dos direcciones puede conducir a una caída hacia la deflación. La administración de Xi ha estimulado la economía cada vez que la actividad se ralentizaba excesivamente o la inestabilidad financiera amenazaba con salirse de control, como se ha señalado arriba, pero este es un acto de equilibrio difícil, razón por la cual vigilamos tan de cerca el riesgo de endurecimiento excesivo. Algunos otros puntos notables del censo de población de China incluyen: La política de dos hijos no está teniendo éxito hasta ahora. COVID-19 podría haber tenido un efecto negativo en la fecundidad, pero no podría haber afectado mucho a los nacimientos debido al momento. Así que las tendencias no pueden estar demasiado distorsionadas por la pandemia. La urbanización rápida continúa, con la tasa alcanzando el 64% de la población, 14 puntos porcentuales más que en 2010. Las discusiones de política enfatizan elevar la edad de jubilación; ofrecer incentivos financieros para tener hijos; una serie de controles de precios para hacer más asequible tener hijos, destacando la supresión de la burbuja inmobiliaria; y medidas para asegurar que los precios de la vivienda no caigan demasiado rápido en las ciudades más pequeñas a medida que continúa la migración desde el campo. La población de minorías étnicas de China, que constituye el 9% de la población total, creció mucho más rápido (tasa del 10%) durante la última década que la mayoría Han, que representa el 91% de la población (creciendo al 5%). Las minorías están exentas de la política del hijo único (y de la de dos hijos). Sin embargo, han surgido tensiones étnicas, particularmente en regiones autónomas como Xinjiang, lo que ha provocado un mayor escrutinio internacional de las políticas de China hacia las minorías. El desafío demográfico de China es ampliamente conocido, pero el último censo refuerza la magnitud del reto. El crecimiento potencial de China está disminuyendo mientras que la ratio de dependencia creciente subraya cambios sociales que exigirán más al gobierno. Mayores necesidades de gasto fiscal y social requerirán difíciles compensaciones económicas y decisiones políticas impopulares. El cambio económico y el movimiento de personas también profundizarán las disparidades regionales y de riqueza. Todos estos puntos subrayan uno de nuestros megatemas constantes de Estrategia Geopolítica: los riesgos políticos internos de China están subestimados. Conclusión: El censo de 2020 de China refuerza el declive demográfico que está en la raíz de los crecientes desafíos socioeconómicos y políticos de China. Aunque China tiene un gobierno central fuerte con el poder consolidado bajo un solo partido gobernante y un historial de gestión exitosa de sus distintos desafíos en las últimas décadas, la magnitud de los cambios que están ocurriendo es abrumadora y traerá sorpresas económicas y políticas negativas. India: las elecciones estatales no representan un punto de inflexión contra Modi En el apogeo de la segunda ola de COVID-19 en India, se celebraron elecciones en cinco estados indios. Los resultados para el estado de Bengala Occidental fueron los más importantes. Bengala Occidental es un estado grande, que representa casi una décima parte de los legisladores en la asamblea nacional de India, y el gobernante Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) del primer ministro Narendra Modi había declarado que ganaría cerca del 70% de los 294 escaños allí. Al final, Bengala Occidental entregó una victoria aplastante al All India Trinamool Congress (AITMC), un partido regional. A pesar de que el AITMC enfrentaba una anti-incumbencia de dos mandatos, el recuento de escaños del AITMC alcanzó un máximo histórico. Pocos lo habían previsto, como lo demuestra el hecho de que el desempeño del AITMC superó las previsiones hechas por la mayoría de encuestadores. ¿Qué deben hacer los inversores con la pérdida del BJP en este estado clave? ¿Fue una reacción contra la gestión de la pandemia por parte de Modi? ¿Presagia un cambio de gobierno y de política nacional en las elecciones generales de 2024? No realmente. Aquí destacamos tres conclusiones clave: Conclusión n.º 1: El desempeño del BJP fue notable Gráfico 14 India: el BJP consigue penetrar en Bengala Occidental China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo China al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo Si bien el BJP no alcanzó sus objetivos en Bengala Occidental, el estado no es un bastión del BJP. Se sabe que el BJP tiene tracción natural en las regiones de habla hindi de India y Bengala Occidental es un estado de habla no hindi donde tradicionalmente se veía al BJP como un forastero. Además, este estado es conocido por ser inusualmente renuente al cambio. Por ejemplo, antes del AITMC, la Izquierda estuvo en el poder durante un récord de 34 años en este estado. En ese contexto, el desempeño del BJP en 2021 en Bengala Occidental es notable: el partido aumentó su número de escaños a 77, en comparación con solo 3 escaños en 2016 (Gráfico 14). Este desempeño catapulta ahora al BJP a convertirse en el principal partido de oposición en Bengala Occidental. También indica que el BJP puede tardar, pero tiene lo necesario para construir tracción en estados que no son bastiones tradicionales. Dado que logró esta hazaña en un estado donde tiene poca fuerza histórica, su actuación es significativa como señal de que el BJP sigue siendo una fuerza a tener en cuenta. Conclusión n.º 2: La popularidad del BJP se resintió pero aún se le considera favorito para mantener el poder en 2024 Aunque el descontento contra el BJP está aumentando por su mala gestión del COVID-19 y la consiguiente angustia económica, no existe una alternativa viable al BJP a nivel nacional. Las recientes elecciones estatales, no solo en Bengala Occidental, confirman que la oposición, el Indian National Congress (INC), aún no ha organizado su actuación. El partido del Congreso se hundió de 44 escaños en Bengala a 0 escaños. Más importante aún, el Congreso aún no ha resuelto dos cuestiones críticas, es decir, la necesidad de designar o elegir a un líder interno con atractivo masivo y la necesidad de desarrollar una agenda política identificable. La debilidad del Congreso significa que, aunque el número de escaños del BJP podría disminuir respecto a su rendimiento máximo de 2019, nuestro escenario base para 2024 sigue siendo el de un gobierno liderado por el BJP que mantiene el poder en India. La continuidad de las políticas y la posibilidad de alguna reforma estructural siguen siendo el caso base. Conclusión n.º 3: El auge constante de los partidos regionales de India El ascenso del BJP en la última década ha coincidido con pérdidas de escaños tanto por parte del Congreso como de los partidos regionales de India. Sin embargo, la ronda más reciente de elecciones estatales indica que el BJP no puede comprimir drásticamente la cuota de escaños de los partidos regionales. Por ejemplo, en Bengala Occidental consiguió 77 escaños por sí solo, pero esto no fue a expensas del AITMC, que es el actor dominante en este estado. En otro estado grande donde se celebraron elecciones a principios de este mes, es decir, Tamil Nadu, el control continúa fluctuando entre dos partidos regionales bien afianzados. Gráfico 15 India: el BJP alcanzó su pico en 2019 pero sigue siendo favorito para 2024 China, al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo China, al borde de un endurecimiento excesivo Las elecciones generales de 2019 vieron que la cuota de los partidos regionales (definidos como todos los partidos excluyendo al BJP y al Congreso) cayó al 35% desde casi el 40% observado en las elecciones generales de 2014 (Gráfico 15). Las elecciones de 2024 podrían de hecho ver aumentar un punto la cuota de escaños de los partidos regionales, ya que el conteo máximo de escaños del BJP podría disminuir respecto a los máximos de 2019. El próximo auge de los partidos regionales de India es una tendencia arraigada en una dinámica simple. Con el BJP como incumbente de dos mandatos en las elecciones de 2024, los votantes podrían optar por gratificar a los partidos regionales en el margen, en ausencia de cualquier alternativa al BJP a nivel nacional. El BJP sigue en condiciones de ser el partido más grande de India en 2024 con un número de escaños superior a la marca de la mitad. ¿Podría surgir una situación en la que el partido gobernante incorpore a un partido regional para mantenerse por delante de la marca de la mitad con un amplio colchón? Absolutamente. Pero, por supuesto, 2024 aún está lejos. Gestionar el COVID-19 y sus secuelas económicas hará más difícil de lo habitual para el BJP superar su rendimiento de 2019. La siguiente tanda de elecciones estatales clave en India está prevista para febrero de 2022 y el estado más grande de India, Uttar Pradesh, celebrará elecciones. Con el BJP actualmente en el poder en este estado de habla hindi, las elecciones de febrero de 2022 arrojarán más luz sobre la capacidad del BJP para mitigar el efecto de anti-incumbencia de la pandemia y el shock económico. Conclusión: La popularidad del BJP en India se ha sacudido pero no de forma dramática. El BJP sigue firmemente en una posición para ser el partido más grande en India con un número de escaños que debería superar la marca de la mitad en 2024. Así que la estabilidad gubernamental no es una preocupación en este mercado emergente por ahora. A la luz de los riesgos políticos internos de China y de la continuidad política en India, mantendremos nuestras apuestas en India por el momento (Gráficos 16A y 16B). Sin embargo, estamos llevando a cabo una revisión de India en su conjunto y actualizaremos a los clientes con nuestras conclusiones en un próximo informe especial. Gráfico 16A Mantener posiciones largas en bonos indios frente a mercados emergentes Mantener posiciones largas en bonos indios frente a los mercados emergentes (EM) Mantener posiciones largas en bonos indios frente a los mercados emergentes (EM) Gráfico 16B Mantener largo en India / corto en China Manténgase largo en India / corto en China Manténgase largo en India / corto en China Conclusiones de inversión Mantener operaciones refugio a corto plazo. Cerrar posiciones largas en futuros de gas natural con una ganancia del 19.8%. Mantener una posición alcista cíclica (12 meses) con preferencia por las acciones de valor sobre las de crecimiento. Mantener posiciones largas en materias primas, incluidos los metales de tierras raras, y en mercados emergentes. Pero estar preparado para recortar estas operaciones si China sobreendurece la política según nuestros puntos de referencia. Por ahora, continuar sobreponderando bonos indios en moneda local respecto a pares de mercados emergentes y acciones indias respecto a acciones chinas. Pero estamos revisando nuestra postura alcista sobre India. Gráfico 17 Las acciones de ciberseguridad se animan en medio de la caída tecnológica Las acciones de ciberseguridad repuntan en medio del desplome del sector tecnológico Las acciones de ciberseguridad repuntan en medio del desplome del sector tecnológico Mantener posiciones largas en acciones de ciberseguridad, aunque seguir prefiriendo aeroespacial y defensa sobre ciberseguridad como una apuesta geopolítica de “vuelta al trabajo”. Las acciones de ciberseguridad se animaron respecto al sector tecnológico durante la venta general de tecnología en la última semana. El ataque masivo de ransomware a Colonial Pipeline en EE. UU. cerró temporalmente una red importante que suministra alrededor del 45% del combustible de la Costa Este (Gráfico 17). No obstante, el ataque a la infraestructura crítica destaca que la ciberseguridad es un tema secular y los inversores deberían mantener exposición. Las acciones de ciberseguridad han superado al sector tecnológico en general desde el descubrimiento de la vacuna (Gráfico 18). Gráfico 18 La ciberseguridad es un tema secular La Ciberseguridad Es Un Tema Secular La Ciberseguridad Es Un Tema Secular Matt Gertken Vicepresidente Estrategia Geopolítica mattg@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Asociada de investigación yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editora/Estratega Ritika.Mankar@bcaresearch.com

Informe especial

The inflation/deflation debate has been dominating the news flow and we are compelled to offer our thoughts in two-part series of Special Reports on this widely discussed, but also widely misunderstood topic. Over the past year, we have been inundated with countless questions about our outlook on inflation given the dual monetary and fiscal stimuli that have been ongoing since Covid-19 hit (Chart 1). We take this opportunity to provide detailed answers on everything inflation in this series of Special Reports. Specifically, in this first report we focus on the long-term and structural forces behind US core CPI inflation. We go in depth into the drivers behind the current deflationary trend and also examine what other variables might break that trend in the future. We also try to ignore the medium-term outlook because the inflation story is well-known as the financial media is littered with charts that slice and dice the ISM manufacturing release in every possible way showing that inflation will rebound. Hence, there is no disagreement about the medium-term path for the core CPI inflation. Chart 12020 Stimuli The important question that we look to answer in this Special Report is whether this rebound is a paradigm shift that will push the US into a new era of consistently high (i.e. above 3%/annum) core CPI inflation, or is it a merely counter trend inflationary spike within the broader deflationary megatrend? Laying The Groundwork Before we wrestle with the structural forces behind inflation, first we must get the question of quantitative easing (QE) and its effects on the real economy and inflation out of the way. Undoubtedly, QE is an integral part of any discussion about the real-word and/or financial asset price inflation, and while it tickles the public’s imagination with hyperinflationary fears, the reality is that those fears are largely misplaced (Chart 2). In fact, pundits have established a consensus: “QE only affects the financial economy as it increases bank reserves that can never escape in the real economy. On the other hand, fiscal stimulus affects the real economy and can cause genuine inflation.” There clearly hasn’t been any material inflation since the GFC, so the argument of “QE only affecting the financial economy” appears to be correct, but at closer look there is room for a different interpretation. What is important to understand is that QE is nothing but a tool, sometimes a signaling tool, in the Fed’s arsenal, and like any tool, it can be used in different ways. Chart 2Boogeyman?  