先進国

Executive Summary We have been constructive-to-bullish on financial markets and the economy since policymakers marshaled the full force of their resources to protect the economy from the pandemic in the spring of 2020. The policymakers-versus-the-virus framework, and the view that policymakers would triumph, stood us in good stead across 2020 and 2021. Now, however, the Fed is shifting from countering COVID’s adverse economic effects to reinforcing them. The near-term silver lining is that monetary policy works with a lag, just like fiscal transfers that are saved for future use. Although the Fed is in the process of dialing back monetary stimulus, it will be a while before the fed funds rate reaches a level that restrains economic activity. In the meantime, the lagged effects of extraordinarily stimulative monetary and fiscal policy are likely to keep the economy growing above trend. Runaway inflation is the clear and present danger to our base-case view, and the war in Ukraine and a COVID outbreak in China could exacerbate inflationary pressures. We expect that equities and high-yield corporate bonds will outperform Treasuries and cash over the rest of the year, but inflation could spoil the party. It's Not A Spiral Yet Bottom Line: We remain constructive on the economy and financial markets over a six-to-twelve-month timeframe, though we have more conviction in our view at the near end of the range. We fully expect that the Fed will kill this expansion, but not before the middle of 2023 unless geopolitics and/or China’s COVID response accelerate the timetable. Feature Policymakers versus the virus, and our conviction that the Fed and Congress had the means and the will to do whatever it took to protect the economy from the ravages of COVID, proved to be the right macro template for making investment decisions in 2020 and 2021. Now a new battle has been joined – the Fed versus inflation – and we anticipate that it will end in a recession and an equity bear market. Before Russia invaded Ukraine, crimping global supplies of grains, base metals, crude oil, natural gas and coal, and China began experiencing its worst COVID outbreak, imperiling the nascent improvement in global supply chains, we were confident that the party wouldn’t break up before the second half of 2023 at the earliest. Although we remain constructive over a cyclical 3-to-12-month timeframe, we recognize that Eurasian developments may foreshorten the current expansion. The Global Unknowns The indirect effects of the war in Europe are readily apparent but it is difficult to predict if Russian actions will lead to more sanctions and/or extend hostilities to a wider theater, deepening the European slowdown, exerting additional upward pressure on commodity prices and casting a larger shadow over global activity. China’s confrontation with COVID is riddled with unknowns: How effective is its Sinopharm vaccine against the currently dominant strain of the virus, and how effective will it be against subsequent mutations? When will China abandon its zero-tolerance policy? How stringent will lockdowns be? Could they be localized, allowing most industrial activity to continue, or will they be more sweeping? Is there any chance that the country will license the proven mRNA vaccine technology or the Pfizer pills that neutralize the severity of the disease in those who have become infected? The Eurasian factors are important, albeit hard to forecast, and we will have to monitor them in real time to get the soonest possible jump on their impacts. Several threats closer to home keep surfacing in our ongoing conversations with investors, however, and the rest of this week’s report examines them in the context of our constructive base-case view. The Wage-Price Spiral Employment data have consistently pointed to an increasingly tight labor market. Job openings are at record levels and consumer and small business surveys indicate that it is unusually easy for job seekers to find a job, and unusually difficult for employers to attract workers. All else equal, the dearth of labor supply strengthens workers’ bargaining power and supports further wage growth acceleration. With the US labor market already so tight that it squeaks, many observers are convinced that a wage-price spiral is a foregone conclusion. They can cite various wage series as evidence that a spiral might already have begun. The Atlanta Fed Wage Tracker and comprehensive measure of the Employment Cost Index are growing by 6% and 4.4% year-on-year, respectively. As large as the nominal gains are, however, they’re lagging the increase in consumer prices. Despite the voracious demand for workers, wage growth adjusted for inflation has decelerated since the early days of the pandemic, when front-line workers received the equivalent of combat pay in bonuses and temporary hourly increases, and has mostly contracted since last spring (Chart 1). Chart 1They're Not Exactly Chasing Each Other Higher Now Amidst the disruptions of the pandemic, many workers left the labor force. Census Department surveys attributed many of the departures to a lack of childcare or fear of infection, while print media and the Internet were awash with stories of people who’d re-examined their lives and determined that their existing work was unfulfilling. Supported by generous fiscal transfers, the subjects of the stories regularly professed indifference about returning to work. The Great Resignation narrative gained currency as an explanation of declining labor force participation and suggested that the shortage of workers might endure until today’s high school and college students grew old enough to step in themselves. Recent evidence undermines the idea that the Great Resignation marked a structural change in labor force participation. It looks much more like the decline was cyclical, tied to the ups and downs of infection rates and fiscal appropriations. The prime-age (25-to-54-year-old) participation rate has recovered to within a percentage point of its pre-pandemic high and appears to have plenty of momentum (Chart 2). Workers in the 55-to-64 age group, fueling the Great Retirement unit of the Great Resignation battalion, have come back to the workforce in droves, with the 55-to-59 cohort setting a 10-year participation high (Chart 3, middle panel) and its 60-to-64 peer group nearing one (Chart 3, bottom panel). Workers over 65 may remain on the sidelines, but the early retirement thesis is faltering as well. Chart 2The Great Resignation Is Unwinding ... Chart 3... And So Is The Early Retirement Wave     Finally, a resumption of more normal immigration patterns may also boost labor supply. The Department of Homeland Security states that it granted 228,000 lawful permanent residencies in the first quarter of 2022, a 72% increase from one year ago.1 Widespread pandemic business closures led some immigrants to return home, while keeping others who may have emigrated from crossing the border. We have no illusions that immigration is on the cusp of a step-function increase, but any uptick will help at the margin, especially in low and unskilled jobs where supply is especially strained. The bottom line for investors is that the labor market is tight, but real declines in wages and further supply relief may keep a wage-price spiral from taking root. It is too soon to conclude that wages and prices will chase each other higher in a repeat of the bad old days of the seventies. Inflation And The US Consumer Chart 4An Unprecedented Divergence Consumer confidence has been flagging, especially in the University of Michigan survey, which is approaching all-time lows two standard deviations below its mean (Chart 4, top panel). Though the Conference Board’s measure has come off of its pandemic highs, it is considerably more optimistic and remains above its mean (Chart 4, bottom panel). The Michigan survey places much more emphasis on inflation, which may explain why the two series are sending such sharply divergent messages. The implication is that high and/or rising inflation dents households’ confidence as it erodes their purchasing power, posing a dual threat to consumption and overall economic growth. In our view, the lagged effects of emergency pandemic stimulus measures have fortified households with enough dry powder (via fiscal transfers) and provided a powerful enough financial conditions tailwind (via low interest rates and asset appreciation) to ensure that their spending will underpin potent 2022 growth. We estimate that US households in the aggregate have $2.2 trillion in excess pandemic savings2 (Table 1). They have begun to deploy those savings, fueling consumption above our estimate of no-pandemic baseline consumption by $30 billion in both January and February, and they have ample capacity to spend more. The excess savings derive nearly equally from increased income and foregone consumption and are predominantly held by households in the bottom seven deciles of the income distribution because they received nearly all of the fiscal transfers that drove income increases across 2020 and the first half of 2021. Table 1Tracking Excess Savings Those households have a higher marginal propensity to consume than the wealthiest households, but the wealthy have benefitted mightily from the surge in the value of equities and other financial instruments. Most of the stellar eight-quarter increase in real household net worth (Chart 5) has thus been reserved to households in the top deciles but the home-price-appreciation boom has helped the two-thirds of households across the income distribution who own their homes (Chart 6). The bottom line is that American consumers are flush and the entire cross-section of households has shared in the bounty. The gains are unprecedented, just like the fiscal and monetary stimulus packages that gave rise to them, and they provide a buffer of dry powder that can withstand some purchasing power erosion from the 5.2% annualized increase in consumer prices since February 2020. Chart 5Household Wealth Has Never Grown So Much, So Fast ... Chart 6... And Ordinary Joes Benefitted, Too Quantitative Tightening Clients ask about the potential adverse effects of quantitative tightening (QT) in nearly every meeting, regularly citing the