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In the Tuesday morning session of our BCA Research Annual investment Conference, Professor Larry Summers mentioned that the disconnect between stock prices and economic activity was a consequence of Secular Stagnation. Secular Stagnation causes a rise in…
Yesterday was a big day for Australian policymakers, with announcements from both the fiscal and monetary authorities. In aggregate, they delivered a mixed bag. The Reserve Bank of Australia remains as committed as ever to policy easing. The latest policy…
Highlights The first presidential debate does not change our subjective judgment on Trump’s odds of victory (35%), but our quantitative election model is flagging a major risk to this view. The V-shaped economic recovery is greatly improving Trump’s odds in key swing states – including Michigan – according to our model. We will upgrade Trump’s chances if the Republicans agree to a fiscal bill that removes the risk of further financial turmoil in the final month of the campaign. A stock market selloff combined with rising COVID-19 cases is a deadly combination for a president whose re-election bid is on thin ice. The best outcome for financial markets is a stimulus deal now, a Biden victory, and a Republican Senate. The worst outcome is no stimulus and a Democratic sweep, but there would be a silver lining in the form of major fiscal expansion in 2021. Feature The shouting match, er, debate between President Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden probably did not change many voters’ minds. Trump started stronger, Biden finished stronger. The key takeaway is that Biden lived to fight another day. At 77 years old, Biden’s age has been a concern, but he did not appear incoherent like he did in the Democratic primary election.1 From a market perspective, the debate revealed the following: The Republican failure to pass a new fiscal relief bill is hurting their re-election bid, as Biden successfully criticized Trump for not providing new resources amid the national crisis. The next 24-48 hours are critical on our view that the Senate GOP will capitulate to a deal. Joe Biden will raise taxes regardless of the recession. There is speculation that Democrats might delay tax hikes to aid the recovery but Biden did not give reason for optimism. China faces pressure from both parties. Trump blames China for the pandemic and recession while Biden hammered Trump for being weak on China. Biden is trying to steal back the thunder on manufacturing and he emphasized on-shoring more than Trump. Decoupling from China will continue regardless of the election outcome. Table 1Recessions Weigh On Incumbent Win Rates We have given Trump a 35% chance of winning since March, based on the historical odds of an incumbent party winning when a recession occurs in the year of the election. However, the economic recovery now poses a clear risk to this view. First, the historical odds rise to 50/50 if the recession ends before the election (Table 1). Second, our quantitative election model now gives Trump a 49% chance of victory, discussed below. Subjectively, we are keeping Trump at 35% because a failure to pass fiscal relief will cause a stock market selloff and remove the last leg of Trump’s re-election bid. But we will upgrade Trump if there is a relief bill and his polling gains momentum. Quant Model Upgrades Trump To 49% Odds Of Victory Our quantitative election model is upgrading Trump’s odds, having taken in the just-released Philly Fed’s coincident economic index for the month of August (Chart 1). The US economy continues to recover, and the more the data improve, the better Trump’s odds of winning the election. Chart 1Quant Model Signals Trump At 49% Odds, Michigan A Toss-Up Our quant model consists of (1) state-by-state economic indexes (2) a “time for change” variable that rewards the incumbent party after a four-year term but penalizes it after an eight-year term in the White House (3) the president’s margins of victory in the previous election (3) the range of Trump’s approval rating (rather than the level, thus avoiding any concerns about polling understating Trump’s support). Our model now predicts that Trump will win 259 Electoral College votes, an increase of 29 votes from our August update by flipping Florida back into the Republican camp with a ~60% probability. Thus Trump’s probability of winning the election has risen by 4ppt to 49%. Remarkably Michigan has risen into the ranks of a toss-up state, with a 49.6% chance of a Republican win. The coincident indicators in this state have improved drastically over the past three months and our model uses a three-month rate of change (Chart 2). Our model also gives greater weight to these indicators the closer we get to the election. In discussions with many clients we have observed that the model seemed to be underrating the key upper Midwestern battlegrounds, but now that is changing. The odds that Trump could win New Hampshire and Nevada have also improved substantially, to 41% and 25% respectively. Chart 2State Economic Indicators Put MI, NH, NV Into Play? Chart 3Swing State Wages Turning Up Still, as it stands, Democrats are still expected to win Michigan, as well as Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, thus pulling off a narrow victory in the Electoral College. Chart 4Median Family Income Improved However, the trend is in Trump’s favor. Barring very bad economic news in September, the model’s final reading on October 23 may even favor Trump for re-election. The state economic indicators are supported by additional factors: The V-shape recovery is pronounced in workers’ wages, including swing states that voted for Trump (Chart 3). Median family income is still growing – and slightly faster than when Trump took office (Chart 4). Thus it is clear that the economic recovery is a growing risk to our view that Biden will win in a Democratic clean sweep of US government. Trump Faces Imminent Risks From Pandemic And Recession In the debate, Trump successfully deflected criticisms of his handling of the economy and pinned the blame for the coronavirus on China. But a worsening of either of these factors would spell his doom in the final month of the campaign. Trump’s approval rating is still weak, though a sharp improvement would put him on the trajectory that won Presidents Bush and Obama re-election (Chart 5). Chart 5Trump Approval Rating Recovering Chart 6Trump Looks Better In Swing State Polling Biden’s lead in head-to-head polling in the swing states is stable over the course of the year so far, though Trump has recently improved and is close to or within the typical margin of error for these polls. Chart 7Trump Must Beware Whiplash From Pandemic And Recession What should prove decisive in the final month is the trajectory of the pandemic and the economy. Trump’s approval on the economy is just barely above 50%, but his handling of COVID-19 has relapsed (Chart 7). The pandemic will bring bad news over the coming month, but it is not clear how bad. New daily cases of COVID-19 are rising in the US as a whole and in key swing states like Wisconsin, Arizona, and Pennsylvania. It makes sense to see cases springing up in states that are improving rapidly in economic terms, including these states and Nevada and New Hampshire (Charts 8A & 8B). As deaths increase, bad news will affect consumers’ behavior and sentiment. Chart 8ACOVID-19 Uptick A Major Risk To Trump Chart 8BCOVID-19 Uptick A Major Risk To Trump New fiscal relief would sustain the economy even if social distancing and government restrictions increase in October to fend off this third wave in infections. Meanwhile the absence of fiscal relief will weigh on Trump’s fragile approval on the economy. Voters have consistently punished both the president and the Congress for brinksmanship over fiscal deadlines (Charts 9A & 9B). Chart 9AVoters Give Thumbs Down For Fiscal Dysfunction Chart 9BVoters Give Thumbs Down For Fiscal Dysfunction Markets also sell off when policymakers threaten to take the US over a fiscal cliff (Charts 10A & 10B). So far this is also the case in September 2020, though the jury is out. Chart 10AMarkets Sell Off During Fiscal Cliffs Chart 10BMarkets Sell Off During Fiscal Cliffs Can President Trump Stimulate By Executive Order? The president has few unilateral alternatives to a congressional fiscal bill. Chart 11Unilateral Stimulus Will Not Save Markets Several clients have asked about the Treasury’s general account, which currently holds over $1.5 trillion in cash (Chart 11). The Treasury issued lots of bonds and temporarily over-prepared for what is necessary to finance the US’s surging deficits, as the economic recovery has seen better-than-expected revenues. Our US bond strategist addressed this issue in a recent report entitled “The Case Against The Money Supply.” Could Trump unilaterally re-purpose these funds as economic stimulus if Congress fails to agree on a fiscal bill? We would not put it past the president to try – he is already stimulating by decree – but the courts would issue injunctions since the House has the constitutional power of the purse. In the meantime it would be difficult to implement the president’s orders, as with recent executive orders on extending unemployment insurance and deferring the payroll tax. Uncertainty over the US’s fiscal future would increase, not decrease, due to the legal dispute and the simultaneous risk that Republicans who had proved fiscally hawkish would retain the Senate after November 3. Therefore raiding the Treasury account is not a viable solution for markets in the absence of a real stimulus deal. And while voters might approve of the president’s actions in the face of a do-nothing Congress, the market’s negative response would damage sentiment and Trump’s approval on the economy. Investment Takeaways Our subjective reason not to upgrade Trump’s odds from 35% stems from the relationship of politics and financial markets. We have a high conviction view that the equity market will sell off if Republicans fail to conclude a fiscal deal. Financial turmoil in October will undermine recent improvements in the economy, economic sentiment, and opinion polls, as it will undermine Trump’s approval on handling the economy. The rise in COVID-19 cases reinforces the downside risk to markets, especially in the absence of stimulus. We will upgrade Trump’s odds of victory if this contradiction is resolved either through new fiscal relief or through something that improves sentiment on the pandemic, such as a credible vaccine announcement. It is hard to see Trump’s odds improving otherwise. An upgrade of Trump’s odds will increase the substantial risk of a contested election. Volatility will persist through November, with potential to expand into December and possibly even January. However we have a high conviction view that volatility will collapse by the end of January. Election scenarios would then look like this: If no fiscal relief passes, and markets sell prior to the election, then a Democratic clean sweep becomes more likely and will galvanize a move up for risk assets, as investors will look to major fiscal expansion in 2021 and beyond. But if Republicans retain the Senate in this scenario, then the need for a market riot for each future dose of stimulus will unnerve investors and the selloff will be prolonged. However, if fiscal stimulus passes prior to the election as we expect, then markets will view a Democratic sweep as an initial negative due to tax hikes and re-regulation. The prospect of fiscal expansion will only gradually become a positive factor. Thus the post-election adjustment will be short-lived. Global and cyclical equities will outperform. If stimulus passes pre-election, yet Republicans retain the Senate under a President Biden, fear of fiscal obstruction will be postponed, the prospect of tax hikes will collapse, and trade war risk will be at least somewhat reduced (Biden will be soft on global trade ex-China). This is the best outcome for risk assets, especially global equities and cyclical sectors. If stimulus passes, and Trump and the Republicans retain power, any relief rally will be short-lived as the prospect of a global trade war will loom. US equities will continue outperforming global. We are booking a small 5.7% profit on our long French energy / short US energy trade due to the risk of a Trump comeback, which would help the US energy sector. Dollar strength on near-term uncertainty will also be a headwind for this trade until the US election is resolved. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Post-debate polling by CNN suggests that Biden beat expectations, performed better than Trump, and increased in voter favorability, while Trump underperformed Biden and expectations and shed favorability. However, post-debate polls tend to overrepresent Democratic-leaning voters and have not predicted past presidential election results. (Post-debate polls over the course of three debates would have predicted a Clinton win in 2016, a Romney win in 2012, and a Kerry win in 2004.)