The fact that there has not been any material real-world inflation since the housing bubble is neither because QE is structurally deflationary nor because it “cannot touch” the real economy, but because policy makers chose to use the QE tool to rescue creditors (the financial sector) rather than debtors (the real economy) during the GFC. Delving deeper in the Great Recession, the banks were largely undercapitalized with cash accounting for a tiny portion of overall assets and Treasury holdings being at historic lows (Chart 3). The rest of the assets were tied to loans and other risky securities. Once NINJA loans and other subprime loans along with the derivative CLOs/CDOs house of cards began imploding, the banking sector could not stomach the losses owing to the nonexistent cash buffer, and the entire system went into insolvency mode. This is when the Fed stepped in with QE (and the Treasury with TARP in order to recapitalize the banks) to bail out the nervous system of the US economy by boosting reserves and giving freshly printed money to the banks in exchange for their Treasurys, MBS and other risky securities. By providing support to the banking system, the Fed was counterbalancing a deflationary financial industry shutdown (the Richard Koo balance sheet type recession) rather than injecting an inflationary real economic stimulus. As a result, nearly all of the newly created money was stuck in the financial system in the form of new reserves, and as far as the real economy was concerned, no new money entered directly into the real world. This is how the consensus of “QE only affecting the financial economy” was formed, and why we did not observe a long-lasting rise in CPI despite all of the GFC-brought about stimuli. Chart 3Banks Were Well-capitalized Fast-forward to today, and the backdrop could not be more different. The banking sector was well capitalized, so doing an aggressive QE to boost reserves and to stimulate the financial sector would have only provided marginal benefits. The deflationary shock came through the real economy, not the financial economy, meaning that a real (i.e. fiscal) stimulus was needed. Once again, the QE tool comes to the rescue. This time however, QE was also used to finance Main Street stimulus programs as the Fed bought long dated Treasury (and other) securities that pushed interest rates to rock bottom levels and helped facilitate government stimulus spending. Consequently, a more meaningful fraction of QE money reached Main Street and had an effect on the real economy and was not just locked in new reserves. As a reminder, when rates fall to zero and the Fed embarks on QE, the lines between monetary and fiscal policies get blurred. When QE (instead of the foreign or private sectors) is used to facilitate government expenditures, which later on gets distributed into the real economy, QE can provide inflationary support and can reach the real economy. Chart 42008 Versus Today Perhaps the best way to illustrate the difference between 2008 and 2020 is by showing M2 money supply data. The spike in M2 data in 2020 dwarfs the one in 2008; in 2020 QE money reached the real economy and ended up in private sector’s bank accounts (thus contributing to M2 growth), whereas in 2008 QE money was mainly locked in bank reserves. True the money multiplier and M2 money stock velocity are still in hibernation, and were we to see a sustainable inflationary impulses both of these indicators would have to show signs of life (Chart 4). So does this mean that there are grounds for longer-term inflationary concerns since in 2020 QE actually reached the real economy? To answer this question, we now dig deeper into the secular inflation forces and split them in two camps: pro-inflationary and anti-inflationary. Pro-Inflationary Driver #1: The Buenos Aires Consensus Our view since last June has been that fiscal deficits are here to stay as far as the eye can see and the shift from the Washington to the Buenos Aires Consensus1 is a paradigm shift with staying power. The most important long-term consequence of the Buenos Aires Consensus will be higher inflation. And we are not talking just the asset price kind – which investors have enjoyed over the past decade – but of the more traditional flavor: consumer price inflation. Crudely put, as long as fiscal support remains in place (proverbial helicopter drop, Chart 5) after the pandemic is long forgotten it can serve as a meaningful catalyst for structural inflation, instead of being a one-off counterbalancing short-term boost. To reiterate just how much more powerful fiscal spending is outside of a recession, we conduct a labor market analysis and show that a large percentage of the present-day stimulus is being used to counterbalance the deflationary pandemic shock, rather than contributing to driving inflation higher. Table 1 shows our proxy for total payroll losses incurred by America households as a direct result of the pandemic. Our estimate is $501 billion from March 2020 until today. Chart 5Helicopter Checks The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget also publishes detailed statistics on the dollar flow of every pandemic stimulus program to a specific economic sector. As of today, US households received $1,400 billion, but some of the stimulus categories simply defer a payment that households still have to make in the future, instead of injecting brand-new money. After stripping those categories out, we arrive to a cleaner number of roughly $1,000 billion – that is how much new money US households received. Next, we subtract our total payroll loss proxy resulting into a net inflow of approximately $500 billion or 2.3% of 2020 US GDP. This is a respectable sum and 2.3% is significant. However, it has one major drawback. The 2.3% GDP stimulus number assumes that every single dollar was actually spent into the real economy, which we know is not true. Table 1The Counterbalancing Effect A recent New York Fed study on how American households used their stimulus money concluded that: “36.4% of the stimulus money was used to boost savings, 34.5% to paydown debt, 25.9% was spent on essentials and non-essentials, and finally the rest of the money (3.2%) was donated”. It is worth noting that this study also looked at the expected spending patterns for the new round of stimulus checks, and the results were generally the same. To obtain a more realistic number of how much of the net $500 billion inflow actually entered the economy, we multiply it by 25.9% (how much money was used on spending according to the NY Fed) and arrive at a better estimate of $130 billion or 0.6% of 2020 US GDP, which is by no means an astronomical number that will shatter into pieces the current deflationary megatrend. This empirical exercise demonstrated how a large percentage of the present-day stimulus is being used to counterbalance the deflationary pandemic shock. However, if our thesis of a Buenos Aires Consensus in which governments spend even outside of recessions pans out, then there will not be the aforementioned counterbalancing effect, and all the fiscal dollars will go straight to contributing to rising inflation until the deflationary megatrend is broken. Pro-Inflationary Driver #2: Demographics In the long run, inflation tends to oscillate alongside a country’s demographics. More specifically, it is the relative size of the three age cohorts (young, working-age, and old) that plays a key role in driving inflation. People who are in the working-age cohort are at their peak productivity, which implies that their contribution to the production of goods and services is greater than the demand for new credit they generate, meaning that they produce a deflationary pull. The opposite is true for the other two age cohorts (the young and the old). Neither one is contributing to the production of goods & services, while both still generate new credit in the economy (for example student loans), and the end result is an inflationary pull. Hence, it is the interplay between these three age cohorts that serves as a structural force behind inflation. To put some numbers behind this conceptual framework, we turn our attention to a paper “The enduring link between demography and inflation” written by Mikael Juselius and Előd Takáts. In the paper, the authors conduct rigorous cross-country analysis and find that indeed, people 30-60 years of age (the working-age cohort) exert deflationary pressure, while the other two cohorts contribute to rising inflation. Chart 6 plots the age-structure effect for the US against inflation. The authors also quantified that over the 40-year period (1970-2010) the increase in the working-age population (due to baby-boomers) has lowered inflationary pressures by almost five percentage points in the US (Chart 7). Meanwhile, by extrapolating the likely path of demographic data by 40 years (2010-2050), the authors observed a shift from deflationary to inflationary age pressure mainly due to the incoming increase in the proportion of the old cohort. Their estimate of the expected pull on inflation in the US will be approximately two and a half percent (Chart 8). Chart 6Demographics Are A Mighty Force Chart 7From Deflationary... Chart 8...To Inflationary Going forward, US demographics will be more inflationary than deflationary. Pro-Inflationary Driver #3: De-Globalization The “apex of globalization” or “de-globalization” is our third pro-inflationary driver. We have written about this theme extensively at BCA Research and it is the mega-theme of our sister Geopolitical Strategy (GPS) service. Odds are high that countries will continue looking inward as the US sustains its aggressive trade policy, China’s trend growth slows, and US-China strategic tensions intensify. Chart 9 shows that we are at the conclusion of a period of tranquility. Pax Americana underpinned globalization as much as Pax Britannica before it. The US is in a relative decline after decades of geopolitical stability allowed countries like China to rise to “great power” status and rivals like Russia to recover from the chaos of the 1990s. Chart 9The Tide Is Turning De-globalization has become the consensus since the election of Donald Trump. But Trump is not the prophet of de-globalization; he is its acolyte. And now, President Biden is continuing in Trump’s footsteps. Globalization is ending because of structural factors, not cyclical ones. And its decline was pre-written into its “source code.” Three factors stand at the center of this assessment, first outlined in a 2014 GPS Special Report, “The Apex Of Globalization – All Downhill From Here”: multipolarity, populism and protectionism. Events have since confirmed this view. The three pillars of globalization are the free movement of goods, capital, and people across national borders. We expect to see marginally less of each in the future and this should prove inflationary. Pro-Inflationary Driver #4: US Dollar Bear Market The path of least resistance is lower for the US dollar and it represents our final pro-inflationary driver. Chart 10 highlights the ebbs and flows of the trade-weighted US dollar since it floated in the early-1970s. The DXY index has moved in six-to-ten year bull and bear markets. The most recent trough was during the depths of the Great Recession, while the peak was in early-2020. If history repeats, eventually the dollar will mean revert lower in the 2020s, especially given the fiscal profligacy (Buenos Aires Consensus) of the current administration that may continue into 2024. Chart 10Time For A Downcycle? True, the US dollar remains the global reserve currency, but that exorbitant privilege is clearly fraying on the edges as the balance-of-payments dynamics are heading in the wrong direction. While the US Congressional Budget Office (CBO) expects some normalization in the US budget deficit over the next 4 years since the pandemic shock will be over, looking further into the future the CBO forecasts a further reacceleration in deficit spending. Assuming a stable to grinding lower current account deficit in the next several years, the path of least resistance is lower for the currency. BCA’s US dollar model also corroborates the twin deficit message and suggests ample structural downside for the USD (Chart 11).  The apex of globalization will also hurt the greenback in a reflexive manner. In a world where all the markets are integrated, borrowers in EM nations often use the reserve currency to issue liabilities at a lower cost. This boosts the demand by EM central banks for US dollar reserves to protect domestic banking systems funded in USD. Moreover, some countries like China implement pegs (both official and unofficial) to the US dollar in order to maintain their competitiveness and export their production surpluses to the US. To do so they buy US assets. If the global economy becomes more fragmented and the Sino-US relationship continues to deteriorate structurally as we expect, then these sources of demand for the dollar will recede. Overlay the widening US current account deficit, and you have the perfect recipe for a depreciating trade-weighted US dollar. Importantly, the 1970s is an interesting period to examine in more detail. As the Nixon administration floated the greenback this aggravated the inflationary pressures (Chart 12) that were building all along the 1960s when the US adopted the Mutually Assured Destruction Doctrine along with the Cold War space race that eventually saw the US landing on the moon in 1969. Chart 11A Bearish Outlook Chart 12The Greenback In The 1970s A lower greenback is synonymous with rising commodity and import prices and given that the US is the consumer of last resort (70% PCE), the commodity/import price pendulum will swing from a deflationary to an inflationary force. Anti-Inflationary Driver #1: Technology’s Creative Destruction Schumpeter’s “creative destruction” forces dominate technology companies in general and Silicon Valley in particular, and represent our fist anti-inflationary driver. These creative destruction forces in the tech industry are inherently deflationary. As a result, tech business models have evolved to thrive during disinflationary periods. Chart 13 shows the software sector deflator derived from national accounts, and since the mid-1980s more often than not it has been mired in deflation. US semiconductor prices, computer hardware prices, and almost any tech related category from the PCE, PPI and CPI releases looks more or less the same as software, underscoring that this is a technology sector wide modus operandi. More recently, Uber Technologies and Airbnb, to name a few, continually bring existing capacity online and that adds another layer of deflation forces at work in select industries they operate in. Tack on technology infiltrating finance and soon the extremely opaque health care services industry that comprises almost 20% of US GDP or $4tn and a deflationary impulse will likely reverberate across these large segments of the US economy that have managed to sustain high pricing power over the decades. Chart 