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Highlights Cryptocurrencies are the ‘digital gold’. Long-term investors should hold cryptocurrencies and gold in inverse proportion to their volatilities. On this basis, cryptocurrencies should take around a quarter of the $15 trillion anti-fiat asset market, taking the bitcoin price to around $120,000. Own a diversified basket of cryptocurrencies, including an eco-friendlier ‘proof of stake’ cryptocurrency such as Ethereum. As cryptocurrencies take a larger share of the anti-fiat market, gold’s massive anti-fiat premium versus silver and platinum will collapse. Structural recommendation: overweight silver and platinum versus gold. Structurally underweight gold miners, both versus other miners and versus the market. Feature Feature ChartEach Time People Thought Bitcoin Was In A Bubble, They Were Wrong This Special Report presents the long-term investment case for cryptocurrencies. It is the transcript of twenty questions and answers that made up a recent conversation with a sceptical client. 1.     I am sceptical of cryptocurrencies. Specifically, I think that bitcoin is dirty, slow, volatile, and impractical. Are you going to convince me otherwise? Yes, I’m going to tell you that those criticisms are misunderstandings, or, at least, irrelevant to the long-term investment case. 2.     Ok, let me ask the $57,000 question. Is bitcoin in a bubble? No, bitcoin is not in a bubble. Though to be clear, its price could fall sharply from its current overbought position. Bitcoin’s price has collapsed by 80 percent on three separate occasions: in 2011, 2014, and 2018. Each time, people said the bitcoin bubble had burst, and each time they were wrong. Each time, bitcoin recouped its losses within a couple of years and went on to new highs. On a long-term horizon, I expect the same to happen again (Feature Chart). Cryptocurrencies Are The ‘Digital Gold’ 3.     So, what is the long-term investment case for owning bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies? Cryptocurrencies are the ‘digital gold’. So long as we have a fiat money system, there will be demand for an ‘anti-fiat’ asset that is a hedge against a debasement of the fiat money system. For decades, the dominant anti-fiat asset has been gold. But cryptocurrencies are the new kid on the block threatening gold’s dominance. So far, cryptocurrencies account for just 10 percent of the $15 trillion anti-fiat market. As this share doubles or trebles, it arithmetically requires a doubling or trebling of cryptocurrency prices. 4.     New cryptocurrencies seem to appear every day. How can the limitless number of cryptocurrencies be compared with gold, whose supply is limited? Although the number of cryptocurrencies is unlimited, the total cryptocurrency money supply is limited by the amount of energy expended to mine them. As a useful analogy, each cryptocurrency is like a separate gold miner. While there could be an unlimited number of gold miners, there could not be an unlimited supply of gold. 5.     But a cryptocurrency has no intrinsic value, right? Right, but a fifty pound note has no intrinsic value either. It’s just a bit of paper. The value of a fifty pound note – or any fiat money for that matter – is the trust that you place in the government and the central bank to maintain its value. Likewise, the value of a bitcoin is the trust that you place in the blockchain to maintain its long-term value – so it’s really like an alternative trust system to the trust you place in the fiat monetary system. In fact, the blockchain is often called ‘the trust machine’. 6.     Yet gold does have an intrinsic value. I can always melt it down and wear it as valuable jewellery, which makes it a superior anti-fiat asset, right? No, this is a misunderstanding. Gold does have an intrinsic value, but it is a small fraction of its $1700/oz price. Gold’s intrinsic value is a small fraction of its $1700/oz price. The proof comes from comparing the precious metal price ratios with their (inverse) mining ratios. For the other precious metals – silver and platinum – the price ratio lines up broadly with the mining ratio, as it should (Chart I-2). But gold is the outlier, trading at a massive premium to its mining ratio. For example, the gold/silver price ratio at 70 compares with a mining ratio of 7.5, a near tenfold premium (Chart I-3). So, most of gold’s value comes from its status as the dominant anti-fiat asset. Chart I-2Platinum To Silver Trades Broadly In Line With Its Mining Ratio Chart I-3Gold To Silver Trades At A Massive Premium To Its Mining Ratio 7.     Hasn’t the gold/silver price ratio always been this elevated? No, through the many centuries that gold and silver had equal monetary status, the gold/silver price ratio tracked its mining ratio of around 15. Gold’s massive premium arose only when it became the dominant anti-fiat asset – first, when the gold standard collapsed in 1931 and then, when the Bretton Woods ‘pseudo gold standard’ collapsed in 1971. Proving that most of the current value of gold is its value as the dominant anti-fiat asset (Chart I-4).  Chart I-4Gold’s Massive Premium Is Due To Its Status As The Dominant Anti-Fiat Asset 8.     