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Highlights The pandemic has a negative impact on households and has not peaked in the US. But a depression is likely to be averted. Our market-based geopolitical risk indicators point toward a period of rising political turbulence across the world. We are selectively adding risk to our strategic portfolio, but remain tactically defensive. Stay long gold on a strategic time horizon. Feature I'm going where there's no depression, To the lovely land that's free from care. I'll leave this world of toil and trouble My home's in Heaven, I'm going there. - “No Depression In Heaven,” The Carter Family (1936) Chart 1The Pandemic Stimulus Versus The Great Recession Stimulus Markets bounced this week on the back of a gargantuan rollout of government spending that is the long-awaited counterpart to the already ultra-dovish monetary policy of global central banks (Chart 1). Just when the investment community began to worry about a full-fledged economic depression and the prospect for bank runs, food shortages, and martial law in the United States, the market rallied. Yet extreme uncertainty persists over how long one third of the world’s population will remain hidden away in their homes for fear of a dangerous virus (Chart 2). Chart 2Crisis Has Not Verifiably Peaked, Uncertainty Over Timing Of Lockdowns Chart 3The Pandemic Shock To The Labor Market While an important and growing trickle of expert opinion suggests that COVID-19 is not as deadly as once thought, especially for those under the age of 50, consumer activity will not return to normal anytime soon.1 Moreover political and geopolitical risks are skyrocketing and have yet to register in investors’ psyche. Consider: American initial unemployment claims came in at a record-breaking 3.3 million (Chart 3), while China International Capital Corporation estimates that China’s GDP will grow by 2.6% for the year. These are powerful blows against global political as well as economic stability. This should convince investors to exercise caution even as they re-enter the equity market. We are selectively putting some cash to work on a strategic time frame (12 months and beyond) to take advantage of some extraordinary opportunities in equities and commodities. But we maintain the cautious and defensive tactical posture that we initiated on January 24. No Depression In Heaven The US Congress agreed with the White House on an eye-popping $2.2 trillion or 10% of GDP fiscal stimulus. At least 46% of the package consists of direct funds for households and small businesses (Chart 4). This includes $290 billion in direct cash handouts to every middle-class household – essentially “helicopter money,” as it is financed by bonds purchased by the central bank (Table 1). The purpose is to plug the gap left by the near complete halt to daily life and business as isolation measures are taken. A depression is averted, but we still have a recession. Go long consumer staples. Chart 4The US Stimulus Package Breakdown Table 1Distribution Of Cash Handouts Under US Coronavirus Response Act China, the origin of the virus that triggered the global pandemic and recession, is resorting to its time-tried playbook of infrastructure spending, with 3% of GDP in new spending projected. This number is probably heavily understated. It does not include the increase in new credit that will accompany official fiscal measures, which could easily amount to 3% of GDP or more, putting the total new spending at 6%. Germany and the EU have also launched a total fiscal response. The traditionally tight-fisted Berlin has launched an 11% of GDP stimulus, opening the way for other member states to surge their own spending. The EU Commission has announced it will suspend deficit restrictions for all member states. The ECB’s Pandemic Emergency Purchase Program (PEPP) enables direct lending without having to tap the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) or negotiate the loosening of its requirements. It also enables the ECB to bypass the debate over issuing Eurobonds (though incidentally Germany is softening its stance on the latter idea). The cumulative impact of all this fiscal stimulus is 5% of global GDP – and rising (Table 2). Governments will be forced to provide more cash on a rolling basis to households and businesses as long as the pandemic is raging and isolation measures are in place. Table 2The Global Fiscal Stimulus In Response To COVID-19 President Trump has signaled that he wants economic life to begin resuming after Easter Sunday, April 12. But he also said that he will listen to the advice of the White House’s public health advisors. State governors are the ones who implement tough “shelter in place” orders and other restrictions, so the hardest hit states will not resume activity until their governors believe that the impact on their medical systems can be managed. Authorities will likely extend the social distancing measures in April until they have a better handle on the best ways to enable economic activity while preserving the health system. Needless to say, economic activity will have to resume gradually as the government cannot replace activity forever and the working age population can operate even with the threat of contracting the disease (social distancing policies would become more fine-tuned for types of activity, age groups, and health risk profiles). The tipping point from recession to depression would be the point at which the government’s promises of total fiscal and monetary support for households and businesses become incapable of reassuring either the financial markets or citizens. The largest deficit the US government has ever run was 30% of GDP during World War II (Chart 5). Today’s deficit is likely to go well beyond 15% (5% existing plus 10% stimulus package plus falling revenue). If authorities were forced to triple the lockdown period and hence the fiscal response the country would be in uncharted territory. But this is unlikely as the incubation period of the virus is two weeks and China has already shown that a total lockdown can sharply reduce transmission. Chart 5The US's Largest Peacetime Budget Deficit Any tipping point into depression would become evident in behavior: e.g. a return to panic selling, followed by the closure of financial market trading by authorities, bank runs, shortages of staples across regions, and possibly the use of martial law and curfews. While near-term selloffs can occur, the rest seems very unlikely – if only because, again, the much simpler solution is to reduce the restrictions on economic activity gradually for the low-risk, healthy, working age population. Bottom Line: Granting that the healthy working age population can and will eventually return to work due to its lower risk profile, unlimited policy support suggests that a depression or “L-shaped” recovery is unlikely. The Dark Hour Of Midnight Nearing While the US looks to avoid a depression, there will still be a recession with an unprecedented Q2 contraction. The recovery could be a lot slower than bullish investors expect. Global manufacturing was contracting well before households got hit with a sickness that will suppress consumption for the rest of the year. There is another disease to worry about: the dollar disease. The world is heavily indebted and holds $12 trillion in US dollar-denominated debt. Yet the dollar is hitting the highest levels in years and global dollar liquidity is drying up. The greenback has rallied even against major safe haven currencies like the Japanese yen and Swiss franc (Chart 6). Of course, the Fed is intervening to ensure highly indebted US corporates have access to loans and extending emergency dollar swap lines to a total of 14 central banks. But in the near term global growth is collapsing and the dollar is overshooting. This can create a self-reinforcing dynamic. The same goes for any relapse in Chinese growth. Unlike in 2008 – but like 2015 – China is the epicenter of the global slowdown. China has much larger economic and financial imbalances today than it did in 2003 when the SARS outbreak occurred, and it will increase these imbalances going forward as it abandons its attempt to deleverage the corporate sector (Chart 7). Chart 6The Greenback Surge Deprives The World Of Liquidity Chart 7China's Financial Imbalances Are A Worry The rest of emerging markets face their own problems, including poor governance and productivity, as well as the dollar disease and the China fallout. They are unlikely to lift themselves out of this crisis, but they could become the source for credit events and market riots that prolong the global risk-off phase. Bottom Line: It is too soon to sound the all-clear. If the dollar continues on its rampage, then the gigantic stimulus will not be enough, markets will relapse, and fears of deflation will grow. World Of Toil And Trouble Political risk is the next shoe to drop. The pandemic and recession are setting in motion a political earthquake that will unfold over the next decade. Almost all of our 12 market-based geopolitical risk indicators have exploded upward since the beginning of the year. Chart 8China's Political Risk Is Rising These indicators show that developed market equities and emerging market currencies are collapsing far more than is justified by underlying fundamentals. This risk premium reflects the uncertainty of the pandemic, but the recession will destabilize regimes and fuel fears about national security. So the risk premium will not immediately decline in several important cases. China’s political risk is shooting up, as one would expect given that the pandemic began in Hubei (Chart 8). The stress within the Communist Party can be measured by the shrill tone of the Chinese