13Technological Progress Is Deflationary Thus, these creative destruction processes remain alive and well in tech land and will continue to exert deflationary/disinflationary pressure (of the good kind) on the US economy. Anti-Inflationary Driver #2: Income & Wealth Inequality The growing trend in income and wealth inequality is our second anti-inflationary force. We first want to focus on the issue of income inequality as it leads to wealth inequality. Income inequality refers to the distribution of wages and profits generated by the economy. It is the proverbial “share of the pie” that households from different socioeconomic brackets receive. The link with inflation comes through the marginal propensity to save statistic of those different brackets. Lower income households have nearly nonexistent propensity to save as they live paycheck to paycheck. Therefore, any additional income inflow they receive gets immediately syphoned into the real economy. In contrast, the top 10% have a high propensity to save as all of their living expenses are well covered, so any additional income they receive is stashed away into savings and does not enter the real economy. This is why following the Trump’s tax cut that benefitted the top 10% there has not been a durable spike in CPI inflation. The fact that in the US the income share of the top 10% is growing at stratospheric rates at the same as time as the bottom 90% are struggling to cover even a $400 unexpected expense needs no introduction. The exact reasons as to why that happened would require a separate Special Report, but one of the main reasons is the multi-decade suppression of unions, which does not allow employees to bargain effectively for a larger slice of corporate profits. Given that profits are an exact mirror image of labor expenses, it is not surprising that the union movement is being marginalized (Charts 14 & 15). Staying on the topic of inflation, as we already outlined, when the lower and medium socioeconomic brackets receive more income, it does not disappear in the savings accounts, but instead it is redirected into the real economy causing a healthy inflationary uptick. Chart 14No Power = No Money Chart 15The Tug Of War​​​​​​​ Chart 16 shows the wealth share of the top 10% of American households on inverted scale. Since the 1920s, inflation and the wealth share of the top 10% has moved in opposite directions. There were two distinct periods when the wealth share of the bottom 90% rose: from the early 1930s until the early 1950s, and from the mid-1960s until the mid-1980s. Both of these periods were accompanied by rising CPI inflation. Chart 16Wealth Equality Is Inflationary At the same time, when looking at any other period outside of those golden days for the bottom 90%, US inflation was anemic. This empirical evidence further underscores the importance of income and wealth distribution in the economy, and given the current US political and economic realities, we do not expect any material changes in labor dynamics to take root. The top 10% will continue benefitting at the expense of the bottom 90%, which will keep US CPI inflation suppressed. Concluding Thoughts In this Special Report our goal was to look beyond the already known medium term inflation outlook, and present both sides of the argument about the long-term inflation trend. We took a deep dive into six structural forces behind inflation that we identified. Four of those forces were pro-inflationary, while the remaining two were anti-inflationary (Table 2). We also assigned a value on our subjective strength scale for each force. Each value incorporates how quickly a particular force will come to fruition, and how strong it will be over the next 5-to-10 year period. Based on our analysis, we conclude that there are rising odds that the deflationary megatrend has run its course and has reached an inflection point of turning inflationary. Table 2Inflation Dots In the next Special Report from our Tinkering With Inflation series, we will conduct a thought experiment and explore a world in which our forecasts prove to be accurate, and a new inflationary paradigm engulfs the US economy. Under such a backdrop what will the US equity sector winners and losers, especially given the related shift in the stock-to-bond correlation? Stay tuned.   Arseniy Urazov Research Associate ArseniyU@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Buenos Aires Consensus is our catchall term for everything that is opposite of the Washington Consensus: less globalization, fiscal stimulus as far as the eyes can see, erosion of central bank independence, and a dirigiste (as opposed to laissez-faire) approach to economics that seeks to protect “state champions,” stifles innovation, and ultimately curbs productivity growth.

Informe especial

Developed economies are challenged by two powerful and related demographic trends: declining growth in working-age populations, and a rapidly-aging population structure. Working-age populations are in absolute decline in Japan and much of Europe and growth is slowing sharply in the U.S. An offsetting acceleration in productivity growth is unlikely, implying a marked deceleration in economic growth potential. The combination of slower growth in the number of taxpayers and rising numbers of retirees is toxic for government finances. Future generations face sharply rising debt burdens and increased taxes to pay for entitlements. The correlation between aging and asset prices is inconclusive but common sense suggests it is more likely to be bearish than bullish. Population growth remains rapid throughout most of the developing world, China being a notable exception. It is especially strong in Africa, a region that has historically faced economic mismanagement and thus poor economic prospects for most of its inhabitants. Migration from the emerging to developed world is a logical solution to global demographic trends, but faces a backlash in many countries for both economic and cultural reasons. These tensions are likely to increase. Making accurate economic and market forecasts is daunting because there are so many moving parts and unanticipated events are inevitable. Quantitative models are destined to fail because of the unpredictability of human behavior and random shocks. Demographic forecasts are a lot easier, at least over the short-to-medium term. If you want to know how many 70-year olds there will be in 10 years’ time, then count how many 60-year olds there are today and adjust by the mortality rate for that age group. Demographic trends are very incremental from year to year and their impact is swamped by economic, political and financial events. Thus, it rarely makes sense to blame demographics for cyclical swings in the economy or markets. In some respects, demographics can be likened to glaciers. You will quickly get bored standing by a glacier to watch it move. But, over long time periods, glaciers cover enormous distances and can completely reshape the landscape. Similarly, over the timespan of one or more generations, demographics can have powerful effects on economies and societies. Some important demographic trends have been going on for long enough that their effects are visible. The most common concern about global demographics has tended to be overpopulation and pressure on resources and the environment. And this is hardly new. In 1798, Thomas Malthus published his “Essay on The Principles of Population” in which he argued that population growth would outstrip food supply, leading to a very miserable outcome. Of course, what he missed was the revolution in agricultural techniques that meant food supply kept up with population growth. In 1972, a group of experts calling themselves The Club of Rome published a report titled “The Limits to Growth” which argued that a rising world population would outstrip the supply of natural resources, putting a limit to economic growth. Again, that report underestimated the ability of technology to solve the problem of scarcity, although many still believe the essence of the report has yet to be proved wrong. Phenomena such as climate change and rising numbers of animal species facing extinction are seen as supporting the thesis that the world’s population is putting unsustainable demands on the planet. Rather than get into that debate, this report will focus on three particular big-picture problems associated with demographic trends: Declining working-age populations in most major industrialized economies during the next several decades. Population aging throughout the developed world. Continued rapid population growth in many of the world’s poorest and most troubled countries. According to the UN’s latest projections, the world’s population will increase from around 7.5 billion today to almost 10 billion by 2050.1 The population growth rate peaked in the 1970s and is expected to slow sharply over the next several decades (Chart II-1). Despite slower percentage growth rates, the population keeps going up steadily because one percent of the 1970 global population was about 3.7 million, while one percent of the current population is about 7.5 million. But here is an important point: virtually all future growth in the global population will come from the developing world (Chart II-2). The population of the developed world is expected to be broadly flat over the period to 2050, and this has some significant economic implications. Let’s first look at why population growth has stagnated in the developed world. Population growth is a function of three things: the birth rate, the death rate and net migration. Obviously, if there are more births than deaths then there will be a natural increase in the population and net migration will either add or subtract to that. Over time, there have been major changes in some of these drivers. In the developed world, a stable population requires that, on average, there are 2.1 children born for every woman. The fact that it is not exactly 2 accounts for infant mortality and because there are slightly more males than females born. The replacement-level fertility rate needs to be higher than 2.1 in the developing world because of higher infant mortality rates. After WWII, the fertility rate throughout most of the developed world was well above 2.1 as soldiers returned home and the baby boom generation was born. But, by the end of the 1970s, the rate had dropped below the replacement level in most countries and currently is a lowly 1.5 in Japan, Germany and Italy (Table II-1). It has stayed higher in the U.S. but even there it has dipped below the critical 2.1 level. This trend has reflected lot of factors including more widespread use of birth control and more women entering the labor force. In the developed world, the birth rate is expected to drop below the death rate in the next ten years (Chart II-3). That means there will be a natural decrease in the population. In the case of Japan, Germany, Italy and Portugal that change already occurred between 2005 and 2010. In the U.S., the UN expects birth rates to stay just above death rates in the period to 2050, but the gap narrows sharply. Births exceed deaths throughout most of the developing world meaning that populations continue to grow. Notable exceptions to this are Eastern Europe where populations are already in sharp decline and China, where deaths begin to exceed births in the 2030s. Although life expectancy is rising, death rates in the developed world will rise simply because the rapidly growing number of old people more than offsets the impact of longer lifespans. Of course, the population of a country can also be boosted by immigration, and that has been true for much of the developed world. In Canada and most of Europe, net migration already is the dominant source of overall population growth and it will become so in the U.S. in the coming decades, based on current trends (Chart II-4). This is the background to the first key issue addressed in this report: the declining trend in the growth of the working-age population in the developed world. Slowing Growth In Working-Age Populations An economy’s growth potential depends on only two things: the number of people working and their productivity. If the labor force grows at 1% a year and productivity also increases by 1%, then the economy’s trend growth rate is 2%. In the short-run, the economy may grow faster or slower than that, depending on issues like fiscal and monetary policy, oil prices etc. Over the long run, growth is constrained by people and productivity. The potential labor force is generally regarded to be the people aged 15 to 64. The growth trend in this age segment has slowed sharply in recent years in the major economies and is set to weaken further in the years ahead (Chart II-5). The problem is most severe in Japan and Europe where the working-age population is already declining. In the case of the U.S., growth in this age cohort slows from an average 1.5% a year in the 1960s and 1970s to a projected pace of less than 0.5% in the coming decades. While this generally is not a problem faced by the developing world, a notable exception is China, now reaping the consequences of its one-child policy. Its working-age population is set to decline steadily in the years ahead. Thus, it is inevitable that Chinese growth also will slow in the absence of an acceleration of productivity growth The slowing trend in the working-age population could be offset if we could get more 15-64 year olds to join the labor force, or get more older people to stay working. In the U.S., almost 85% of male 15-64 year olds were either employed or were wanting a job in the mid-1990s. This has since dropped to below 80% - a marked divergence from the trend in most other countries (Chart II-6). And the female participation rate in the U.S. also is below that of other countries. The reason for the decline in U.S. labor participation rates for prime-aged adults is unclear. Explanations include increased levels of people in full-time education, in prison, or claiming disability. A breakdown of male participation rates by age shows particularly sharp drops in the 15-19 and 20-24 age groups, though the key 20-54 age category also is far below earlier peaks (Chart II-7). The U.S. participation rate has recently picked up but it seems doubtful that it will return to earlier highs. Other solutions to the problem would be getting more people aged 65 and above to stay in the labor force, and/or faster growth in productivity. The former probably will require changes to the retirement age and we will return to that issue shortly. There always are hopes for faster productivity growth, but recent data have remained disappointing for most developed economies (Chart II-8). New technologies hold out some hope but this is a contentious topic. On a positive note, the shrinking growth of the working-age population may be easier