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Highlights Fiscal stimulus is no longer a free lunch. US mortgage applications are down by 20 percent since the start of February. With rising bond yields now starting to choke private sector borrowing, bond yields are nearing an upper-limit, and even a reversal point. In which case, the tide out of defensives into cyclicals, and growth into value, will be a tide that reverses. New 6-month recommendation: underweight US banks (XLF) versus consumer staples (XLP). Fractal trade shortlist: US banks, bitcoin, ether, and GBP/JPY. Feature Chart of the WeekMortgage Applications Are Down 20 Percent Why would anybody not get excited about trillions of dollars of fiscal stimulus? The two word answer is: crowding out. If a dollar that is borrowed and spent by the government (or even forecast to be borrowed and spent by the government) pushes up the bond yield, it makes it more expensive for the private sector to borrow and spend. If, as a result, the private sector scales back its borrowing by a dollar, the dollar of government spending has crowded out a dollar of private sector spending. In this case, fiscal stimulus will have no impact on GDP. The fiscal multiplier will be zero. Under some circumstances though, fiscal stimulus does not crowd out the private sector and the fiscal multiplier is extremely high. 2020 was the perfect case in point. As the pandemic gripped the world, much of the private sector was on its knees. Or to be more precise, in lockdown at home, doing nothing, receiving no income, and unwilling and unable to borrow. In such a crisis, the government became the ‘borrower of last resort’. It could, and had to, borrow at will to replace the private sector’s lost income and thereby to stabilise the collapse in demand. With no competition from private sector borrowers for the glut of excess savings, bond yields stayed depressed. Meaning that fiscal stimulus was a free lunch: it had lots of benefit with little cost (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Fiscal Stimulus Was A Free Lunch In 2020, But Not In 2021 Fiscal Stimulus Is No Longer A Free Lunch Covid-19 is still with us, and could be with us forever. Yet the economy will adapt and even thrive with structural changes, such as decentralisation, hybrid office/home working, a shift to online shopping, and less international travel. In fact, all these structural changes were underway long before Covid-19. Meaning that the pandemic was the accelerant rather than the cause of what was happening to the economy anyway. As the private sector now gets back on its feet to restructure, spend, and invest accordingly, fiscal stimulus is no longer a free lunch. Fiscal stimulus is most effective when it is not pushing up the bond yield. To repeat, last year’s massive fiscal stimulus was highly effective because it had little impact on the bond yield, so there was no crowding out of private sector borrowing. The markets have fully priced the 2021 stimulus, but not the crowding out. However, the most recent stimulus package has pushed up the bond yield or, at least, is a major culprit for the recent spike in yields. Hence, there will be some crowding out of private sector borrowing. Worryingly, US mortgage applications, for both purchasing and refinancing, are down by 20 percent since the start of February (Chart of the Week and Chart I-3). Chart I-3Mortgage Applications For Refi Are Down 20 Percent The resulting choke on private sector borrowing and investment will at least partly negate any putative boost from this fiscal stimulus. The concern is that the markets have fully priced the stimulus, but not the crowding out. Time To Rotate Back In our February 18 report, The Rational Bubble Is Turning Irrational, we warned that high-flying tech stocks were at a point of vulnerability. Specifically, since 2009, the technology sector earnings yield had always maintained a minimum 2.5 percent premium over the 10-year T-bond yield, defining the envelope of a ‘rational bubble.’ In February, this envelope was breached, indicating that tech stock valuations were in a new and irrational phase (Chart I-4). Chart I-4The Rational Bubble Turned Irrational The warning proved to be prescient. In the second half of February, tech stocks did sell off sharply and entered a technical correction.1 As a result, tech-dominated stock markets such as China and the Netherlands also suffered sharp declines. Proving once again that regional and country stock market performance is nothing more than an extension of sector performance (Chart I-5). Chart I-5As Tech Corrected, So Did Tech-Heavy Markets But the aggregate stock market has remained more resilient than we expected, and is only modestly down versus its mid-February peak. The reason is that while highly-valued growth stocks suffered the anticipated correction, value stocks continued to advance (Chart I-6). Chart I-6Time To Rotate Back We can explain this divergence in terms of the three components of stock market valuation: The bond yield. The additional return or ‘risk premium’ for owning stocks. The expected growth of earnings. Tech