propaganda machine, which is firing on all cylinders to convince the world that Chinese President Xi Jinping did a great job handling the virus while the western nations are failing states that cannot handle it. The western nations are indeed mishandling it, but that does not solve China’s domestic economic and social troubles, which will grow from here. Of course, our political risk indicator will fall if Chinese equities rally more enthusiastically than Chinese state banks expand credit as the economy normalizes. But this would suggest that markets have gotten ahead of themselves. By contrast, if China surges credit, yet equity investors are unenthusiastic, then the market will be correctly responding to the fact that a credit surge will increase economic imbalances and intensify the tug-of-war between authorities and the financial system, particularly over the effort to prevent the property sector bubble from ballooning. China needs to stimulate to recover from the downturn. Obviously it does not want instability for the 100th birthday of the Communist Party in 2021. An even more important reason for stimulus is the 2022 leadership reshuffle – the twentieth National Party Congress. This is the date when Xi Jinping would originally have stepped down and the leading member of the rival faction (Hu Chunhua?) would have taken over the party, the presidency, and the military commission. Today Xi is not at risk of losing power, but with a trade war and recession to his name, he will have to work hard to tighten control over the party and secure his ability to stay in power. An ongoing domestic political crackdown will frighten local governments and private businesses, who are already scarred by the past decade and whose animal spirits are important to the overall economic rebound. It is still possible that Beijing will have to depreciate the renminbi against the dollar. This is the linchpin of the trade deal with President Trump – especially since other aspects of the deal will be set back by the recession. As long as Trump’s approval rating continues to benefit from his crisis response and stimulus deals, he is more likely to cut tariffs on China than to reignite the trade war. This approach will be reinforced by the bump in his approval rating upon signing the $2 trillion Families First Coronavirus Response Act into law (Chart 9). He will try to salvage the economy and his displays of strength will be reserved for market-irrelevant players like Venezuela. But if the virus outbreak and the surge in unemployment turn him into a “lame duck” later this year, then he may adopt aggressive trade policy and seek the domestic political upside of confronting China. He may need to look tough on trade on the campaign trail. Diplomacy with North Korea could also break down. This is not our base case, but we note that investors are pricing crisis levels into the South Korean won despite its successful handling of the coronavirus (Chart 10). Pyongyang has an incentive to play nice to assist the government in the South while avoiding antagonizing President Trump. But Kim Jong Un may also feel that he has an opportunity to demonstrate strength. This would be relevant not because of North Korea’s bad behavior but because a lame duck President Trump could respond belligerently. Chart 9Trump’s Approval Gets Bump From Crisis Response And Stimulus Chart 10South Korean Political Risk Rising We highlighted Russia as a “black swan” candidate for 2020. This view stemmed from President Vladimir Putin’s domestic machinations to stay in power and tamp down on domestic instability in the wake of domestic economic austerity policies. For the same reason we did not expect Moscow to engage in a market share war with Saudi Arabia that devastated oil prices, the Russian ruble, and economy. At any rate, Russia will remain a source of political surprises going forward (Chart 11). Go long oil. Putin cannot add an oil collapse to a plague and recession and expect a popular referendum to keep him in power till 2036. The coronavirus is hitting Russia, forcing Putin to delay the April 22 nationwide referendum that would allow him to rule until 2036. It is also likely forcing a rethink on a budget-busting oil market share war, since more than the $4 billion anti-crisis fund (0.2% of GDP) will be needed to stimulate the economy and boost the health system. Russia faces a budget shortfall of 3 trillion rubles ($39 billion) this year from the oil price collapse. It is no good compounding the economic shock if one intends to hold a popular referendum – even if one is Putin. For all these reasons we agree with BCA Research Commodity & Energy Strategy that a return to negotiations is likely sooner rather than later. Chart 11Russia: A Lake Of Black Swans However, we would not recommend buying the ruble, as tensions with the US are set to escalate. Instead we recommend going long Brent crude oil. Political risk in the European states is hitting highs unseen since the peak of the European sovereign debt crisis (Chart 12). Some of this risk will subside as the European authorities did not delay this time around in instituting dramatic emergency measures. Chart 12Europe: No Delay In Offering 'Whatever It Takes' Chart 13Political Risk Understated In Taiwan And Turkey However, we do not expect political risk to fall back to the low levels seen at the end of last year because the recession will affect important elections between now and 2022 in Italy, the Netherlands, Germany, and France. Only the UK has the advantage of a single-party parliamentary majority with a five-year term in office – this implies policy coherence, notwithstanding the fact that Prime Minister Boris Johnson has contracted the coronavirus. The revolution in German and EU fiscal policy is an essential step in cementing the peripheral countries’ adherence to the monetary union over the long run. But it may not prevent a clash in the coming years between Italy and Germany and Brussels. Italy is one of the countries most likely to see a change in government as a result of the pandemic. It is hard to see voters rewarding this government, ultimately, for its handling of the crisis, even though at the moment popular opinion is tentatively having that effect. The Italian opposition consists of the most popular party, the right-wing League, and the party with the fastest rising popular support, which is the right-wing Brothers of Italy. So the likely anti-incumbent effect stemming from large unemployment would favor the rise of an anti-establishment government over the next year or two. The result would be a clash with Brussels even in the context of Brussels taking on a more permissive attitude toward budget deficits. This will be all the worse if Brussels tries to climb down from stimulus too abruptly. Our political risk indicators have fallen for two countries over the past month: Taiwan and Turkey (Chart 13). This is not because political risk is falling in reality, but because these two markets have not seen their currencies depreciate as much as one would expect relative to underlying drivers of their economy: In Taiwan’s case the reason is the US dollar’s unusual strength relative to the Japanese yen amidst the crisis. Ultimately the yen is a safe-haven currency and it will eventually strengthen if global growth continues to weaken. Moreover we continue to believe that real world politics will lead to a higher risk premium in the Taiwanese dollar and equities. Taiwan faces conflicts with mainland China that will increase with China’s recession and domestic instability. In Turkey’s case, the Turkish lira has depreciated but not as much as one would expect relative to European equities, which have utterly collapsed. Therefore Turkey’s risk indicator shows its domestic political risk falling rather than rising. Turkey’s populist mismanagement will ensure that the lira continues depreciating after European equities recover, and then our risk indicator will shoot up. Chart 14Brazilian Political Risk Is No Longer Contained Prior to the pandemic, Brazilian political risk had remained contained, despite Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro’s extreme and unorthodox leadership. Since the outbreak, however, this indicator has skyrocketed as the currency has collapsed (Chart 14). To make matters worse, Bolsonaro is taking a page from President Trump and diminishing the danger of the coronavirus in his public comments to try to prevent a sharp economic slowdown. This lackadaisical attitude will backfire since, unlike the US, Brazil does not have anywhere near the capacity to manage a major outbreak, as government ministers have warned. This autumn’s local elections present an opportunity for the opposition to stage a comeback. Brazilian stocks won’t be driven by politics in the near term – the effectiveness of China’s stimulus is critical for Brazil and other emerging markets – but political risk will remain elevated for the foreseeable future. Bottom Line: Geopolitical risk is exploding everywhere. This marks the beginning of a period of political turbulence for most of the major nation-states. Domestic economic stresses can be dealt with in various ways but in the event that China’s instability conflicts with President Trump’s election, the result could be a historic geopolitical incident and more downside in equity markets. In Russia’s case this has already occurred, via the oil shock’s effect on US shale producers, so there is potential for relations to heat up – and that is even more true if Joe Biden wins the presidency and initiates Democratic Party revenge for Russian election meddling. The confluence of volatile political elements informs our cautious tactical positioning. Investment Conclusions If the historic, worldwide monetary