way the stocks swooned at the end of 2018, about a year into the FOMC’s previous balance sheet reduction foray. QT was at the scene of the crime in December 2018 and may well have been an accessory to the near murder of the equity bull market, but we would argue that a too-high fed funds rate was the true culprit. Although most investors recollect that the Fed ceased QT when equities hit an air pocket, the balance sheet continued shrinking until the summer of 2019, when the Fed resumed cutting rates. After the stock swoon, the Fed only stopped hiking the fed funds rate (at 2.5%). Related Report  US Investment StrategyHawks, Houses And Harried Workers As we discussed last week, we don’t think changes in the size of the Fed’s balance sheet lead to much more than marginal changes in the level of long-term interest rates. They fall a little when a large, price-insensitive buyer enters the marketplace, and they rise a little when it exits. Ultimately, we think asset purchases (QE) have the most impact as a signaling device: they communicate to investors and economic actors that zero interest rate policy will remain in place as long as QE continues and for some period after it ends. QE is therefore a leading indicator, while QT is no more than a coincident indicator, playing a nearly undetectable supporting role. QT may contribute to volatility in the rates market, but investors shouldn’t let it take their focus from the Fed’s more powerful fed funds rate lever. The Vulnerable Housing Market We discussed our constructive take on the housing market and residential investment last week, noting that homes are still affordable and mortgage rates are still low from a historical perspective, while the single-family home market remains undersupplied. Talk of a housing bubble has died down, but we still hear occasional references to housing’s role in the financial crisis and concerns about the economy’s vulnerability to a rate-induced decline in home prices. In our view, those concerns can easily be put to rest. Investors should remember that the subprime bust was principally a story about prodigally extended credit; houses just happened to be the collateral against which the loans were made. Chart 7Flight To Quality Those loans, the worst of which exceeded underlying property values and were extended to buyers who were not even remotely creditworthy, were tantamount to a house of cards by 2007. From 2004 through 2007 (Chart 7), more than a fifth of all new home mortgage originations went to near-prime (credit score between 620 and 659) and subprime (less than 620) borrowers, while not much more than half were issued to super-prime (greater than 720). Since the pandemic, near-prime and subprime borrowers have been limited to an average 5% share of loans, while super-primes have accounted for 84% of them and the upper tier of super-primes, with credit scores of 760 and above, have accounted for 70%. The change in lending standards can also be seen from using the Fed’s household balance sheet data to calculate an aggregate loan-to-value ratio (LTV) for the entire stock of owner-occupied single-family homes. The aggregate LTV currently stands at 31%, in the middle of the tight range it observed in the seventies and eighties, before policymakers began actively encouraging banks to make mortgage loans available to an expanded pool of borrowers (Chart 8). LTV exploded higher from 2006 through 2009 as lending peaked in 2006-7 and home values subsequently fell faster than mortgage balances in the 2008-9 bust. The record LTV of the subprime crisis, ginned up by loans that matched or exceeded underlying home values, amplified the distress from a downturn in home prices; today’s ‘70s-style LTV will help to absorb them. Chart 8High Prices Weren't The Problem, High LTVs Were Portfolio Construction Takeaways Our Global Fixed Income and US Bond Strategy services have adjusted their recommended tactical positioning on Treasuries and spread product and we are adjusting our ETF portfolio to align with their view with a slight exception. Our in-house bond strategists recommend a modest tactical overweight in Treasuries and we are curing our Treasury underweight while maintaining benchmark duration. We are reducing our allocation to hybrid debt securities by halving our position in variable-rate preferreds (VRP) on the rationale that we have less need for credit exposure and duration protection over the immediate term. We are trimming our high yield overweight (JNK) to a mere 100 basis points and allocating our sales proceeds that aren’t going to Treasuries into mortgage-backed securities (MBB) to reduce that underweight by 140 basis points. We are parting company with our fixed income team by maintaining a small high yield overweight on the grounds that above-trend economic growth will hold down delinquencies and defaults until a recession is nearly at hand. The position is vulnerable to spread widening, but we expect the positive carry over duration-matched Treasuries will allow high yield to generate positive excess returns for the rest of the year. All of the changes are detailed in Table 2 and will be reflected on BCA’s website soon after today’s New York open. Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Jennifer Lacombe Associate Editor JenniferL@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/special-reports/legal-immigr…, accessed April 12, 2022. Data obtained from Table 1A. 2     Table 1 calculates household excess savings by subtracting our estimate of baseline no-pandemic savings from actual savings as compiled by the Bureau of Economic Analysis in its monthly Personal Income report. Our baseline estimate assumes that personal income would have grown at an annualized 4% pace (2% real trend growth plus 2% inflation) and that the savings rate would have remained constant at its 8.3% February 2020 level.

The US economy is in the midst of an economic growth slowdown, exacerbated by the nascent monetary tightening cycle, a war in Ukraine, and COVID-19 lockdowns in China. To protect our portfolio against the negative economic backdrop, we have been gradually shifting exposure away from cyclicals and towards more defensive allocations. Recent downgrades of the Consumer Durables and Retail, and upgrades of the S&P Consumer Staples sector, are a case in point. Today, we downgrade the S&P Transportation industry group from overweight to underweight. As the Fed proceeds with an aggressive tightening cycle to combat inflation, and China's and Ukraine's human tragedy continues to unfold, economic growth is likely to disappoint while supply disruptions become entrenched, making transportation of goods one of the early casualties. Already, intermodal rail freight, which is a major rail traffic category, is showing major signs of weakness (Chart 1). Finally, Chart 2 illustrates the tight relationship between the broad economic activity and the performance of the overall transportation industry we are alluding to. Given that ISM Manufacturing PMI is likely headed to the low 50s, it will continue weighing on transportation stocks. When it comes to valuations, there is only a marginal discount for the industry group that is currently trading at 17.4x compared to the 19.3x forward P/E multiple for the S&P 500: Risk premium does not justify owning the sector, and further multiple contraction is likely. Bottom Line: Today we downgrade the S&P Transportation index from overweight to underweight on the back of the economic slowdown and relentless supply chain disruptions. Chart 1 Chart 2  

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary The Currency And Interest Rates: On A Collision Course? The dip in the Swedish krona has priced in a recession in the domestic economy. If a contraction does indeed occur, the impact on the currency is already a fait accompli. If it does not, the currency is poised for a coiled spring rebound. Fundamentally, the krona is cheap, and there is a dearth of SEK bulls, which is positive from a contrarian perspective. The Riksbank’s mandate is price stability. Given inflationary pressures and a weak currency, the Riksbank will have no choice but to turn more hawkish or lose credibility (Feature chart). There is potential for a brewing demand boom in Sweden – via refugees from Ukraine and Russia – that would increase government outlays and strengthen the need for higher rates. Admittedly, catalysts for SEK weakness remain in place – geopolitical tensions, rising energy costs and a stampede into safe-haven assets, including the dollar. Our strategy therefore is to buy on dips. We could be on the precipice of a capitulation phase that will present investors with an opportunity to accumulate the SEK at a fire-sale price. RECOMMENDATIONS INCEPTION LEVEL inception date RETURN Short chf/sek 10.15 2022-04-14 0.27 Bottom Line: Sweden is a small, open economy, very sensitive to global economic conditions. A recession is already priced by weakness in the SEK. Investors willing to tolerate volatility should buy the SEK on any further weakness. Feature Chart 1The SEK Tracks The DXY The Riksbank has been one of the more dovish central banks, both within the G10 and globally. Policy rates in Sweden are still at the zero bound, while they are rising in many other countries. In the Riksbank’s latest monetary policy report, domestic inflationary pressures were characterized as transitory. As such, the repo rate would not be raised until the second half of 2024.  