and other growth stocks are ‘long-duration’ assets meaning that their earnings are weighted into the distant future. Hence, for growth stocks the relevant valuation comparison is a long-duration bond yield, say the 10-year yield. Whereas for ‘shorter-duration’ value stocks the relevant valuation comparison is a shorter-duration bond yield, say the 2-year yield. Given that the 10-year yield has risen much more than the 2-year yield, the pain has been much more pronounced for growth stock valuations. Turning to the ‘risk premium’ for owning stocks, at ultra-low bond yields the risk premium just moves in tandem with the bond yield. Hence, as the 10-year yield has spiked, the combination of a rising yield plus a rising risk premium has doubled the pain for growth stock valuations. For a detailed explanation of this dynamic please see our February 18 report. Regarding the expected growth of earnings, the market believes that stimulus is much more beneficial for economically sensitive value stocks than for economically insensitive growth stocks. But now that we are at the point where rising bond yields are starting to choke private demand, the rise in bond yields is nearing a limit, and even a reversal point. In which case, the strong tide out of defensives into cyclicals will also be a tide that reverses. On this basis, and supported by the strong technical arguments in the next section, we are opening a new 6-month position: Underweight US banks versus US consumer staples, expressed as underweight XLF versus XLP. US Banks, Bitcoin, Ether, And The Pound This week we have identified susceptibilities to countertrend moves in three areas. The bullish groupthink in US banks is at an extreme. First, based on its fragile fractal structure, the (bullish) groupthink in US banks versus consumer staples is at an extreme approaching February 2016 (bearish), December 2016 (bullish), and March 2020 (bearish). All these previous extremes in fragility proved to be turning points in relative performance. If this proves true again, the next six months could see a reversal of US bank outperformance (Chart I-7). Chart I-7The Groupthink In US Banks Is At An Extreme Second, we are extremely bullish on the structural prospects for cryptocurrencies, and are preparing a report detailing the compelling investment case. Look out for it. That said, the composite fractal structures of both bitcoin and ethereum indicate that they are technically very overbought (Chart I-8 and Chart I-9). Accordingly, we are hoping for pullbacks that provide better strategic entry points for bitcoin at $40,000, and for ethereum at $1300. Chart I-8Bitcoin Is Technically Overbought Chart I-9Ethereum Is Technically Overbought Third, the UK’s Covid-19 vaccination program was one of the fastest out of the blocks. As the vaccination rate quickly rose to over half the adult population (based on at least one vaccination dose), the pound was a major beneficiary. But now, the UK vaccination program is facing the hurdle of reduced supplies. Additionally, there is the danger that the third wave of infections in Continental Europe washes onto the shores of Britain. Hence, the recent strong rally in the pound is susceptible to a countertrend reversal (Chart 10). This week’s recommended trade is short GBP/JPY setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 2.2 percent. Chart I-10The Pound Is Susceptible To A Reversal Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 A technical correction is defined as a 10 percent price decline. Fractal Trading System Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Asset Performance Equity Market Performance Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Euro Area Chart II-2Europe Ex Euro Area Chart II-3Asia Chart II-4Other Developed   Interest Rate Chart II-5Expectations Chart II-6Expectations Chart II-7Expectations Chart II-8Expectations ​​​​​​

The mighty USA remains the world’s growth locomotive that tugs the global economy higher. In fact, in a recent Strategy Report we highlighted how US growth expectations outpace the EMU (see Chart 17 here) by a hefty margin. Even the Fed has now thrown in the towel and expects 6.5% real GDP growth for calendar 2021. Such dominance also comes at a small cost as foreigners begin to accumulate US financial assets that, at the margin, drains US dollar-based liquidity. Similarly, chip and other shortages the world over along with transportation bottlenecks also slow down global trade that in turn further mops up USD liquidity. The knock-on effect of an appreciating US dollar is well-known: it effectively tightens global monetary conditions. In more detail, it deals a blow to emerging markets (EM) especially twin deficit countries, and also eats into 40% of SPX sales that are foreign sourced. As a reminder, we recently downgraded the cyclicals/defensives portfolio tilt from overweight to neutral in anticipation of EM-driven headwinds in general, and China’s looming slowdown in particular. Bottom Line: Near-term caution is warranted, and we reiterate our recent downside protection trigger, where our portfolio went long June VIX futures as a hedge.  