and fiscal stimulus taking place today is successful in rebooting global growth, then there will be “no depression.” The world will learn to cope with COVID-19 while the “dollar disease” will subside on the back of massive injections of liquidity from central banks and governments. Gold: The above is ultimately inflationary and therefore our strategic long gold trade will be reinforced. The geopolitical instability we expect to emerge from the pandemic and recession will add to the demand for gold in such a reflationary environment. No depression means stay long gold! US Equities: Equities will ultimately outperform government bonds in this environment as well. Our chief US equity strategist Anastasios Avgeriou has tallied up the reasons to go long US stocks in an excellent recent report, “20 Reasons To Buy Equities.” We agree with this view assuming investors are thinking in terms of 12 months and beyond. Chart 15Oil/Gold Ratio Extreme But Wait To Go Long Tactically, however, we maintain the cautious positioning that we adopted on January 24. We have misgivings about the past week’s equity rally. Investors need a clear sense of when the US and European households will start resuming activity. The COVID-19 outbreak is still capable of bringing negative surprises, extending lockdowns, and frightening consumers. Hence we recommend defensive plays that have suffered from indiscriminate selling, rather than cyclical sectors. Go tactically long S&P consumer staples. US Bonds: Over the long run, the Fed’s decision to backstop investment grade corporate bonds also presents a major opportunity to go long on a strategic basis relative to long-dated Treasuries, following our US bond strategists. Global Equities: We prefer global ex-US equities on the basis of relative valuations and US election uncertainty. Shifting policy winds in the United States favor higher taxes and regulation in the coming years. This is true unless President Trump is reelected, which we assess as a 35% chance. Emerging Markets: We are booking gains on our short TRY-USD trade for a gain of 6%. This is a tactical trade that remains fundamentally supported. Book 6% gain on short TRY-USD. Oil: For a more contrarian trade, we recommend going long oil. Our tactical long oil / short gold trade was stopped out at 5% last week. While we expect mean reversion in this relationship, the basis for gold to rally is strong. Therefore we are going long Brent crude spot prices on Russia’s and Saudi Arabia’s political constraints and global stimulus (Chart 15). We will reconsider the oil/gold ratio at a later date. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 See Joseph T. Wu et al, "Estimating clinical severity of COVID-19 from the transmission dynamics in Wuhan, China," Nature Medicine, March 19, 2020, and Wei-jie Guan et al, "Clinical Characteristics of Coronavirus Disease 2019 in China," The New England Journal Of Medicine, February 28, 2020. Section II: Appendix : GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan Korea Turkey Brazil Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
Highlights An analysis on Turkey is available on page 10. In the short term, EM share prices will likely continue searching for a direction as visibility is extremely low. Beyond the near term, an appropriate strategy for EM equity investors is buying breakouts and selling breakdowns. The forthcoming stimulus from China is not a surefire guarantee of an immediate cyclical recovery. Low and falling willingness to spend among Chinese consumers and enterprises could overwhelm the positive boost from the stimulus. Forecasting changes in willingness to spend is not straightforward. Elsewhere, we are recommending a new trade: Short Turkish banks / long Russian banks. Feature Chart I-1EM Vs DM Equities: The Path Of Least Resistance Is Down EM risk assets and currencies as well as China-related financial markets are facing higher than usual uncertainty. Not only are the magnitude and duration of the coronavirus shock to the mainland’s economy unknown, but also both the scale of China’s forthcoming stimulus and its multiplier are highly uncertain. How should investors navigate through such uncertainty? For EM equity investors, an appropriate strategy is buying breakouts and selling breakdowns. Presently, we maintain a neutral stance on the absolute performance of EM stocks. We initiated a long position on December 19 and closed it on January 30 to manage risks amid the coronavirus outbreak. For asset allocators, we continue to recommend underweighting EM within global equity and credit portfolios (Chart I-1). As to exchange rates, investors should stay short a basket of EM currencies versus the US dollar. The EM equity index and EM currencies have been in a trading range in the past 12 months (Chart I-2). In the short term, markets will likely continue searching for a direction as visibility is extremely low. Beyond the near term, however, EM share prices and currencies are unlikely to remain in a narrow trading range. They will either break out or break down. Which way the market swings is contingent on corporate profits and the business cycle. A Framework To Assess Shocks What framework should investors use to gauge economic and financial market outcomes? We recommend the following: When a system – in this case the Chinese economy – is hit by an external shock, its most likely trajectory depends on the duration and magnitude of the shock as well as the initial health of the system. If the system is balanced and robust, a moderate shock can certainly shake it, but will not knock it over. A V-shaped recovery is most likely in this case. By contrast, if the system is unbalanced and precarious, a measured tremor could produce an outsized negative impact. As a result, this economy is more likely to experience a U-shaped recovery. No one can gauge with any precision the impact of the coronavirus outbreak on China’s economy. The only thing we can assess is the health of the mainland economy prior to this exogenous shock. Beyond the near term, EM share prices and currencies are unlikely to remain in a narrow trading range. Which way the market swings is contingent on corporate profits and the business cycle. In this regard, we present the following analysis on both the economy’s cyclical condition and structural vitality: 1. Cyclically, China’s growth was ostensibly bottoming when the coronavirus outbreak occurred. The top panel of Chart I-3 illustrates that – at that time – the Chinese broad money impulse foreshadowed a revival in nominal industrial output from late 2019 until mid-2020. In the second half of this year, however, the same indicator projected renewed growth deterioration. Chart I-2EM Stocks And Currencies Are In A Trading Range: How Long Will It Last? Chart I-3Without The Coronavirus Outbreak, Chinese Recovery Would Have Been Muted And Short-Lived Notably, the broad money impulse has often led the credit and fiscal spending impulse, and it currently signals a rollover in the latter sometime in the first half of 2020 (Chart I-3, bottom panel). Chart I-4EM Corporate Profits: Modest And Temporary Improvement Consistently, China’s narrow money growth had been projecting a muted and only temporary rebound in EM corporate profits – which are often driven by the Middle Kingdom’s business cycle – from late 2019 until the middle of 2020 (Chart I-4). Thereafter, EM profit growth was set to relapse anew. In short, even prior to the coronavirus outbreak, our indicators were signaling that any economic improvement on the back of the Chinese government’s 2018-19 stimulus would have been muted and short-lived from late 2019 until mid-2020. Hence, the negative shock from the public health emergency could end up nullifying the pending recovery. 2. Structurally, as we have written extensively, China has enormous credit and money excesses. The economy has become addicted to rampant money and credit creation. This, along with the misallocation of capital and the resulting growth in the number of zombie companies, makes the system vulnerable, even to moderate shocks. It is reasonable to assume that there are some companies that enjoy great financial health, some zombies that are unable to service their debt at all, and a certain number of enterprises that generate just enough cash flow to service their debt. While the coronavirus-induced downtrend in the economy will not materially change the financial status of healthy or zombie businesses, it will likely alter the financial standings of debtors that were on the proverbial edge. Assuming the unavoidable drop in cash flows due to the country’s sudden shutdowns, these debtors will struggle to service their debt. This will likely alter their short-to-midterm decision making. For example, if they were planning to expand their operations and hire more employees, these plans are likely to be shelved for now. Low and falling willingness among households to consume and among enterprises to invest and hire could overwhelm the positive boost from the stimulus. In short, the coronavirus-induced shutdowns are cutting into cash flows, but they do not in any way reduce debt burdens. Chart I-5 illustrates that debt servicing costs as a share of income for companies and households in China are among the highest in the world. Chart I-5China Has A High Debt Service-To-Income Ratio Notably, this measure for China is relative to nominal GDP while for other countries it is relative to disposable income. Disposable income is smaller than GDP as it takes into account taxes paid. Therefore, on a comparable basis, this ratio for China will be meaningfully higher than the one shown on Chart I-5. Bottom Line: Provided the Chinese economy is highly leveraged, it is reasonable to conjecture that