The consequence of the Riksbank’s dovishness has been weakness in the Swedish krona, and a steep rise in inflation expectations. Most central banks are admitting that emergency policy settings are no longer appropriate in the current environment, especially after unprecedented monetary and fiscal stimulus. Yet, Sweden remains in the dovish camp. In this report, we argue that the Riksbank will have to raise rates sooner rather than later to maintain credibility and fend off inflationary pressures. The result of the Riksbank’s easy monetary policy has been the proliferation of massive carry trades, as investors sell the SEK and buy the dollar and/or other higher yielding currencies (Chart 1). As a small open economy, this could potentially unanchor longer-term inflation expectations, via a weak currency. Why Should The Riksbank Hike Rates? Chart 2The SEK Has Priced A Swedish Recession Sweden is likely to experience a technical recession in the coming quarters. The new orders-to-inventories ratio has contracted sharply, underscoring that the manufacturing sector will deflate (Chart 2). As a small, open economy, the manufacturing sector holds the key to the business cycle. Despite this, our bias is that the Riksbank will overlook the temporary dip in economic activity for the following reasons: The currency has already acted as a relief valve, which should cushion further downside in manufacturing activity (Chart 3). This is especially beneficial in a world where purchasing managers’ indices are declining everywhere. By the same token, the incentive for a central bank to raise rates when inflation is rising and the currency is more compelling, compared to a regime where a stronger currency tightens monetary conditions. Chart 4 shows that is weak is krona has been a fluid conduit for higher inflation in Sweden. A stronger krona will cap rising inflation expectations. Chart 3SEK Weakness Has Been A Welcome Relief Valve Chart 4SEK Weakness = High Imported Inflation It is remarkable that the traditional relationship between the SEK and oil prices (which is positive) has broken down (Chart 5). This is because rising oil prices usually reflect strong global demand, which benefits Sweden. This time around, a weak SEK is a tax on the economy as energy prices soar. Chart 5The Energy Shock To Sweden Has Been Unusual The Chinese credit impulse has bottomed, which is historically a good sign that Swedish central bankers can tolerate a stronger currency (Chart 6). Sweden’s biggest trade surplus is with the US, which in turn has the biggest trade deficit with China (Chart 7). As such, the relationship between the Swedish krona and the Chinese credit impulse is tightly knit. China’s zero COVID-19 policy is generating huge supply bottlenecks that are affecting inter-oceanic supply chains, but the pent-up demand once that ends could be tectonic. Chart 6The SEK Tracks The Chinese Credit Impulse Chart 7Sweden Needs The US And China The Riksbank’s mandate is to manage inflation expectations. Inflation is at 6%. The Riksbank’s own measure of resource utilization is at a level that has typically been associated with a much higher repo rate. The output gap is closing, raising the risk of a wage inflation spiral (Chart 8). Simply put, the Riksbank would have to raise interest rates or engender a crisis of confidence in monetary policy. Chart 8A Taylor Rule Approach Suggests Interest Rates Are Too Low Finally, house prices are surging to record highs, on the back of very low mortgage rates and extremely accommodative monetary policy (Chart 9). Chart 9Low Rates Have Led To A Debt Binge And Housing Boom A Potential Demand Boom The unemployment rate in Sweden remains above pre-pandemic levels. More importantly, it might rise in the coming quarters, but that would not be particularly worrisome. The reason is a potential increase in the labor dividend in Sweden, as new entrants increase the size of the labor force. First, the employment component of the manufacturing PMI index suggests employment growth should remain around 2% or so. There has been a tight correlation between employment growth in Sweden and the purchasing managers’ survey of the employment outlook (Chart 10). In our view, there is good reason to expect employment growth to remain resilient and in turn, stimulate demand. Related Report  Foreign Exchange StrategyThe Unsung Case For The Euro Sweden has a long history of openness towards immigration compared to many other European countries. If we go back to the Syrian crisis several years ago, the number of asylum seekers skyrocketed to over 160,000 or circa 1.5% of the total population (Chart 11). This was a huge labor dividend. This time around, migrants from both Ukraine and Russia will add to the skilled pool of domestic workers. Some estimates suggest there could be as many as 200,000 immigrants, just from the current crisis. This said, it will also increase frictional unemployment, as new migrants integrate into the labor force and adopt a new language. Chart 10Employment Is Holding Up In Sweden Chart 11There Is Potential For A Huge Labor Dividend Foreign-born workers have been rising as a share of the Swedish labor force and now constitute about 20% of the total population (Chart 12). This growth dividend will be reaped for years to come. With the Social Democrats in power, upside surprises to immigration numbers are within a reasonable confidence interval of outcomes. In a nutshell, Sweden enjoys a relatively positive demographic outlook (Chart 13). Chart 12Foreign Workers Are Important Chart 13Sweden Has A Demographic Dividend The inflow of migrants has a mixed impact on inflation. While there is downward pressure on wages, due to an increase of lower-paying jobs, there is still upward pressure on housing and consumption, notwithstanding a fiscal boost as the government spends more on social services. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate among foreign-born people is around 16.2%. This means that the Phillips curve is flat for the first few years, before it starts to steepen. The Riksbank clearly understands these dynamics, which is why over the prior years, its stance has been dovish even when the Swedish economy has been holding up well. The difference this time is that inflation is surging, and the potential for cost-push pressures to translate into demand-pull inflation (via higher wages) is rising in Sweden. In our view, Governor Stefan Ingves will renormalize policy as quickly as possible, given that he is managing a small open economy with one of the cheapest currencies in the G10 universe, with a large footprint of imported inflation. Trading Strategy Chart 14The Riksbank Will Have To Raise Rates Our currency strategy is to buy the SEK on weakness. The recent dovish path by the ECB will mean that the Riksbank will tread very carefully in sounding too hawkish. However, every real-time indicator of its mandate suggests emergency policy settings are no longer necessary. Real rates are falling in Sweden relative to both the US and the euro area. As such, the SEK has not yet priced a shift in the Riksbank's policy setting. (Chart 14). This suggests that while the carry cost is high from being long the SEK at current levels, a capitulation phase will present investors with an opportunity to accumulate the SEK at a fire-sale price. As for Long EUR/SEK, the cross could overshoot, but will head lower on a 12–18-month horizon. Long SEK/CHF positions are also attractive.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Executive Summary The unemployment rate in the US stands at 3.6%, 0.4 percentage points below the FOMC’s estimate of full employment. Historically, the Fed’s efforts to nudge up the unemployment rate have failed: The US has never averted a recession when the 3-month average of the unemployment rate has increased by more than a third of a percentage point. Despite this somber fact, there are reasons to think it will take longer for a recession to arrive than widely believed. Unlike in the lead-up to many past recessions, the US private sector is currently running a financial surplus. If anything, there are indications that both households and businesses are set to expand – rather than retrench – spending over the coming quarters. Investors should pay close attention to the housing market. As the most interest-rate sensitive sector of the economy, it will dictate the degree to which the Fed can raise rates. The US housing market has cooled, but remains in reasonably good shape, supported by rising incomes and low home inventories. Stocks will likely rise modestly over the next 12 months as inflation temporarily dips and the pandemic recedes from view. However, equities will falter towards the end of 2023. Stocks Tend To Fare Well When There Is No Recession On The Horizon Bottom Line: The US may not be able to avoid a recession, but an economic downturn is unlikely until 2024. Stay modestly overweight stocks over a 12-month horizon.  Jobs Aplenty The US unemployment rate fell from 3.8% in February to 3.6% in March, bringing it close to its pre-pandemic low of 3.5%. Adding job openings to employment and comparing the resulting sum with the size of the labor force, the excess of labor demand over labor supply is now the highest since July 1969 (Chart 1). Chart 1Labor Demand Is Outstripping Labor Supply By The Largest Margin Since 1969 Granted, the labor force participation rate is still one full percentage point below where it was prior to the pandemic. If the participation rate were to rise, the gap between labor demand and supply would shrink. Some of the decline in the participation rate is permanent in nature, reflecting ongoing population aging, which has been compounded by an increase in early retirements during the pandemic (Chart 2). Some workers who dropped out will probably re-enter the workforce. Chart 3 shows that employment among low-wage workers has been slower to recover than for other groups. With expanded unemployment benefits no longer available, the motivation to find gainful employment will escalate. Chart 2Not All Of The Decline In Labor Participation During The Pandemic Was Due To Increased Early Retirements Chart 3Low-Wage Workers Have Not Returned In Full Force Nevertheless, it is doubtful that the entry of low-wage workers into the labor force will do much to reduce the gap between labor demand and supply. Low-wage workers tend to spend all of their incomes (Chart 4). Thus, while an increase in the number of low-wage workers will allow the supply of goods and services to rise, this will be counterbalanced by an increase in the demand for goods and services. Chart 4Richer Households Tend To Save More Than Poorer Ones To cool the labor market, the Fed will need to curb spending, and that can only be achieved by raising interest rates. Trying to achieve a soft landing in this manner is always easier said than done. The US has never averted a recession when the 3-month average of the unemployment rate has increased by more than a third of a percentage point. Rising unemployment tends to