Highlights Biden has enough political capital to pass at least one more major piece of legislation. The next major bill will increase the budget deficit further, adding additional stimulus, though it will consist of structural reforms over a ten-year time frame and with a drag created by tax hikes. Our annual key views are on track: polarization has subsided but remains at peak levels from a historical point of view; structural reform is underway, although any chance of bipartisanship is slipping; the Republicans remain deeply divided despite some signs of regrouping. Investors should remain cyclically bullish although the sharp rise in bond yields, the bounce in the US dollar, China’s growth deceleration, and geopolitical risks all warrant tactical caution in the near term. Feature The first quarter of the year brought a few political surprises – from the Capitol Hill riot to Trump’s second impeachment – but the only significant surprise for the American investor was the Democratic victory in the Georgia Senate runoffs. This victory changed the policy setting, producing a Democratic majority in the US Senate and enabling the Biden administration to project three budget reconciliation bills (for FY2021, 2022, 2023) that require zero Republican votes.  The first of these bills was signed into law promptly as expected. The $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act consists of short-term cash handouts and social spending that will supercharge an economic recovery that is rapidly accelerating due to the rollout of vaccines for COVID-19 (Chart 1). Chart 1American Rescue Plan Boosts GDP The second major piece of legislation, likely the budget reconciliation bill for FY2022, will consist of net increases to the budget deficit, thus further stimulating the economy, albeit along with structural reform, i.e. social safety net and tax hikes, and a 10-year time horizon. In the second quarter investors will learn the parameters of the bill through Biden’s address to a joint session of Congress, an idealistic presidential budget proposal, a more realistic House and Senate budget resolution, and an extended negotiation. Yet Biden’s second bill will probably not be signed into law until the third or even fourth quarter. Big Government Is Back The American Rescue Plan Act cements a new era of “Big Government” that should be ascribed not to any particular party but to underlying populist pressures in the United States. President Trump’s big-spending ways and pandemic relief packages had already produced a major step up in the government contribution to economic output, as shown in Chart 2, and this will go higher once Biden’s 8.7% of GDP bill is added to the mix. This increase in the government role is likely to last beyond the pandemic given that President Trump had already taught the Republicans that fiscal austerity does not win votes. Republicans will still be the party of “limited government” but that is a relative concept and they will not be able to win elections on a platform of slashing spending, at least not until stagflation returns. In the meantime they are out of power and tax-and-spend liberals rule the roost. Chart 2Era Of Big Government Is Back Our updated budget projections show that the decline of stimulus spending will be gradual in the coming years if Biden delivers his second reconciliation bill for FY2022 (Chart 3). Major changes from previous versions have to do with changes to the Congressional Budget Office’s baseline outlook. Our new Democratic Low Spending scenario assumes a $2 trillion dollar green/infrastructure package, a $1 trillion health care reform, and a roughly $2 trillion increase in tax revenue. The Democrats will raise taxes – at least partially repealing Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act and raising a few other taxes. We expect the market to be negatively surprised by the magnitude of tax hikes, at least initially, though the upside risk to the equity market is that tax hikes will be watered down by moderate Democrats in the Senate. We would not bet on a positive tax surprise because even moderate Democrats are in favor of taxing corporations and the wealthy, the taxes can be phased in over a 10-year period, and the economy is on a cyclical upswing combined with mammoth new spending programs. Chart 3US Budget Deficit Booms Under Biden Our presumption that Biden will sign his second major bill into law this fall (even as late as December) rests on the vulnerability of his administration and party. Traditional Democrats, embodied by Biden, Democratic leaders in Congress, and Biden’s technocratic cabinet (Appendix), face a