the recovery following the adverse shock from the coronavirus will be U- rather than V-shaped. Stimulus: Yes. Multiplier: Unknown. It is a given that the Chinese authorities will inject more fiscal and monetary stimulus into the system. Nevertheless, the ultimate size of stimulus is unknown. So far, the following has been announced: On the monetary and credit side: A RMB300 billion re-lending quota to supply special low-cost funds to assist national commercial banks and local banks to provide preferential interest rate loans to key enterprises for epidemic prevention and control; On February 3, open market operation rates were cut by 10 basis points, and the key 7-day repo rate fell by 45 basis points; The People’s Bank of China injected liquidity1 via open market operations; The People’s Bank of China encouraged banks to lower lending costs for small and medium enterprises by 10% in some provinces. Critically, the banking regulatory authority has indicated it will allow an extension of the transition period for the implementation of the New Asset Management Regulation beyond 2020. Chart I-6Marginal Propensity To Spend Varies From Cycle To Cycle On the fiscal side: Additional local government debt quotas of RMB848 billion have been approved, on top of the previously authorized quota of RMB1 trillion in November 2019; the front-loaded debt quota will offer local governments more flexibility with their budgets and support growth via public investment; Cumulatively about RMB66 billion in supplementary funds has been deployed to support local governments and businesses, according to the Ministry of Finance; The authorities have delayed or partially waived taxes, social security fees, and government-owned rents for affected businesses; The government has instituted refunds of unemployment insurance premiums to enterprises who retain most employees in some cities; The central government will provide temporary interest rate relief (equivalent to 50% of the re-lending policy rate) on loans to key enterprises involved in the fight against the epidemic. However, stimulus in and of itself is not a sufficient condition on which to bet on a V-shaped recovery. Stimulus (or in the opposite scenario, tightening) does not always immediately entail an economic recovery (or on the flip side, a downturn). For one, policy stimuli always work with a time lag. In addition, the size of stimulus is still unknown. What’s more, the multiplier of the stimulus varies from cycle to cycle. Chart I-7Chinese Households Are Indebted We gauge the magnitude of any stimulus in China by observing money, credit and fiscal spending impulses. The multiplier is in turn contingent on economic agents’ (households and enterprises) propensity to spend. The impact of a large amount of stimulus can be offset by a low/falling marginal willingness to spend (a lower multiplier). Before the coronavirus outbreak, the marginal propensity to spend in China had improved slightly for households and had barely stabilized in the case of companies (Chart I-6). It is plausible to assume that a negative shock to confidence will likely dent both households’ and companies’ marginal propensity to consume. This is especially true since both economic agents are highly leveraged, as discussed above (Chart I-7). Finally, the leads and lags between the measures of stimulus like money impulses or credit and fiscal spending impulses and EM stocks in general and Chinese share prices in particular are not constant, as illustrated in Chart I-8 and Chart I-9. Chart I-8China: Share Prices And Money Impulse Chart I-9EM Stock Prices And China Credit And Fiscal Impulse Bottom Line: Forthcoming stimulus is not a surefire guarantee of an immediate cyclical rally – neither for EM risk assets and currencies, nor for other China-related plays. This does not mean that a rally will not occur. Rather, gauging the timing and potential drawdown that precede it are almost impossible. The basis is that low and falling willingness among households to consume and among enterprises to invest and hire could overwhelm the positive boost from the stimulus. Unfortunately, forecasting changes in willingness to spend is not straightforward. Investment Strategy Chart I-10An Inconclusive Message From This Reliable Indicator We are currently neutral on EM stocks in absolute terms. We will be watching for market-based indicators to signal a breakout or breakdown and will adjust our strategy accordingly. One of our favorite indicators – the Risk-On /Safe-Haven currency ratio – is presently inconclusive (Chart I-10). Relative to DM, EM share prices broke to new lows last week as illustrated in Chart I-1 on page 1. We continue recommending an underweight position in EM within a global equity portfolio. Consistently, we are reiterating our long-standing short EM / long S&P 500 strategy. The US dollar’s technical profile is bullish (Chart I-11), which entails that its bull market is not yet over. We continue shorting an equally-weighted basket of BRL, CLP, COP, ZAR, KRW, IDR and PHP against the US dollar. We are also short the CNY versus the greenback on a structural basis. Within the EM currency space, we favor the MXN, RUB, CZK, THB and TWD. Finally, EM exchange rates hold the key to the performance of both EM local currency and US dollar bonds. Given our negative view on the currency, we are reluctant to chase the decline in domestic bond yields and narrowing spreads in the sovereign credit space (Chart I-12). Chart I-11The US Dollar Rally Is Intact Chart I-12EM: Local Bond Yields And Sovereign Spreads Are Too Low Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Turkey: Doubling Down On Unsound Policies Despite the steep drop in oil prices, Turkish stocks have failed to outperform the EM equity benchmark (Chart II-1). When a market fails to outperform amid a historically bullish backdrop, it is often a sign of trouble ahead. The basis for the decoupling between Turkey’s relative performance and oil prices is President Erdogan’s doubling down on populist and unorthodox macro policies. He is eager to boost growth at any cost. As a litmus test of aggressive expansionist policies, local currency broad money growth has already surged to 24% (Chart II-2). In brief, these overly expansionary policies will undermine the currency, lift inflation and lead to a further exodus of investors from the country’s financial markets. Chart II-1A Bearish Sign For Turkish Equities Chart II-2Turkey: Rampant Money Creation Chart II-3Turkey: Booming Fiscal Spending First, the central bank has cut interest rates to below inflation. The outcome is negative policy rates in real terms. Moreover, the central bank has resumed plentiful liquidity provisioning to banks to prevent interbank rates from rising. Second, government expenditures are surging (Chart II-3). Ballooning government borrowing is largely being financed by commercial banks – i.e., the latter are involved in outright monetization of public debt (Chart II-4, top panel). Chart II-4Public Debt Monetization By Commercial Banks In the past two years, banks have purchased some TRY 250 billion of government bonds. This has boosted their share of holdings of government local currency bonds from 45% to 58% (Chart II-4, bottom panel). This has not only capped local bond yields, but also enormously expanded money supply. When a commercial bank purchases a bond from a non-bank entity, it creates a new deposit (broad money supply), as we discussed in November 29, 2018 report. The authorities have also announced tax cuts on various consumer goods in order to boost consumption. This is leading to a resurgence in consumer goods imports. In short, the trade balance is bound to widen again as domestic consumption resumes. Third, the government is forcing both state-owned and private banks to substantially boost credit flows to the economy. Last week, the AKP proposed a new banking bill that could force banks to fund large-scale projects. Further, the banking regulator is penalizing banks that fail to meet a “credit volume criteria’ by lowering the interest rate banks receive on their required reserves at the central bank. Crucially, the authorities are forcing banks to cut lending rates. Banks’ net interest rate margins have declined to all-time lows (Chart II-5). It will narrow further as they continue to cut lending rates, while holding deposit rates high to avoid flight from local currency deposits into US dollars. Banks, especially public ones, have dramatically accelerated their credit origination. This will lead to capital misallocation and potentially to non-performing loans (NPLs). On banks’ balance sheets, NPLs have been, and will remain, artificially suppressed. Neither banks nor regulators are incentivized to provision for potential loan losses. Insolvent banks can operate indefinitely so long as their shareholders and regulators allow it, and the central bank provides sufficient liquidity. This will most certainly be the case in Turkey in the years to come. Constraints in such a scenario are surging inflation and currency devaluation. Turkish authorities have whole-heartedly opted for these lax fiscal, monetary and bank regulatory policies. This entails that inflation and currency devaluation are unavoidable. Overly expansionary policies will undermine the currency, lift inflation and lead to a further exodus of foreign investors from the country’s financial markets. Lastly, surging wages and unit labor costs corroborate that inflationary pressures are genuine and rampant (Chart II-6). The minimum wage is set to increase by another 15% this year. Chart II-5Banks' Net Interest Margins At All Time Lows Chart II-6Turkey: Wages Are Surging The government has been trying to regulate prices in the consumer sector by putting administrative price caps in place. Yet inflation remains persistently high in both goods and services sectors. Investment Recommendation Chart II-7Excessive Stimulus Is Bearish For The Lira The Turkish lira is again on a precipice. Only government intervention can temporarily prevent a major down leg. We are reiterating our underweight call on Turkish stocks within an EM equity portfolio. As a new trade, we are recommending a short Turkish banks / long Russian banks position. In contrast to Turkey, Russia’s macro policies have been, and remain, extremely orthodox. The new Russian government is poised to boost fiscal stimulus and the economy will accelerate with low inflation. We will discuss Russia in next week’s report. Finally, a surging fiscal and credit impulse in Turkey often leads to higher inflation and downward pressure on the currency (Chart II-7). As such, local currency government yields offer little protection at these levels against a depreciating currency. Therefore, investors should underweight the Turkish currency, local fixed-income and sovereign credit relative to their respective EM benchmarks. Andrija Vesic Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We published A Primer On Liquidity on January 16, 2020 illustrating that the linkages from liquidity provisions by central banks and both increased spending in the real economy and higher asset prices are ambiguous. Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations
Despite the steep drop in oil prices, Turkish stocks have failed to outperform the EM equity benchmark (Chart II-1). When a market fails to outperform amid a historically bullish backdrop, it is often a sign of trouble ahead. The basis for the decoupling between Turkey’s relative performance and oil prices is President Erdogan’s doubling down on populist and unorthodox macro policies. He is eager to boost growth at any cost. As a litmus test of aggressive expansionist policies, local currency broad money growth has already surged to 24% (Chart II-2). In brief, these overly expansionary policies will undermine the currency, lift inflation and lead to a further exodus of investors from the country’s financial markets. Chart II-1A Bearish Sign For Turkish Equities Chart II-2Turkey: Rampant Money Creation First, the central bank has cut interest rates to below inflation. The outcome is negative policy rates in real terms. Moreover, the central bank has resumed plentiful liquidity provisioning to banks to prevent interbank rates from rising. Second, government expenditures are surging (Chart II-3). Ballooning government borrowing is largely being financed by commercial banks – i.e., the latter are involved in outright monetization of public debt (Chart II-4, top panel). Chart II-3Turkey: Booming Fiscal Spending Chart II-4Public Debt Monetization By Commercial Banks In the past two years, banks have purchased some TRY 250 billion of government bonds. This has boosted their share of holdings of government local currency bonds from 45% to 58% (Chart II-4, bottom panel). This has not only capped local bond yields, but also enormously expanded money supply. When a commercial bank purchases a bond from a non-bank entity, it creates a new deposit (broad money supply), as we discussed in November 29, 2018 report. The authorities have also announced tax cuts on various consumer goods in order to boost consumption. This is leading to a resurgence in consumer goods imports. In short, the trade balance is bound to widen again as domestic consumption resumes. Chart II-5Banks' Net Interest Margins At All Time Lows Third, the government is forcing both state-owned and private banks to substantially boost credit flows to the economy. Last week, the AKP proposed a new banking bill that could force banks to fund large-scale projects. Further, the banking regulator is penalizing banks that fail to meet a “credit volume criteria’ by lowering the interest rate banks receive on their required reserves at the central bank. Crucially, the authorities are forcing banks to cut lending rates. Banks’ net interest rate margins have declined to all-time lows (Chart II-5). It will narrow further as they continue to cut lending rates, while holding deposit rates high to avoid flight from local currency deposits into US dollars. Banks, especially public ones, have dramatically accelerated their credit origination. This will lead to capital misallocation and potentially to non-performing loans (NPLs). On banks’ balance sheets, NPLs have been, and will remain, artificially suppressed. Neither banks nor regulators are incentivized to provision for potential loan losses. Insolvent banks can operate indefinitely so long as their shareholders and regulators allow it, and the central bank provides sufficient liquidity. This will most certainly be the case in Turkey in the years to come. Constraints in such a scenario are surging inflation and currency devaluation. Turkish authorities have whole-heartedly opted for these lax fiscal, monetary and bank regulatory policies. This entails that inflation and currency devaluation are unavoidable. Overly expansionary policies will undermine the currency, lift inflation and lead to a further exodus of foreign investors from the country’s financial markets. Lastly, surging wages and unit labor costs corroborate that inflationary pressures are genuine and rampant (Chart II-6). The minimum wage is set to increase by another 15% this year. The government has been trying to regulate prices in the consumer sector by putting administrative price caps in place. Yet inflation remains persistently high in both goods and services sectors. Investment Recommendation The Turkish lira is again on a precipice. Only government intervention can temporarily prevent a major down leg. We are reiterating our underweight call on Turkish stocks within an EM equity portfolio. As a new trade, we are recommending a short Turkish banks / long Russian banks position. In contrast to Turkey, Russia’s macro policies have been, and remain, extremely orthodox. The new Russian government is poised to boost fiscal stimulus and the economy will accelerate with low inflation. We will discuss Russia in next week’s report. Finally, a surging fiscal and credit impulse in Turkey often leads to higher inflation and downward pressure on the currency (Chart II-7). As such, local currency government yields offer little protection at these levels against a depreciating currency. Therefore, investors should underweight the Turkish currency, local fixed-income and sovereign credit relative to their respective EM benchmarks. Chart II-6Turkey: Wages Are Surging Chart II-7Excessive Stimulus Is Bearish For The Lira Andrija Vesic Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com
Highlights The U.S. and China are moving toward formalizing a trade ceasefire that reduces geopolitical risk in the near term. The risk of a no-deal Brexit is finished – removing a major downside to European assets. Spanish elections reinforce our narrative of general European political stability. Go long 10-year Italian BTPs / short 10-year Spanish bonos for a trade. Geopolitical risks will remain elevated in Turkey, rise in Russia, but remain subdued in Brazil. A post-mortem of Canada’s election suggests upside to fiscal spending but further downside to energy sector investment over the short to medium term. Feature After a brief spike in trade war-related geopolitical risk just prior to the resumption of U.S.-China negotiations, President Trump staged a tactical retreat in the trade war. Chart 1Proxy For Trade War Shows Falling Risk Negotiating in Washington, President Trump personally visited the top Chinese negotiator Liu He and the two sides announced an informal “phase one deal” to reverse the summer’s escalation in tensions: China will buy $40-$50 billion in U.S. agricultural goods while the U.S. will delay the October 15 tariff hike. More difficult issues – forced tech transfer, intellectual property theft, industrial subsidies – were punted to later. The RMB is up 0.7% and our own measures of trade war-related risk have dropped off sharply (Chart 1). We think these indicators will be confirmed and Trump’s retreat will continue – as long as he has a chance to save the 2020 economic outlook and his reelection campaign. Odds are low that Trump will be removed from office by a Republican-controlled senate – the looming election provides the republic with an obvious recourse for Trump’s alleged misdeeds. However, Trump’s approval rating is headed south. While it is around the same level as President Obama’s at this point in his first term, Obama’s started a steep and steady rise around now and ended above 50% for the election, a level that is difficult to foresee for Trump (Chart 2). So Trump desperately needs an economic boost and a policy victory to push up his numbers. Short of passing the USMCA, which is in the hands of the House Democrats, a deal with China is the only way to get a major economic and political win at the same time. Hence the odds of Presidents Trump and Xi actually signing some kind of agreement are the highest they have been since April (when we had them pegged at 50/50). Trump will have to delay the December 15 tariff hike and probably roll back some of the tariffs over next year as continuing talks “make progress,” though we doubt he will remove restrictions on tech companies like Huawei. Still, we strongly believe that what is coming is a détente rather than the conclusion of the Sino-American rivalry crowned with a Bilateral Trade Agreement. Strategic tensions are rising on a secular basis between the two countries. These tensions could still nix Trump’s flagrantly short-term deal-making, and they virtually ensure that some form of trade war will resume in 2021 or 2022, if indeed a ceasefire is maintained in 2020. Both sides are willing to reduce immediate economic pain but neither side wants to lose face politically. Trump will not forge a “grand compromise.” Our highest conviction view all along has been – and remains – that Trump will not forge a “grand compromise” ushering in a new period of U.S.