produce a negative feedback loop: A weaker labor market depresses spending. This, in turn, leads to less hiring and more firing, resulting in even higher unemployment. Where is the Choke Point? How high will interest rates need to rise to trigger such a feedback loop? Markets currently expect the Fed to raise rates to 3% by mid-2023 but then cut rates by at least 25 basis points over the subsequent months (Chart 5). So, the market thinks the neutral rate of interest – the interest rate consistent with a stable unemployment rate – is around 2.5%. The Fed broadly shares the market’s view. The median dot for the terminal Fed funds rate stood at 2.4% in the March Summary of Economic Projections (Chart 6). When the Fed first started publishing its dot plot in 2012, it thought the terminal rate was 4.25%. Chart 5The Markets See The Fed Funds Rate Reaching 3% Next Year Chart 6The Fed's Estimate Of The Terminal Rate Has Fallen Over The Years Low Imbalances Imply a Higher Neutral Rate We have discussed the concept of the neutral rate extensively in the past, so we will not regurgitate the issues here (interested readers should consult the Feature Section of our latest Strategy Outlook). Instead, it would be worthwhile to dwell on the relationship between the neutral rate and economic imbalances. Simply put, when an economy is suffering from major imbalances, it does not take much monetary tightening to push it over the edge. The private-sector financial balance measures the difference between what households and firms earn and spend. A recession is more likely to occur when the private-sector financial balance is negative — that is, when spending exceeds income — since households and firms are more prone to cut spending when they are living beyond their means. In the lead-up to the Great Recession, the private-sector financial balance hit a deficit of 3.9% of GDP in the US. Leading up to the 2001 recession, it reached a deficit of 5.4% of GDP. Today, the US private-sector financial balance, while down from its peak during the pandemic, still stands at a comfortable surplus of 3% of GDP. Rather than looking to retrench, households and businesses are poised to increase spending over the coming quarters (Chart 7). Private-sector financial balances are also positive in Japan, China, and most of Europe (Chart 8). Chart 7Consumers And Businesses Are Set To Spend More Chart 8Private-Sector Financial Balances Are Positive In Most Major Economies Watch Housing Chart 9Rising Interest Rates In The Early 1980s Had Much More Of A Negative Effect On Housing Than Business Investment At the 2007 Jackson Hole conference, Ed Leamer presented what turned out to be a very prescient paper. Titled “Housing is the Business Cycle,” Leamer concluded that “Of the components of GDP, residential investment offers by far the best early warning sign of an oncoming recession.” Housing is a long-lived asset, and one that is usually financed with debt. To a much greater extent than nonresidential investment, the housing sector is very sensitive to changes in interest rates. When the Fed hiked rates in the early 1980s, residential investment collapsed but business investment barely contracted (Chart 9). The jump in mortgage yields has started to weigh on housing (Chart 10). Mortgage applications for home purchases have fallen by 25% from their highs. Pending home sales have dropped. Homebuilder confidence has dipped. Homebuilder stocks are down 29% year-to-date. Housing is likely to slow further in the months ahead, even if mortgage yields stabilize. Chart 11 shows that changes in mortgage yields lead home sales and housing starts by about six months. Chart 10The Jump In Mortgage Rates Has Weighed On The Housing Market Chart 11Swings In Mortgage Rates Explain Short-Term Fluctuations In Housing Activity The key question for investors is whether the housing market will enter a deep freeze or merely cool down. We think the latter is more likely. The 30-year fixed mortgage rate has increased nearly two percentage points since last August, but at around 5%, it is still below the average of 6% that prevailed during the 2000-2006 housing boom (Chart 12). Moreover, unlike during the housing boom, when homebuilders flooded the market with houses, the supply of new homes remains contained. The nationwide homeowner vacancy rate stands at record lows. Building permits are near cycle highs (Chart 13). Granted, real home prices are close to record highs. However, relative to incomes, US home prices have not broken out of their historic range (Chart 14). Chart 13The Homeowner Vacancy Rate Is Near Record Lows Chart 14Homes In The US Are Relatively Cheap Home affordability is much more stretched outside of the United States. The Bank of Canada, for example, has less scope to raise rates than the Fed. Chart 15Some Signs Of Easing In Supply-Side Pressures Investment Conclusions As investors, we need to be forward looking. The widespread availability of Paxlovid later this year — which, in contrast to the vaccines, is effective against all Covid strains — will help boost global growth while relieving supply-chain bottlenecks. Shipping costs, used car prices, and ISM supplier delivery times have already come down from their highs (Chart 15). Central banks have either started to raise rates or are gearing up to do so. However, monetary policy is unlikely to turn restrictive in any major economy over the next 12 months. Stocks usually go up outside of recessionary environments (Chart 16). Global equities are trading at 17-times forward earnings. The corresponding earnings yield is about 630 basis points higher than the real global bond yield – a very wide gap by historic standards (Chart 17). Chart 16Stocks Tend To Fare Well When There Is No Recession On The Horizon Chart 17AThe Equity Risk Premium Remains Elevated (I) Chart 17BThe Equity Risk Premium Remains Elevated (II) Investors should remain modestly overweight equities over a 12-month horizon and look to increase exposure to non-US stock markets, small caps, and value stocks over the coming months. Government bond yields are unlikely to rise much over the next 12 months but will increase further over the long haul. The dollar should peak during this summer, and then weaken over the subsequent 12 months. A complete discussion of our market views is contained in our recently published Second Quarter Strategy Outlook.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores

Executive Summary Macron Still Favored, But Le Pen Cannot Be Ruled Out Macron is still favored to win the French election but Le Pen’s odds are 45%. Le Pen would halt France’s neoliberal structural reforms, paralyze EU policymaking, and help Russia’s leverage in Ukraine. But she would lack legislative support and would not fatally wound the EU or NATO. European political risk will remain high in Germany, Italy, and Spain. Favor UK equities on a relative basis. Financial markets are complacent about Russian geopolitical risk again. Steer clear of eastern European assets. Do not bottom feed in Chinese stocks. China faces social unrest. North Korean geopolitical risk is back. Australia’s election is an opportunity, not a risk. Stay bullish on Latin America. Prefer Brazil over India. Stay negative on Turkey and Pakistan.   Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return TACTICALLY LONG US 10-YEAR TREASURY 2022-04-14   Bottom Line: Go long the US 10-year Treasury on geopolitical risk and near-term peak in inflation. Feature Last year we declared that European political risk had reached a bottom and had nowhere to go but up. Great power rivalry with Russia primarily drove this view but we also argued that our structural theme of populism and nationalism would feed into it. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyThe Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War In other words, the triumph of the center-left political establishment in the aftermath of Covid-19 would be temporary. The narrow French presidential race highlights this trend. President Emmanuel Macron is still favored but Marine Le Pen, his far-right, anti-establishment opponent, could pull off an upset victory on April 24. The one thing investors can be sure of is that France’s ability to pursue neoliberal structural reforms will be limited even if Macron wins, since he will lack the mandate he received in 2017. Our GeoRisk Indicators this month suggest that global political trends are feeding into today’s stagflationary macroeconomic context. Market Complacent About Russia Again Global financial markets are becoming complacent about European security once again. Markets have begun to price a slightly lower geopolitical risk for Russia after it withdrew military forces from around Kyiv in an open admission that it failed to overthrow the government. However, western sanctions are rising, not falling, and Russia’s retreat from Kyiv means it will need to be more aggressive in the south and east (Chart 1). Chart 1Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia has not achieved its core aim of a militarily neutral Ukraine – so it will escalate the military effort to achieve its aim. Any military failure in the east and south would humiliate the Putin regime and make it more unpredictable and dangerous. The West has doubled down on providing Ukraine with arms and hitting Russia with sanctions (e.g. imposing a ban on Russian coal). Germany prevented an overnight ban on Russian oil and natural gas imports but the EU is diversifying away from Russian energy rapidly. Sanctions that eat away at Russia’s export revenues will force it to take a more aggressive posture now, to achieve a favorable ceasefire before funding runs out. Sweden and Finland are reviewing whether to join NATO, with recommendations due by June. Russia will rattle sabers to underscore its red line against NATO enlargement and will continue to threaten “serious military-political repercussions” if these states try to join. We would guess they would remain neutral as a decision to join NATO could lead to a larger war. Bottom Line: Global equities will remain volatile due to a second phase of the war and potential Russian threats against Ukraine’s backers. European equities and currency, especially in emerging Europe, will suffer