Dear Client, We are sending you our Quarterly Strategy Outlook today, where we outline our thoughts on the macro landscape and the direction of financial markets for the rest of the year and beyond. We will also be hosting a webcast on Thursday, October 1st at 10:00 AM EDT (3:00 PM BST, 4:00 PM CEST, 10:00 PM HKT) where we will discuss the outlook. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights Macroeconomic outlook: Global growth faces near-term challenges from a resurgence in the pandemic and the failure of the US Congress to pass a stimulus deal. However, growth should revive next year as a vaccine becomes available and fiscal policy turns stimulative again. Global asset allocation: Favor equities over bonds on a 12-month horizon, while maintaining somewhat larger than normal cash positions in the short run that can be deployed if stocks resume their correction. Equities: Prepare to pivot from the “Pandemic trade” to the “Reopening trade.” Vaccine optimism should pave the way for cyclicals to outperform defensives, international stocks to outperform their US peers, and for value to outperform growth. Fixed income: Bond yields will rise modestly, suggesting that investors should maintain below average duration exposure. Favor inflation-protected securities over nominal bonds. Spread product will outperform safe government bonds. Currencies: The US dollar will weaken over the next 12 months. The collapse in interest rate differentials, stronger global growth, and a widening US trade deficit are all bearish for the greenback. Commodities: Rising demand and constrained supply will support oil prices, while Chinese stimulus will buoy industrial metals. Investors should buy gold and other real assets as a hedge against long-term inflation risk. I. Macroeconomic Outlook Policy And The Pandemic Will Continue To Drive Markets Going into the fourth quarter of 2020, we are tactically neutral on global equities but remain overweight stocks and other risk assets on a 12-month horizon. As has been the case for much of the year, both the virus and the policy response to the pandemic will continue to be key drivers of market returns. Coronavirus: Still Spreading Fast, But Less Deadly On the virus front, the global number of daily new cases continues to trend higher, with the 7-day average reaching a record high of nearly 300,000 this week (Chart 1). Chart 1Globally, The Number Of Daily New Cases Continues To Trend Higher The number of daily new cases in the EU has risen above its April peak. Spain and France have been particularly hard hit. Canada is also seeing a pronounced rise in new cases. In the US, the number of new cases peaked in July. However, the 7-day average has been creeping up since early September, raising the risk of a third wave. On the positive side, mortality rates in most countries remain well below their spring levels. There is no clear consensus as to why the virus has become less lethal. Better medical treatments, including the use of low-cost steroids, have certainly helped. A shift in the incidence of cases towards younger, healthier people has also lowered the overall mortality rate. In addition, there is some evidence that the virus may be evolving to be more contagious but less deadly.1 It would not be surprising if that were the case. After all, a virus that kills its host will also kill itself. Lastly, pervasive mask wearing may be mitigating the severity of the disease by reducing the initial viral load that infected individuals receive.2 A smaller initial dose gives the immune system more time to launch an effective counterattack. It has even been speculated that the widespread use of masks may be acting as a form of “variolation.” Prior to the invention of vaccines, variolation was used to engender natural immunity. Perhaps most famously, upon taking command of the Continental Army in 1775, George Washington had all his troops exposed to small amounts of smallpox.3 The gamble worked. The US ended up winning the Revolutionary War, making Washington the first president of the new republic. Waiting For A Vaccine Despite the decline in mortality rates, there is still much that remains unknown about Covid-19, including the extent to which the disease will lead to long-term damage to the vascular and nervous systems. Thus, while governments are unlikely to impose the same sort of severe lockdown measures that they implemented in March, rising case counts will delay reopening plans, and in many cases, lead to the reintroduction of stricter social distancing rules. Chart 2Some States Have Started To Relax Lockdown Measures This has already happened in a number of countries. The UK reinstated more stringent regulations over social gatherings last week, including ordering pubs and restaurants to close by 10pm. Spain has introduced tougher mobility restrictions in Madrid and surrounding municipalities. France ordered gyms and restaurants to close for two weeks. Canada has also tightened regulations, with the government of Quebec raising the alert level to maximum “red alert” in several regions of the province. In the US, the share of the population living in states that were in the process of relaxing lockdown measures has risen above 50% for the first time since July (Chart 2). A third wave would almost certainly forestall the recent reopening trend. Ultimately, a safe and effective vaccine will be necessary to defeat the virus. Fortunately, about half of experts polled by the Good Judgment Project expect a vaccine to become available by the first quarter of 2021. Only 2% expect there to be no vaccine available by April 2022, down from over 50% in May (Chart 3). Chart 3When Will A Vaccine Become Available? Premature Fiscal Tightening And The Risk of Second-Round Effects Even if a vaccine becomes available early next year, there is a danger that the global economy will have suffered enough damage over the intervening months to forestall a rapid recovery. Whenever an economy suffers an adverse shock, a feedback loop can develop where rising joblessness leads to less spending, leading to even more joblessness. Fiscal stimulus can short-circuit this vicious circle by providing households with adequate income to maintain spending. Fiscal policy in the major economies turned expansionary within weeks of the onset of the pandemic (Chart 4). In the US, real personal income growth actually accelerated in the spring because transfers from the government more than offset the loss in wage and salary compensation (Chart 5). Chart 4Fiscal Policy Has Been Very Stimulative This Year Chart 5Personal Income Accelerated Earlier This Year Chart 6Drastic Drop In Weekly Unemployment Insurance Payments Starting in August, US fiscal policy turned less accommodative. Chart 6 shows that regular weekly unemployment payments have fallen from around $25 billion to $8 billion since the end of July. At an annualized rate, this amounts to over 4% of GDP in fiscal tightening. While President Trump signed an executive order redirecting some of the money that had been earmarked for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to be given to unemployed workers, the available funding will run out within the next month or so. On top of that, the funds in the small business Paycheck Protection Program have been used up, while many state and local governments face a severe cash crunch. US households saved a lot going into the autumn, so a sudden stop in spending is unlikely. Nevertheless, fissures in the economy are widening. Core retail sales contracted in August for the first time since April. Consumer expectations of future income growth remain weak (Chart 7). Permanent job losses are rising faster than they did during the Great Recession (Chart 8). Both corporate bankruptcy and mortgage delinquency rates are moving up, while bank lending standards have tightened significantly (Chart 9). Chart 7Consumer Expectations Of Future Income Growth Remain Weak Chart 8Permanent Job Losses Are Rising Faster Than They Did During The Great Recession Chart 9Corporate Bankruptcy And Mortgage Delinquency Rates Are Moving Up … While Bank Lending Standards Have Tightened Significantly Fiscal Stimulus Will Return We ultimately expect US fiscal policy to turn accommodative again. There is no appetite for fiscal austerity. Both political parties are moving in a more populist direction, which usually signals larger budget deficits. Even among Republicans, more registered voters support extending emergency federal unemployment insurance payments than oppose it (Chart 10). Chart 10There Is Much Public Support For Fiscal Stimulus As long as interest rates stay low, there will be little market pressure to trim budget deficits. US real rates remain in negative territory. Despite a rising debt stock, the Congressional Budget Office expects net interest payments to decline towards 1% of GDP over the span of the next couple of years, thus reaching the lowest level in six decades (Chart 11). Outside the US, there has been little movement towards tightening fiscal policy. The UK government unveiled last week a fresh round of economic and fiscal measures to help ease the burden on both employees, by subsidizing part-time work for example, and firms, by extending government-guaranteed loan programs. At the beginning of the month, the Macron government announced a 100 billion euro stimulus plan in France. Meanwhile, European leaders are moving forward on a euro area-wide 750 billion euro stimulus package that was announced this summer. In Japan, the new Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga has indicated that he will pursue a third budget to fight the economic downturn, adding that “there is no limit to the amount of bonds the government can issue to support an economy battered by the coronavirus pandemic.” The Japanese government now earns more interest than it pays because two-thirds of all Japanese debt bears negative yields (Chart 12). At least for now, a big debt burden is actually good for the Japanese government’s finances! Chart 11Low Interest Payments Amid Skyrocketing Debt In The US Chart 12Japan: Ballooning Debt And Declining Interest Payments China also continues to stimulate its economy. Jing Sima, BCA’s chief China strategist, expects the broad-measure fiscal deficit to reach a record 8% of GDP this year and remain elevated into next year. The annual change in total social financing – a broad measure of Chinese credit formation – is expected to hit 35% of GDP, just shy of its GFC peak (Chart 13). Not surprisingly, the Chinese economy is responding well to all this stimulus. Sales of floor space rose 40% year-over-year in August, driven by a close to 60% jump in Tier-1 cities. Excavator sales, a leading indicator for construction spending, are up 51% over last year’s levels, while industrial profits have jumped 19%. A resurgent Chinese economy has historically been closely associated with rising global trade (Chart 14). Chart 13China Continues To Stimulate Its Economy Chart 14Chinese Economic Rebound Has Historically Been Closely Associated With Rising Global Trade Biden Or Trump: How Will Financial Markets React? Betting markets expect former Vice President Joe Biden to become president and for the Democrats to gain control of the Senate (Chart 15). A “blue wave” would produce more fiscal spending in the next few years. Recall that House Democrats passed a $3.5 trillion stimulus bill in May that was quickly rejected by Senate Republicans. More recently, Democratic leaders have suggested they would approve a stimulus deal in the range of $2-to-$2.5 trillion. Chart 15Betting Markets Putting Their Money On The Democrats In addition to more pandemic-related stimulus, Joe Biden has also proposed a variety of longer-term spending initiatives. These include $2 trillion in infrastructure spending spread over four years, a $700 billion “Made in America” plan that would increase federal procurement of domestically produced goods and services, and new spending proposals worth about 1.7% of GDP per annum centered on health care, housing, education, and child and elder care. As president, Joe Biden would likely take a less confrontational stance towards relations with China. While rolling back tariffs would not be an immediate priority for a Biden administration, it could happen later in 2021. Less welcome for investors would be an increase in taxes. Joe Biden has proposed raising taxes by $4 trillion over ten years (about 1.5% of cumulative GDP). Slightly less than half of that consists of higher personal taxes on both regular income (for taxpayers earning more than $400,000 per year) and capital gains (for tax filers with over $1 million in income). The other half consists of increased business taxes, mainly in the form of a hike in the corporate tax rate from 21% to 28% and the introduction of a minimum 15% tax on the global book income of US-based companies. Netting it out, a blue sweep in November would probably be neutral-to-slightly negative for equities. What about government bonds? Our guess is that Treasury yields would rise modestly in response to a blue wave, particularly at the longer end of the yield curve. Additional fiscal support would boost aggregate demand, implying that it would take less time for the economy to reach full employment. That said, interest rate expectations are unlikely to rise as sharply as they did in late 2016 following Donald Trump‘s victory. Back then, the Fed was primed to raise rates – it hiked rates nine times starting in December 2015, ultimately bringing the fed funds rate to 2.5% by end-2018. This time around, the Fed is firmly on hold, with the vast majority of FOMC members expecting policy rates to stay at rock-bottom levels until at least 2023. The Fed’s New Tune In two important respects, the Fed’s new Monetary Policy Framework (MPF) represents a sharp break with the past. Chart 16The Mechanics Of Price-Level Targeting First, the MPF abandons the Fed’s historic reliance on a Taylor Rule-style framework, which prescribes lifting rates whenever the unemployment rate declines towards its equilibrium