-China economic reengagement in the medium or long term. China’s compliance, its implementation of structural changes, will be slow or lacking and difficult to verify at least until the 2020 verdict is in. This means policy uncertainty will linger and business confidence and capex intentions will only improve on the margin, not skyrocket upward (Chart 3). Chart 2Trump Needs A Policy Win And Economic Boost Chart 3Sentiment Will Improve ... Somewhat The problem for bullish investors is that even if global trade uncertainty falls, and the dollar’s strength eases, fear will shift from geopolitics to politics, and from international equities to American equities (Chart 4). Trump, hit by impeachment and an explosive reaction to his Syria policy, is entering into dangerous territory for the 2020 race. Trump’s domestic weakness threatens imminent equity volatility for two reasons. Chart 4American Outperformance Falls With Trade Tensions Chart 5Democratic Win In 2020 Is Market-Negative First, if Trump’s approval rating falls below today’s 42%, investors will begin pricing a Democratic victory in 2020, i.e. higher domestic policy uncertainty, higher taxes, and the re-regulation of the American economy (Chart 5). This re-rating may be temporarily delayed or mitigated by the fact that former Vice President Joe Biden is still leading the Democratic Party’s primary election race. Biden is a known quantity whose policies would simply restore the Obama-era status quo, which is only marginally market-negative. Contrary to our expectations Biden's polling has not broken down due to accusations of foul play in Ukraine and China. Nevertheless, Senator Elizabeth Warren will gradually suck votes away from fellow progressive Senator Bernie Sanders and in doing so remain neck-and-neck with Biden (Chart 6). When and if she pulls ahead of Biden, markets face a much greater negative catalyst. (Yes, she is also capable of beating Trump, especially if his polling remains as weak as it is.) Chart 6Warren Will Rise To Front-Runner Status With Biden Second, if Trump becomes a “lame duck” he will eventually reverse the trade retreat above and turn into a loose cannon in his final months in office. Right now we see a decline in geopolitical risk, but if the economy fails to rebound or the China ceasefire offers little support, then Trump will at some point conclude that his only chance at reelection is to double down on his confrontation with America’s enemies and run as a “war president.” A cold war crisis with China, or a military confrontation with Iran (or North Korea, Venezuela, or some unexpected target) could occur. But since September we have been confirmed in believing that Trump is trying to be the dealmaker one last time before any shift to the war president. Bottom Line: The “phase one” trade deal is really just a short-term ceasefire. Assuming it is signed by Trump and Xi, it suggests no increase in tariffs and some tariff rollback next year. However, as recessionary fears fade, and if Trump’s reelection chances stabilize, U.S.-China tensions on a range of issues will revive – and there is no getting around the longer-term conflict between the two powers. For this and other reasons, we remain strategically short RMB-USD, as the flimsy ceasefire will only briefly see RMB appreciation. BoJo's Brexit Bluff Is Finished Our U.K. indicator captured a sharp decline in political risk in the past two weeks and our continental European indicators mirrored this move (Chart 7). The risk that the U.K. would fall out of the EU without a withdrawal agreement has collapsed even further than in September, when parliament rejected Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s no-deal gambit and we went long GBP-USD. We have since added a long GBP-JPY trade. Chart 7Collapse In No-Deal Risk Will Echo Across Europe Chart 8Unlikely To See Another Tory/Brexit Rally Like This The risk of “no deal” is the only reason to care about Brexit from a macro point of view, as the difference between “soft Brexit” and “no Brexit” is not globally relevant. What matters is the threat of a supply-side shock to Europe when it is already on the verge of recession. With this risk removed, sentiment can begin to recover (and Trump’s trade retreat also confirms our base case that he will not impose tariffs on European cars on November 14). Since Brexit was the only major remaining European political risk, European policy uncertainty will continue to fall. The Halloween deadline was averted because the EU, on the brink of recession, offered a surprising concession to Johnson, enabling him to agree to a deal and put it up for a vote in parliament. The deal consists of keeping Northern Ireland in the European Customs Union but not the whole of the U.K., effectively drawing a new soft border at the Irish Sea. The bill passed the second reading but parliament paused before finalizing it, rejecting Johnson’s rapid three-day time table. The takeaway is that even if an impending election returns Johnson to power, he will seek to pass his deal rather than pull the U.K. out without a deal. This further lowers the odds of a no-deal Brexit as it illuminates Johnson's preferences, which are normally hidden from objective analysis. True, there is a chance that the no-deal option will reemerge if Johnson’s deal totally collapses due to parliamentary amendments, or if the U.K. and EU have failed to agree to a future relationship by the end of the transition period on December 31, 2020 (which can be extended until the end of 2022). However, the chance is well below the 30% which we deemed as the peak risk of no-deal back in August. Johnson created the most credible threat of a no-deal exit that we are likely to see in our lifetimes – a government with authority over foreign policy determined to execute the outcome of a popular referendum – and yet parliament stopped it dead in its tracks. Johnson does not want a no-deal recession and his successors will not want one either. After all, the support for Brexit and for the Tories has generally declined since the referendum, and the Tories are making a comeback on the prospect of an orderly Brexit (Chart 8). All eyes will now turn toward the impending election. Opinion polls still show that Johnson is likely to be returned to power (Chart 9). The Tories have a prospect of engrossing the pro-Brexit vote while the anti-Brexit opposition stands divided. No-deal risk only reemerges if the Conservatives are returned to power with another weak coalition that paralyzes parliament. Chart 9Tory Comeback As BoJo Gets A Deal Chart 10Brexit Means Greater Fiscal Policy Whatever the election result, we maintain our long-held position that Brexit portends greater fiscal largesse (Chart 10). The agitated swath of England that drove the referendum result will not be assuaged by leaving the European Union – the rewards of Brexit are not material but philosophical, so material grievances will return. Voter frustration will rotate from the EU to domestic political elites. Voters will demand more government support for social concerns. Johnson’s own government confirms this point through its budget proposals. A Labour-led government would oversee an even more dramatic fiscal shift. Our GeoRisk indicator will fall on Brexit improvements but the question of the election and next government will ensure it does not fall too far. Our long GBP trades are tactical and we expect volatility to remain elevated. But the greatest risk, of no deal, is finished, so it does make sense for investors with a long time horizon to go strategically long the pound. The greatest risk, of a no deal Brexit, is finished. Bottom Line: Brexit posed a risk to the global economy only insofar as it proved disorderly. A withdrawal agreement by definition smooths the process. Continental Europe will not suffer a further shock to net exports. The Brexit contribution to global policy uncertainty will abate. The pound will rise against the euro and yen and even against the dollar as long as Trump’s trade retreat continues. Spain: Further Evidence Of European Stability We have long argued that the majority of Catalans do not want independence, but rather a renegotiation of the region's relationship with Spain (Chart 11). This month’s protests in Barcelona following the Catalan independence leaders’ sentencing are at the lower historical range in terms of size – protest participation peaked in 2015 along with support for independence (Table 1). Table 1October Catalan Protests Unimpressive Our Spanish risk indicator is showing a decline in political risk (Chart 12). However, we believe that this fall is slightly overstated. While the Catalan independence movement is losing its momentum, the ongoing protests are having an impact on seat projections for the upcoming election. Chart 11Catalonians Not Demanding Independence Chart 12Right-Wing Win Could Surprise Market, But No Worries Since the April election, the right-wing bloc of the People’s Party, Ciudadanos, and Vox has been gaining in the seat projections at the expense of the Socialist Party and Podemos. Over the course of the protests, the left-wing parties’ lead over the right-wing parties has narrowed from seven seats to one (Chart 13). If this momentum continues, a change of government from left-wing to right-wing becomes likely. However, a right-wing government is not a market-negative outcome, and any increase in risk on this sort