historic accumulation of political pressure from their populist left-wing and from Trump’s populist Republican Party. If they cannot deliver on major “bread and butter” promises to the American people, while including just enough progressive elements to keep the far left at bay, they risk extinction in coming election cycles. This pressure is real and will enable at least one more major legislative achievement. Bottom Line: Government spending has taken a big step up and Biden’s second major legislative initiative will ensure that the step up is permanent rather than a temporary response to a crisis. The macro impact is inflationary on the margin. Biden’s Second Reconciliation Bill Is the Biden administration over-stimulating the economy and setting the US up for overheating? It looks like it, though the size of tax hikes is as yet unknown. Going forward the stock market will be extremely attentive to two risks that cut in different directions: excessive stimulus and excessive tax hikes. The American Rescue Plan alone is more than twice as large as the estimated output gap. The output gap is widely expected to be closed by the end of the year (Chart 4). Even a $1 trillion infrastructure package – much lower than the currently rumored $3 trillion – would be excessive in this context. Chart 4Output Gap Is Virtually Closed The infrastructure package that is being planned – which would include a range of measures in addition to roads and bridges, such as green energy projects, supply chain on-shoring, and digital infrastructure – would take place over a ten-year period and will be coupled with a drag from new taxes. A modern-age infrastructure plan would boost productivity and hence potential GDP growth, which could offset some of the inflationary impact. Speculatively, the simplest path for achieving Biden’s objectives would be to put his health care reform (with other welfare proposals) in the FY2022 reconciliation bill along with tax reform. Tax changes are the purpose of the reconciliation process. Unlike infrastructure, health provisions are virtually guaranteed to pass the arcane rules of reconciliation. This is not a minor concern: the Senate parliamentarian ruled out a federal minimum wage hike in the American Rescue Plan because it was not directly germane to government revenues and expenditures and could do the same to infrastructure. Bear in mind that the Obama administration passed a key component of the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) via reconciliation, setting a precedent that health care is germane. More broadly the Democratic Party has prioritized health care since 1992, now has a chance to clinch it, and has repeatedly benefited at the ballot box on the health agenda. Infrastructure, unlike health and tax reform, could conceivably pass in a regular bill, or piecemeal in annual spending bills, in which Biden would wheel and deal to try to get 60 votes (50 Democrats, 10 Republicans). However, the latest rumors as we go to press suggest the Democrats will prioritize infrastructure and link it to tax reform. Republicans will not vote for tax hikes so reconciliation would still be required in this case. Reconciliation is trickier with infrastructure spending than with health care, though not impossible. What is clear is that Biden’s agenda is too large to fit into one bill, that tax hikes are being planned, and that reconciliation is necessary for tax hikes. Based on our scenarios in Table 1, every realistic scenario involves an increase to the budget deficit, ranging from around $500 billion to $5.4 trillion over the 10-year period. Therefore the economy will receive additional stimulus on top of the unprecedented peacetime stimulus it has already received. Table 1Scenarios For Biden’s Second Reconciliation Bill Two other gleanings from Q1 bear mentioning: Biden’s policies on trade and immigration. On trade, Biden is coopting Trump’s hawkish China policy while trying to improve trade relations with allies and partners. The trade deficit is set to expand along with economic recovery and stimulus, resulting in larger twin deficits (Chart 5). This trend should weigh on the US dollar – but the dollar has strengthened so far this year. Given the US’s inherent strengths – rule of law, innovation, faster relative growth – and the structural rise in global geopolitical tensions, covered regularly by our twin Geopolitical Strategy, we are loathe to bet against a rising dollar. However, investors should note that the BCA House View expects the dollar to relapse and the dollar bear market to continue. On immigration, Biden faces his greatest domestic policy challenge. By