But unlike gold, cryptocurrencies trade like extreme risk-assets, so are they suitable for a conservative investor, like me? Conservative investors like you have no qualms holding gold even though it can suffer significant drawdowns, such as a 30 percent loss in 2013 and a near 20 percent loss through the past six months (Chart I-5). Of course, cryptocurrencies can suffer even bigger drawdowns, but this can be addressed by position sizing. Specifically, holding $1 of cryptocurrency for every $3 of gold will equalise the drawdown risks from the two anti-fiat assets. Chart I-5Gold Can Suffer Significant Drawdowns Countering The Counterarguments 9.     Now we come to the elephant in the room. Even if I accept that cryptocurrencies are the ‘digital gold’, mining these cryptocurrencies consumes as much energy as a small country. Isn’t this a huge problem? No, this is another misunderstanding. There is nothing wrong with using energy, and it is up to the market – rather than governments or self-proclaimed experts – to decide how to allocate our energy consumption. Remember that we are becoming less energy-intensive in other parts of our lives, so if the market deems that a certain proportion of energy consumption is well served to secure a superior anti-fiat asset, then that’s fine. Thinking more broadly, intermediation functions like banking and legal services account for around two percent of world GDP, while energy production accounts for five percent. So, if the blockchain could carry out that intermediation more efficiently and securely, then society could justify the blockchain consuming two fifths of the world’s energy. 10.   Ok, but what about the dirty energy that cryptocurrency mining consumes, and the damage it does to the environment? Yes, dirty energy is a problem but let’s address it by banning or taxing dirty energy! And let’s have a fair comparison. Gold mining might consume less energy than cryptocurrency mining, but it devastates the environment via the 99 percent of extracted ore that is dumped as waste, landscape destruction, acid mine drainage, and mercury production. Not to mention the tremendous energy needed to transport gold. None of these dirty issues apply to cryptocurrencies. Ultimately, the blockchain is a force for good because, unlike the internal combustion engine or mining, it can be a hundred percent environmentally friendly. Moreover, compared to the usual ‘proof of work’ protocol to secure a transaction, the emerging ‘proof of stake’ protocol removes the advantage to the most powerful computers, and thereby consumes much less energy. 11.    But the fiat currency system does just fine. And gold does just fine for those who want an anti-fiat currency asset. So, isn’t bitcoin just a ‘solution in search of a problem’? Almost every innovation is a ‘solution in search of a problem!’ Before aeroplanes, weren’t we doing just fine with ships and trains? And before the internet, weren’t we doing just fine with information disseminated by governments and major media and publishing companies? Then the internet decentralised and democratised information, and transformed every aspect of our lives. In the same way, the blockchain, which decentralises and democratises trust, can also transform every aspect of our lives. The same criticisms that are being thrown at the blockchain today were being thrown at the internet in the early 1990s. The same criticisms that are being thrown at the blockchain today were being thrown at the internet in the early 1990s. That the internet was slow, impractical, used mostly by criminals for nefarious purposes, that no reputable company would use it, that nobody would put their personal data or credit card details on it, and so on. I guess this shows that most people cannot comprehend an innovation until they experience its transformative impact. 12.   Ok, I’m all for innovation, but isn’t central bank digital currency a better alternative to cryptocurrency? Absolutely not! The whole point of an anti-fiat asset is that it must be completely immune to government and central bank manipulation. 13.   I still have some worries. First, can’t governments just ban cryptocurrencies? It would be something that I would expect in North Korea, but not in a liberal democracy like the UK or the US. Apart from anything else, it would be counterproductive – because the act of banning the anti-fiat asset would be the very act that would cause a surge in its demand! The better course for governments is to demonstrate, in fair competition, that fiat money is as trustworthy as anti-fiat money. 14.   Ok, what about governments taxing cryptocurrency transactions? Again, I think that the best course of action is for governments not to penalise anti-fiat money. But even if they did impose a transaction tax, it wouldn’t diminish cryptocurrencies’ anti-fiat status. After all, most people don’t own gold to carry out day-to-day transactions with it! 15.    One last worry: could quantum computing wipe out the blockchain and cryptocurrencies? The mathematical protocols would have to become orders of magnitude more difficult, but the over-arching concept of a decentralised peer-to-peer network to validate ownership and transactions would remain.  The Investment Conclusions 16.   