of election surprise would be short-lived. The People’s Party has moderated its message and focused on the economy. Besides pledging to limit the personal tax rate to 40% and corporate tax rate to 20%, the People’s Party platform supports innovation, R&D spending, and startups. The party is promising tax breaks and easier immigration rules to firms and employees pursuing these objectives. Chart 13Spanish Right-Wing Parties Narrow Gap With Left Another outcome of the election would be a governing deal between PSOE and Podemos, along with case-by-case support from Ciudadanos. After a shift to the right lost Ciudadanos 5% in support since the April election, leader Albert Rivera announced in early October that he would be lifting the “veto” on working with the Socialist Party. If the right-wing parties fall short of a majority, then Rivera would be open to talks with Socialist leader Pedro Sanchez. A governing deal between PSOE, Podemos, and Ciudadanos would have 175 seats, as of the latest projections, which is just one seat short of a majority. As we go to press, this is the only outcome that would end Spain’s current political gridlock, and would therefore be the most market-positive outcome. Bottom Line: Despite having a fourth election in as many years, Spanish political risk is contained. This is reinforced by a relatively politically stable backdrop in continental Europe, and marginally positive developments in the U.K. and on the trade front. We remain long European versus U.S. technology, and long EU versus Chinese equities. We will also be looking to go long EUR/USD when and if the global hard data turn. Following our European Investment Strategy, we recommend going long 10-year Italian BTPs / short 10-year Spanish bonos for a trade. Turkey, Brazil, And Russia Chart 14Turkish Risk Will Rise Despite 'Ceasefire' Turkey’s political risk skyrocketed upward after we issued our warning in September (Chart 14). We maintain that the Trump-Erdogan personal relationship is not a basis for optimism regarding Turkey’s evading U.S. sanctions. Both chambers of the U.S. Congress are preparing a more stringent set of sanctions, focusing on the Turkish military, in the wake of Trump’s decision to withdraw U.S. forces from northeast Syria. At a time when Trump needs allies in the senate to defend him against eventual impeachment articles, he is not likely to veto and risk an override. Moreover, Turkey’s military incursion into Syria, which may wax and wane, stems from economic and political weakness at home and will eventually exacerbate that weakness by fueling the growing opposition to Erdogan’s administration and requiring more unorthodox monetary and fiscal accommodation. It reinforces our bearish outlook on Turkish lira and assets. Chart 15Brazilian Risk Will Not Re-Test 2018 Highs Brazil’s political risk has rebounded (Chart 15). The Senate has virtually passed the pension reform bill, as expected, which raises the official retirement age for men and women to 65 and 63 respectively. This will generate upwards of 800 billion Brazilian real in savings to improve the public debt profile. Of course, the country will still run primary deficits and thus the public debt-to-GDP ratio will still rise. Now the question shifts to President Jair Bolsonaro and his governing coalition. Bolsonaro’s approval rating has ticked up as we expected (Chart 16). If this continues then it is bullish for Brazil because it suggests that he will be able to keep his coalition together. But investors should not get ahead of themselves. Bolsonaro is not an inherently pro-market leader, there is no guarantee that he will remain disciplined in pursuing pro-productivity reforms, and there is a substantial risk that his coalition will fray without pension reform as a shared goal (at least until markets riot and push the coalition back together). Therefore we expect political risk to abate only temporarily, if at all, before new trouble emerges. Furthermore, if reform momentum wanes next year, then Brazil’s reform story as a whole will falter, since electoral considerations emerge in 2021-22. Hence it will be important to verify that policymakers make progress on reforms to tax and trade policy early next year. Our Russian geopolitical risk indicator is also lifting off of its bottom (see Appendix). This makes sense given Russia’s expanding strategic role (particularly in the Middle East), its domestic political troubles, and the risks of the U.S. election. The latter is especially significant given the risk (not our base case, however) that a Democratic administration could take a significantly more aggressive posture toward Russia. Political risk in Turkey and Russia will continue to rise. Bottom Line: Political risk in Turkey and Russia will continue to rise. Russia is a candidate for a “black swan” event, given the eerie quiet that has prevailed as Putin devotes his fourth term to reducing domestic political instability. Brazil, on the other hand, has a 12-month window in which reform momentum can be reinforced, reducing whatever spike in risk occurs in the aftermath of the ruling coalition’s completion of pension reform. Canada: Election Post-Mortem Prime Minister Justin Trudeau returned to power at the head of a minority government in Canada’s federal election (Chart 17). The New Democratic Party (NDP) lost 15 seats from the last election, but will have a greater role in parliament as the Liberals will need its support to pass key agenda items (and a formal governing coalition is possible). The NDP’s result would have been even worse if not for its last-minute surge in the polls after the election debates and Trudeau’s “blackface” scandal. Chart 17Liberals Need The New Democrats Now The Conservative Party won the popular vote but only 121 seats in parliament, leaving the western provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan aggrieved. The Bloc Québécois, the Quebec nationalist party, gained 22 seats to become the third-largest party in the House. Energy investment faces headwinds in the near-term. The Liberal Party will face resistance from the Left over the Trans Mountain pipeline. Trudeau will not necessarily have to sacrifice the pipeline to appease the NDP. He may be able to work with Conservatives to advance the pipeline while working with the NDP on the rest of his agenda. But on the whole the election result is the worst-case scenario for the oil sector and political questions will have to be resolved before Canada can take advantage of its position as a heavy crude producer near the U.S. Gulf refineries in an era in which Venezuela is collapsing and Saudi Arabia is exposed to geopolitical risk and attacks. More broadly, the Liberals will continue to endorse a more expansive fiscal policy than expected, given Canada’s low budget deficits and the need to prevent minor parties from eating away at the Liberal Party’s seat count in future. Bottom Line: The Liberal Party failed to maintain its single-party majority. Trudeau’s reliance on left-wing parties in parliament may prove market-negative for the Canadian energy sector, though that is not a forgone conclusion. Over the longer term the sector has a brighter future. Matt Gertken Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com Appendix GeoRisk Indicator U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator What's On The Geopolitical Radar? Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
Analysis on Turkey is available below. Highlights A dovish Fed or robust U.S. growth does not constitute sufficient conditions for a bull market in EM. China’s business and credit cycles are much more important factors for EM than those of the U.S. A recovery in the Chinese economy and global manufacturing is not imminent. The common signal reverberating from various financial markets is that the risks to the global business cycle are still skewed to the downside. Feature Current investor perceptions of emerging markets are mixed. Some expect EM to benefit greatly from low U.S. interest rates. These investors view even a partial trade deal between the U.S. and China as sufficient for EM to embark on a bull market. BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy team disagrees with this narrative. We deliberated the significance of the U.S.-China confrontation to EM in our September 19 report; therefore, we will not go over this subject here. Rather, in this report we discuss some of the more common misconceptions surrounding EM currently, and infer what these mean for investment strategies. Perception 1: The share of resource sectors (materials and energy) in the EM equity benchmark has declined substantially. This along with the expanded role of consumers and consumer stocks (Alibaba, Tencent and Baidu) in EM economies and equity markets has made their share prices less exposed to the global trade cycle and commodities prices. Reality: It is true that in many EM bourses, the weight of consumer stocks has been growing. Nevertheless, their financial markets in general, and equity markets in particular, remain very sensitive to the global trade cycle and commodities prices. Chart I-1 illustrates that the aggregate EM equity index has historically been and continues to be strongly correlated with the global basic materials stock index. The latter includes mining, steel and chemical companies. Global materials stocks also exhibit a very strong correlation with Chinese banks’ share prices. Moreover, global materials stocks also exhibit a very strong correlation with Chinese banks’ share prices (Chart I-2). The rationale for the high correlation is that both mainland banks’ profits and global demand for basic materials are driven by a common factor: China’s business cycle. Chart I-1EM And Global Materials Stocks