easing border and immigration enforcement amid a hyper-charged economic recovery, he has invited a large flow of immigrants and refugees (Chart 6). He is thus forced to take urgent border actions to staunch the flow. If he does what is necessary to maintain order then he will widen the rift with the far left. Meanwhile Republicans are finding an issue over which they can start to reunite. Chart 5US Twin Deficits Balloon Chart 6Immigration A Looming Problem For Biden Bottom Line: The air of crisis is dissipating rapidly and proposed tax hikes will motivate opposition but Biden still has enough political capital to get at least one more budget reconciliation bill passed. The bill will focus on health/welfare (easier to pass but more inflationary) or infrastructure (harder but better for productivity). Either way the net deficit impact will be negative and the dual risk of higher taxes and economic overheating will create hurdles for the stock market rally.   Updating Our Three Key Views For 2021 How do the events of Q1 impact our three key views for 2021? At the start of the year we forecast (1) that the US’s political polarization would subside but remain at historically peak levels; (2) that the US would launch major structural reforms, in some cases on a bipartisan basis; (3) that Republican disunity would enable this contradictory environment of polarization yet occasional bipartisanship. Based on the first quarter’s events, we would draw the following conclusions for the second quarter and beyond: 1.   Peak Polarization: Polarization has indeed subsided (Chart 7). The country is still vulnerable to major polarizing events, including domestic extremists of whatever stripe, though any major terrorist attack would likely strengthen support for the sitting government. A fall in polarization is just one positive factor in Biden’s overall political capital, which we measure through our US Political Capital Index (Table 2). We consider Biden’s political capital moderate-to-strong because consumer confidence and the economy will likely improve. However, passing legislation will gradually get harder. The Obama administration had considerably greater strength in the Senate than the Biden administration, though, as mentioned, reconciliation guarantees Biden one or two more major pieces of legislation (Chart 8). Democrats can still overturn the filibuster, which requires a 60-vote majority on regular legislation, as we have long highlighted. But for now they seem to accept a watering-down of the filibuster (a “talking filibuster”) that will still give the minority Republicans the ability to halt controversial legislation. Chart 7Polarization Slips But Remains Elevated Table 2Biden’s Political Capital Is Moderate To Strong Chart 8Major Legislation Can Pass Early In Presidential Term 2.   Bipartisan Structural Reform: The fact that not a single Republican senator voted for the American Rescue Plan Act, despite the lingering pandemic and air of crisis, suggests that bipartisanship is extremely limited, e.g. limited to the seven Republican senators who voted to convict Trump (Table 3). However, bipartisanship is still possible on an infrastructure package if the Democrats do not link it with tax hikes. Table 3Centrist Senators – And Republicans Who Voted To Convict Trump Beneath the surface there is bipartisanship when it comes to trade, supply chains, and countering China. Tariffs bottomed under the Obama administration and Biden started off with another round of “Buy America” provisions and a tentative decision to maintain Trump’s tariffs on China (Chart 9). Measures to boost US supply chain resilience in technology, health, and defense could be rolled up into an infrastructure package to help garner 10 Republican votes. Republicans have prepared for possible compromise by clearing the way for the use of “earmarks,” or constituency-based legislative incentives, otherwise known as pork-barrel spending.  