Ok, let’s get to the investment conclusions. First, how should I value bitcoin and the cryptocurrency asset-class? The immediate question is, what share of the $15 trillion anti-fiat market should cryptocurrencies take? Our answer is that, in order to equalise drawdown risk, investors should hold cryptocurrencies and gold in inverse proportion to their drawdown magnitudes (or volatility). As cryptocurrency drawdowns tend to be three times as large as gold drawdowns, this means holding $1 of cryptocurrency for every $3 of gold (Chart I-6 and Chart I-7). Chart I-6Drawdowns Suffered ##br##By Bitcoin... Chart I-7...Tend To Be Three Times As Large As Drawdowns Suffered By Gold In other words, based on current volatilities, cryptocurrencies should take around a quarter of the anti-fiat market, or around double the current market share. Assuming a constant market size, and a uniform uplift to all cryptocurrencies, this would double all cryptocurrency prices, taking bitcoin to around $120,000. Cryptocurrencies should take around a quarter of the anti-fiat market, or around double the current market share. Of course, as cryptocurrencies become more established and their volatilities diminish, their share of the anti-fiat market can rise, taking their prices even higher.  17.   Will all cryptocurrencies succeed? No. Just as gold miners take market share from each other, cryptocurrencies will also take market share from one another. Hence, it is important to own a diversified basket of cryptocurrencies. At the very least, it is important to have some exposure to an eco-friendlier ‘proof of stake’ cryptocurrency such as Ethereum. Given its greener credentials, ‘proof of stake’ may take the dominant market share in the coming years.   18.   Will cryptocurrencies eventually replace fiat money? Not necessarily. As previously explained, fiat money and cryptocurrencies are just competing trust systems. So long as governments and central banks maintain our trust in fiat money, there is no reason to replace fiat money. 19.   Does this have any implications for inflation? Yes. With cryptocurrencies as a competing trust system, the only way for governments and central banks to maintain our trust in fiat money is not to debase its value. In other words, cryptocurrencies are the new vigilantes to prevent rampant inflation. 20.   What are the structural implications for gold and other precious metals? As cryptocurrencies take a larger share of the anti-fiat market, gold’s massive anti-fiat premium versus silver and platinum will collapse. Hence, a compelling long-term position is to overweight silver and platinum versus gold (Chart I-8). Chart I-8Structurally Overweight Silver And Platinum Versus Gold Long-term equity investors should underweight gold miners, both versus other miners and versus the market.   Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com​​​​​​​

Highlights Our 80% odds that Biden will pass the $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan stem from public opinion as well as Democratic control of Congress. Voters favor both higher taxes on corporations and higher infrastructure spending, as well as Biden’s proposal to pay for the latter by means of the former. A bipartisan consensus favors infrastructure spending, including “soft” infrastructure. Republicans who campaigned on the need for infrastructure over the past five years will not gain voter support by opposing it now. The Senate parliamentarian’s recent ruling on budget reconciliation procedures enables the Democrats to pass a second reconciliation bill, as expected. This puts Biden’s American Families Plan, to be detailed this month, officially into play for FY2022. Our initial premise remains a 50/50 chance that the $1.9 trillion bill passes before the 2022 midterms. Infrastructure plays benefit from a rising budget deficit but will also face a global headwind as China’s stimulus and growth momentum wane. Feature The market cheered the Biden administration’s $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan despite the confirmation that corporate tax rates will go up as expected (Chart 1). The details of the plan are shown in Table 1, which makes it clear that $760 billion can easily be subtracted from the plan during negotiations as not having to do with infrastructure. However, investors should wager that most of the new spending, including the social welfare components, will pass, since Democrats will use the budget reconciliation process. Chart 1Market Response To Biden, Infrastructure, Tax Hikes Table 1Biden's 'American Jobs Plan' The bigger question is tax hikes. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia reiterated that a 25% corporate tax rate is as high as he is willing to go. Since Democrats cannot spare a single vote in the Senate (not to mention six or seven votes, which Manchin claims to have on his side), the corporate tax rates may be compromised. Still, investors should prepare for the worst, i.e. the 28% rate that Biden presented or only slightly less. While Manchin is the critical marginal voter – his vote will turn the balance of power in the Senate – nevertheless there will be enormous pressure on him not to “betray” his party and vote against the signature legislative proposal of the Biden presidency. Insofar as Manchin succeeds, he presents a “less bad” outcome for equity sectors that stand to suffer the most from a higher headline corporate tax rate, such as utilities, health care, and