a persistent risk premium until a ceasefire is concluded. What If Le Pen Wins In France? By contrast with the war in Ukraine, the French election is a short-term source of political risk. A surprise Le Pen victory would shake up the European political establishment but investors should bear in mind that it would not revolutionize the continent or the world, as Le Pen’s powers would be limited. Unlike President Trump in 2017, she would not take office with her party gaining full control of the legislature. Le Pen rallied into the first round of the election on April 10, garnering 23% of the vote, up from 21% in 2017. This is not a huge increase in support but her odds of winning this time are much better than in 2017 because the country has suffered a series of material shocks to its stability. Voters are less enthusiastic about President Macron and his centrist political platform. Macron, the favorite of the political establishment, received 28% of the first-round vote, up from 24% in 2017. Thus he cannot be said to have disappointed expectations, though he is vulnerable. The euro remains weak against the dollar and unlikely to rally until Russian geopolitical risk and French political risk are decided. The market is not fully pricing French risk as things stand (Chart 2). Chart 2France: GeoRisk Indicator The first-round election results show mixed trends. The political establishment suffered but so did the right-wing parties (Table 1). The main explanation is that left-wing, anti-establishment candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon beat expectations while the center-right Republicans collapsed. Macron is leading Le Pen by only five percentage points in the second-round opinion polling as we go to press (Chart 3). Macron has maintained this gap throughout the race so far and both candidates are very well known to voters. But Le Pen demonstrated significant momentum in the first round and momentum should never be underestimated. Table 1Results Of France’s First-Round Election​​​​​​ Chart 3French Election: Macron Maintains Lead​​​​​​ Are the polls accurate? Anti-establishment candidates outperformed their polling by 7 percentage points in the first round. Macron, the right-wing candidates, and the pro-establishment candidates all underperformed their March and April polls (Chart 4). Hence investors should expect polls to underrate Le Pen in the second round. Chart 4French Polls Fairly Accurate Versus First-Round Results Given the above points, it is critical to determine which candidate will gather the most support from voters whose first preference got knocked out in the first round. The strength of anti-establishment feeling means that the incumbent is vulnerable while ideological camps may not be as predictable as usual. Mélenchon has asked his voters not to give a single vote to Le Pen but he has not endorsed Macron. About 21% of his supporters say they will vote for Le Pen. Only a little more of them said they would vote for Macron, at 27% (Chart 5). Chart 5To Whom Will Voters Drift? Diagram 1, courtesy of our European Investment Strategy, illustrates that Macron is favored in both scenarios but Le Pen comes within striking distance under certain conservative assumptions about vote switching. Diagram 1Extrapolating France’s First-Round Election To The Second Round Macron’s approval rating has improved since the pandemic. This is unlike the situation in other liberal democracies (Chart 6). Chart 6Macron Handled Pandemic Reasonably Well The pandemic is fading and the economy reviving. Unemployment has fallen from 8.9% to 7.4% over the course of the pandemic. Real wage growth, at 5.8%, is higher than the 3.3% that prevailed when Macron took office in 2017 (Chart 7). Chart 7Real Wages A Boon For Macron But these positives do not rule out a Le Pen surprise. The nation has suffered not one but a series of historic shocks – the pandemic, inflation, and the war in Ukraine. Inflation is rising at 5.1%, pushing the “Misery Index” (inflation plus unemployment) to 12%, higher than when Macron took office, even if lower than the EU average (Chart 8). Chart 8Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron   Le Pen has moderated her populist message and rebranded her party in recent years to better align with the median French voter. She claims that she will not pursue a withdrawal from the European Union or the Euro Area currency union. This puts her on the right side of the one issue that disqualified her from the presidency in the past. Yet French trust in the EU is declining markedly, which suggests that Le Pen is in step with the median voter on wanting greater French autonomy (Chart 9). Le Pen’s well-known sympathy toward Vladimir Putin and Russia is a liability in the context of Russian aggression in Ukraine. Only 35% of French people had a positive opinion of Russia back in 2019, whereas 50% had a favorable view of NATO, and the gap has likely grown as a result of the invasion (Chart 10). However, the historic bout of inflation suggests that economic policy could be the most salient issue for voters rather than foreign policy. Chart 9Le Pen Only Electable Because She Accepted Europe​​​​​ Chart 10Le Pen’s NATO Stance Not Disqualifying ​​​​​ Le Pen’s economic platform is fiscally liberal and protectionist, which will appeal to voters upset over the rising cost of living and pressures of globalization. She wants to cut the income tax and value-added tax, while reversing Macron’s attempt at raising the retirement age and reforming the pension system. France’s tax rates on income, and on gasoline and diesel, are higher than the OECD average. In other words, Macron is running on painful structural reform while Le Pen is running on fiscal largesse. This is another reason to take seriously the risk of a Le Pen victory. What should investors expect if Le Pen pulls off an upset? France’s attempt at neoliberal structural reforms would grind to a halt. While Le Pen may not be able to pass domestic legislation, she would be able to halt the implementation of Macron’s reforms. Productivity and the fiscal outlook would suffer. Le Pen’s ability to change domestic policy will be limited by the National Assembly, which is due for elections from June 12-19. Her party, the National Rally (formerly the Front National), has never won more than 20% of local elections and performed poorly in the 2017 legislative vote. Investors should wait to see the results of the legislative election before drawing any conclusions about Le Pen’s ability to change domestic policy. France’s foreign policy would diverge from Europe’s. If Le Pen takes the presidency, she will put France at odds with Brussels, Berlin, and Washington, in much the same way that President Trump did. She would paralyze European policymaking. Yet Le Pen alone cannot take France out of the EU. The French public’s negative view of the EU is not the same as a majority desire to leave the bloc – and support for the euro currency stands at 69%. Le Pen does not have the support for “Frexit,” French exit from the EU. Moreover European states face immense pressures to work together in the context of global Great Power Rivalry. Independently they are small compared to the US, Russia, and China. Hence the EU will continue to consolidate as a geopolitical entity over the long run. Russia, however, would benefit from Le Pen’s presidency in the context of Ukraine ceasefire talks. EU sanctions efforts would freeze in place. Le Pen could try to take France out of NATO, though she would face extreme opposition from the military and political establishment. If she succeeded on her own executive authority, the result would be a division among NATO’s ranks in the face of Russia. This cannot be ruled out: if the US and Russia are fighting a new Cold War, then it is not unfathomable that France would revert to its Cold War posture of strategic independence. However, while France withdrew from NATO’s integrated military command from 1966-2009, it never withdrew fully from the alliance and was always still implicated in mutual defense. In today’s context, NATO’s deterrent capability would not be much diminished but Le Pen’s administration would be isolated. Russia would be unable to give any material support to France’s economy or national defense. Bottom Line: Macron is still favored for re-election but investors should upgrade Le Pen’s chances to a subjective 45%. If she wins, the euro will suffer a temporary pullback and French government bond spreads will widen over German bunds. The medium-term view on French equities and bonds will depend on her political capability, which depends on the outcome of the legislative election from June 12-19. She will likely be stymied at home and only capable of tinkering with foreign policy. But if she has legislative support, her agenda is fiscally stimulative and would produce a short-term sugar high for French corporate earnings. However, it would be negative for long-term productivity. UK, Italy, Spain: Who Else Faces Populism? Chart 11Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Between Russian geopolitical risk and French political risk, other European countries are likely to see their own geopolitical risk premium rise (Chart 11). But these countries have their own domestic political dynamics that contribute to the reemergence of European political risk. Germany’s domestic political risk is relatively low but it faces continued geopolitical risk in the form of Russia tensions, China’s faltering economy, and potentially French populism (Chart 11, top panel). In Italy, the national unity coalition that took shape under Prime Minister Mario Draghi was an expedient undertaken in the face of the pandemic. As the pandemic fades, a backlash will take shape among the large group of voters who oppose the EU and Italian political establishment. The Italian establishment has distributed the EU recovery funds and secured the Italian presidency as a check on future populist governments. But it may not be able to do more than that before the next general election in June 2023, which means that populism will reemerge and increase the political risk premium in Italian assets going forward (Chart 11, second panel). Spain is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023. However, the