level. Second, the MPF eschews the “let bygones be bygones” approach of past monetary policymaking. Going forward, the Fed will try to maintain an average level of inflation of 2% over the course of the business cycle. This means that if inflation falls below 2%, the Fed will try to engineer a temporary inflation overshoot in order to bring the price level back up to its 2%-per-year upward trend (Chart 16). Some aspects of the Fed’s new strategy are both timely and laudable. A Taylor rule approach makes sense when there is a clear relationship between inflation and the unemployment rate, as governed by the so-called Phillips curve. However, if inflation fails to rise in response to declining economic slack – as has been the case in recent years – central banks may find themselves at a loss in determining where the neutral rate of interest lies. In this case, it might be preferable to keep interest rates at very low levels until the economy begins to overheat. Such a strategy would avoid the risk of raising rates prematurely, only to discover that they are too high for what the economy can handle. Targeting an average rate of inflation also has significant merit. When investors purchase long-term bonds, they run the risk that the real value of those bonds will deviate significantly from initial expectations when the bonds mature. If inflation surprises on the upside, the bonds will end up being worth less to the lender as measured by the quantity of goods and services that they can be exchanged for. If inflation surprises on the downside, borrowers could find themselves facing a larger real debt burden than they had anticipated. An inflation targeting system that corrects for past inflation surprises could give both borrowers and lenders greater certainty about the future price level. This, in turn, could reduce the inflation risk premium embedded in long-term bond yields, leading to a more efficient allocation of economic resources. In addition, an average inflation targeting system could make the zero lower bound constraint less vexing by keeping long-term inflation expectations from slipping below the central bank’s target. This would give the central bank more traction over monetary policy. A Bias Towards Higher Inflation Despite the advantages of the Fed’s new approach, it faces a number of hurdles, some practical and some political. On the practical side, it may turn out that the Phillips curve, rather than being flat, is kinked at a fairly low level of unemployment. Theoretically, that would not be too surprising. If I have 100 apples for sale and you want to buy 60, I have no incentive to raise prices. Even if you wanted to buy 80 apples, I would have no incentive to raise prices. However, if you wanted to buy 105 apples, then I would have an incentive to raise my selling price. The point is that inflation could remain stubbornly dormant as slack slowly disappears, only to rocket higher once full employment has been reached. Since changes in monetary policy only affect the economy with a lag, the central bank could find itself woefully behind the curve, scrambling to contain rising inflation. This is precisely what happened during the 1960s (Chart 17). Chart 17Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Chart 18Something Has Always Happened To Preempt Overheating Over the past three decades, something always happened that kept the US economy from overheating (Chart 18). The unemployment rate reached a 50-year low in 2019. Inflation may have moved higher this year had it not been for the fact that the global economy was clotheslined by the pandemic. In 2007, the economy was heating up only to be sandbagged by the housing bust. In 2000, the bursting of the dotcom bubble helped reverse incipient inflationary pressures. But just because the economy did not have a chance to overheat at any time over the past 30 years does not mean it cannot happen in the future. The Political Economy Of Higher Inflation On the political side, average inflation targeting assumes that central banks will be just as willing to tolerate inflation undershoots as overshoots. This could be a faulty assumption. Generating an inflation overshoot requires that interest rates be kept low enough to enable unemployment to fall below its full employment level. That is likely to be politically popular. Generating an inflation undershoot, in contrast, requires restrictive monetary policy and rising unemployment. More joblessness would not sit well with workers. High interest rates could also damage the stock market and depress home prices, while forcing debt-saddled governments to shift more spending from social programs to bondholders. None of that will be politically popular. If central banks are quick to allow inflation overshoots but slow to engineer inflation undershoots, the result could be structurally higher inflation. Markets are not pricing in such an outcome (Chart 19). Chart 19Markets Are Not Pricing In Structurally Higher Inflation II. Financial Markets Global Asset Allocation: Despite Near-Term Dangers, Overweight Equities On A 12-Month Horizon An acceleration in the number of COVID-19 cases and the rising probability that the US Congress will fail to pass a stimulus bill before the November election could push equities and other risk assets lower in the near term. Investors should maintain somewhat larger than normal cash positions in the short run that can be deployed if stocks resume their correction. Chart 20The Decline In US Real Yields Since March Has Largely Offset The Rise In Stock Prices Provided that progress continues to be made towards developing a vaccine and US fiscal policy eventually turns stimulative again, stocks will regain their footing, rising about 15% from current levels over a 12-month horizon. Negative real bond yields will continue to support stocks (Chart 20). The 30-year TIPS yield has fallen by over 90 basis points in 2020. Even if one assumes that it will take the rest of the decade for S&P 500 earnings to return to their pre-pandemic trend, the deep drop in the risk-free component of the discount rate has still raised the present value of future S&P 500 cash flows by nearly 20% since the start of the year (Chart 21). Chart 21The Present Value Of Earnings: A Scenario Analysis Thanks to these exceptionally low real bond yields, equity risk premia remain elevated (Chart 22). The TINA mantra reverberates throughout the investment world: There Is No Alternative to stocks. To get a sense of just how powerful TINA is, consider the fact that the dividend yield on the S&P 500 currently stands at 1.67%. That may not sound like much, but it is still a full percentage point higher than the paltry 0.67% yield on the 10-year Treasury note (Chart 23). Chart 22Equity Risk Premia Remain Elevated Chart 23S&P 500 Dividend Yield Is Above The Treasury Yield Imagine having to decide whether to place your money either in an S&P 500 index fund or a 10-year Treasury note. Dividends-per-share paid by S&P 500 companies have almost always increased over time. However, even if we make the pessimistic assumption that dividends-per-share remain unchanged for the next ten years, the value of the S&P 500 would still have to fall by 10% over the next decade to equal the return on the 10-year note. Assuming that inflation averages around 1.9% over this period, the real value of the S&P 500 would need to drop by 25%. The picture is even more dramatic outside the US. In the euro area, the index would have to fall by over 30% in real terms for investors to make more money in bonds than stocks. In the UK, it would need to fall by over 50% (Chart 24). Chart 24 (I)Stocks Would Need To Fall A Lot For Equities To Underperform Bonds Chart 24 (II)Stocks Would Need To Fall A Lot For Equities To Underperform Bonds A Weaker US Dollar Favors International Stocks Outside the US, price-earnings ratios are lower, while equity risk premia are higher. Cheap valuations are usually not enough to justify a high-conviction investment call, however. One also needs a catalyst. Three potential catalysts could help propel international stocks higher over the next 12 months, while also giving value stocks and economically-sensitive equity sectors a boost: A weaker US dollar; the end of the pandemic; and a recovery in bank shares. Let’s start with the dollar. The US dollar faces a number of headwinds over the coming months. First, interest rate differentials have moved sharply against the greenback (Chart 25). Second, as a countercyclical currency, the dollar is likely to weaken as the global economy improves (Chart 26). Third, the current account deficit is rising again. It jumped over 50% from $112 billion in Q1 to $170 billion in Q2. According to the Atlanta Fed GDPNow model, the trade balance is set to widened further in Q3. This deterioration in the dollar’s fundamentals is occurring against a backdrop where the currency remains 11% overvalued based on purchasing power parity exchange rates (Chart 27). Chart 25Interest Rate Differentials Have Moved Sharply Against The Greenback A weaker dollar is usually good for commodity prices and cyclical stocks (Chart 28). In general, commodity producers and cyclical stocks are overrepresented outside the US. Chart 26The Dollar Is Likely To Weaken As The Global Economy Improves Chart 27USD Remains Overvalued Chart 28A Weaker Dollar Is Usually Good For Commodity Prices And Cyclical Stocks BCA’s chief energy strategist Bob Ryan expects Brent to average $65/bbl in 2021, $21/bbl above what the market is anticipating. Ongoing Chinese stimulus should also buoy metal prices. A falling greenback helps overseas borrowers – many of whom are in emerging markets – whose loans are denominated in dollars but whose revenues are denominated in the local currency. It is thus no surprise that non-US stocks tend to outperform their US peers when global growth is strengthening and the dollar is weakening (Chart 29). Chart 29Non-US Equities Tend To Outperform Their US Peers When Global Growth Is Improving And The Dollar Is Weakening The outperformance of non-US stocks in soft dollar environments is particularly pronounced when returns are measured in common-currency terms. From the perspective of US-based investors, a weaker dollar raises the dollar value of overseas sales and profits, justifying higher valuations for international stocks. From the perspective of overseas investors, a weaker dollar reduces the local currency value of US sales and profits, implying a lower valuation for US stocks. This helps explain why European stocks tend to outperform their US counterparts when the euro is rising, even though a stronger euro hurts the European economy. It’s Value’s Turn To Shine Value stocks have often outperformed growth stocks when the US dollar has been weakening and global growth strengthening. Recall that value stocks did poorly during the late 1990s, a period of dollar strength and economic turbulence throughout the EM world. In contrast, value stocks did well between 2001 and 2007, a period during which the dollar was generally on the back foot. The relationship between value stocks, the dollar, and global growth broke down this summer. Growth stocks continued to pull ahead, even though global growth turned a corner and the dollar began to weaken. There are two reasons why this happened. First, investors were too slow to price in the windfall that growth stocks in the tech and health care sectors would end up receiving from the pandemic. Second, rather than rising in response to better economic growth data, real rates fell during the summer months. A falling discount rate benefits growth stocks more than value stocks because the former generate more of their earnings farther into the future. The tentative outperformance of value stocks in September suggests that the tables may have turned for the value/growth trade. Retail sales at physical stores are rebounding, while online sales growth is coming down from highly elevated levels (Chart 30). Bank of America estimates that US e-commerce penetration doubled in just a few short months earlier this year. Some “reversion to the trend” is likely, even if that trend does favor online stores over the long haul. Chart 30Are Brick-And Mortar Retailers Coming Back To Life? Chart 31The Pandemic Has Caused Global Server And PC Shipments To Surge Meanwhile, PC shipments soared during the pandemic as companies and workers rushed out to buy computer gear to allow them to work from home (Chart 31). To the extent that this caused some spending to be brought forward, it could create an air pocket in tech demand over the next few quarters. A third wave of the virus in the US and ongoing second waves elsewhere could give growth stocks a boost once more, but the benefits are likely to be short-lived. If a vaccine becomes available early next year, investors will pivot from the “pandemic trade” to the “reopening trade.” The “reopening trade” will support companies such as banks, hotels, and transports that were crushed by lockdown measures and which are overrepresented in value indices. From a valuation perspective, value stocks are cheaper now compared to growth stocks than at any point in history – even cheaper than at the height of the dotcom bubble (Chart 32). Chart 32Value Stocks Are Extremely Cheap Relative To Growth Stocks The lofty valuations that growth stocks enjoy can be justified if the mega-cap tech companies that dominate the growth indices continue to increase earnings for many years to come. However, it is far from clear that this will happen. Close to three-quarters of US households already have an Amazon Prime account. Slightly over half have a Netflix account. Nearly 70% have a Facebook account. Google commands 92% of the internet search market. Together, sites owned by Google and Facebook generate about 60% of all online advertising revenue. While all of these companies dominate their markets, this could change. At one point during the dotcom bubble, Palm’s market capitalization was over six times greater than Apple’s. The Blackberry superseded the PalmPilot; the iPhone, in turn, superseded