information technology (Chart 2). Chart 2Corporate Tax Rates Will Rise To 25%-28%, A Big Increase For Real Estate, Health Care, Tech, Utilities, And Consumer Staples It will take time to draft and negotiate the spending and tax provisions and then get them passed in both the House and Senate. The Democrats also face tight margins in the House, where they can only lose four votes (the balance in the House is 218-211 after the death of Florida Representative Alcee Hastings). The earliest possible passage – based on historical precedent – is in May. The average length of time would put passage in November. In the worst case the negotiations could drag on till Christmas but we highly doubt the Democrats will take that long (Diagram 1). We attach an 80% subjective probability to the view that the American Jobs Plan will pass by end of year. Diagram 1Time Line For Congress To Pass American Jobs Plan By End Of 2021 Where we are less certain is in the second part of Biden’s economic plan, the $1.9 trillion American Families Plan, which contains social welfare spending, an expansion of the child tax credit and other tax cuts for the lower and middle classes, and the tax hikes on upper-middle class and wealthy individuals and households. This program will be outlined this month. It will be a challenge to pass it prior to the 2022 midterm elections, depending on how fast infrastructure flies through Congress. Our subjective 50% odds received initial support on April 5 when the Senate parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, ruled that the Democrats can indeed pass more than one budget reconciliation bill per fiscal year, contrary to previous practice. This bill is just as likely to be the Democratic campaign platform for 2022 as to be passed in early 2022 under the current Congress. Senate Parliamentarian Enables Democrats To Bypass Filibuster We must pause here to note that the parliamentarian’s ruling is highly consequential as it erodes the checks and balances on passing legislation in the Senate. The new ruling holds that under Section 304 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 the annual budget resolution can be revised. If it can be revised, then a new budget reconciliation bill can be crafted according to the new budget resolution. And reconciliation enables the ruling party to push through bills on a simple majority (51 votes) in the Senate. It will be hard for the Senate, as a body, to limit the ramifications of this decision in future. If the Democrats can pass two reconciliation bills in FY2021, then who is to say that some later Congress cannot pass three? Regardless, it is hard for a party to pass more than three major pieces of legislation in a single year, so the window is just wide enough to enable major breakthroughs in legislation (and, whenever the opposing party regains the House and Senate, big reversals of legislation). We have argued that Democrats would eventually, if not immediately, remove the Senate filibuster (the rule that requires 60-votes to end debate on regular legislation). At the moment there are still not enough votes to remove the filibuster entirely, although moderate Democrats are looking at technical ways of diminishing its influence, such as via the “talking filibuster” that would increase the difficulty of the process and thus reduce its use in the Senate.1 But this new ruling on budget reconciliation process substantively bypasses the filibuster. While the reconciliation process will still come with various technical limitations (the “Byrd rule,” and relevance to the budget), they are pliable. Clearly the ruling party calls the shots – especially if it is a party in synch with the political establishment in Washington. The Public Favors Tax Hikes For Infrastructure Where do we get our 80% subjective probability that Biden’s American Jobs Plan will pass Congress? Why so confident? First, Democrats have control of Congress, albeit narrowly. Second, public opinion not only favors infrastructure but also favors tax hikes on corporations – especially if they are to pay for infrastructure. The solution has been to rebrand renewable energy, broadband Internet, subsidized housing, and a range of other government programs as “infrastructure,” and meanwhile to rebrand social welfare as “human infrastructure.” Consider the following: The public favors higher taxes on corporations: 69% of Americans believe corporations pay too little in taxes, while only 6% believe they pay too much (Chart 3). While this is a general view, and does not reflect regional variations, it calls into question Joe Manchin’s opposition to a corporate tax rate of 28%. Manchin has his eye on the economic recovery, small business owners, as well as the particular industries and political orientation of his state. But the point is that opposition to corporate tax hikes is politically weak and therefore we continue to expect the result to be closer to Biden’s 28% than to Manchin’s 25%. The public favors higher taxes on high-income earners: As for Biden’s second slate of tax hikes, on individuals and households under the yet-to-be detailed American Families Act, 62% of Americans believe that upper-income earners pay too little in taxes and again only 9% believe they pay too much (Chart 4). Since Biden’s proposals amount