conservative People’s Party, the chief opposition party, has suffered from renewed infighting, which gives temporary relief to the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for the People’s Party’s new leadership and a test run for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The risk for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the opposition has a strong popular base and this fact combined with the stagflationary backdrop will keep political polarization high and undermine the government’s staying power (Chart 11, third panel). While Prime Minister Boris Johnson has survived the scandal over attending social events during Covid lockdowns, as we expected, nevertheless the Labour Party is starting to make a comeback that will gain momentum ahead of the 2024 general election. Labour is unlikely to embrace fiscal austerity or attempt to reverse Brexit anytime soon. Hence the UK’s inflationary backdrop will persist (Chart 11, fourth panel). Bottom Line: European political risk has bottomed and will rise in the coming months and years, although the EU and Eurozone will survive. We still favor UK equities over developed market equities (excluding the US) because they are heavily tilted toward consumer staples and energy sectors. Stay long GBP-CZK. Favor European defense stocks over tech. Prefer Spanish stocks over Italian. China: Social Unrest More Likely China’s historic confluence of internal and external risks continues – and hence it is too soon for global investors to try to bottom-feed on Chinese investable equities (Chart 12). A tactical opportunity might emerge for non-US investors in 2023 but now is not the right time to buy. Chart 12China: GeoRisk Indicator In domestic politics, the reversion to autocracy under Xi is exacerbating the economic slowdown. True, Beijing is stimulating the economy by means of its traditional monetary and fiscal tools. The latest data show that the total social financing impulse is reviving, primarily on the back of local government bonds (Chart 13). Yet overall social financing is weaker because private sector sentiment remains downbeat. The government is pursuing excessively stringent social restrictions in the face of the pandemic. Beijing is doubling down on “Covid Zero” policy by locking down massive cities such as Shanghai. The restrictions will fail to prevent the virus from spreading. They are likely to engender social unrest, which we flagged as our top “Black Swan” risk this year and is looking more likely. Lockdowns will also obstruct production and global supply chains, pushing up global goods inflation. Meanwhile the property sector continues to slump on the back of weak domestic demand, large debt levels, excess capacity, regulatory scrutiny, and negative sentiment. Consumer borrowing appetite and general animal spirits are weak in the face of the pandemic and repressive political environment (Chart 14). Chart 13China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived​​​​​​ Chart 14Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering​​​​​​ Hence China will be exporting slow growth and inflation – stagflation – to the rest of the world until after the party congress. At that point President Xi will feel politically secure enough to “let 100 flowers bloom” and try to improve economic sentiment at home and abroad. This will be a temporary phenomenon (as were the original 100 flowers under Chairman Mao) but it will be notable for 2023. In foreign politics, Russia’s attack on Ukraine has accelerated the process of Russo-Chinese alliance formation. This partnership will hasten US containment strategy toward China and impose a much faster economic transition on China as it pursues self-sufficiency. The result will be a revival of US-China tensions. The implications are negative for the rest of Asia Pacific: Taiwanese geopolitical risk will continue rising for reasons we have outlined in previous reports. In addition, Taiwanese equities are finally starting to fall off from the pandemic-induced semiconductor rally (Chart 15). The US and others are also pursuing semiconductor supply security, which will reduce Taiwan’s comparative advantage. Chart 15Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea faces paralysis and rising tensions with North Korea. The presidential election on May 9 brought the conservatives back into the Blue House. The conservative People Power Party’s candidate, Yoon Suk-yeol, eked out a narrow victory that leaves him without much political capital. His hands are also tied by the National Assembly, at least for the next two years. He will attempt to reorient South Korean foreign policy toward the US alliance and away from China. He will walk away from the “Moonshine” policy of engagement with North Korea, which yielded no fruit over the past five years. North Korea has responded by threatening a nuclear missile test, restarting intercontinental ballistic missile tests for the first time since 2017, and adopting a more aggressive nuclear deterrence policy in which any South Korean attack will ostensibly be punished by a massive nuclear strike. Tensions on the peninsula are set to rise (Chart 16). Three US aircraft carrier groups are around Japan today, despite the war in Europe (where two are placed), suggesting high threat levels. Chart 16South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Australia’s elections present opportunity rather than risk. Prime Minister Scott Morrison formally scheduled them for May 21. The Australian Labor Party is leading in public opinion and will perform well. The election threatens a change of parties but not a drastic change in national policy – populist parties are weak. No major improvement in China relations should be expected. Any temporary improvement, as with the Biden administration, will be subject to reversal due to China’s long-term challenge to the liberal international order. Cyclically the Australian dollar and equities stand to benefit from the global commodity upcycle as well as relative geopolitical security due to American security guarantees (Chart 17). Chart 17Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: China’s reversion to autocracy will keep global sentiment negative on Chinese equities until 2023 at earliest. Stay short the renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Favor the Japanese yen over the Korean won. Favor South Korean over Taiwanese equities. Look favorably on the Australian dollar. Turkey, South Africa, And … Canada Turkish geopolitical risk will remain elevated in the context of a rampant Russia, NATO’s revival and tensions with Russia, the threat of commerce destruction and accidents in the Black Sea region, domestic economic mismanagement, foreign military adventures, and the threat posed to the aging Erdogan regime by the political opposition in the wake of the pandemic and the lead-up to the 2023 elections (Chart 18). Chart 18Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator While we are tactically bullish on South African equities and currency, we expect South African political risk to rise steadily into the 2024 general election. Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have been lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, which has helped quell social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs (Chart 19). While fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we have argued that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Thus South Africa benefits tactically from commodity prices but cyclically the currency is vulnerable. Chart 19South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Canadian political risk will rise but that should not deter investors from favoring Canadian assets that are not exposed to the property bubble. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has had a net negative approval rating since early 2021 and his government is losing political capital due to inflation, social unrest, and rising difficulties with housing affordability (Chart 20). While he does not face an election until 2025, the Conservative Party is developing more effective messaging. Chart 20Canada: GeoRisk Indicator India Will Stay Neutral But Lean Toward The West Chart 21Sino-Pak Alliance’s Geopolitical Power Is Thrice That Of India US President Joe Biden has openly expressed his administration’s displeasure regarding India’s response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This has led many to question the strength of Indo-US relations and the direction of India’s geopolitical alignments. To complicate matters, China’s overtures towards India have turned positive lately, leading clients to ask if a realignment in Indo-China relations is nigh. To accurately assess India’s long-term geopolitical propensities, it is important to draw a distinction between ‘cyclical’ and ‘structural’ dynamics that are at play today. Such a distinction yields crystal-clear answers about India’s strategic geopolitical leanings. In specific: Indo-US Relations Will Strengthen On A Strategic Horizon: As the US’s and China’s grand strategies collide, minor and major geopolitical earthquakes are bound to take place in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific. Against this backdrop, India will strategically align with the US to strengthen its hand in the region (Chart 21). While the Russo-Ukrainian war is a major global geopolitical event, for India this is a side-show at best. True, India will retain aspects of its historic good relations with Russia. Yet countering China’s encirclement of India is a far more fundamental concern for India. Since Russia has broken with Europe, and China cannot reject Russia’s alliance, India will gradually align with the US and its allies. India And China Will End Up As A Conflicting Dyad: Strategic conflict between the two Asian powers is likely because China’s naval development and its Eurasian strategy threaten India’s national security and geopolitical imperatives, while India’s alliances are adding to China’s distrust of India. Thus any improvement in Sino-Indian diplomatic relations will be short-lived. The US will constantly provide leeway for India in its attempts to court India as a key player in the