to live with in a world of robotization and artificial intelligence where machines are expected to take over many jobs. That would support a more optimistic view of productivity but it remains to be seen how powerful the impact will be. Another important problem related to the slowing growth of the working-age population relates to fiscal burdens. In 1980, the level of government debt per taxpayer (ages 20-64) was around $58,000 in the U.S. in today’s money and this is on track for $104,000 by 2020 (Chart II-9). But this pales in comparison to Japan where it rises from $9,000 to $170,000 over the same period. Canada looks more favorable, rising from $23,000 in 1980 to $68,000 in 2020. These burdens will keep rising beyond 2020 until governments start running budget surpluses. Our children and grandchildren will bear the burden of this and won’t thank us for allowing the debt to build up in the first place. There will be a large transfer of privately-held assets from the baby boomers to the next generation, but the ownership of this wealth is heavily skewed. According to one study, the top 1% owned 40% of U.S. wealth in 2016, while the bottom 90% owned 20%.2 And it seems likely that this pool of wealth will erode over time, providing a smaller cushion to the following generation. This leads in to the next topic – aging populations. Aging Populations In The Developed World The inevitable result of the combination of increased life expectancy and declining birth rates has been a marked aging of populations throughout the developed world. Between 2000 and 2050, the developed world will see the number of those aged 65 and over more than double while the numbers in other age groups are projected to show little change (Chart II-10). As long as the growing numbers of those aged 65 and above are in decent health, then life is quite good. Fifty years ago in the U.S., poverty rates were very high for those of retirement age compared to the young (i.e. under 18). But that has changed as the baby boomer generation made sure that they voted for increased entitlement programs. Now poverty rates for the 65+ group are far below those of the young (Chart II-11). At the same time, real incomes for those 65 and older have significantly outperformed those of younger age groups. A major problem is that aging baby boomers are expensive because of the cost of pensions and medical care. As would be expected, health care costs rise dramatically with age. For those aged 44 and under, health care costs in the U.S. averaged around $2,000 per person in 2015. For those 65 and over, it was more than $11,000 per person. And per capita spending doubles between the ages of 70 and 90. So here we have the problem: a growing number of expensive older people supported by a shrinking number of taxpayers. This is illustrated by the ratio of the number of people between 20 and 64 divided by those 65 and older. In other words, the number of taxpayers supporting each retiree (Chart II-12). In 1980, there were five taxpayers for every retiree in the U.S., four in W. Europe and seven in Japan. These ratios have since dropped sharply, and in the next few decades will be down to 2.5 in the U.S., 1.8 in Europe and 1.3 in Japan. For each young Japanese taxpayer, it will be like having the cost of a retiree deducted from their paycheck. Throughout the developed world, the baby boomers’ children and grandchildren face a growing burden of entitlements. Some of the statistics related to Japan’s demographics are dramatic. In the first half of the 1980s there were more than twice as many births as deaths (Chart II-13). They become equal around ten years ago and in another ten years deaths are projected to exceed births by around three million a year. In 1990, the number of people aged four and under was more than double the number aged 80 and above. Now the situation is reversed with those aged 80 years and above more than double those four and under. That is why sales of adult diapers reportedly exceed those of baby diapers – very depressing!3 What’s the solution to aging populations? An obvious one is for people to retire later. When pension systems were set up, life expectancy at birth was below the age pensions were granted - typically around 65. In other words, not many people were expected to live long enough to get a government pension. And the lucky ones who did live long enough were not expected to be around to receive a pension for more than a few years. By 1950, those males who had reached the age of 65 were expected, on average, to live another 11 to 13 years in the major developed countries (Table II-2). This rose to 16-18 years by 2000 and is expected to reach 22-23 years by 2050. Governments have made a huge error in failing to raise the retirement age as life expectancy increased. Pension systems were never designed to allow people to receive government pensions for more than 20 years. Some countries have raised the retirement age for pensions, but progress on this front is painfully slow. Other solutions would be to raise pension contributions or to means-test benefits. Not surprisingly, governments are reluctant to take such unpopular actions. At some point, they will have no choice, but that awaits pressures from the financial markets. Currently, not many people aged over 65 remain in the workforce. The participation rate for men is less than 10% in Europe and less than 25% in the U.S. And it is a lot lower for women (Chart II-14). The rate in Japan is much higher reflecting the fact that it is at the leading edge of aging. Participation rates are moving higher in Europe and the U.S. and further increases are likely in the years ahead if Japan’s experience is anything to go by. Having people staying in the workforce for longer will help offset the decline in prime-age workers, but there is a downside. While it is a contentious topic, many studies point to a negative correlation between age and productivity after the age of 50. As we age, there is some decline in cognitive abilities and older people may be less willing or able to adapt to new technologies and working practices. These would only be partly offset by the benefits of experience that comes with age. Therefore, an aging workforce is not one where one would expect productivity growth to accelerate, other things being equal. An IMF study concluded that a 1% increase in the labor force share of the 55-64 age cohort in Europe could reduce the growth in total factor productivity by 0.2% a year over the next 20 years.4 Another study published by the NBER paper estimated that aging will reduce the U.S. economic growth rate by 1.2% a year this decade and 0.6% a year next decade.5 Other studies are less gloomy but it would be hard to argue that aging is actually good for productivity. Another aging-related issue is the implications for asset prices. It is generally believed that aging will be bad for asset prices as people move from their high-saving years to a period where they will be liquidating assets to supplement their incomes. This is supported by a loose correlation between the percentage of the labor force between 35 and 64 (the higher-saving years) and stock market capitalization as a percent of GDP (Chart II-15). However, other studies cast doubts on this relationship.6 One might think real estate is even more vulnerable than stocks to aging. However, in late 1988, two high-profile economists (Greg Mankiw and David Weil) published a report arguing that real house prices would fall substantially over the next two decades as the baby boom generation aged.7 That forecast was catastrophically wrong. Of course, that does not mean that the more dramatic aging occurring over the next couple of decades will not have a major negative impact on home prices. Numerous studies have been carried out on the relationship between demographics and asset prices and the conclusions are all over the place.8 Time and space constraints prevent a more in-depth discussion of this topic. Nonetheless, common sense would suggest that aging is more likely to be bearish than bullish for asset prices. Thus far, we have addressed two demographic challenges facing the developed world: slowing growth in the number of working-age people and a marked aging of the population. Much of the developing world has the opposite issue: continued rapid population growth and large numbers of young people. This is my third topic. Rapid Population Growth In The Developing World We already noted that nearly all future growth in global population will occur in the developing world, China being a notable exception. With birth rates remaining far above death rates, emerging countries will not have the aging problem of the developed world and this has some positives and negatives. On the positive side, a rapidly-growing young population creates the potential for strong economic growth – the opposite of the situation in advanced economies. But this assumes that the institutional and political framework is conducive to growth. Unfortunately, the history of many developing countries is that corrupt and incompetent governments prevent economies from ever reaching their potential. This means there will be a growing pool of young people likely facing a dim economic future. In some cases, these young people could be an excellent recruiting ground for extremist groups. It is unfortunate that there is particularly rapid population growth in some of the most troubled countries in the world. The Institute for Economics and Peace ranks countries by whether they are safe or dangerous.9 According to their ranking, the eight most dangerous countries in the world will see their population grow at a much faster pace than the developing world as a whole (Chart II-16). Some individual country comparisons are striking. The UN’s projections show that Nigeria’s population will exceed that of the U.S. by 2050, The Democratic Republic of Congo’s population will match that of Japan by 2030 and by 2050 will be 80% larger (Chart II-17A and B). Similarly, Afghanistan will overtake Italy in the 2040s. Most incredibly, Africa’s overall population surpassed that of the whole of Europe in the second half of the 1990s and is projected to be 3.5 times larger by 2050. That suggests that the numbers seeking to migrate from Africa to Europe will increase dramatically in the next couple of decades. Controlling these flows will become an increasing challenge for countries in Southern Europe. Migration is the logical solution to declining working-age populations in the developed world and expanding young populations in the developing world. However, there currently is a backlash against immigration in many developed countries. Anti-immigration political parties are gaining strength in many European countries and immigration was a major factor influencing the Brexit vote in the U.K. And it is a hot-button political issue in the U.S. Concerns about immigration are twofold: competition for employment and potential cultural change. Employment fears have coincided with a long period of severely depressed wages for low-skill workers in many developed economies and immigration is an easy target for blame. Meanwhile, the cultural challenge of absorbing large numbers of immigrants clearly has fueled increased nationalist sentiment in a number of countries. In the U.S., projections by the Bureau of the Census show that the non-Hispanic white population will fall below 50% of the total by 2045. That has implications for voting patterns and lies behind some of the concerns about high levels of immigration. There is no simple solution to this controversial issue and an in-depth discussion is beyond the scope of this article. Conclusions We have only touched on some aspects of demographic trends. It is a huge topic and has many other implications. For example, the political and cultural views of each generation are shaped by the environment they grow up in and this changes over time. This year, the number of millennials (those born from the early 1980s to the mid-1990s) in the U.S. is expected to surpass those of baby boomers and that will have important political and social implications. Again, that is beyond the scope of this report. The demographic trends we have discussed will pose serious challenges to policymakers. In the developed world, the baby boom generation has accumulated huge amounts of government debt, partly to fund generous entitlement programs and did not have enough children to ease the burdens on future generations. The young have good reason to feel frustrated by the actions of their elders (see cartoon). In the developing world, the challenge will be to provide economic opportunities for a growing pool of young people. The biggest problems will be in Africa, a continent where economic success stories have been few and far between in the past. Failure to deal with this will have troubling implications for geopolitical stability. Martin H. Barnes Senior Vice President Economic Advisor   Footnotes 1       Most of the data referred to in this report comes from the medium variant projections from the United Nation’s World Population Prospects report, 2017 revision. There is an excellent online database tool that allows users to access numerous demographic series for every country and region in the world. This can be found at https://population.un.org/wpp/DataQuery/ 2       Edward N. Wolff, Household Wealth Trends in the United States, 1962 to 2016. NBER Working Paper 24085, November 2017. Available at: https://www.nber.org/papers/w24085. 3       This is not a joke: https://www.businessinsider.com/signs-japan-demographic-time-bomb-2017-3 4       The Impact of Workforce Aging on European Productivity. IMF Working Paper, December 2016. Available at: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2016/12/31/The-Impact-of-Workforce-Aging-on-European-Productivity-44450 5       The Effect of Population Aging on Economic Growth, the Labor Force and Productivity. NBER Working Paper 22452, July 2016. Available at https://www.nber.org/papers/w22452.pdf 6              For example, see “Will Grandpa Sink The Stock Market?”, The Bank Credit Analyst, September 2014. 7       The Baby Boom, The Bay Bust, and the Housing Market. NBER Working Paper 2794. Available at: https://www.nber.org/papers/w2794 8       For those interested in this topic, we recommend the following paper: Demographics and Asset Markets: A Survey of the Literature. Available at: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/912a/5d6d196c3405e37b3a50d797cbf65a27ba44.pdf 9       Global Peace Index, 2018. Available at: http://visionofhumanity.org/app/uploads/2018/06/Global-Peace-Index-2018-2.pdf. According to this index, the eight least-safe countries are (starting with the most dangerous): Syria, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Iraq, Somalia, Yemen, Libya, and Democratic Republic of the Congo.  