Chart 9Tarriff Levels Bottomed Under Obama The market currently expects an infrastructure bill to pass, as indicated by the outperformance of infrastructure-related stocks, industrials, and materials relative to the market. Our BCA Infrastructure basket is outperforming (Chart 10). The market does not currently expect the Democrats to focus on health care policy, which creates the likelihood of a negative surprise for this sector (Chart 11). Chart 10Market Says Infrastructure Will Pass (One Way Or Another) The managed health care sub-sector (the insurance companies) staged a surprise rally over the past month that should reverse as Biden’s legislative proposals become known. However, Big Pharma and biotech continue to sell off as expected. Again, the simplest FY2022 reconciliation bill would consist of Biden’s health reform plus tax reform. The market is having some doubts about Democrats’ climate change agenda, which will be stuffed into the infrastructure package, given that the US renewable energy index has rolled over relative to global renewables. US cyclicals are also outperforming renewables (Chart 12). If Democrats do not use reconciliation, they may not get many green projects passed. If they do use reconciliation, their health and welfare reforms will have to wait until a FY2023 reconciliation bill that may not get passed. Chart 11More Pain Coming For Health Insurers, Big Pharma Chart 12Market Skeptical About Biden Climate Agenda Passage   3.   Republicans In The Wilderness: Although Republicans have begun to regroup faster than many expected, the divisions within the party have not been healed and will continue to flare up in disputes that threaten to wreck the party. Trump and the populist wing are preparing to put up primary election challengers to establishment Republican senators and representatives who voted against Trump or otherwise who vote against his “America First” agenda. Yet it is possible that 10 Republicans will find it impossible to vote against Biden’s infrastructure package if it is well-designed regarding supply chains and China and not linked with tax hikes. Trump could split the party via his personal following (which may be enhanced by a new social media outlet) and his ability to divide the party’s votes if he forms a “Patriot Party.” We recently showed, via the “Prisoner’s Dilemma” in game theory, that the Republicans must choose a Trumpist agenda of fiscal largesse, trade protectionism, and border security if they are to succeed. Yet Trump may or may not choose to run for president again or form a third party. The result is that Trump is more likely than not to be the Republican candidate in 2024 but there are huge risks to the party’s coherence as the party establishment tries to convince Trump to bow out and support a successor (Diagram 1). The point is that Trump remains a loose cannon and is capable of dividing the party single-handedly. Since investors cannot predict Trump’s behavior they should not expect the Republicans to unite in the near term. Diagram 1Game Theory Says Republicans Will Court Trump Bottom Line: Our three key views for 2021 are broadly on track – polarization is subsiding but still near peak levels, structural reform is underway (though bipartisanship is clearly at risk), and the Republicans remain divided and ineffectual. The Democrats’ handling of their infrastructure package will determine if bipartisanship can reinforce structural reform but the FY2022 reconciliation process enables them to achieve some reform regardless. Investment Takeaways The Federal Reserve expects GDP to grow by 6.5% in 2021 as a whole (up from the 4.2% estimate in December) and the unemployment rate to fall to 4.5% by the end of the year (down from 5% previously). Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen is expected to predict full employment by 2022. Households are likely to spend at least a third of the $699 billion in dole money they receive (stimulus checks and topped-up unemployment benefits), according to surveys highlighted by our Global Investment Strategy. This summer will have a party on every block, whether authorized or not. While details are scant about the exact makeup of the Biden administration’s next major legislation, what is clear is that it will have a net negative impact on the budget balance. Democrats will raise taxes but not so much as to jeopardize the economic recovery and their election prospects in 2022-24. This ultra-easy fiscal policy coincides with an ultra-easy monetary policy in which the Fed has insisted it will not raise rates through 2023. The market expects four rate hikes by that time, which would put the Fed funds rate at about 1.1%. The Fed will eventually have to adjust its path for the Fed funds rate and start thinking about thinking about tapering asset purchases. But the main thing to remember is that the Fed has committed to generating an inflation overshoot.   