containment strategy against China. The US and its allies are the premier maritime powers and upholders of the liberal world order – India serves its national interest better by joining them rather than joining China in a risky attempt to confront the US navy and revolutionize the world order. Indo-Russian Relations Are Bound To Fade In The Long Run: India will lean towards the US over the next few years for reasons of security and economics. But India’s movement into America’s sphere of influence will be slow – and that is by design. India is testing waters with America through networks like the Quadrilateral Dialogue. It sees its historic relationship with Russia as a matter of necessity in the short run and a useful diversification strategy in the long run. True, India will maintain a trading relationship with Russia for defense goods and cheap oil. But this trade will be transactional and is not reason enough for India to join Russia and China in opposing US global leadership. While these factors will mean that Indo-Russian relations are amicable over a cyclical horizon, this relationship is bound to fade over a strategic horizon as China and Russia grow closer and the US pursues its grand strategy of countering China and Russia. Bottom Line: India may appear to be neutral about the Russo-Ukrainian war but India will shed its historical stance of neutrality and veer towards America’s sphere of influence on a strategic timeframe. India is fully aware of its strategic importance to both the American camp and the Russo-Chinese camp. It thus has the luxury of making its leanings explicit after extracting most from both sides. Long Brazil / Short India Brazil’s equity markets have been on a tear. MSCI Brazil has outperformed MSCI EM by 49% in 2022 YTD. Brazil’s markets have done well because Brazil is a commodity exporter and the war in Ukraine has little bearing on faraway Latin America. This rally will have legs although Brazil’s political risks will likely pick back up in advance of the election (Chart 22). The reduction in Brazil’s geopolitical risk so far this year has been driven mainly by the fact that the currency has bounced on the surge in commodity prices. In addition, former President Lula da Silva is the current favorite to win the 2022 presidential elections – Lula is a known quantity and not repugnant to global financial institutions (Chart 23). Chart 22Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Chart 23Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Whilst there is no denying that the first-round effects of the Ukraine war have been positive for Brazil, there is a need to watch out for the second-round effects of the war as Latin America’s largest economy heads towards elections. Surging prices will affect two key constituencies in Brazil: consumers and farmers. Consumer price inflation in Brazil has been ascendant and adding to Brazil’s median voter’s economic miseries. Rising inflation will thus undermine President Jair Bolsonaro’s re-election prospects further. The fact that energy prices are a potent polling issue is evinced by the fact that Bolsonaro recently sacked the chief executive of Petrobras (i.e. Brazil’s largest listed company) over rising fuel costs. Furthermore, Brazil is a leading exporter of farm produce and hence also a large importer of fertilizers. Fertilizer prices have surged since the war broke out. This is problematic for Brazil since Russia and Belarus account for a lion’s share of Brazil’s fertilizer imports. Much like inflation in general, the surge in fertilizer prices will affect the elections because some of the regions that support Bolsonaro also happen to be regions whose reliance on agriculture is meaningful (Map 1). They will suffer from higher input prices. Map 1States That Supported Bolso, Could Be Affected By Fertilizer Price Surge Chart 24Long Brazil Financials / Short India Given that Bolsonaro continues to lag Lula on popularity ratings – and given the adverse effect that higher commodity prices will have on Brazil’s voters – we expect Bolsonaro to resort to fiscal populism or attacks on Brazil’s institutions in a last-ditch effort to cling to power. He could even be emboldened by the fact that Sérgio Moro, the former judge and corruption fighter, decided to pull out of the presidential race. This could provide a fillip to Bolso’s popularity. Bottom Line: Brazil currently offers a buying opportunity owing to attractive valuations and high commodity prices. But investors should stay wary of latent political risks in Brazil, which could manifest themselves as presidential elections draw closer. We urge investors to take-on only selective tactical exposure in Brazil for now. Equities appear cheap but political and macro risks abound. To play the rally yet stave off political risk, we suggest a tactical pair trade: Long Brazil Financials / Short India (Chart 24). Whilst we remain constructive on India on a strategic horizon, for the next 12 months we worry about near-term macro and geopolitical headwinds as well as India’s rich valuations. Don’t Buy Into Pakistan’s Government Change Chart 25Pakistan’s Military Is Unusually Influential The newest phase in Pakistan’s endless cycle of political instability has begun. Prime Minister Imran Khan has been ousted. A new coalition government and a new prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, have assumed power. Prime Minister Sharif’s appointment may make it appear like risks imposed by Pakistan have abated. After all, Sharif is seen as a good administrator and has signaled an interest in mending ties with India. But despite the appearance of a regime change, geopolitical risks imposed by Pakistan remain intact for three sets of reasons: Military Is Still In Charge: Pakistan’s military has been and remains the primary power center in the country (Chart 25). Former Prime Minister Khan’s rise to power was possible owing to the military’s support and he fell for the same reason. Since the military influences the civil administration as well as foreign policy, a lasting improvement in Indo-Pak relations is highly unlikely. Risk Of “Rally Round The Flag” Diversion: General elections are due in Pakistan by October 2023. Sharif is acutely aware of the stiff competition he will face at these elections. His competitors exist outside as well as inside his government. One such contender is Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which is a key coalition partner of the new government that assumed power. Imran Khan himself is still popular and will plot to return to power. Against such a backdrop the newly elected PM is highly unlikely to pursue an improvement in Indo-Pak relations. Such a strategy will adversely affect his popularity and may also upset the military. Hence we highlight the risk of the February 2021 Indo-Pak ceasefire being violated in the run up to Pakistan’s general elections. India’s government has no reason to prevent tensions, given its own political calculations and the benefits of nationalism. Internal Social Instability Poor: Pakistan is young but the country can be likened to a social tinderbox. Many poor youths, a weak economy, and inadequate political valves to release social tensions make for an explosive combination. Pakistan remains a source of geopolitical risk for the South Asian region. Some clients have inquired as to whether the change of government in Pakistan implies closer relations with the United States. The US has less need for Pakistan now that it has withdrawn from Afghanistan. It is focused on countering Russia and China. As such the US has great need of courting India and less need of courting Pakistan. Pakistan will remain China’s ally and will struggle to retain significant US assistance. Bottom Line: We remain strategic sellers of Pakistani equities. Pakistan must contend with high internal social instability, a weak democracy, a weak economy and an unusually influential military. As long as the military remains excessively influential in Pakistan, its foreign policy stance towards India will stay hostile. Yet the military will remain influential because Pakistan exists in a permanent geopolitical competition with India. And until Pakistan’s economy improves structurally and endemically, its alliance with China will stay strong. Investment Takeaways Cyclically go long US 10-year Treasuries. Geopolitical risks are historically high and rising but complacency is returning to markets. Meanwhile inflation is nearing a cyclical peak. Favor US stocks over global. It is too soon to go long euro or European assets, especially emerging Europe. Favor UK equities over developed markets (excluding the US). Stay long GBP-CZK. Favor European defense stocks over European tech. Stay short the Chinese renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Favor the Japanese yen over the Korean won. Favor South Korean over Taiwanese equities.