Informe especial

Highlights After rising for thousands of years, human intelligence has begun to decline in developed economies. This can be seen in falling IQ scores and a decline in math and science test scores. Environmental factors appear to account for the bulk of this decline, but no one knows what these factors are. If left unchecked, falling intelligence will severely undermine productivity growth. This could lead to lower equity multiples, larger budget deficits, and ultimately, much higher government bond yields. Technological advances, particularly in the genetic realm, promise to radically raise IQs. In a complete abandonment of its one-child policy, China will combine these controversial technologies with pro-natal measures in order to boost sagging birth rates. The coming Eugenic Wars will be one of the most important economic and geopolitical developments of the 21st century. Feature Part 1: What The Tame Fox Says In 1959, a Soviet scientist named Dmitry Belyaev embarked on an ambitious experiment: to domesticate the silver fox. A geneticist by training, Belyaev wanted to replicate the process by which animals such as cats and dogs came to live side-by-side with humans. It was a risky endeavor. The Soviets had essentially banned the study of Mendelian genetics in favor of the blank slate ideology that is popular in progressive circles today. Belyaev persevered. Working under the guise of studying vulpine physiology, he selected foxes based on only one trait – tamability. Less than 10% of foxes made it to the subsequent generation, with the other 90% being sent off to fur farms. By the fourth generation, the changes were undeniable. Rather than fleeing humans, the foxes sought out their attention with no prompting whatsoever. They even wagged their tails and whined and whimpered like dogs do. The tame foxes also displayed physical changes. Their ears flopped over. Their snouts became shorter and their tails stood upright. “By intense selective breeding, we have compressed into a few decades an ancient process that originally unfolded over thousands of years,” wrote Lyudmila Trut, who began as Belyaev’s assistant and took over the project when her boss died in 1985.  Genetically Capitalist? Evolution can broadly proceed in two ways. The first way is through random mutations. This form of evolution, which scientists sometimes refer to as genetic drift, can take thousands of years to yield any discernable changes. The second way is through natural selection, a process that exploits existing variations in genetic traits. As the Russian fox experiment illustrates, evolution driven by selective pressures (either natural or artificial) can occur fairly quickly. Did selective pressures manifest themselves in human evolution in the lead up to the Industrial Revolution? Did humans, in some sense, domesticate themselves? In his book, A Farewell To Alms, economic historian Gregory Clark argued in the affirmative. Clark documented that members of skilled professions in Medieval England had twice as many surviving children as unskilled workers (Chart 1). Indeed, the fledgling middle class of the time had even more surviving children than the aristocracy, who were often out fighting wars. As a result, the wages of craftsmen declined by a third relative to laborers between 1200 and 1800, implying that the supply of skilled labor was growing more quickly than the demand for skilled workers over this period. In subsequent work, Clark and Cummins argued that the spread of bourgeois values across pre-industrial England was more consistent with a model of genetic transmission than a cultural one (see Box 1 for details). Similar developments occurred in other parts of the world. For example, in China, the gateway into the bureaucracy for a thousand years was the highly competitive imperial exam. Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee showed that high-status men had more surviving children during the eighteenth- and nineteenth-centuries (Chart 2).1 The 10,000 Year Explosion Stephen Jay Gould famously said that “There’s been no biological change in humans in 40,000 or 50,000 years. Everything we call culture and civilization we’ve built with the same body and brain.” Gould was wrong. Data from the International HapMap Project show that human evolution accelerated by 100-fold starting around 10,000 years ago (Chart 3). In their book The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution, Gregory Cochran and the late Henry Harpending explained why evolution sped up so rapidly.2 The advent of agriculture led to a surge in population levels. This, in turn, increased the absolute number of potentially beneficial genetic mutations that could be subject to selection effects. Farming and the rise of city states also completely reshaped the environment in which people lived. Basic biology teaches us that environmental dislocations of this kind tend to generate selective pressures that cause evolution to accelerate. John Hawks, professor of anthropology and genetics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, put it best: “We are more different genetically from people living 5,000 years ago than they were different from Neanderthals.” Many of the changes to our genomes relate to diet and diseases. The various genetic resistances that people have built up to malaria are all less than 10,000 years old. Mutations to the LCT gene, which confers lactose tolerance into adulthood, occurred independently in three different geographical locations: one in East Asia, one in the Middle East, and one in Africa. The Middle Eastern variant was probably responsible for the rapid enlargement of the Indo-European language group, which now stretches from India to Ireland. The African variant likely facilitated the Bantu expansion, which started near the present-day border of Nigeria and Cameroon, and then spread out across almost all of sub-Saharan Africa. Evolution Of The Human Brain About half of the genes in the human genome regulate some aspect of brain function. Given the rapid acceleration in evolution, it would be rather surprising if our own brains had not been affected. And indeed, there is plenty of evidence that they were. The frontal lobe of the brain has increased in size over the past 10,000 years. This is the part of the brain that regulates such things as language, memory, and long-term planning. Testosterone levels have also declined. That may explain the steady reduction in violent crime rates (Chart 4). We know that certain genes that are associated with higher intelligence have been under recent selective pressure. For example, the gene that leads to torsion dystonia – a debilitating movement disorder – appears to have increased in frequency. Why would a gene that causes a known disease become more widespread? The answer is that individuals who have this particular mutation tend to have IQs that are around 10-to 20-points above the population average. Why IQ Matters IQ has a long and contentious history. Yet, despite numerous efforts to jettison the concept, it has endured for one simple reason: It has more predictive power than virtually anything else in the psychological realm. A simple 30-minute IQ test can help predict future educational attainment, job performance, income, health, criminality, and fertility choices (Table 1 and Chart 5). IQ even predicts trader performance!3 Table 1What IQ Predicts (Results From Meta-Analyses)   Like most physiological traits, IQ is highly heritable.4 The genetic contribution to IQ increases from 20% in early childhood to as high as 80% by one’s late teens and remains at that level well into adulthood.5 This makes IQ almost as heritable as height (Chart 6). Although there is a great deal of variation among individuals, on average, more intelligent people earn higher incomes (Chart 7). If the same relationship existed in the pre-industrial era, as seems likely, then human intelligence probably increased in a way that facilitated the economic explosion that we associate with the Industrial Revolution. The stunning implication is that the emergence of the modern era was a question of “when, not if.” Part 2: The Flynn Effect By the late-19th century, it had become clear that the rich were no longer having as many children as the poor. This realization, together with the growing popularity of Darwin’s theories, helped galvanize the eugenics movement. Contrary to popular belief, this movement was not a product of the far-right. In fact, the most vocal proponents of eugenics were among the progressive left. John Maynard Keynes, for example, served as the Director of the British Eugenics Society between 1937 and 1944. Yet, a funny thing happened on the road to idiocracy: The concerns of eugenicists did not come to pass. Rather than becoming dimmer, people became smarter. This phenomenon is now known as the Flynn Effect, named after James Flynn, a psychologist who was among the first to document it. Chart 8 shows the evolution of IQ scores in a sample of countries between 1940 and 1990. The average country recorded IQ gains of three points per decade over this period, a remarkably large increase over such a relatively short period of time. Explaining The Flynn Effect The Flynn Effect must have been entirely driven by environmental factors since genetic factors – namely the tendency of less-educated people to have more children, and to have them at an earlier age – would have reduced average IQs over the past two hundred years. But how could environmental factors have played the dominant role in light of the strong role of genes discussed above? The answer was proposed by geneticist Richard Lewontin in the 1970s. Lewontin suggested imagining a genetically-diverse sack of seed corn randomly distributed between two large identical fields. One field had fertilizer added to it while the other did not. Genetic variation would explain all of the differences in the height of corn stalks within each field, while environmental factors (the addition of fertilizer) would explain all of the difference in the average height of corn stalks between the two fields. This logic explains why genes can account for the bulk of the variation in IQs within any demographic group, while environmental effects may explain most of the variation across groups, as well as why average scores have changed over time. And what environmental effects are these? The truth is that no one really knows. Plenty of theories have been advanced, but so far there is still little consensus on the matter. Bigger, Healthier Brains It has long been known that learning increases the amount of grey matter in the brain. For example, a recent study showed that the hippocampi of London taxi drivers tend to be larger due to the need for drivers to memorize and navigate complex routes.6 The emergence of modern societies likely kicked off a virtuous circle where the need to solve increasingly complex tasks forced people to hone their learning skills, leading to higher IQs and further technological progress. The introduction of universal primary education amplified this virtuous circle. Better health undoubtedly helped as well. Early childhood diseases reduce IQ by diverting the body’s resources away from mental development towards fighting off infections. There is a strong correlation between measured IQ and disease burden across countries (Chart 9). A number of studies have documented a strong relationship between the timing of malaria eradication in the U.S. and other parts of the world and subsequent observed gains in childhood IQs.7 Brain size and IQ are positively correlated. Forensic evidence from the U.S. suggests that the average volume of adult human skulls has increased by 7% since the late 1800s, or roughly the size of a tennis ball.8 Part 3: The End Of A 10,000 Year Trend The problem with environmental effects is that they eventually run into diminishing returns. This appears to have happened with the Flynn Effect. In fact, not only does the recent evidence suggest that the Flynn Effect has ended, but the data suggest that IQs are starting to decline. Chart 10 shows that average math and science test scores fell in the OECD’s Program For International Scholastic Achievement (PISA) between 2009 and 2015, the latest year of the examination. The drop in math and science test scores has been mirrored in falling IQ scores. Flynn observed a decade ago that IQs of British teenagers were slipping.9 Similar results have been documented in France, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, and most recently, Norway. The Norwegian results, published last year, are particularly noteworthy.10 Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg examined three-decades worth of data on IQ tests of Norwegian military conscripts. Military duty has been mandatory for almost all men in Norway since 1814, which means that the study’s authors were able to collect comprehensive data on most Norwegian men and their fathers.  Their paper clearly shows that IQ peaked with the generation born in the mid-1970s and declined by about five points, or one-third of a standard deviation, for the one born in 1990 (Chart 11). For the first time in recorded history, Norwegian kids today are not scoring as well as their parents. A Mystery What caused the sudden reversal of the Flynn Effect in Norway and most other developed economies? Nobody knows. We can, however, offer three possible theories: New Technologies For much of human history, rising intelligence and technological innovation were complementary processes, meaning that the smartest people were the ones who could best exploit the new technologies that were coming their way. Moreover, as noted above, even those who were less gifted benefited from the mental stimulation that a technologically advanced society provided. It remains to be seen how future technological advances such as generalized AI will affect human intelligence, but recent technological advances seem to have had a dumbing down effect.11 For example, the GPS has obviated the need for people to navigate unfamiliar locations, thus blunting the development of their visuospatial skills. Modern word processors have made spelling skills less important. Having all the information in the world just a click away is a wonderful thing, but it has reduced the need for our brains to retain and codify what we learn. Meanwhile, the constant bombardment of information to which we are subject has made it difficult to concentrate on anything for long. How many youth today can read a report of this length without checking their Facebook feed multiple times? My guess is not many. Diminishing Returns To Education The ability to take young bright minds, who would have otherwise spent their lives doing menial labor, and provide them with an education was probably the greatest tailwind to growth that the 20th century enjoyed. There is undoubtedly still scope to continue this process, but the low-hanging fruit have been picked. Educational attainment has slowed dramatically in most of the world (Chart 12). Economist James Heckman estimates that U.S. high-school graduation rates, properly measured, peaked over 40 years ago.12 Despite billions of dollars spent, efforts to improve school performance have generally fallen flat. A recent high-level