the Blackberry. History suggests that many of today’s technological leaders will end up as laggards. Investors looking to find the next tech leader can focus on smaller, fast growing companies. Unfortunately, picking winners in this space is easier said than done. History suggests that investors tend to overpay for growth, especially among small caps. Based on data compiled by Eugene Fama and Kenneth French, small cap growth stocks have lagged small cap value stocks by an average of 6.4% per year on a market-cap weighted basis, and by 10.4% on an equal-weighted basis, since 1970 (Table 1). Table 1Small Caps Vis-A-Vis Large Caps: Comparison of Total Returns Bank On Banks Financial stocks are heavily overrepresented in value indices (Table 2). Banks have made significant provisions against bad loans this year. If global growth recovers in 2021 once a vaccine becomes available, some of these provisions will end up being released, boosting profits in the process. Table 2Breaking Down Growth And Value By Sector Chart 33Modestly Higher Bond Yields Will Benefit Bank Shares A stabilization in bond yields should also help bank shares. Chart 33 shows that a fall in bank stocks vis-à-vis the overall market has closely matched the decline in bond yields. While we do not think that central banks will tighten monetary policy in the next few years, nominal bond yields should still drift modestly higher as output gaps narrow. What about the outlook for bank earnings? A massive new credit boom is not in the cards in any major economy. Nevertheless, it should be noted that global bank EPS was able to return to its long-term trend in 2019, until being slammed again this year by the pandemic (Chart 34). Global bank book value-per-share was 30% higher in 2019 compared to GFC highs (even though price-per-share was 30% lower). Chart 34Global Bank EPS Was Able To Return To Its Pre-GFC Peak In 2019 Until The Pandemic Hit Chart 35European Bank Earnings Estimates Have Lagged Credit Growth Admittedly, the global numbers disguise a lot of regional variation. While US banks were able to bring EPS back to its prior peak, and Canadian banks were able to easily surpass it, European bank EPS was still 70% below its pre-GFC highs in 2019. The launch of the common currency in 1999 set off a massive credit boom across much of Europe, leaving European banks dangerously overleveraged. The GFC and the subsequent European sovereign debt crisis led to a spike in bad loans, necessitating numerous rounds of dilutive capital raises. At this point, however, European bank balance sheets are in much better shape. If EPS simply returns to its 2019 levels, European banks will trade at a generous earnings yield of close to 20%. That may not be such a hurdle to cross. Chart 35 shows that European bank earnings estimates have fallen far short of what would be expected from current credit growth. If, on top of all this, European banks are able to muster some sustained earnings growth thanks to somewhat steeper yield curves and further cost-cutting and consolidation, investors who buy banks today will be rewarded with outsized returns over the long haul. Fixed Income: What Is Least Ugly? As noted above, a rebound in global growth should push up both equity prices and bond yields. As such, we would underweight fixed income within a global asset allocation framework. Within the fixed income bracket, investors should favor inflation-protected securities over nominal bonds. They should underweight government bonds in favor of a modest overweight to spread product. Spreads are quite low but could sink further if economic activity revives faster than anticipated. The upper quality tranche of high-yield corporates, which are benefiting from central bank purchases, have an especially attractive risk-reward profile. EM debt should also fare well in a weaker dollar, stronger growth environment (Chart 36). Chart 36BB-Rated And EM Debt Offer Reasonable Risk-Reward Profiles Given that some investors have no choice but to own developed economy government bonds, which countries or regions should they buy from within this category? Chart 37 shows the 3-year trailing yield betas for several major developed bond markets. In general, the highest-yielding currencies (US and Canada) also have the highest betas, implying that their yields rise the most when global bond yields are rising and vice versa. Chart 37High-Yielding Bond Markets Are The Most Cyclical In economies such as Europe and Japan where the neutral rate of interest is stuck deep below the zero bound, better economic news is unlikely to lift policy rate expectations by very much. After all, the optimal policy rate would still be above its neutral level even if better economic data brought the neutral rate from say, -4% to -3%. In contrast, when the neutral rate is close to zero or even positive, better economic data can lift medium-to-long-term interest rate expectations more meaningfully. As such, we would underweight US Treasurys and Canadian bonds, while overweighting Japanese government bonds (JGBs) over a 12-month horizon. On a currency-hedged basis, which is what most bond investors focus on, 10-year JGBs yield only 20 basis points less than US Treasurys (Table 3). This lower yield is more than offset by the risk that Treasury yields will rise more than yields on JGBs. Table 3Bond Markets Across The Developed World The End Game What will end the bull market in stocks? As is often the case, the answer is tighter monetary policy. The good news is tight money is not an imminent risk. The Fed will not hike rates at least until 2023, and it will take even longer than that for interest rates to rise elsewhere in the world. The bad news is that the day of reckoning will eventually arrive and when it does, bond yields will soar and stocks will tumble. Investors who want to hedge against this risk should consider owning more real assets. As was the case during the 1970s, farmland will do well from rising inflation. Suburban real estate will also benefit from more people working from home and, if recent trends persist, rising crime in urban areas. Gold should also do well. The yellow metal has come down from its August highs, but should benefit from a weaker dollar over the coming months, and ultimately, from a more stagflationary environment later this decade. Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 “More infectious coronavirus mutation may be 'a good thing', says disease expert,” Reuters, August 17, 2020. 2 Nina Bai, ”One More Reason to Wear a Mask: You’ll Get Less Sick From COVID-19,” University of California San Francisco, July 31, 2020. 3 Dave Roos, “How Crude Smallpox Inoculations Helped George Washington Win the War,” History.com, May 18, 2020. Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Current MacroQuant Model Scores
Highlights Portfolio Strategy We recommend investors participate in the equity market rotation during the ongoing correction and position portfolios for next year’s bull market resumption by preferring unloved and undervalued deep cyclical laggards. Ultra-loose Chinese fiscal policy, rising global demand and firming domestic operating conditions, all signal that the S&P machinery recovery has legs. Vibrant emerging markets and a recuperating China, a softening US dollar rekindling the commodity complex, the nascent recovery in domestic conditions and washed out technicals, all suggest that a significant re-rating looms for severely neglected industrials equities. Recent Changes Our trailing stop got triggered and we downgraded the S&P internet retail index to neutral for a gain of 20% since the mid-April inception. This move also pushed our S&P consumer discretionary sector weighting to a benchmark allocation for a gain of 15% since inception. Table 1 Feature The S&P 500 broke below the important 50-day moving average last week, but managed to bounce off the early-June 3233 level – also a level where the SPX started the year – that could serve as temporary support (Chart 1). We first highlighted that investors were turning a blind eye to (geo)political risks on June 8, and failure to pass a new fiscal package before the election will continue to weigh on the economy and on stocks risking a further 10% drawdown near the SPX 3000 level. Chart 1Critical Support Levels The Fed is now “out of the loop” i.e. a bystander on the sidelines, gently moving the foot off the accelerator as we illustrated last week. The FOMC’s, at the margin, less dovish monetary policy setting exerts enormous pressure on fiscal authorities to act as fiscal policy takes center stage. Our sense is that we have entered a Fiscal Policy Loop (FPL) where stalemate in Congress will cause a classic BCA riot point that in turn will force politicians’ hand to act in order to avoid a meltdown, and set in motion the next stage of the FPL (Figure 1). Keep in mind that the 2020s have ignited a paradigm shift from the Washington Consensus to the Buenos Aires Consensus1 and this is episode one of the FPL, more are sure to follow. Figure 1The Fiscal Policy Loop It is no surprise that the Citi economic surprise index took off when the IRS started making direct payments to households in mid-April and leveled off toward the end of July when the stimulus money coffers ran dry (Chart 2). Chart 2In Dire Need Of Fiscal Stimulus If Congress fails to pass a new fiscal package by October 16, the latest now that the Ruth Bader Ginsburg SCOTUS replacement seems to have become the number one priority, we doubt a fiscal package can pass during a contested election. Thus, realistically a fresh stimulus bill is likely only after the new president’s inauguration. Under such a backdrop, the economy will suffer a relapse despite households drawing down their replenished savings (middle panel, Chart 3). This is eerily reminiscent of the October 2008 and October 2018 fiscal policy and monetary policy mistakes, respectively, that resulted in a market riot. Similar to today, markets were down 10% and on a precipice and the policy errors pushed them off the cliff leading to another 10% gap down in a heartbeat. With regard to equity market specifics during the current FPL iteration, banks are most at risk as they are levered to the economic recovery, and commercial real estate ails remain a big headache. Absent a fiscal package bank executives will have to further provision for loan losses when they kick off Q3 earnings season in late-October as CEOs will err on the side of caution. Tack on the recent news on laundering money – including by US banks – and the Fed’s new stringent stress tests, and the risk/reward tradeoff remains poor for the banking sector (bottom panel, Chart 3). Odds are high that volatility will remain elevated heading into the election, therefore this phase represents an opportunity for investors to reshuffle portfolios and prepare for an eventual resumption of the bull market in early-2021. We continue to recommend investors avoid our “COVID-19 winners” basket and prefer our “back-to work” equity basket that we initiated on September 8. Similarly, this pullback is serving as a catalyst to shift some capital out of the fully valued tech titans and into other beaten down parts of the deep cyclical universe. Chart 3Show Me The Money We doubt this correction is over as positioning in the NASDAQ 100 derivative markets is still lopsided; stale bulls are caught net long as NQ futures are deflating, thus a flush out looms (Chart 4). Chart 4Flush Out The easy money has likely been made in the tech titans that near the peak on September 2, AAPL, MSFT and AMZN each commanded an almost $2tn market capitalization. Thus, booking some of these tech gains and redeploying capital in other unloved deep cyclical sectors would go a long way, especially if our thesis that the economic recovery will gain steam into 2021 pans out. Using a concrete rebalancing example to illustrate such a rotation is instructive.2 The tech titans’ (top 5 stocks) market cap weight in the SPX is 22%. Were an investor to take 10% of this weight or 220bps and redeploy it to the materials sector, which commands a 2.7% market cap weight in the SPX, would effectively double the exposure on this deep cyclical sector. The same would apply to the energy sector that comprises a mere 2.2% of the SPX, while industrials with an 8.4% market cap weight would get a sizable 26% lift (Chart 5). As a reminder our portfolio has an above benchmark allocation in all three deep cyclical sectors, and this week we reiterate our overweight stance on both the industrials sector and on a key subgroup. Chart 5Rotation Rotation Rotation Buy The Machinery Breakout Were we not already overweight the S&P machinery index, would we upgrade today? The short answer is yes. Aggressive loosening in Chinese financial conditions have underpinned the economic recovery (second & third panels, Chart 6). Infrastructure projects are making a comeback and absorbing the slack in machinery demand caused by COVID-19. As a result, Chinese excavator sales have soared in the past quarter which bodes well for US machinery profit prospects (bottom panel, Chart 6). Beyond China, emerging markets demand for machinery equipment is robust as the commodity complex is recovering smartly (second panel Chart 7). The US dollar bear market is also bolstering global trade growth, despite the greenback’s recent technical bounce, and should continue to underpin machinery net export growth and therefore profit growth for US machinery manufacturers (third & bottom panels, Chart 7). Chart 6Enticing Chinese Backdrop Chart 7Dollar The Great Reflator The domestic machinery demand backdrop is also conducive to a renormalization of top line growth to a higher run-rate. The ISM manufacturing new orders sub-component is shooting the lights out, heralding a jump in machinery orders in the coming months (second panel, Chart 8). Simultaneously, a quick inventory check is revealing: both in the manufacturing and wholesale channels cupboards are bare which means that the risk of a liquidation phase in non-existent (third panel, Chart 8). Encouragingly, an inventory buildup phase is looming in order to satisfy firming demand. The tick up in machinery industrial production growth, the V-shaped recovery in the utilization rate and newly expanding backlog orders, all suggest that domestic demand conditions are on the mend (Chart 9). Tack on still prudent payrolls management that is keeping the machinery industry’s wage bill at bay (bottom panel, Chart 8), and a profit margin expansion phase is a high probability outcome. Chart 8What’s Not… Chart 9…To Like Our resurgent S&P machinery revenue growth model and climbing profit growth model do an excellent job in encapsulating all the industry’s moving parts and suggest that the path of least resistance is higher for relative share prices in the New Year (Chart 10). Finally, relative valuations have also recovered from the depth of the recession, but are only back to the neutral zone leaving enough room for a multiple expansion phase (Chart 11). Chart 10Models Say Buy Chart 11Compelling Entry Point In sum, ultra-loose Chinese fiscal policy, rising global demand and firming domestic operating conditions, all signal that the S&P machinery recovery has legs. Bottom Line: Stay overweight the S&P machinery index. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG S5MACH– CAT, DE, PH, ITW, IR, CMI, PCAR, FTV, OTIS, SWK, DOV, XYL, WAB, IEX, SNA, PNR, FLS. Industrials Are Jumpstarting Their Engines We have been offside on the S&P industrials sector, but now is not the time to throw in the towel. In contrast we are doubling down on our overweight stance as the ongoing rotation should see some tech sector outflows find their way to under-owned capital goods producers. Industrials equities have been on the selling block and suffered a wholesale liquidation during the dark days of the COVID-19 pandemic, and have yet to regain their footing (top panel, Chart 12). The GE and Boeing sagas have dealt a big blow to this deep cyclical sector, but now this market cap weighted sector has filtered these stocks out as neither of these “fallen angels” is occupying a spot in the top 5 weight ranks. Relative valuations are washed out, and relative technicals are still deep in oversold territory (second & third panels Chart 12). Sell-side analysts are the most pessimistic they have been on record with regard to the long-term EPS growth rate that is penciled in to trail the broad market by almost 800bps (bottom panel, Chart 12)! All this bearishness is contrarily positive as a little bit of good news can go a long way. Already, relative EPS breadth is stealthily coming back, and net earnings revisions are rocketing higher (Chart 13). Chart 12Liquidation Phase… Chart 13…Is Over One reason behind this optimism rests with the domestic recovery. Capex intentions are firming and CEO confidence is upbeat for the coming six months. The ISM manufacturing new orders-to-inventories ratio is corroborating the budding recovery in the soft data. Green shoots are also evident in hard data releases. Durable goods orders are on the verge of expanding anew (Chart 14). Emerging markets (EM) and China represent another source of industrials sector buoyancy. The EM manufacturing PMI clocking in at 52.5 hit an all-time high. China’s PMIs are also on a similar trajectory, and the Chinese Citi economic surprise index has swung a whopping 300 points from -240 to above +60 over the past six months. The upshot is that US industrials stocks should outperform when China and the EM are vibrant (Chart 15). Chart 14Domestic And … Chart 15… EM Green Shoots Are Bullish Peering over to the currency market, the debasing of the US dollar should also underpin industrials stocks via the export relief valve (third panel, Chart 16). A depreciating greenback also lifts the commodity complex and hence industrials equities that are levered to the extraction of commodities and other derivative activities (top panel, Chart 16). Historically, an appreciating USD has been synonymous with a multiple contraction phase and vice versa. Looking ahead, the industrials sector relative 12-month forward P/E multiple should continue to expand smartly (bottom panel, Chart 16). The US Equity Strategy’s macro based EPS growth model captures all the different earnings drivers and signals that an earnings-led recovery is in the offing (Chart 17). Chart 16The Greenback Holds The Key Chart 17Models Flashing Green Adding it all up, vibrant emerging markets and a recuperating China, a softening US dollar rekindling the commodity complex, the nascent recovery in domestic conditions and washed out technicals, all suggest that a significant re-rating looms for severely neglected industrials equities. Bottom Line: We continue to recommend an above benchmark allocation in the S&P industrials sector. Anastasios Avgeriou US Equity Strategist anastasios@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The Washington Consensus – a catchall term for fiscal prudence, laissez-faire economics, free trade, and unfettered capital flows – is being replaced by economic populism, by a Buenos Aires Consensus. Buenos Aires Consensus is our catchall term for everything that is opposite of the Washington Consensus: less globalization, fiscal stimulus as far as the eyes can see, erosion of central bank independence, and a dirigiste (as opposed to laissez-faire) approach to economics that seeks to protect “state champions,” stifles innovation, and ultimately curbs productivity growth. 2 Our example assumes benchmark allocation in all sectors for illustrative purposes. Current Recommendations Current Trades Strategic (10-Year) Trade Recommendations Size And Style Views July 27, 2020 Overweight cyclicals over defensives April 28, 2020 Stay neutral large over small caps June 11, 2018 Long the BCA Millennial basket The ticker symbols are: (AAPL, AMZN, UBER, HD, LEN, MSFT, NFLX, SPOT, TSLA, V). January 22, 2018 Favor value over growth
BCA Research's Geopolitical Strategy service concludes that financial markets face more downside until Senate Republicans capitulate to Pelosi’s demand of a bill around $2-$2.5 trillion. We think they will, but that is not an argument for getting long now –…
We first highlighted that investors were turning a blind eye to (geo)political risks on June 8, and failure to pass a new fiscal package before the election will continue to weigh on the economy and on stocks risking a further 10% drawdown near the SPX 3000 level. Figure 1The Fiscal Policy Loop The Fed is now “out of the loop” i.e. a bystander on the sidelines, gently moving the foot off the accelerator as we illustrated on Monday. The FOMC’s, at the margin, less dovish monetary policy setting exerts enormous pressure on fiscal authorities to act as fiscal policy takes center stage. Our sense is that we have entered a Fiscal Policy Loop (FPL) where stalemate in Congress will cause a classic BCA riot point that in turn will force politicians’ hand to act in order to avoid a meltdown, and set in motion the next stage of the FPL (Figure 1). Keep in mind that the 2020s have ignited a paradigm shift from the Washington Consensus to the Buenos Aires Consensus1 and this is episode one of the FPL, more are sure to follow. This is eerily reminiscent of the October 2008 and October 2018 fiscal policy and monetary policy mistakes, respectively, that resulted in a market riot. Similar to today, markets were down 10% and on a precipice and the policy errors pushed them off the cliff leading to another 10% gap down in a heartbeat. Bottom Line: The odds of a fiscal policy mistake are rising quickly and risk an equity market riot point. We remain cautious on the short-term prospects of the equity market and recommend investors keep their powder dry as a better entry point will likely materialize in the coming months. Footnotes 1 The Washington Consensus – a catchall term for fiscal prudence, laissez-faire economics, free trade, and unfettered capital flows – is being replaced by economic populism, by a Buenos Aires Consensus. Buenos Aires Consensus is our catchall term for everything that is opposite of the Washington Consensus: less globalization, fiscal stimulus as far as the eyes can see, erosion of central bank independence, and a dirigiste (as opposed to laissez-faire) approach to economics that seeks to protect “state champions,” stifles innovation, and ultimately curbs productivity growth.
Highlights Senate Republicans would be suicidal not to agree to a fiscal relief bill before the election. Democrats are still offering a $2.2 trillion package. Grassroots Republican voters will forgive Republicans for blowing out the budget deficit but they will never forgive them for throwing away control of the White House and Senate. Nevertheless financial markets face more downside until a deal is reached. We are booking gains on several of our tactical risk-off trades but will hold our strategic risk-on trades, as we are still constructive over a 12-month period. Turkey is stepping back from its foreign adventurism in the face of constraints. Our GeoRisk Indicator for Turkey has rolled over. Feature Financial markets continue to sell off in the face of a range of risks, including new threats of COVID-19 restrictions in Europe, an increase in daily new cases of the disease in the United States (Chart 1), and the US Congress’s problems passing a new round of fiscal relief. Chart 1Increase In COVID-19 Cases Among Factors Weighing On Markets Chart 2Congress Will Pass Stimulus ~$2-$2.5 Trillion Since May, when the Democrats passed the $3.4 trillion HEROES Act, we have maintained that “stimulus hiccups” would roil the market. However, we also argued that Congress would eventually pass a new package – probably in the range of $2-$2.5 trillion (Chart 2).1 The latter part of this view remains to be seen and has come under pressure from investors who fear that Congress could fail to produce a bill entirely. We are sticking with our guns. GOP senators will recognize that they face sweeping election losses; House Democrats will not be able to reverse course and deprive households of badly needed assistance. However, stock investors might sell more between now and the final deal, which must be done by around October 9 so that lawmakers can go back to their home states to campaign for the November 3 election. Moreover the fiscal deal might not come in time to save the Republicans’ re-election bid in the White House and Senate, which raises further downside risk due to the Democratic agenda of re-regulation and tax hikes. And the election’s aftershocks could also be market-negative. For example, President Trump could also escalate the conflict with China, whether as the “comeback kid” or as a lame duck. Therefore this week we are booking some gains. We will not recommend a tactical risk-on position until our fiscal view is confirmed and we can reassess. US Fiscal Stimulus Is Coming Chart 3Republicans Highly Unlikely To Win House Of Representatives Why would Democrats agree to a stimulus bill given that it could help President Trump and the Republicans get re-elected? Democrats are afraid to deprive households of relief amid a crisis merely to spite the president and score election points. Around 28-43 of Democrats in the House of Representatives face re-election in districts that are competitive or could become competitive. Republicans need a net gain of 20 seats to retake the House (Chart 3). If Democrats offer to cooperate yet Republican senators balk, then the latter will take the blame for any failed deal and ensuing financial turmoil. The experience of other fiscal cliffs bears this out. The debt ceiling crises of 2011 and 2013 and the government shutdowns of 2013 and 2018-19 all suggest that net presidential and congressional approval ratings suffer when partisanship prevents compromise on major fiscal issues (Charts 4A and 4B). This is a risk for the ruling GOP. All Democrats have to do is remain open to compromise. Net presidential and congressional approval ratings suffer when partisanship prevents compromise on major fiscal issues – a risk for the ruling GOP. Chart 4AFiscal Failures Pose A Risk To Ruling GOP Chart 4BFiscal Failures Pose A Risk To Ruling GOP Confirming this reasoning, Democrats joined with Republicans this week to pass a continuing resolution to maintain government spending levels through December 11, thus avoiding a government shutdown. Clearly the two parties can still cooperate despite record levels of partisanship. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ruled out using government shutdown as a weapon to hurt the Republicans, fearing it would backfire. And just last week vulnerable House members pressured Pelosi into stating that the House will remain in session in October until a fiscal relief bill is passed. Democrats remain committed to their current plan – solidifying their grip on the House and demonstrating that they can govern, and that government can do more for households, by passing bills. This is still the strategy even if the risk is that these bills give Trump a marginal benefit. The Democratic demand is for a very large fiscal package – House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is today offering $2.2 trillion, a compromise from the initial $3.4 trillion bill (Table 1). A smaller bill is harder to negotiate because it would cut the House Democrats’ spending priorities for their constituents, including around $1 trillion in state and local government aid, while still giving Trump a bounce in opinion polls for boosting pandemic relief. This is unacceptable – and this is how a policy mistake could happen. Table 1What A Fiscal Compromise Will Look Like Chart 5Senate Republicans Face A Hotly Contested Election Chart 6Republican Senators' Hung Up On Future Deficit Concerns Senate Republicans face a hotly contested election – with 23 of them up for re-election versus only 12 Democrats. However, 30 of them are not up for re-election this year (Chart 5). These senators fear the eventual return of deficit concerns among the Republican base so they are bargaining to limit emergency spending (Chart 6). Until they can be cajoled by their fellow senators and the White House, they pose a risk to the passage of new stimulus. But this risk is overrated. Ultimately Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and the Senate Republicans will capitulate. It is political suicide if they do not. The GOP will lose control of the Senate and the White House if premature fiscal tightening sparks a bloody September-October selloff just ahead of the election (Charts 7Aand 7B). Chart 7AStocks Sell, Bonds Rally … When Congress Goes Off Fiscal Cliff Chart 7BStocks Sell, Bonds Rally … When Congress Goes Off Fiscal Cliff Chart 8Trump Compares Poorly To Other Presidents Re-Elected Amid Recession Only three out of six presidents in modern times have been re-elected when a recession struck during the election year yet ended prior to the fall campaign. These were William McKinley in 1900, Teddy Roosevelt in 1904, and Calvin Coolidge in 1924.2 Trump faces the same scenario, but financial markets are signaling that Trump is not faring as well as these three predecessors (Chart 8). The Senate races are all on a knife’s edge (Chart 9). American politics are highly nationalized – partisan identification overrides regional concerns. President Trump has also personalized his political party, making the election a referendum on himself (Chart 10). These trends suggest the Senate will fall to the party that wins the White House. Chart 9The Senate Races Are All On A Knife’s Edge Consumer confidence is weak and bodes ill for the incumbent president and party (Chart 11). Chart 10Trump Has Personalized Partisan Politics Chart 11Consumer Confidence Bodes Ill For Trump And GOP A failure to provide stimulus will ensure that sentiment worsens for the rest of the campaign and overshadows some underlying material improvements that are the Republicans’ only saving grace. Wage growth is recovering in line with the V-shape recovery in blue and purple states, including purple states that voted for Trump (Chart 12). The manufacturing rebound – and a surge in loans – is creating the conditions for the “Blue Wall” of Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin to re-elect President Trump (Chart 13). A fiscal failure will blot out this positive news. Chart 12Fiscal Failure Would Blot Out Economic Improvements Chart 13Blue Wall' Could Re-Elect Trump On Economic Improvement Republicans’ standing offer is for a $1.3 trillion bill. The bipartisan “Problem Solver’s Caucus” has separately proposed a $1.5 trillion package that could be converted. McConnell has shown he can muster his troops by producing 52 Republican votes on a skinny relief bill on September 10. The Senate will go on recess on Friday, October 9 and the House is committed to staying until a bill is done. Negotiations cannot drag on much longer than that, however, because lawmakers need to go back to their home states and districts to campaign for the election. The equity selloff suggests policymakers will need to respond sooner anyway. Is there a way for Trump to bypass Congress and provide stimulus unilaterally? Chart 14Gridlock In 2020-22 Is Possible Under Trump Or Biden Trump is only too happy to run against a “do-nothing Congress,” which is how Harry Truman pulled off his surprise victory in 1948. He could use executive orders to redirect federal funds that have already been appropriated. However, he has already provided stimulus by decree – delaying payroll tax collections and calling on states to provide unemployment insurance – and yet the market has sold off anyway. That is because these measures are half-baked – they lack the size and the force of an act of Congress. They require coordination with states and firms, which face uncertainty over the legality of the measures and have little incentive to make sacrifices for an administration that may not last more than a few months. In short, if Trump tries to stimulate by decree, it is an election gimmick that will not satisfy market participants who need to look beyond the next 39 days to the critical question of whether US fiscal authorities understand the needs of the economy and can coordinate effectively. Congressional failure will cast a pall over the outlook given that there is still a fair chance the election could produce gridlock for the 2020-22 period, under Trump or Biden (Chart 14). Bottom Line: Financial markets face more downside until Senate Republicans capitulate to Pelosi’s demand of a bill around $2-$2.5 trillion. We think they will, but that is not an argument for getting long now – Republicans could capitulate too late to save the market from a deeper selloff. Investors should book profits now and buy when the deal is clinched. What About The Supreme Court? The Supreme Court battle over the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg may increase the risk of miscalculation in the stimulus negotiations, but not by much. Subjectively we would upgrade that risk from 25% to 33%. Republicans will fill the vacant seat before the election. So far they have the votes – even if Senator Mitt Romney changes his mind, there is still a one-seat buffer. However, a win on the high court has a mixed impact on financial markets. It may increase the odds of a Democratic Party sweep, which is initially a net negative for equities. But House Democrats will become less inclined to compromise on the size of the fiscal bill that we expect. They will say “take it or leave it” on the $2.2 trillion offer. The lowest we can see Democrats passing is $1.9 trillion. If the GOP fails to budge, the equity selloff will be aggravated by the implication that Democrats will win a clean sweep and thus gain the power to raise corporate and capital gains taxes next year. We have put 55%-60% odds on a clean sweep, but the market stands at 49%, so there is room for the market to adjust (Chart 15). As for the Supreme Court itself, a Republican nomination is legitimate regardless of the election timing, though the decision to go forward this close to the election reveals extreme levels of polarization. The Republican pick could energize the Democrats in the election, as occurred with the nomination of Justice Brett Kavanaugh just ahead of the 2018 midterms. A Democratic overreaction could mobilize conservatives, but this will be moot if the stock market collapses. If the presidential election is contested or disputed, Trump’s court nominee pick could cast the decisive vote, although, once nominated, a justice may not rule in accordance with his or her nominator’s wishes. The Supreme Court battle raises the risk of stimulus miscalculation to 33%. In a period of “peak polarization,” one should expect the Supreme Court battle to escalate further from here (Chart 16). Democrats are likely to remove the filibuster if they win the Senate. This would theoretically enable them to create four new seats on the court, which they could then fill with liberal judges. Franklin Roosevelt attempted to pack the court in 1937 when it got in the way of the New Deal and his plan only narrowly failed due to the unexpected death of a key ally in the Senate. Chart 15A Democratic Sweep Would Aggravate The Equity Selloff Chart 16Supreme Court Battle Will Escalate Amid Extreme Polarization Not only might the court decide the election outcome, but future controversial legislation could live or die by the court’s vote, as occurred with Obamacare in 2012 (Chart 17). In the event that Democrats achieve a clean sweep, the conservative court will be their only obstacle and they will possess the means to remove it. Chart 17Supreme Court Battle Will Prove Market Relevant In Event Of Democratic Sweep Bottom Line: Earlier we saw a 25% chance that stimulus would fail – now we give it a 33% chance. However, the size of the stimulus is now even more likely to fall within the $2-$2.5 trillion range we have signaled in previous reports. The Supreme Court will become a major factor in domestic economic policy uncertainty if Democrats win a clean sweep of government. Turkey Hits Constraints In East Med – For Now … Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s foreign policy assertiveness has once again put Turkey in conflict with NATO allies. Tensions escalated last month after Greece signed a maritime boundary deal with Egypt that Athens said nullified last November’s Libya-Turkey agreement (Map 1). Map 1Turkey Testing Maritime Borders In the East Med In response, Turkey issued a navigational warning (which was renewed thrice) and dispatched its seismic research vessel, the Oruc Reis, to explore for hydrocarbons in disputed areas of the Eastern Mediterranean between Greece and Cyprus. In shows of force, Turkey and Greece both deployed their navies to the area last month, raising the risk of an armed confrontation.3 The motivation for Erdogan’s hard power tactics is multi-pronged. Chart 18Erdogan’s Foreign Adventurism Reflects Domestic Weakness On a domestic level, Erdogan’s East Med excursions are an attempt to rally domestic support, where he and his party have lost ground (Chart 18). Given that popular opinion in Turkey indicates that the majority see the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as a “kin country” and that they do not expect Turkey to be accepted into the EU, Ankara’s East Med strategy is likely to find support. On an international level, Turkey is flexing its muscles against the West. Erdogan has inserted Turkish forces into conflicts in Syria and Libya, confronting NATO allies there, and authorized the provocative purchase of the Russian S400 missile defense system at the expense of membership in the US F-35 program. The East Med gambit is another challenge to the West by testing EU unity. Specifically Erdogan is demonstrating that Turkey is willing to use military force to reject any unilateral attempts by foreign powers to impose maritime borders on Turkey – for instance through the EU’s Seville map.4 By demonstrating maritime strength, Turkey hopes to twist the EU’s arm into agreeing to a more favorable maritime partition plan in the East Med. As such the conflict is part of Turkey’s “Blue Homeland” strategy to expand its sphere of influence and secure energy supplies.5 Turkey is extremely vulnerable as a geopolitical actor because it depends on imports for three-quarters of its energy needs.6 With energy accounting for 20% of its import bill, these imports are weighing on the current account balance (Chart 19). Turkey’s exclusion from regional gas agreements has thus been a blow to its self-sufficiency goals. Meanwhile Greece, Italy, Egypt, Israel, Cyprus, and Jordan have recently formalized their cooperation through the Cairo-based East Mediterranean Gas Organization. Turkish agitation in the East Mediterranean is an attempt to prevent others from exploiting gas resources there so long as its demands remain unmet. Erdogan’s retreat demonstrates Turkey’s constraints in its challenge to the EU. While the EU has yet to impose sanctions or penalties, Erdogan has now backtracked. Oruc Reis returned to Antalya on September 13, despite official statements that it would continue its mission. Turkish and Greek military officials have been meeting at NATO headquarters. And following talks with French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and EU President Charles Michel, Erdogan’s office announced on September 22 that Turkey and Greece were prepared to resume talks. The postponement of the European Council’s special meeting to discuss Turkish sanctions to October 1-2 plays to Turkey’s favor by giving more time for talks. Chart 19Turkey's Energy Dependence A Geopolitical Vulnerability Erdogan’s retreat demonstrates Turkey’s constraints in its challenge to the EU. The possibility of damaging sanctions was too much at a time of economic vulnerability. Given Turkey’s dependence on the EU for export earnings and FDI inflows, the impact of sanctions on Turkey’s economy cannot be overstated (Chart 20). Chart 20EU Sanctions Could Destroy Turkey's Economy Turkey is also facing constraints diplomatically as two of its regional rivals – the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel – have agreed to normalize relations and strengthen ties under the US-mediated Abraham Accords (Table 2). The UAE already dispatched F-16s to Crete to participate in joint training exercises in a show of support to Greece. Table 2The Abraham Accords Unify Turkey’s Regional Rivals Details about the potential sanctions have not been released. However, EU Minister of Foreign Affairs Josep Borrell has indicated that penalties could be levied not only on individuals, but also on assets, ships, and Turkish access to European ports and supplies. This could include banks financing energy exploration or even entire business sectors, such as the energy industry. Moreover, the EU could play other damaging cards such as halting EU accession talks, or limiting its customs union with Turkey, which Ankara hopes to modernize. Chart 21EU Needs Turkey’s Cooperation To Stem Flow Of Migrants It is also in Europe’s interest to de-escalate the conflict. Sanctions on Turkey could accelerate Ankara’s re-orientation towards Russia and possibly China, expediting its transition to a hostile regional actor. In addition, Turkey has not shied away from using the 2016 migration deal, whereby Turkey has become the gatekeeper of Middle Eastern migrants fleeing to Europe, as a bargaining chip (Chart 21). Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu outright stated that Turkey will respond to EU sanctions by reneging on the deal, which could result in an influx of refugees into the EU and new challenges for Europe’s political establishment. Erdogan’s retreat is also likely a response to pressure from Washington. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo lent some support to Greece and Cyprus during his September 12 visit to Cyprus. While the US has distanced itself from recent developments in the East Med, leaving German Chancellor Angela Merkel to play the role of mediator, a deterioration in Ankara’s relations with NATO allies could accelerate Turkey’s de-coupling from the West. Some within Washington are already calling for a relocation of the US strategic Incirlik air base to Greek islands. Erdogan’s retreat from a hawkish stance is in line with similar behavior elsewhere. For instance, despite having taken delivery of all parts and completed all necessary tests, Turkey has yet to activate its Russian S-400 missile defense system. It is wary of US sanctions. Similarly, Ankara has paused its Libyan offensive toward the eastern oil crescent in face of the risk of an outright military confrontation with Egypt. In each case, Erdogan appears to be at least temporarily recognizing the limits to his foreign adventurism. Nevertheless, the recent de-escalation does not mark the end of the conflict. Rather it demonstrates that both sides have hit constraints and are pausing for a breather. Chart 22Erdogan's Tactical Retreat Will Pull Down Turkish Risk The tactical retreat will provide some relief for the lira, which hit all-time lows against the dollar and euro, and thus pull down our Turkey GeoRisk indicator (Chart 22). But it does not guarantee that the Turkish risk premium will stay low. Talks between Greece and Turkey are unlikely to result in substantial breakthroughs. Instead the conflict will resurface – perhaps when Turkey is in a stronger economic position at home and the EU is distracted elsewhere, whether with internal political issues or conflicts with Russia, the UK, or any second-term Trump administration. Bottom Line: The recent de-escalation of East Med tensions does not mark the end of a bull market in Turkey-EU tensions. These tensions arise from geopolitical multipolarity – Turkey’s ability to act independently in foreign policy without facing an overwhelming, unified US-EU response. However, Turkey’s vulnerability to European economic sanctions shows that it faces real constraints. A major attempt to flout these constraints is a sell signal for the lira, as European sanctions could then become a reality. We remain negative on the lira, but will book gains on our short trade. Investment Takeaways We are booking gains on some of our tactical risk-off trades, given that we ultimately expect the US Congress to approve a new fiscal package. We are closing our long VIX December 2020 / short VIX January 2021 trade, which captured concerns about a contested election in the United States, for a gain of 4%. Volatility will still rise and a contested election is still possible, but the fiscal risk has gone up, COVID-19 cases have gone up, and Trump’s polling comeback has softened. The 4% gain does not include leverage or contract size. We were paid to put on the trade and now will be paid to exit it, so we are booking gains (Chart 23). Chart 23Book Gains On Bet On Near Term Volatility We are closing our short “EM Strongman Basket” of Turkish, Brazilian, and Philippine currencies for a gain of 4.5%. The trade has performed well but Turkey is not only recognizing its constraints abroad but also recognizing constraints at home by raising interest rates to defend the lira. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro’s approval rating has surged and our GeoRisk indicator has topped out. The latest readings on our GeoRisk Indicators provide confirmation of our major themes, views, and trades. The charts of each country’s indicator can be found in the Appendix. Short China, Long China Plays: Geopolitical risk continues on the uptrend that began with Xi Jinping’s consolidation of power and has not abated with the Phase One trade deal. Policymakers will remain entirely accommodative on fiscal and quasi-fiscal (credit) policy in the wake of this year’s recession. New financial regulations do not herald a return of the deleveraging campaign in any way comparable to 2017-18. The October Politburo meeting on the economy could conceivably sound a hawkish note, which could conveniently undermine sentiment ahead of the US election, but if this occurs then we would not expect follow-through. China plays and commodity plays should benefit, such as the Australian dollar, iron ore prices, and Brazilian and Swedish equities. Yet we remain short the renminbi, which has recently flagged after a fierce rally. Trump is negative for the RMB and Biden will ultimately be tough on China, contrary to the market consensus. Short Taiwan: US-China strategic relations have collapsed over the course of the year but financial markets have ignored it due to COVID-19 and stimulus. The only thing keeping US-China relations on an even keel is the Trump-Xi gentleman’s agreement, which expires on November 3 regardless of the election outcome. While outright military conflict over Taiwan cannot be ruled out, Beijing is much more likely to impose economic sanctions prior to any attempt to take the island by force. This has been our base case since 2016. Our GeoRisk indicator is just starting to price this risk so it remains highly underrated from the perspective of the Taiwanese dollar and equities. We are short and there is still time to put on shorts. Long South Korea: The rise in Korean geopolitical risk since the faltering of US-North Korean diplomacy in 2019 has peaked and fallen back, as expected. Pyongyang has not substantively tested President Trump during the election year and we still do not think he will – though a showdown would mark an October surprise that could boost Trump’s approval rating. South Korean political risk should continue falling and we are long Korean equities. Short Russia: Russian geopolitical risk has exploded upward, as we expected. We have been bearish on the Russian ruble and local currency bonds, though we should note that this differs from our Emerging Markets Strategy view based on macro fundamentals. Our reasoning predates the escalation of tensions with the EU over Belarus, but Belarus highlights the negative dynamic: Vladimir Putin in his fourth term is concerned about domestic social and political stability, and this concern is especially heightened after the global pandemic and recession. Therefore he has little ability to tolerate unrest in the former Soviet sphere. Moreover, he has a window of opportunity when the US administration is distracted, and not unfriendly, whereas that will change if the Democrats take over. If Democrats win, they will not try another diplomatic “reset” with Russia; they believe engagement has failed and want revenge for Putin’s undermining the Obama administration and 2016 election interference. The Nordstream 2 pipeline and Russian local currency bonds are at risk of new sanctions. The Democrats will also increase their efforts at cyber warfare and psychological warfare to counter Russia’s use of such measures. If Trump wins, the upside for Russia is limited as Trump’s personal preferences have repeatedly lost to the US political and military establishment when it comes to Russia. The US has remained vigilant against Russian threats and has increased support for countering Russia in eastern Europe and Ukraine. Chart 24Russia Is At Risk of US Sanctions In Belarus, President Lukashenko has been sworn in as president again, and he will not step down unless Russia and its allies orchestrate a replacement who is friendly toward Russian interests. Russia will not allow a pro-EU, pro-NATO government by any stretch of the imagination. The likeliest outcome is that Russia demonstrates its security and military superiority in a limited way, while the US and Europe respond with sanctions but not with military force. There is no appetite for the US or EU to engage in hot war with Russia over Belarus, which they have little hope of re-engineering in the Western image. We are short Russian currency and local bonds on the risk of sanctions stemming from either the US election cycle or the Belarus confrontation or both. We note that local currency bonds are not pricing in the risks that our geopolitical risk indicators are pricing (Chart 24). Long Europe: Our European geopolitical risk indicators show that the EU remains a haven of political stability in an unstable time. European integration is accelerating in the context of security threats from Russia, the potential for sustained economic conflict with the US (if Trump is re-elected), and economic competition with an increasingly authoritarian and mercantilist China. Europe’s latent strengths, when acting in unison, are brought out by the report on Turkey above. However, the 35% chance that the UK fails to reach a trade deal at the end of this year will still push our European risk indicators up in the near term. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com We Read (And Liked) … Geopolitical Alpha: An Investment Framework For Predicting The Future What better way to revive the hallowed tradition of BCA Geopolitical Strategy book reviews than to give clients a sneak preview of our founder Marko Papic’s literary debut, Geopolitical Alpha: An Investment Framework for Predicting the Future?7 Long-time readers will know much of this book – it is the distillation of a decade of Marko’s work at BCA Research and, more recently, Clocktower Group. Here is the story of European integration – perhaps Marko’s greatest call, from back in 2011. Here is the story of multipolarity and investing. Here is the apex of globalization. Here is the decline of laissez-faire and the rise of dirigisme. Here is the end of Chimerica. Attendees of the BCA Research Academy will also recognize much in Marko’s formal exposition of his method. The categories of material constraints that bind policymakers. The practical application of the median voter theorem. The psychological lessons from Richards Heuer and Lee Ross. The occasional dash of game theory – and the workingman’s critique of it. The core teaching is the same: “Preferences are optional and subject to constraints, whereas constraints are neither optional nor subject to preferences.” There is also much that is new, notably Marko’s analysis of the COVID-19 pandemic, which is bound to generate controversy for classifying the whole episode as an example of mass hysteria comparable to the Salem witch trials, but which is as well-researched and well-argued as any section in the book. I was fortunate to learn the geopolitical method with Marko under the guidance of George Friedman, Peter Zeihan, Roger Baker, Fred Burton, Scott Stewart, and other colleagues at Stratfor (Strategic Forecasting, Inc.) in Austin, Texas from the era of the Iraq troop surge, the Russian invasion of Georgia, and the Lehman Brothers collapse. We both owe a lot to these teachers: the history of geopolitics, intelligence analysis, open source monitoring, net assessments, and, of course, forecasting. What Marko did was to take this armory of geopolitical analysis – which we both can testify is best taught in practice, not universities – and to put it to use in the financial context, where political analysis was long treated as optional and anecdotal despite the manifest and growing need for a rigorous framework. A hard-nosed analyst will never cease to be amazed by the gaps that emerge between the consensus view on Wall Street and a careful, disciplined net assessment of a nation or political movement. By the same token, the investor, trader, or economist will never cease to be amazed by the political analyst’s inability to grasp the concept of “already priced in” or “the second derivative.” What needed to be done was to master the art of macro investing and geopolitics. Marko took this upon himself. It was audacious and it provoked a lot of skepticism from the dismal scientists and the political scientists alike. But Geopolitical Alpha, the concept and the book, is the consequence – and we are now all the better for it. Marko is fundamentally a post-modern thinker. His methodological hero is Karl Marx for the development of materialist dialectic, the back-and-forth debate between economic forces that humans internalize in the form of competing ideologies. His foil is the humanist and republican, Niccolo Machiavelli – not for his amoral approach, but for prizing the virtue of the prince in the face of outrageous fortune. Human agency is Marko’s favorite punching bag – he excels at identifying the ways in which individuals will be frustrated despite their best efforts by the cold, insensitive walls of reality around them. If there is a critique of Marko’s book, then, it is that he gives short shrift to the classical liberal tradition – or as I like to think of it, the balance-of-power tradition. The idea that hegemony, or unipolarity, leads to a stable social and political environment conducive to peace and prosperity has a lot going for it. But it also partakes of an older tradition of thought that envisions a single, central political order as necessarily the most stable and predictable – a tradition that can be ascribed to Plato as well as Marx. You can see the positive implication for financial markets. But what if this tradition is only occasionally right – what if it too is subject to historical cycles? If that is the case, then the Beijing consensus is a mirage – and the US’s reversion to a blue-water strategy (not only under President Trump, but also under a future President Biden, according to his campaign agenda) does not necessarily herald the “end [of] American dominance on the world stage.” The classical tradition behind the Greco-Roman, British, and American constitutional systems, including their naval strategies, envisioned a multipolar order that was somewhat less stable but more durable, and this tradition has proven immensely beneficial for the creation of technology and wealth. Of course, Marko is very much alive to this tradition and, despite his critique of the ancients, shows himself to be highly sensitive to the interplay of virtue and fortune. Throughout the work, the analytical style can be characterized as restless energy in the service of cool, chess-playing logic. Marko is generous with his knowledge, merciless in drawing conclusions, and outrageously funny in delivery. He attacks the questions that matter most to investors and that experts too often leave shrouded in finely wrought uncertainty. He also shows himself to be a superb writer as well as strategist, interspersing his methodological training sessions with vivid anecdotes of a lifelong intellectual journey from a shattered Yugoslavia to the heights of finance. The bits of memoir are often the best, such as the intro to Chapter Six on geopolitics. To paraphrase a great author, Marko writes because he has a story to tell, not because he has to tell a story. The tale of the mysterious consulting firm Papic and Parsley will do a great public service by teaching readers precisely how skeptical of mainstream news journalism they should be. It isn’t enough to say that we read Geopolitical Alpha and liked it – the sole criterion for a review in this column. Rather, the book and its author are the reason this column exists. And Geopolitical Alpha is now the locus classicus of market-relevant geopolitical analysis. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We favored the upper side of the range, first $2.5 trillion, and subsequently something closer to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s demand of $2.2 trillion. We have speculated that Republicans may get her to settle at $1.9 trillion. 2 Two of these cases were unique in that a vice president took over from a president who died and then won re-election – unlike Trump’s scenario. 3 On August 12 a Greek Navy frigate collided with a Turkish vessel guiding the Oruc Reis. Athens called the incident an accident while Ankara referred to it as a provocation. 4 The so-called Seville Map was prepared at the request of the European Union by researchers at the University of Seville, attempts to clarify the exclusive economic zones of Turkey and Greece in the Aegean Sea. The US announced on September 21 that it does not consider the Seville map to have any legal significance. 5 The Blue Homeland or Mavi Vatan doctrine announced in 2006 intends to secure Turkish control of maritime areas surrounding its coast (Mediterranean Sea, Aegean Sea, and Black Sea) in order to secure energy supplies and support Turkey’s economic growth. 6 Erdogan’s claim that gas from the recently discovered Sakarya gas field would reach consumers by 2023 is likely overly optimistic and unrealistic. The drilling costs and commercial viability of the field are yet to be determined. Thus, the find does not impact dynamics in the East Med. 7 New Jersey: Wiley, 2021. 286 pages. Section II: GeoRisk Indicators China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan Korea Turkey Brazil Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
BCA Research's China Investment Strategy service analysis concludes that the extremely accommodative phase of monetary conditions has ended. Authorities will begin tightening policy by the middle of next year. The rising policy rate in the past couple…
Highlights The rising policy rate in the past couple months has been driven by a liquidity crunch, which is expected to ease in Q4. Government bond yields, which have been trending upwards since May, will also take a breather. The extremely accommodative phase of monetary conditions has ended. Monetary policy will be tightened, possibly by the middle of next year. We expect the yield curve to move broadly sideways in Q4 and into early 2021. As early as Q2 next year, a rebound in rate hike expectations will cause the curve to flatten. We remain overweight on Chinese stocks over the next six to nine months. Beyond that, a more restrictive monetary policy and less buoyant economic outlook may warrant a trimming of positions in Chinese stocks. Feature Chinese government bond yields have rebounded sharply since bottoming in late April; 10-year yields have climbed by 62 basis points to 3.1% as we go to press. Given that the 3-month SHIBOR (the PBoC’s de facto policy rate) has gone up by 128 basis points from its nadir in April, the higher bond yields reflect policy-driven liquidity tightening. The economy’s quick turnaround following the reopening of business activities has prompted the authorities to normalize the monetary stance (Chart 1). China recently made more interbank liquidity injections to slow the speed of policy rate normalization. We think it is the right move. China’s economic recovery is still at an early stage and may not withstand a rapid tightening in monetary policy. Furthermore, the chances are low that the 3-month SHIBOR will rise above its pre-COVID-19 level of 3% in this calendar year. Yields on short-duration government bonds will have little room to move higher in 2020. China’s 10-year government bond yield may even drop slightly when geopolitical tensions between the US and China heat up as the US election nears. Chart 1Policy Rate Normalization Started In May Chart 2Rate Normalization Will Resume In 2021 As China’s economic recovery is expected to continue accelerating into the first half of 2021, interest rates will also resume their climb (Chart 2). Our base case view is that the first rate hike, which will lift the policy rate above its pre-COVID-19 level, will happen as early as Q2 next year but no later than mid-2021. This means that the cyclical bear market in the bond market will continue. A Temporary Easing In Q4… In our report published on February 19, we argued that the rally in Chinese government bonds in early 2020 would be short lived rather than a cyclical (6-12 month) play.1 Furthermore, a journey back to the pre-outbreak monetary stance would start as early as Q2 this year. Notably, Chinese policymakers have pivoted to normalize monetary policy from an ultra-loose stance linked to COVID-19. In our view, the speed of the rebound in the policy rate has run ahead of the economic recovery. In other words, the policy stance tightened before inflation expectations turned more optimistic (Chart 3). Retail sales growth barely turned positive in August from a year ago, core inflation has dropped to its lowest level since the Global Financial Crisis and producer prices are still contracting on an annual basis (Chart 4). Chart 3Policy Stance Tightened Before Inflation Moved Higher In the past two weeks, the PBoC has injected liquidity more frequently through open market operations, an indication that policymakers may be trying to slow the pace of tightening (Chart 5). Maintaining nominal GDP growth above 4% this year is politically imperative for the Communist Party to achieve its employment growth objective.2 This overarching goal will likely hold back the PBoC from easing off the gas too abruptly. Chart 4The Economy Is Still Growing Below The Trend Growth Liquidity conditions will continue to improve into Q4, moderating the rise in the 3-month SHIBOR. The liquidity crunch in the banking system since May was created by a massive government bond issuance and curbing of high-yield structured deposits. Government bond issuance has reached its peak this year and bond quotas will plummet in Q4, which will help ease liquidity shortages in the banking sector (Chart 6). In turn, demand for interbank liquidity should moderate as banks have fewer bond purchasing obligations, giving the 3-month SHIBOR some breathing room with or without the PBoC’s intervention. Chart 5The PBoC May Be Trying To Slow The Pace Of Its Rate Normalization A pause in the policy rate hike will limit any upside risks for yields on short-duration government bonds. Yields on 10-year bonds may even drop if tensions between the US and China escalate leading up to the November US election, and/or additional significant pandemic waves affect the global economy. Chart 6Liquidity Conditions Should Ease In Q4 Bottom Line: It is unlikely that China’s policy rate and the long-duration government bond yield will end the year above their pre-COVID-19 levels. …Followed By Decisive Rate Hikes In 2H21 There are good and rising odds that Chinese authorities will fully switch to a tightening mode in 2021. Barring any domestic resurgence in COVID-19 that could trigger lockdowns, the PBoC may resume policy rate hikes as early as Q2, and no later than mid-2021. Our reasoning is as follows: Chart 7The PBoC Has Been Consistent With Policy Reaction In Previous Recoveries Consistent policy reaction in previous recoveries. Our April 23 report showed how the PBoC has been consistent in normalizing its monetary policy following each of the past three economic and credit cycles.3 The central bank raised interest rates on average nine months following a bottom in the business cycle. The tightening of interest rates occurred even after the prolonged economic downturn and deep deflationary cycle in 2015/16. The structurally slowing rate of China’s economic growth since 2011 has not prevented the PBoC from cyclically raising its policy rate (Chart 7). When the output gap is closed in 1H21, the PBoC will gain enough confidence to push for higher interest rates. Property market is strong. The property market has been heating up on the back of falling bank lending rates, despite policymakers’ efforts to curb both property lending and purchases. New home sales surged by 40% in August, the highest year-over-year growth since the last housing boom in 2016. In particular, demand for the first- and second-tier cities have rebounded sharply (Chart 8). This trend will likely prompt policymakers to enact stronger and earlier policy responses by tightening the medium lending facility (MLF) rate, an anchor for the mortgage lending rate. The labor market is recovering. The employment sub-indexes in the official PMIs of late point to an improvement in both the manufacturing and non-manufacturing sectors (Chart 9). Additionally, by the end of June, the number of returned migrant workers reached 96% of last year’s level. At this rate, the labor market should return to its pre-COVID-19 level by early next year. Chart 8Property Market Is Heating Up Chart 9The Labor Market Is Recovering Inflation will probably accelerate next year. We expect the recovery in the labor market to drive up both wage income and core CPI next year. Higher oil and industrial metals prices should also lift producer prices (Chart 10). Higher interest rates may not be counterproductive to policymakers’ support for SMEs. This is due to the authorities’ “window guidance”, mandating banks to reduce the spread between the loan prime rate (LPR) and bank lending rates. As seen in the past five months, although the policy rate has been rising, average bank lending rates have fallen (Chart 11). Policymakers will likely continue hiking policy rate to curb financial and property market speculations, but at the same time still able to guide bank lending rates lower and target their support for SMEs. Chart 10Inflation Will Likely Accelerate Along With Economic Growth In 1H21 Chart 11Bank Lending Rates Have Been Trending Down Despite Rising Policy Rate Bottom Line: Odds are rising that the PBoC will continue to hike interest rates (short and medium-term) by the middle of next year. In turn, the rebound in Chinese government bond yields will resume early next year in the expectation of better economic conditions and policy tightening. Investment Conclusions The upward momentum in both the short and long-end of the yield curve will likely abate from now till year-end (Chart 12, top panel). As early as Q2 next year, however, a rebound in rate hike expectations will cause the curve to flatten. Historically, the yield curve has always moved in lockstep with the 3-month SHIBOR with a perfect reverse correlation (Chart 12, bottom panel). Given the extremely dovish stance among central banks (the Fed in particular), the upside in rate hikes by PBoC will be capped. We expect a less than 30bps rise in long-term bond yields. Tighter monetary policy is bullish for the RMB. Nonetheless, the risk-return profile of taking a direct bet on the RMB is not attractive in either direction. The CNY has appreciated against the USD by 5% since bottoming in May, and we doubt that there will be a meaningful upside in the RMB against the dollar leading up to the US election. Meanwhile, widening interest-rate differentials have further reduced the odds of any significant CNY/USD depreciation (Chart 13). Chart 12A Rebound In Rate Hike Expectations In 1H21 Will Flatten The Yield Curve Chart 13Limited Upside For The RMB Against USD And On Trade-Weighted Basis In this vein, the CNY/USD exchange rate will be dominated by broader dollar performance. Furthermore, it is highly unlikely that the PBoC will tolerate sharp, trade-weighted currency appreciations. A declining USD will also limit the upside in the trade-weighted RMB. The RMB may be less reflationary to businesses in China, but it will not become outright deflationary for the time being (Chart 13, middle and bottom panels). In terms of equities, we maintain our positive cyclical view on China's growth outlook. The PBoC will maintain its tightening bias, but this should not lead to major growth disappointments. We continue to expect Chinese domestic and investable equities to outperform in both absolute and relative terms, at least for the next six to nine months. Beyond the next six months, however, a more restrictive monetary policy should bring China’s economy closer to its trend growth in 2H21. Sectors such as technology and real estate, which benefit the most from easy liquidity conditions and strong economic growth, will be negatively and disproportionally impacted. Given their heavy weight in China’s investable equity market, we will probably trim our positions in investable stocks by the middle of next year. Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see BCA Research China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Don’t Chase China’s Bond Yields Lower", dated February 19, 2020, available at cis.bcareseach.com. 2 Please see BCA Research China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Taking The Pulse Of The People’s Congress", dated May 28, 2020, available at cis.bcareseach.com. 3 Please see BCA Research China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Three Questions Following The Coronacrisis", dated April 23, 2020, available at cis.bcareseach.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