In this context, US investors should be cyclically bullish albeit tactically guarded given the sharp rise in bond yields and rising dollar. A pro-cyclical orientation would favor small caps over large caps, cyclicals over defensives, and value over growth stocks. All of these positions have recently met with some resistance and could face a healthy near-term correction. Cyclical stocks are historically very elevated relative to defensives (Chart 13). But over a 12-month period the recovery and stimulus will reinforce the bullish view, as rising bond yields will not stop equities from rising if the Fed stands pat. Chart 13Cyclicals Look Toppy Versus Defensives The chief risks to the pro-cyclical orientation stem from any breakout in the US dollar, the rollover in China’s growth momentum, and the Biden administration’s tax hikes and foreign policy challenges. These risks are all immediate and serious, especially given high stock market valuations. China’s policy tightening will not be fully felt in the economy until the second half of the year and Biden’s specific foreign policy challenges can result in negative geopolitical shocks at any time this year or over the next four years. The point is to buy on the dips unless surprise events fundamentally alter the reflationary cyclical backdrop. With regard to equity sectors, our US Political Risk Matrix highlights the chief policy risks to our US Equity Strategy’s views. Generally speaking Biden poses upside risks to industrials and consumer discretionary sectors and downside risks to energy, health care, tech, and communications (Table 4). After a quarter’s worth of information on markets and policy, these views are mostly confirmed: stay cyclically bullish on industrials and financials, bearish on tech and health care. Table 4US Political Risk Matrix In the case of energy we continue to be neutral-to-bullish over a 12-month time horizon as long as demand is recovering, global inventories are drawing down, and the immediate geopolitical scene is conducive to tit-for-tat attacks in the Middle East, as is the case in the first half of the year. But Biden’s regulatory risks and disruptive climate change agenda can bring negative surprises for US oil producers and Biden’s foreign policy would ultimately be positive for Middle East oil supply. In the case of communications services we are neutral-to-bearish. The Biden administration is allied with Big Tech but it is tightening regulation and anti-trust enforcement gradually to gain greater control over the sector.1 The Treasury selloff is set to continue. Yields are starting to reach pre-COVID levels and have a way to go until they challenge 2018 levels. From peak to trough in the Bloomberg Barclays Treasury Index, the current selloff is not as bad as in the past four recoveries, as our US Bond Strategy has shown. As the economic rebound shows up in hard data over the course of this year, the Fed’s revised expectations will confirm the bond selloff in the financial market. We would thus favor high-yield corporate bonds. We remain overweight TIPS and municipal bonds relative to duration-matched nominal bonds. In recent years presidential approval has correlated remarkably well with the stock-to-bond ratio about two months later (Chart 14). The implication is that higher presidential approval is consistent with receding uncertainty and greater consumer optimism about the economy, which is reflected in rising bond yields and share prices. Neither Biden’s approval rating nor the stock-to-bond ratio is likely to go much higher without a consolidation phase, however, as implied by the chart. Chart 14Stock-To-Bond Ratio Needs A Breather In Q2 Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Table A1BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment   Table A1CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Table A2Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Footnotes 1     Biden is expected to nominate anti-trust scholar Lina Khan for FTC commissioner.  

Last December in our “2021 High-Conviction Calls” Strategy Report we instituted a long VIX futures trade (for a second time) as a hedge to our cyclical exposure, and earlier this year we crystallized handsome gains just shy of 20% from this hedge. Subsequently, we put on a stop buy order at 25 on the June 2021 VIX futures and that was triggered intraday on Monday. We are obeying our stop buy and have reinstated our hedge. Over the past month, we highlighted how Chinese data softening (see here and here), coupled with the lack of an SPX valuation cushion could spell some short-term trouble for the broad equity market. The chart on the right further underpins the point: the VIX’s term structure indicates that stress has built up beneath the surface. Tack on the fact that the SPX sits near our end-2021 4,000 target, and short-term cautiousness is warranted anew. Bottom Line: Intraday on Monday we obeyed our stop buy order and initiated a long June 2021 VIX futures position at 25 as a near-term hedge to our high-conviction calls. ​​​​​​​