report by the U.S. Department of Education concluded that “The panel did not find any empirical studies that reached the rigor necessary to determine that specific turnaround practices produce significantly better academic outcomes.”13 This gets to a point that most parents already know, which is that when people talk about “bad schools,” they are really talking about “bad students.” Deteriorating Health Better health probably contributed to the Flynn Effect. But is it possible to have too much of a good thing? More calories are welcome when people are starving, but today’s calorie-rich, nutrient-poor diets have led to a surge in obesity rates. A clean environment reduces the spread of germs, but it also makes children hypersensitive to foreign substances. Following German reunification, researchers observed that allergies were much more common among West German children than their Eastern peers, presumably because of the West’s more salubrious environment.14 All sorts of weird and concerning physiological changes are occurring. Sperm counts have fallen by nearly 60% since the early 1970s.15 Testosterone levels in young men are dropping. Among girls, the age of first menarche has declined by two years over the past century.16 Are chemical agents in the environment responsible? If they are, what impact are they having on cognitive development? Nobody knows. Reported mental illness is also on the rise. The share of U.S. teenagers with a reported major depressive episode over the prior year surged by over 60% between 2010 and 2017 (Chart 13). The fraction of young adults that made suicide plans nearly doubled.17 More than 20% of U.S. women over the age of 40 are on antidepressants.18 Five percent of U.S. children are receiving ADHD medication.19 Implications For Economic Growth And Asset Markets So far, the reversal of the Flynn Effect has been largely confined to the developed economies. Test scores are still rising in the developing world, albeit from fairly low levels. For example, two recent studies have documented significant IQ gains in Kenya and Brazil.20 In the poorest countries, opportunities for improving health abound. Even small steps such as fortifying salt with iodine (which costs about five cents per person per year) have been shown to boost IQ by nearly one standard deviation.21 Measures to reduce inbreeding are also likely to boost IQ scores.22 Yet, we should not underestimate the importance of falling cognitive skills in developed economies. Chart 14 shows that there is a clear positive correlation between student score on math and science and per capita incomes. Most technological innovation still takes place in developed economies. There is an extremely tight relationship between visuospatial IQ and the likelihood of becoming an inventor (Chart 15). Since IQ is distributed along a bell curve, a 0.1 standard deviation drop in IQs across the entire distribution will result in an 8% decline in the share of people with IQs over 100, a 14% decline in those with IQs over 115, and a 21% decline in those with an IQ over 130 (by convention, each standard deviation on an IQ test is worth 15 points). Falling IQs could result in slower productivity growth, which could further strain fiscal balances. Lower IQs are also associated with decreased future orientation.23 People who live for the moment tend to save less. A decline in savings would push up real rates, leading to less capital accumulation. History suggests that a deceleration in productivity growth and higher real rates will put downward pressure on equity multiples (Chart 16). Chart 16Equity Multiples Tend To Fall When Real Rates Rise And Productivity Growth Declines Part 4: Generation E For 200 years, the environmentally-driven Flynn Effect disguised the underlying genetically-driven decline in IQs that began not long after the dawn of the Industrial Revolution. Flynn has acknowledged this himself, noting at the 2017 International Society For Intelligence Research Conference that “I have no doubt that there has been some deterioration of genetic quality for intelligence since the late Victorian times.”24 Now that the Flynn Effect has reversed, both genes and the environment are working together to reduce cognitive abilities in developed economies. This means that the most important trend in the world – a trend that allowed the human population to increase during the Malthusian era and later allowed output-per-worker to soar following the Industrial Revolution – has broken down. Yet, there may be another twist in the story – one that began just a few months ago: the first members of Generation E were born. E Is For Edited ... Or Eugenics Lulu and Nana will be like most other children, but with one key difference: They will be the first humans ever to have their genomes edited through a procedure know as CRISPR-Cas9. Rogue Chinese scientist He Jiankui deactivated their CCR5 gene, which the HIV virus uses as a gateway into the body. His actions were rightfully condemned around the world for endangering the twins’ health by using a procedure that has not yet been fully vetted in animal studies, let alone in human trials (Lulu and Nana’s father is HIV+ but it is debatable whether the children were at an elevated risk of infection). He Jiankui remains under house arrest at the university where he worked. But whatever his fate, the dam has been broken. For better or for worse, the era of personal eugenics has arrived. The Return Of The Silver Fox It is easier to delete a gene than to add one. It is even more difficult to swap out a large number of genes in a way that achieves a predictable outcome. Thus, the successful manipulation of highly polygenic traits such as intelligence – traits that are linked to hundreds of different genes – may still be decades away.25 Predicting a trait is much simpler than modifying it, however. The cost of sequencing a human genome has fallen by more than 99% since 2001 (Chart 17). Start-up company Genomic Prediction has already developed a test for fertilized embryos for IVF users that predicts height within a few centimetres and IQ with a correlation of 0.3-to-0.4, roughly as accurate as standardized tests such as the SAT or ACT.26 Other companies are following suit.27 Some will recoil in horror at the prospect of selecting prospective children in this manner. They will argue that such technologies, beyond being simply immoral, will widen social inequality between those who can afford them and those who cannot. Others will counter that screening embryos for certain traits is not that dissimilar to what people already do with prospective romantic partners. They will also point out that mass usage of these technologies will drive down prices to the point that even poor people will be able to access them, thus giving low IQ parents the chance to have high IQ kids. They might also note that such technologies may be the only way to reverse the ongoing accumulation of deleterious mutations within the human germline that has been the unintended by-product of the proliferation of life-saving medicines.28 We will not wade into this thorny debate, other than to note that there will be huge incentives for people to avail themselves of these technologies. The Coming Eugenic Wars And not just individuals either – governments too. While the initial impact of eugenic technologies will be small, the effects will compound over time. Carl Shulman and Nick Bostrom estimate that genetic screening could boost average IQs by up to 65 points in five generations (Table 2). Table 2A Poisoned Chalice? Genetic Screening Can Raise IQ China has been investing heavily in genetic technologies. As Geoffrey Miller has argued, China’s infatuation with eugenics spans into the modern day.29 Like most other countries, fertility in China is negatively correlated with IQ. Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren estimate that China is currently losing nearly one-third of a point in generalized intelligence per decade, with the loss having accelerated rapidly between the 1960s and mid-1980s.30 The decline in the genetic component of Chinese IQs is coming at a time when the population itself is about to shrink. According to the UN’s baseline forecast, China will lose 450 million working-age people by the end of the century (Chart 18). Meanwhile, the country is saddled with debt, the result of an economic model that has, for decades, recycled copious household savings into debt-financed fixed-investment spending in an effort to shore up domestic demand. The authorities may be tempted to tackle all three problems simultaneously by adopting generous pro-natal measures – call it the “at least one-child policy”– which increasingly harnesses emerging eugenic technologies. The resulting baby boom would strengthen domestic demand, thus making the economy less dependent on exports, while ensuring China’s long-term geopolitical viability. The Eugenic Wars are coming, and they will be unlike anything the world has seen before.   Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy  peterb@bcaresearch.com     Box 1  The Diffusion Of Bourgeois Values: Culture Or Genes? Higher-income people had more surviving children in the centuries leading up to the Industrial Revolution. Real per capita income was broadly stable during this period. This implies that there must have been downward social mobility, with sons, on average, being less wealthy than their fathers. This downward mobility, in turn, spread the characteristics of higher-income people across the broad swathe of society. What were these characteristics? Cultural values that emphasized thrift, diligence, and literacy were undoubtedly part of what was passed on to future generations. But surprisingly, it also appears that genetic transmission played an important, and perhaps pivotal, role.  Models of genetic transmission make very concrete predictions about the correlations in economic status that one would expect to see among relatives. Biological brothers share 50% of their genes, as do fathers and sons. Likewise, first cousins share 25% of their genes, the same as grandfathers and sons. These facts yield two testable predictions: The first is that the correlation coefficient on status measures such as wealth, occupation, and education should be the same for relatives that share the same fraction of genes such as sibling pairs and father-son pairs. Box Chart 1 shows that this is borne out by the data. The second prediction is that the correlation between status and genetic distance should follow a linear trend so that, for example, the correlation in wealth among brothers is twice that of first cousins and four times that of second cousins. Box Chart 2 shows that this is also borne out by the data. Other evidence supports the importance of genes in the transmission of status across generations. The correlation in measures such as wealth, education, and occupation is much higher among identical twins than fraternal twins. Adopted children turn out to be more similar to their biological parents on these measures when they reach adulthood than their adopted parents, even when the children have never met their biological parents. The parent-child correlation also remains the same regardless of family size, suggesting that spreading the same resources over more children may not harm life outcomes to any discernible degree, at least on the measures listed above.   Source: Gregory Clark and Neil Cummins, "Nature Versus Nurture in Social Outcomes. A Lineage Study of 263,000 English Individuals, 1750-2017," Luxembourg Institute of Socio-Economic Research.   Footnotes 1      Xi Song, Cameron Campbell, and James Lee, "Descent Line Growth and Extinction From A Multigenerational Perspective, Extended Abstract," American Sociological Review 80:3, (April 21, 2015): 574-602. 2      Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending, "The 10,000 Year Explosion: How Civilization Accelerated Human Evolution," Basic Books, (2009). 3      Mark Grinblatt, Matti Keloharju, and Juhani T. Linnainmaa, “IQ, Trading Behavior, and Performance,” Journal of Financial Economics, 104:2, (May 2012): 339-362. 4      Thomas Bouchard, “Genetic Influence On Human Psychological Traits - A Survey,” Current Directions in Psychological Science 13:4, (August 2004): 148-151. 5      The tendency for the genetic contribution to IQ to increase until early adulthood and then to remain at high levels until old age is known as the Wilson Effect. There is no consensus on what causes it, but it probably reflects a number of factors: 1) It may take some children longer than normal to reach full intellectual maturity. Testing their IQs at a young age will result in scores that are lower than those expected based on their parents’ IQs. The opposite is true for children whose IQs increase relatively quickly in young age, but possibly top out earlier; 2) Environmental effects are probably more important in young age when a child’s brain is still quite malleable; 3) Self-reinforcing gene-environment interactions tend to increase with age. Children do not have much control over their environment, but as they get older, they will seek out activities that are more in keeping with their genetic predispositions. For example, a studious child may pursue a career that reinforces their love of learning. 6       "Cache Cab: Taxi Drivers' Brains Grow to Navigate London's Streets," Scientific American, (December 2011). 7       Atheendar Venkataramani, “Early Life Exposure to Malaria and Cognition in Adulthood: Evidence from Mexico,” Journal of Health Economics 31:5, (July 2012): 767-780; Hoyt Bleakley, “Health, Human Capital and Development,” Annual Review of Economics 2, (March 2010): 283-310; Hoyt Bleakley, “Malaria Eradication in the Americas: A Retrospective Analysis of Childhood Exposure,” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2, (April 2010): 1-45. 8       “Anthropologists Find American Heads Are Getting Larger,” ScienceDaily, (May 2012). 9       “British Teenagers Have Lower IQs Than Their Counterparts Did 30 Years Ago,” The Telegraph, (February 2009). 10     Bernt Bratsberg and Ole Rogeberg, “Flynn Effect And Its Reversal Are Both Environmentally Caused,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115:26, (June 2018): 6674-6678. 11     On the face of it, artificial intelligence would appear to be a substitute for human intelligence. Many applications of AI would undoubtedly have this feature, especially those that allow computers to perform complex mental tasks that humans now must do. However, there are several ways that AI may eventually come to complement human intelligence. First, and most obviously, AI could be used to augment human capabilities either directly by hardwiring it into our brains, or indirectly through the development of drugs or genetic techniques which improve cognition. Second, looking further out, the benefits of highly intelligent AI systems would be limited if humans did not possess the requisite intelligence to understand certain concepts that are currently beyond our mental reach. No matter how well intentioned, trying to explain string theory to a mouse is not going to succeed. There are probably a multitude of ideas that AI could reveal that we simply cannot comprehend at current levels of human intelligence. 