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Alice Brocheux Research Associate alice.brocheux@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary The structural downtrend in Chinese bond yields has a lot further to go, because it is helping to let the air out gently of stratospheric valuations in the real estate sector, and thereby preventing a hard landing for the Chinese economy. In the US, flagging mortgage and housing market activity is weighing on an already slowing economy. Buy US T-bonds. The long T-bond yield is close to a peak. Switch equity exposure into long-duration sectors such as healthcare and biotech. Go overweight US homebuilders versus US insurers. The peak in bond yields will also take pressure off US homebuilder shares whose recent collapse has been the mirror-image of the surge in the 30-year mortgage rate. Fractal trading watchlist: Basic resources; Switzerland versus Germany; and USD/EUR. The Collapse In US Homebuilder Shares Is The Mirror-Image Of The Surge In The Mortgage Rate Bottom Line: The global bond yield cannot rise much further before it destabilises the $350 trillion global real estate market and thereby destabilises the global economy. Feature Quietly and largely unnoticed, Chinese long-dated bond yields have been drifting lower (Chart I-1 and Chart I-2). At a time that surging bond yields elsewhere in the world have grabbed all the attention, the largely unnoticed contrarian move in Chinese bond yields through the past year is significant because of something else that has gone largely unnoticed: Chinese real estate has become by far the largest asset-class in the world, worth $100 trillion.1 Chart I-1The Contrarian Downdrift In The Chinese 30-Year Bond Yield Chart I-2The Contrarian Downdrift In The Chinese 10-Year Bond Yield Chinese Real Estate Is Trading On A Stratospheric Valuation The $100 trillion valuation of Chinese real estate market is greater than the $90 trillion global economy, is more than twice the size of the $45 trillion US real estate market and the $45 trillion US stock market, and dwarfs the $18 trillion Chinese economy. Suffice to say, Chinese real estate’s pre-eminence as the world’s largest asset-class is mostly due to its stratospheric valuation. Prime residential rental yields in Guangzhou, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Shenzhen and Beijing have collapsed to 1.5 percent, the lowest rental yields in the world and less than half the global average of 3 percent. Versus rents therefore, Chinese real estate is now twice as expensive as in the rest of the world (Chart I-3). Chart I-3Versus Rents, Chinese Real Estate Is The Most Expensive In The World To corroborate this point, while the US real asset market is worth around two times US annual GDP, the Chinese real estate market is worth more than five times China’s annual GDP! The structural downtrend in Chinese bond yields has a lot further to go. Crucially, the downward drift in Chinese bond yields is alleviating some of the pressure on the extremely highly valued Chinese real estate market – as it helps to let the air out gently of the stratospheric valuations, and thereby avoid a hard landing for the Chinese economy. Hence, the structural downtrend in Chinese bond yields has a lot further to go. The Surge In US Mortgage Rates Is Taking Its Toll Meanwhile, in the rest of the world, the surge in bond yields poses a major threat to the decade long housing boom. Versus rents, US house prices are the most expensive ever – more expensive even than during the early 2000s so-called ‘housing bubble’. For the first time since 2008, the US 30-year mortgage rate is higher than the prime residential rental yield. Until recently, the historically low rental yield on US real estate was justified by an extremely low bond yield. But the recent surge in the bond yield has changed all that. For the first time since 2008, the US 30-year mortgage rate is higher than the prime residential rental yield2 (Chart I-4). Chart I-4The US 30-Year Mortgage Rate Is Now Higher Than The Prime Residential Rental Yield The surge in US mortgage rates is taking its toll. Since the end of January, US mortgage applications for home purchase have fallen by almost a fifth (Chart I-5), and the lower demand for home purchase mortgages is starting to weigh on home construction (Chart I-6). Building permits for new private housing units were already falling in February, but a more up-to-date sign of the pain is the 35 percent collapse in US homebuilder shares. Chart I-5US Mortgage Applications For Home Purchase Have Fallen By Almost A Fifth Chart I-6The Lower Demand For Home Purchase Mortgages Is Starting To Weigh On Home Construction $350 Trillion Of Global Real Estate Can’t Swallow Higher Bond Yields Mortgage rates drive real estate rental yields because of the arbitrage between buying versus renting a similar home. Given a fixed annual budget for housing, I must choose between how much home I can buy – which depends on the mortgage rate, versus how much home I can rent – which depends on the rental yield. The arbitrage should make me indifferent between the two options. As a simple example of this arbitrage, let’s assume my annual budget for housing is $10k, and both the mortgage rate and rental yield are 4 percent. I will be indifferent between spending the $10k on interest on a $250k mortgage loan to buy the home, or spending the $10k to rent a similar $250k home. If the mortgage rate rises to 5 percent, then the maximum loan that my $10k of interest payment will afford me falls to $200k, reducing my maximum bid to buy the home. If I am the marginal bidder, then the home price will fall to $200k, so that the $10k rent on the similar valued home will also equate to a higher rental yield of 5 percent. In practice, the simple arbitrage described above is complicated by several factors: the maximum loan-to-value that a lender will offer on the home; the different transaction costs of buying versus renting; and the fact that people prefer to buy than to rent because buying a home is an investment which also provides a consumption service – shelter, whereas renting a home only provides the consumption service. Nevertheless, these complications do not diminish the overarching connection between mortgage rates and rental yields. The lion’s share of the real estate boom has come from a massive valuation uplift, which in turn has come from structurally lower bond yields. All of which brings us to the decade long global real estate boom that has doubled the value of global real estate market to an eye-watering $350 trillion, four times the size of the $90 trillion global economy. During this unprecedented boom, global rents have risen by 40 percent, tracking world nominal GDP, as they should. This means that the lion’s share of the real estate boom has come from a massive valuation uplift, which in turn has come from structurally lower bond yields (Chart I-7).    Chart I-7The Lion's Share Of The Global Real Estate Boom Has Come From A Massive Uplift In Valuations Since the global financial crisis, there has been an excellent empirical relationship between the global long-dated bond yield (US/China average) and the global rental yield. The important takeaway is that the global bond yield cannot rise much further before it destabilises the $350 trillion global real estate market and thereby destabilises the global economy (Chart I-8). Chart I-8The Global Bond Yield Cannot Rise Much Further Before It Destabilises The $350 Trillion Global Real Estate Market Some Investment Conclusions The good news is that the recent rise in the global bond yield has been limited by the downdrift in Chinese bond yields. Given the massive overvaluation of Chinese real estate, the structural downtrend in Chinese bond yields has a lot further to go. Meanwhile in the US, unless bond yields back down quickly, flagging mortgage and housing market activity will weigh on an already slowing economy. If US bond yields don’t back down quickly, the feedback from consequent slowdown in the economy will ultimately bring yields down anyway. As I explained last week in Fat-Tailed Inflation Signals A Peak In Bond Yields I do expect the long T-bond yield to back down relatively quickly. The sharp drop in US core inflation to just 0.3 percent month-on-month in March signals that inflation is peaking. Hence, medium to long term investors should be buying US T-bonds, and switching equity exposure into long-duration sectors such as healthcare and biotech. Finally, a peak in bond yields will also take pressure off US homebuilder shares whose recent collapse has been the mirror-image of the surge in the 30-year mortgage rate (Chart I-9). Hence, go overweight US homebuilders versus US insurers. Chart I-9The Collapse In US Homebuilder Shares Is The Mirror-Image Of The Surge In The Mortgage Rate Fractal Trading Watchlist Given that inflation hedging investment demand has driven at least part of the strong rally in basic resources, a peak in inflation and bond yields threatens to unwind the recent outperformance of basic resources shares. This is corroborated by the extremely fragile 130-day fractal structure (Chart I-10). Accordingly, the recommended trade is to short basic resources (GNR) versus the broad market, setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 11.5 percent. This week we are also adding to our watchlist: Switzerland versus Germany; and USD/EUR. The full list of 20 investments that are experiencing or approaching turning points is available on our website: cpt.bcaresearch.com  Chart I-10The Outperformance Of Basic Resources Is Vulnerable To Reversal Switzerland's Outperformance Vs. Germany Could End The Rally In USD/EUR Could End Chart 1The Strong Trend In The 18-Month-Out US Interest Rate Future Is Fragile Chart 2The Strong Trend In The 3 Year T-Bond Is Fragile Chart 3AUD/KRW Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 4Canada Versus Japan Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 5Canada's TSX-60's Outperformance Might Be Over Chart 6US Healthcare Providers Vs. Software At Risk of Reversal Chart 7Bitcoin's 65-Day Fractal Support Is Holding For Now Chart 8A Potential Switching Point From Tobacco Into Cannabis Chart 9Biotech Is A Major Buy Chart 10CAD/SEK Reversal Has Started Chart 11Financials Versus Industrials To Reverse Chart 12Norway's Outperformance Could End Chart 13Greece's Brief Outperformance To End Chart 14BRL/NZD At A Resistance Point Chart 15The Outperformance Of Resources Versus Healthcare Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 16The Outperformance Of Resources Versus Biotech Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 17Cotton's Outperformance Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 18US Homebuilders' Underperformance Is At A Potential Turning Point Chart 19Fractal Trading Watch List Chart 20Fractal Trading Watch List Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We estimate the value of Chinese real estate at the end of 2021 to be $97 trillion, comprising residential $85 trillion, commercial $6 trillion, and agricultural $6 trillion. The source is: the Savills September 2021 report ‘The total value of global real estate’, which valued the global real estate market to the end of 2020; and the February 2022 report ‘Savills Prime Residential Index: World Cities’ which allowed us to update the valuations to the end of 2021. 2 The US prime residential rental yield is the simple average of the prime residential rental yields in New York, Miami, Los Angeles and San Francisco. Source: Savills. 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