to only a partial repeal of President Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act, which was itself unpopular in opinion polling, investors should also have a presumption in favor of individual tax hikes. However, as noted above, the American Families Plan only has a 50% chance of passing prior to the midterms due to the time crunch. Chart 3Public Favors Tax Hikes On Corporations Chart 4Public Favors Tax Hikes On The Rich Government is not seen as incompetent on infrastructure: Net public approval of the government’s performance on infrastructure is positive, just barely, unlike immigration, health care, or the environment. This means Biden can tap into a greater level of trust in government on this policy, while still calling on a general belief that infrastructure needs to be improved (Chart 5). Chart 5Public Gives Government Decent Grades On Infrastructure Chart 6No Partisan Gap On whether Infrastructure Should Be Prioritized Infrastructure is bipartisan: The gap in the views of Republicans and Democrats is narrow when it comes to infrastructure, unlike other policy issues that are extremely polarized. The gap is narrow whether infrastructure should be prioritized (Chart 6), whether government should play a larger role (Chart 7), and whether the federal government does a good job in this area (Chart 8). Democrats are more supportive of these propositions and they are currently in charge. But even Republicans tend to agree, as indicated by President Trump’s own emphasis on infrastructure, which the grassroots of his party supported despite establishment Republican hesitations due to concerns about the deficit. These charts also suggest that voters, especially Democratic voters, will not be bothered by the presence of non-traditional or “soft” infrastructure in Biden’s package as long as it can be successfully pitched as helping the economy, jobs, and American supply chains. Chart 7Government Role In Infrastructure Not Too Partisan Chart 8Government Performance On Infrastructure Not Too Partisan The public approves of Biden’s corporate-tax-hikes-for-infrastructure tradeoff: About 54% approve outright, in line with Biden’s overall approval rating, including 52% of independents and a non-negligible 32% of Republicans. A further 27% support infrastructure spending without raising taxes, including 42% of Republicans (Chart 9). This poll does not stand alone but corroborates a range of polling over the past decade on both taxes and infrastructure. It strongly implies that the median voter will support Biden’s plan. (And again it suggests that while Senator Manchin may turn the balance in the Senate he is not standing on solid rock in calling for Biden to pare back his corporate tax hikes.) Chart 9Voters Back Tax Hikes For Infrastructure No need to rely on polling – look at how people vote: Ballot measures on the local level for transportation funding usually win high levels of voter approval, meaning that people vote to increase their own taxes if they think traditional infrastructure will be improved. The average approval for such measures stood at 74% in 2016 and rose to 94% in the 2020 election cycle (Chart 10). And voters clearly understood that this combination is what they would get in voting for Biden, given that he did not shy away from his tax proposals in the presidential debates (although he insisted no tax hikes on those who earn less than $400,000 per year). Chart 10Voters Accept Higher Taxes For Infrastructure The Democrats have the votes for an infrastructure package, they have the votes for at least some degree of corporate tax hikes, and they have popular opinion behind the principle of tax hikes in exchange for infrastructure upgrades. Furthermore the rise of geopolitical struggle abroad and populism at home have given Biden and the traditional Democrats extraordinary impetus to pass this bill. If they fail, they will have wasted precious congressional time, they will be less likely to pass the American Families Plan, and they will be more likely to lose control of the House or even the Senate in 2022, as their failure would energize both the democratic socialists on their left and the Trump Republicans on their right. It is unlikely that Senator Manchin alone is willing or able to cause such a train wreck for his party given the popularity of the proposals.2 The implication is that corporate tax hikes will be compromised only somewhat. It is also possible that non-infrastructure components of the bill, such as housing or some social spending, could be pared back, although these are not the controversial parts of the bill and we would not bet on the overall size of spending to be reduced by much. A bill with Biden’s spending measures and only half of the tax hikes would increase the budget deficit by $1.4 trillion, as we showed last week. A bill with all spending and all tax hikes would increase the deficit by $400 billion. Bottom Line: Biden has an 80% chance of passing the American Jobs Act, although some non-infrastructure provisions could be pared back and the corporate tax hike may not reach all the way to 28%. Most likely the final bill will be substantially similar to Biden’s proposal on spending, while the tax hikes will be compromised, reflecting the populist and proactive fiscal turn in US politics. Investment