12     James Heckman and Paul La Fontaine, “The American High School Graduation Rate: Trends and Levels,” The Review of Economics and Statistics 92:2, (May 2010): 244–262. 13     “Turning Around Chronically Low-Performing Schools,” The Institute of Education Sciences (IES), (May 2008). 14     E. von Mutius, F.D. Martinez, C. Fritzsch, T. Nicolai, G. Roell, and H. H. Thiemann, "Prevalence Of Asthma And Atopy In Two Areas Of West Germany And East Germany," American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine 149:2, (February 1994): 358-64. 15     "Sperm Counts In The West Plunge By 60% In 40 Years As ‘Modern Life’ Damages Men’s Health," Independent, (July 2017). 16     Kaspar Sørensen, Annette Mouritsen, Lise Aksglaede, Casper P. Hagen, Signe Sloth Mogensen, and Anders Juul, "Recent Secular Trends in Pubertal Timing: Implications for Evaluation and Diagnosis of Precocious Puberty," Hormone Research in Paediatrics 77:3, (May 2012): 137-145. 17     “Results from the 2017 National Survey On Drug Use And Health: Detailed Tables,” Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality, Rockville (Maryland), (September, 2018). 18     Laura A. Pratt, Debra J. Brody, and Qiuping Gu, “Antidepressant Use Among Persons Aged 12 and Over: United States, 2011–2014,” NCHS Data Brief No. 283, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (August 2017). 19     Some, but not all, of the increase in reported rates of mental illness may be due to more aggressive diagnosis by health practitioners. For example, a recent study revealed that children born in August were 30% more likely to receive an ADHD diagnosis than those born in September, simply because they were less mature compared to other kids in the first few years of elementary school. See: Timothy J. Layton, Michael L. Barnett, Tanner R. Hicks, and Anupam B. Jena, “Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity Disorder and Month of School Enrollment,” New England Journal of Medicine 379:22, (November 2018): 2122-2130. 20     Tamara C. Daley, Shannon E. Whaley, Marian D. Sigman, Michael P. Espinosa, and Charlotte Neumann, “IQ On The Rise: The Flynn Effect In Rural Kenyan Children,” Psychological Science 14:3, (June 2003): 215-9; Jakob Pietschnig and Martin Voracek, “One Century of Global IQ Gains: A Formal Meta-Analysis of the Flynn Effect (1909-2013),” Perspectives on Psychological Science 10:3, (May 2015): 282-306. 21     N. Bleichrodt and M. P. Born, “Meta-Analysis of Research on Iodine and Its Relationship to Cognitive Development,” In: ed. J. B. Stanbury, “The Damaged Brain of Iodine Deficiency,” Cognizant Communication Corporation, New York, (1994): 195-200; “Iodine status worldwide: WHO Global Database on Iodine Deficiency,” World Health Organization, Geneva, (2004). 22     Mohd Fareed and Mohammad Afzal, “Estimating the Inbreeding Depression on Cognitive Behavior: A Population Based Study of Child Cohort,” PLOS ONE 9:12, (October 2015): e109585. 23     H. de Wit, J. D. Flory, A. Acheson, M. McCloskey, and S. B. Manuck, “IQ And Nonplanning Impulsivity Are Independently Associated With Delay Discounting In Middle-Aged Adults,” Personality and Individual Differences 42:1, (January 2007): 111-121; W. Mischel and R. Metzner, “Preference For Delayed Reward As A Function Of Age, Intelligence, And Length Of Delay Interval,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 64:6, (July 1962): 425-31. 24     James Flynn, “IQ decline and Piaget: Does the rot start at the top?” Lifetime Achievement Award Address, 18th Annual meeting of ISIR, (July 2017). 25     For a good discussion of these issues, please see Richard J. Haier, “The Neuroscience of Intelligence,” Cambridge Fundamentals of Neuroscience in Psychology, (December 2016). 26     “The Future of In-Vitro Fertilization and Gene Editing,” Psychology Today, (December 2018). 27     “DNA Tests For IQ Are Coming, But It Might Not Be Smart To Take One,” MIT Technology Review, (April 2018). 28     Michael Lynch, “Rate, Molecular Spectrum, And Consequences Of Human Mutation,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107:3, (January 2010): 961-968. 29     Geoffrey Miller, “What *Should* We Be Worried About?” Edge, (2013). 30     Mingrui Wang, John Fuerst, and Jianjun Ren, “Evidence Of Dysgenic Fertility In China,” Intelligence 57, (April 2016): 15-24. Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Highlights One of Europe's major success stories is the structural and broad-based increase in female labour participation rates. The trend is set to continue for the next decade. Stay overweight the Personal Products sector as a long-term position. Italy's decade-long stagnation is not a deep-seated structural malaise. It is a protracted cyclical downturn resulting from a banking system that was never repaired after the 2008 financial crisis combined with wholly inappropriate fiscal austerity. We expect Italy's new government to push back against the EU's misguided fiscal rules and correct this decade-long error. Buy exposure to Italian real estate as a new long-term position either directly or through Italy's small real estate equity sector. Feature Some analysts persist on comparing economic performances on the basis of real GDP per head of total population. But the total population includes children and the elderly who cannot contribute to economic output. Therefore, a correct assessment of economic performance should look at real GDP per head of working-age population. Chart I-1AWomen Are Powering The European Economy... Chart I-1B ...Less So In The U.S. Admittedly, as the retirement age rises, the definition of 'working-age' will gradually change, but the general principle still holds: only count in the denominator those who can contribute to economic output. GDP per head of working-age population can grow in several ways. One way is to get more output or better output from each hour worked through improvements in efficiency and/or quality. As this improvement is theoretically limitless, it is the main source of productivity gains in the long run. A second way is for each worker to work more hours. But given the physical and legal constraints on productive working time, there is only limited scope to increase output in this way. How Women Are Powering The European Economy There is one other way to increase GDP per head of working-age population: increase the percentage of the working age population that is in the labour force.1 In other words, structurally increase the labour participation rate. If this participation rate is already high - as it is for men - then there is little scope to increase it much further. But if the participation rate is low - as it is for European women - then there is considerable scope to increase it. This brings us to one of Europe's major, and largely untold, success stories - the structural and broad-based increase in female participation rates (Chart I-1-Chart I-5). Over the past twenty years, the EU28 female participation rate has risen from 57% to 68%, with an especially large contribution from the socially conservative southern countries. In Spain, female participation has surged from 47% to 70%. In Italy, it has shot up from 42% to 56% and has clear scope to rise much further. Chart I-2Italy: Labour Force Participation Rate Chart I-3Spain: Labour Force Participation Rate Chart I-4Germany: Labour Force Participation Rate Chart I-5France: Labour Force Participation Rate What is driving this structural trend? Two things. First, the employment sectors that are growing structurally - healthcare, social care, and education - tend to employ more women than men. Second, European countries have legislated a raft of policies encouraging women to join and remain in the labour force: generous paid maternity leave and subsidised childcare. The trend is for further improvements, with the focus now on improving paternity leave. Sharing parental and family responsibilities between mothers and fathers allows more women to enter and stay in the labour force.2 For the ultimate end-point in the trend, look to the Scandinavian countries which started such policies in the early 1970s. In Sweden, labour force participation for women and men is almost identical: 81% versus 84%. If the EU eventually adopts the Scandinavian model, it would mean another 20 million European women in employment and contributing to economic output (Chart I-6). Chart I-6Another 20 Million European Women ##br##Could Join The Labour Force Dispelling Two Myths: The Euro Area And Italy Having established that economic performances should be compared on the basis of GDP per head of working age population, we can now dispel two common myths. The first myth is that the U.S. generates superior productivity growth than the euro area. It is true that the U.S. has been better at getting more output from each hour worked, so on this measure, the U.S. does win. Against this, the euro area has been much better at getting more of its working-age population - albeit mostly women - into employment. So on this measure, the euro area wins (Chart of the Week). The net result is that, over the past twenty years, the U.S and the euro area have generated exactly the same growth in real GDP per working-age population (Chart I-7). Of course, the euro area's structural improvement in female participation rates cannot continue forever, but it can certainly continue for another decade or so, and this is generally the longest time horizon that most investors care about. Chart I-7The Euro Area And The U.S.: Identical Growth In Real GDP Per Head Of Working-Age Population The second myth concerns the subject du jour: Italy. Many people claim that Italy's economic stagnation is due to deep-seated structural problems which differentiate it from other major economies. The problem with this narrative is that from the mid-1990s until 2008 the growth in Italy's real GDP per head of working age population was little different to that in Germany, France or the U.S. (Chart I-8). Chart I-8Italy Performed In Line With Other Major Economies Until 2008 Italy's economic stagnation only started after the 2008 global financial crisis. After a financial crisis which cripples the banking system, there are two golden rules: unleash fiscal stimulus; and repair the banking system as quickly as possible. The U.S. and U.K. followed the golden rules perfectly and immediately; Ireland followed a couple of years later; Spain waited until 2013. But in each case, the economies rebounded very strongly as the fiscal stimulus kicked in and the banks recuperated. Italy neither unleashed fiscal stimulus, nor repaired its banks - so its economy has stagnated for a decade. Moreover, if output stagnates for a decade, it follows arithmetically that productivity growth will also look poor. In a back-to-front argument, critics have pounced on this as evidence of excessive 'red tape' and 'structural problems'. But this is a misdiagnosis of the malaise. To reiterate, Italy's real GDP per working-age population was growing very respectably before 2008. Italy's misfortune is that its indebtedness has an unusual profile: more public debt than private debt. France and Spain (and other major euro area economies) have the usual profile: less public debt than private debt. So the EU's fiscal rules - which can see only public debt and are blind to private debt - have severely and unfairly constrained Italy's ability to respond to financial crises. While every other major economy followed the golden rules to recover from the 2008 crisis, Italy could neither unleash fiscal stimulus to kick start the economy nor recapitalise its dysfunctional banking system. We expect Italy's new government to push back against the EU's misguided fiscal rules and correct this decade-long error. Two Structural Investment Conclusions This week's two investment conclusions are both long term, and require a buy and hold mentality. The first conclusion reiterates a structural position: overweight the Personal Products sector. This is based on our expectation that, in Europe, female participation rates will continue their structural uptrend; while in the U.S. we expect female participation rates to continue outperforming male participation rates. Therefore the sales and profits of the Personal Products sector, in which female spending dominates, will benefit from a multi-year tailwind, at least relative to other sectors. And the extent of this tailwind is not fully discounted in valuations. The second conclusion is a new long-term recommendation: buy exposure to Italian real estate. This is based on our assessment that Italy's decade-long stagnation is not a deep-seated structural malaise. Instead, it is a protracted cyclical downturn resulting from a banking system that was never repaired after the 2008 financial crisis combined with wholly inappropriate fiscal austerity. Removing these shackles will allow a long-term recovery, just as it did for Spain in 2013. If we are right, the best multi-year buy and hold play is Italian real estate which has been in a decade-long bear market (Chart I-9). For those that cannot directly invest in property, Italy has a small real estate equity sector which faithfully tracks the long term profile of real estate prices (Chart I-10), and whose main component is Beni Stabili. The caveat is that the stock has a market cap of just €2 billion; the appeal is that it offers a juicy dividend yield of 4.5%. Chart I-9Italian Real Estate Has Suffered ##br##A Decade-Long Bear Market Chart I-10Italian Real Estate Equities##br## Track Real Estate Prices Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 And in employment. 2 Please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Female Participation: Another Mega-Trend" published on April 6, 2017 and available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model* This week, we note that the 130-day fractal dimension for platinum versus nickel is close to its lower bound, a level which has consistently predicted a tradeable countertrend move over the following 130 days. Hence, this week's trade is long platinum/short nickel on a 130 horizon before expiry. The profit target is 14% with a symmetric stop-loss. Our two other open trades, long SEK/GBP and long PLN/USD, are both in profit. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-11 The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations

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Dear Client, In addition to this Special Report, we are publishing our monthly Tactical Asset Allocation table and supporting indicators today. These can be accessed directly from our website. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights Megatrend #1: Population Aging. Aging has been deflationary over the past few decades, but will become inflationary over the coming years. Megatrend #2: Global Migration. International migration has the potential to lift millions out of poverty while boosting global productivity. However, if left unmanaged, it poses serious risks to economic stability. Megatrend #3: Social Fragmentation. Rising inequality, cultural self-segregation, and political polarization are imperilling democracy and threatening free-market institutions. On balance, these trends are likely to be negative for both bonds and equities over the long haul. Feature In today's increasingly short-term oriented world, it is easy to lose track of megatrends that are slowly shifting the ground under investors' feet. In this report, we tackle three key social/demographic trends. Megatrend #1: Population Aging Fertility rates have fallen below replacement levels across much of the planet. This has resulted in aging populations and slower labor force growth (Chart 1). In the standard neoclassical growth model, a decline in labor force growth pushes down the real neutral rate of interest, r*. This happens because slower labor force growth causes the capital stock to increase relative to the number of workers, resulting in a lower rate of return on capital.1 The problem with this model is that it treats the saving rate as fixed.2 In reality, the saving rate is likely to adjust to changes in the age composition of the workforce. Initially, as the median age of the population rises, aggregate savings will increase as more people move into their peak saving years (ages 30 to 50). This will put even further downward pressure on the neutral rate of interest. Eventually, however, savings will fall as these very same people enter retirement. This, in turn, will lead to a higher neutral rate of interest. If central banks drag their feet in raising policy rates in response to an increase in r*, monetary policy will end up being too stimulative. As economies overheat, inflation will pick up, leading to higher long-term nominal bond yields. Contrary to popular belief, spending actually increases later in life once health care costs are included in the tally (Chart 2). And despite all the happy talk about how people will work much longer in the future, the unfortunate fact is that the percentage of American 65 year-olds who are unable to lead active lives because of health care problems has risen from 8.8% to 12.5% over the past 10 years (Chart 3). Cognitive skills among 65 year-olds have also declined over this period. Chart 1Our Aging World Chart 2Savings Over The Life Cycle Chart 3Climbing Those Stairs Is Getting More And More Difficult We are approaching the inflection point where demographic trends will morph from being deflationary to being inflationary. Globally, the ratio of workers-to-consumers - the so-called "support ratio" - has peaked after a forty-year ascent (Chart 4). As the support ratio declines, global savings will fall. To say that global saving rates will decline is the same as saying that there will be more spending for every dollar of income. Since global income must sum to global GDP, this implies that global spending will rise relative to production. That is likely to be inflationary. The projected evolution of support ratios varies across countries. The most dramatic change will happen in China. China's support ratio peaked a few years ago and will fall sharply during the coming decade. Nearly one billion Chinese workers entered the global labor force during the 1980s and 1990s as the country opened up to the rest of the world. According to the UN, China will lose over 400 million workers over the remainder of the century (Chart 5). If the addition of millions of Chinese workers to the global labor force was deflationary in the past, their withdrawal will be inflationary in the future. The fabled "Chinese savings glut" will eventually dry up. Chart 4The Ratio Of Workers To Consumers Has Peaked Chart 5China On Course To Lose More Than 400 Million Workers Rising female labor force participation rates have blunted the effect of population aging in Europe and Japan. This has allowed the share of the population that is employed to increase over the past few decades. However, as female participation stabilizes and more people enter retirement, both regions will also see a rapid decline in saving rates. This could lead to a deterioration in their current account balances, with potential negative implications for the yen and the euro. Population aging is generally bad news for equities. The slower expansion in the labor force will reduce the trend GDP growth. This will curb revenue growth, and by extension, earnings growth. To make matter worse, to the extent that lower savings rates lead to higher real interest rates, population aging could reduce the price-earnings multiple at which stocks trade. This could be further exacerbated by the need for households to run down their wealth as they age, which presumably would include the sale of equities. Megatrend #2: Global Migration Economist Michael Clemens once characterized the free movement of people across national boundaries as a "trillion-dollar bill" just waiting to be picked up from the sidewalk.3 Millions of workers toil away in poor countries where corruption is rife and opportunities for gainful employment are limited. Global productivity levels would rise if they could move to rich countries where they could better utilize their talents. Academic studies suggest that less restrictive immigration policies would do much more to raise global output than freer trade policies. In fact, several studies have concluded that the removal of all barriers to labor mobility would more than double global GDP (Table 1). The problem is that many migrants today are poorly skilled. While they can produce more in rich countries than they can back home, they still tend to be less productive than the average native-born worker. This can be especially detrimental to less-skilled workers in rich countries who have to face greater competition - and ultimately, lower wages - for their labor. Chart 6 shows that the share of U.S. income accruing to the top one percent of households has closely tracked the foreign-born share of the population. Table 1Economic Benefits Of Open Borders Chart 6Immigration Versus Income Distribution Low-skilled migration can also place significant strains on social safety nets. These concerns are especially pronounced in Europe. The employment rate among immigrants in a number of European countries is substantially lower than for the native-born population (Chart 7). For example, in Sweden, the employment rate for immigrant men is about 10 percentage points lower than for native-born men. For women, the gap is 17 points. The OECD reckons that a typical 21-year old immigrant to Europe will contribute €87,000 less to public coffers in the form of lower taxes and higher welfare benefits than a non-immigrant of the same age (Chart 8). Chart 7Low Levels Of Immigrant Labor Participation In Parts Of Europe Chart 8Immigration Is Straining Generous European Welfare States All of this would matter little if the children of today's immigrants converged towards the national average in terms of income and educational attainment, as has usually occurred with past immigration waves. However, the evidence that this is happening is mixed. While there is a huge amount of variation within specific immigrant communities, on average, some groups have fared better than others. The children of Asian immigrants to the U.S. have tended to excel in school, whereas college completion rates among third-generation-and-higher, self-identified Hispanics are still only half that of native-born non-Hispanic whites (Chart 9). Across the OECD, second generation immigrant children tend to lag behind non-immigrant students, often by substantial margins (Chart 10). Chart 9Hispanic Educational Attainment Lags Behind Chart 10Worries About Immigrant Assimilation Immigration policies that place emphasis on attracting skilled migrants would mitigate these concerns. While such policies have been adopted in a number of countries, they have often been opposed by right-leaning business groups that benefit from cheap and abundant labor and left-leaning political parties that want the votes that immigrants and their descendants provide. Humanitarian concerns also make it difficult to curtail migration, especially when it is coming from war-torn regions. Chart 11The Projected Expansion In Sub-Saharan Population Europe's migration crisis has ebbed in recent months but could flare up at any time. In 2004, the United Nations estimated that sub-Saharan Africa's population will increase to 2 billion by the end of the century, up from one billion at present. In its 2017 revision, the UN doubled its projection to 4 billion. Nigeria's population is expected to rise to nearly 800 million by 2100; Congo's will soar to 370 million; Ethiopia's will hit 250 million (Chart 11). And even that may be too conservative because the UN assumes that the average number of births per woman in sub-Saharan Africa will fall from 5.1 to 2.2 over this period. For investors, the possibility that migration flows could become disorderly raises significant risks. For one, low-skill migration could also cause fiscal balances to deteriorate, leading to higher interest rates. Moreover, as we discuss in greater detail below, it could propel more populist parties into power. This is a particularly significant worry for Europe, where populist parties have often pursued business-sceptic, anti-EU agendas. Megatrend #3: ­­­Social Fragmentation In his book "Bowling Alone," Harvard sociologist Robert Putnam documented the breakdown of social capital across America, famously exemplified by the decline in bowling leagues.4 There is no single explanation for why communal ties appear to be fraying. Those on the left cite rising income and wealth inequality. Those on the right blame the welfare state and government policies that prioritize multiculturalism over assimilation. Conservative commentators also argue that today's cultural elites are no longer interested in instilling the rest of society with middle-class values. As a result, behaviours that were once only associated with the underclass have gone mainstream.5 Technological trends are exacerbating social fragmentation. Instead of bringing people together, the internet has allowed like-minded people to self-segregate into echo chambers where members of the community simply reinforce what others already believe. It is thus no surprise that political polarization has grown by leaps and bounds (Chart 12). Chart 12U.S. Political Polarization: Growing Apart When people can no longer see eye to eye, established institutions lose legitimacy. Chart 13 shows that trust in the media has collapsed, especially among right-leaning voters. Perhaps most worrying, support for democracy itself has dwindled around the world (Chart 14). It would be naïve to think that the public's rejection of the political establishment will not be mirrored in a loss of support for the business establishment. The Democrats "Better Deal" moves the party to the left on many economic issues. Nearly three-quarters of Democratic voters believe that corporations make "too much profit," up from about 60% in the 1990s (Chart 15). Chart 13The Erosion Of Trust In Media Chart 14Who Needs Democracy When You Have Tinder? Chart 15People Versus Companies The share of Republican voters who think corporations are undertaxed has stayed stable in the low-40s, but this may not last much longer. Wall Street, Silicon Valley, and the rest of the corporate establishment tend to lean liberal on social issues and conservative on economic ones - the exact opposite of a typical Trump voter. If Trump voters abandon corporate America, this will leave the U.S. without any major party actively pushing a pro-business agenda. That can't be good for profit margins. The fact that social fragmentation is on the rise casts doubt on much of the boilerplate, feel-good commentary written about the "sharing economy." For starters, the term is absurd. Uber drivers are not sharing their vehicles. They are using them to make money. Both passengers and drivers can see one another's ratings before they meet. This reduces the need for trust. As trust falls, crime rises. The U.S. homicide rate surged by 20% between 2014 and 2016 according to a recent FBI report.6 In Chicago, the murder rate jumped by 86%. In Baltimore, it spiked by 52%. Chart 16 shows that violent crime in Baltimore has remained elevated ever since riots gripped the city in April 2015. The number of homicides in New York, whose residents tend to support more liberal policing standards for cities other than their own, has remained flat, but that is unlikely to stay the case if crime is rising elsewhere. The multi-century decline in European homicide rates also appears to have ended (Table 2). Chart 16Do You Still Want To Move Downtown? Table 2Crime Rates Are Creeping Higher In Europe Chart 17Homicides And Inflation Much has been written about how millennials are flocking to cities to enjoy the benefits of urban life. But this trend emerged during a period when urban crime rates were falling. If that era has ended, urban real estate prices could suffer tremendously. It is perhaps not surprising that the increase in crime rates starting in the 1960s was mirrored in rising inflation (Chart 17). If governments cannot even maintain law and order, how can they be trusted to do what it takes to preserve the value of fiat money? The implication is that greater social instability in the future is likely to lead to lower bond prices and a higher equity risk premium. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 2 Another problem with the neoclassical model is that it assumes perfectly flexible wages and prices. This ensures that the economy is always at full employment. Thus, if the saving rate rises, investment is assumed to increase to fully fill the void left by the decline in consumption. In the real world, the opposite tends to happen: When households reduce consumption, firms invest less, not more, in new capacity. One of the advantages of the traditional Keynesian framework is that it captures this reality. And interestingly, it also predicts that aging will be deflationary at first, but will eventually become inflationary. Initially, slower population growth reduces the need for firms to expand capacity, causing investment demand to fall. Aggregate savings also rise, as more people move into their peak saving years. Globally, savings must equal investment. If desired investment falls and desired savings rise, real rates will decrease. At the margin, lower real rates will encourage investment and discourage saving, thus ensuring that the global savings-investment identity is satisfied. As savings ultimately begins to decline as more people retire, the equilibrium real rate of interest will rise again. 3 Michael A. Clemens, "Economics and Emigration: Trillion-Dollar Bills on the Sidewalk?" Journal of Economic Perspectives Vol. 25, no.3, pp. 83-106 (Summer 2011). 4 Robert D. Putnam, "Bowling Alone: The Collapse And Revival Of American Community," Simon and Schuster, 2001. 5 Charles Murray has been a leading proponent of this argument. Please see "Coming Apart: The State Of White America, 1960-2010," Three Rivers Press, 2013. 6 Federal Bureau of Investigation, "Crime In The United States 2016" (Accessed October 25, 2017). Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

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The complete annihilation of all human life represents the mother of all tail risks. We estimate that there is a 50% chance that doomsday will occur by 2290, and a 95% chance that it will occur by 2710. If the risk of doomsday is elevated, what is an investor to do?