Takeaways A basket of the 50 companies in the S&P 500 with the highest median effective tax rates outperformed the S&P500 upon Trump’s election and subsequent tax cuts (Chart 11). Since Biden’s election they have also outperformed on the expectation of post-pandemic reopening and economic stimulus. However, the high-tax companies and high-tax sectors have underperformed on an equal-weighted basis since the Democratic Party won control of the Senate and tax hikes became inevitable. Tax hikes are largely but not fully priced from this point of view. Historically a rising budget deficit does not have a clear or positive correlation with the S&P 500, cyclical sectors, value stocks, or small caps. Fiscal thrust normally surges during recessions and bear markets. Nevertheless infrastructure plays – by which we include building products, construction materials and services, environmental services, metals and mining, machinery, and steel – tend to perform better when the deficit blows out. That trend looks to be intact today (Chart 12). Chart 11High-Tax Companies Rallied Despite Biden's Tax Hikes (But Not On Equal-Weighted Basis) Chart 12US Budget Blow-Out Positive For Infrastructure Plays The budget deficit is generally a stronger predictor of the performance of these sub-sectors than global manufacturing surveys and leading economic indicators, although the improvement in global sentiment and growth is clearly a positive backdrop (Chart 13). Europe and countries other than China will soon improve their vaccinations, reopen, and start catching up to the US economic rebound. China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse is closely correlated with US infrastructure plays and this has not changed since the trade war began (Chart 14). Importantly, China is tapping on the policy brakes and its economy is set to decelerate in the second half of the year, which has important implications for our BCA Infrastructure Basket and long trades. This indicator suggests that the relative performance of infrastructure plays will face a gradually rising headwind from abroad even as the US economy continues to provide a tailwind. Chart 13Global Sentiment Positive But Not A Big Driver Of US Infrastructure Plays Chart 14Infrastructure Plays Face Headwind From China's Waning Stimulus Infrastructure plays shown here – which consist of goods and services that fall under greater demand when infrastructure is built – should not be confused with infrastructure companies themselves, which tend to be classified under the much more defensive utilities and telecommunication sectors (Chart 15). This ratio is looking very toppy, in keeping with the general rollover in cyclical equity sector performance relative to defensives.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Chart 15Infrastructure Plays Versus Utilities And Telecoms   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Table A2Political Capital Index Table A3APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Table A3BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Table A3CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Table A4Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments   Footnotes 1     Molly E. Reynolds, “What is the Senate filibuster, and what would it take to eliminate it?” Brookings Institution, September 9, 2020, brookings.edu. 2     On the contrary, while the bill will pass via party-line voting, it is still conceivable that one or two moderate Senate Republicans could be brought to endorse Biden’s American Jobs Plan.  

Last week we highlighted BCA’s Risk Appetite Index (RAI) that has catapulted to uncharted territory. While such euphoria has not historically spelled cyclical or structural SPX trouble, it does warrant some near-term caution. Tack on the blockbuster non-farm payrolls and ISM manufacturing releases from last week and this week’s ISM services all-time high print and investors have further stampeded into stocks. Moreover, we recently showed that seasonality would boost the SPX in April before the dreaded month of May. Lastly, the equity put/call ratio collapsed to 0.38 on Monday, the VIX broke 18 and the SPX surpassed our end-2021 target of 4,000 (please look forward to receiving our SPX DDM update scheduled for the April 19 Strategy Report publication). Amidst such exuberance, and given that the 10-year US Treasury yield appears exhausted unable to breakout to fresh recovery highs, we are compelled to book handsome profits in our synthetic SPX long via closing the long $400/$420 call spread short $340 put on the SPY for June expiry for a gain of $8.86/contract or 2850% since the February 11 inception (middle panel). As a reminder, our previous synthetic long netted us $5.41/contract of 676% return as we managed to lock in gains before it fell to $0 at expiry (bottom panel). For clients that want to roll over the synthetic long position and continue to chase this manic market, we would recommend a long $415/$435 call spread with a short $365 put on the SPY for the August expiry at a net outflow of $0.2/contract. Bottom Line: Crystalize gains of $8.86/contract or 2850% and move to the sidelines on the SPX synthetic long position for now, but stay tuned. The SPX is now above our 4,000 yearend target and some near-term caution is warranted.   ​​​​​​​