Move Together Chart I-2Chinese Bank And Global Materials Share Prices Are Highly Correlated For example, construction in China is contracting (Chart I-3), which entails both higher NPLs for Chinese banks and lower demand for basic materials. China accounts for about 50% of global consumption of industrial metals, cement and many other basic materials. Finally, EM ex-China bank stocks also correlate strongly with global basic materials share prices. The basis is as follows: Many emerging economies export raw materials, and commodities price fluctuations impact their business cycle, exports and exchange rates. Chart I-3China: Construction Activity Is Contracting Chart I-4High-Yielding EM: Currencies And Local Bond Yields Historically, in high-yielding EM markets, currency depreciation has led to higher interest rates and lower bank share prices, and vice versa (Chart I-4). Lately, EM bond yields have not risen in response to EM currency depreciation. However, we believe this correlation will soon be re-established if EM currencies continue drifting lower. In short, China’s money/credit cycles drive not only the mainland’s business cycle, banking profits and NPLs, but also global trade and commodities prices. The latter two - via their impact on exchange rates and in turn interest rates - have historically explained credit and domestic demand cycles in high-yielding EM. Perception 2: EM stocks are a high-beta play on the S&P 500, i.e., EM equities outperform when the S&P 500 rallies, and vice versa. Reality: Since 2012, the beta for EM equity versus the S&P 500 has often been below one (Chart I-5). Furthermore, since 2012, EM share prices often failed to outpace their DM peers during global equity rallies. Indeed, EM relative equity performance versus DM, as well as the EM ex-China currency total return index, have been closely tracking the relative performance of global cyclicals versus global defensive stocks (Chart I-6). Chart I-5EM Equities Beta To The S&P 500 Chart I-6Global Cyclicals-To-Defensives Equity Ratio And EM In short, EM equities and currencies have been, and will remain, sensitive to the global business cycle rather than the S&P 500. Since 2012, the latter has - on several occasions - decoupled from the global manufacturing and trade cycles. Perception 3: EM stocks, currencies and fixed-income markets are very sensitive to U.S. interest rates. Hence, a dovish Fed will lead to EM currency appreciation. Reality: Chart I-7 reveals that EM currencies, total returns on EM local currency bonds in U.S. dollar terms and EM sovereign credit spreads do not exhibit a strong relationship with U.S. Treasury yields. U.S. interest rate expectations have a much smaller impact on EM financial markets than commonly perceived by the investment community. Overall, U.S. interest rate expectations have a much smaller impact on EM financial markets than commonly perceived by the investment community. Chart I-7EM And U.S. Bond Yields: No Stable Correlation Chart I-8China Cycle And EM Stocks Led U.S. Bond Yields On the contrary, the declines in U.S. bond yields in both 2015/16 and in 2018/19 were due to the growth slowdown that emanated from China/EM. The top panel of Chart I-8 illustrates that Chinese import growth rolled over in December 2017, yet U.S. bond yields rolled over in October 2018. What is more, EM share prices have been leading U.S. bond yields in recent years, not the other way around (Chart I-8, bottom panel). Perception 4: If the U.S. avoids a recession, EM risk assets will recover. Chart I-9EM Profits Are Driven By Chinese Not U.S. Business Cycle Reality: EM per-share earnings contracted in 2012-2014 and in 2019, despite reasonably robust growth in U.S. final demand (Chart I-9, top panel). This suggests that even if the U.S. economy avoids a recession, that will not be a sufficient condition to be bullish on EM. EM corporate profits are highly driven by China’s business cycle. The bottom panel of Chart I-9 illustrates that mainland domestic industrial orders have been the key driver of EM corporate profit cycles since 2008. Perception 5: EM equities, fixed-income markets and currencies are cheap. Reality: EM stocks are not cheap. They are fairly valued. Equity sectors with very poor fundamentals have very low multiples. Hence, they are “cheap” for a reason. These include Chinese banks, state-owned enterprises in various countries and resource companies. Equity segments with robust fundamentals are overpriced. Given that Chinese banks, state-owned enterprises in various countries, resource companies, and cyclical businesses have very large market caps, EM market-cap based equity valuation ratios are low – i.e., they appear cheap. To remove the impact of these large market cap segments, we constructed and have been publishing the following valuation ratios: median, 20% trimmed mean and equal-sub-sector weighted (Chart I-10). Each of these is calculated based on the average of trailing and forward P/E ratios, price-to-book value, price-to-cash earnings and price-to-dividend ratios. EM equities relative to DM are not cheap either. Chart I-11 demonstrates the same ratios – median, 20% trimmed-mean and equal-sub-sector weighted values for EM versus DM. Chart I-10EM Equities Are Not Cheap Chart I-11Relative To DM EM Stocks Are Not Cheap Further, when valuations are not at extremes as in the case of EM equities at the moment, the profit cycle holds the key to share price performance over a 6 to 12-month horizon. EM earnings are presently contracting in absolute terms, and underperforming DM EPS. Two currencies that offer value are the Mexican peso and Russian ruble. Chart I-12EM Local Yields Are Low In Absolute Terms And Relative To U.S. In the fixed-income space, EM local bond yields are very low in absolute terms and relative to U.S. Treasury yields (Chart I-12). EM sovereign and corporate spreads are not wide either. As to exchange rates, the cheapest currencies are those with the worst fundamentals, such as the Argentine peso, Turkish lira and South African rand. The majority of other EM currencies are not very cheap. Two currencies that offer value are the Mexican peso and Russian ruble. Yet foreign investors are very long these currencies, and a combination of lower oil prices and portfolio outflows from broader EM will weigh on these exchange rates as well. Takeaways And Investment Strategy Chart I-13EM Currencies And Industrial Metals Prices EM risk assets and currencies exhibit the strongest correlation with global trade and commodities prices. Chart I-13 indicates that the EM ex-China currency total return index closely tracks commodities prices. This corroborates the messages from Chart I-1 on page 1 and Chart I-6 on page 4. China’s business and credit cycles are much more important for EM than those of the U.S. A dovish Fed or strong U.S. growth are not sufficient reasons to bet on an EM bull market. A recovery in the Chinese economy and global manufacturing is not imminent. Individual EM countries’ domestic fundamentals such as return on capital, inflation, banking system health, competitiveness and politics drive individual EM performance. On these accounts, the outlook varies among EM. Readers can find analyses on specific EM economies in our Countries In-Depth page. Asset allocators should continue underweighting EM stocks, credit and currencies versus their DM counterparts. Absolute-return investors should outright avoid EM, or trade them on the short side. Within the EM equity space, our overweights are Mexico, Russia, Central Europe, Korea ex-tech, Thailand and the UAE. Our underweights are South Africa, Indonesia, Philippines, Hong Kong, Turkey and Colombia. The path of least resistance for the U.S. dollar is up. Continue shorting the following basket of EM currencies versus the dollar: ZAR, CLP, COP, IDR, MYR, PHP and KRW. We are also short the CNY versus the greenback. As always, the list of our country allocations for local currency bonds and sovereign credit markets is available at the end of our reports – please refer to page 16. Take Cues From These Markets We suggest investors take cues from the following financial market signals. They are unequivocally sending a downbeat message for global growth and risk assets: The ratio between Sweden and Swiss non-financial stocks in common currency terms is heading south (Chart I-14). Swedish non-financials include many companies leveraged to the global industrial cycle, while Swiss non-financials are dominated by defensive stocks. Hence, the persistent decline in this ratio presages a continued deterioration in the global industrial sector. Where is the next defense line for this ratio? To reach its 2002 and 2008 nadirs, it will need to drop by another 10%. In the interim, investors should maintain a defensive posture. Chart I-14A Message From Swedish And Swiss Equities Chart I-15A Breakdown In The Making? U.S. FAANG stocks appear to be cracking below their 200-day moving average. The relative performance of global cyclical versus global defensive stocks is relapsing below the three-year moving average that served as a support last December (Chart I-15). U.S. FAANG stocks appear to be cracking below their 200-day moving average (Chart I-16). If this support gives, the next one will be about 17% below current levels. Finally, U.S. high-beta share prices are on the verge of a breakdown (Chart I-17). The next technical support is 10% below current levels. Chart I-16FAANG Are On The Support Line Chart I-17U.S. High-Beta Stocks Are On The Edge Bottom Line: The common message reverberating from these financial markets corroborates our fundamental analysis that a global business cycle recovery is not imminent, and that global risk assets in general, and EM financial markets in particular, are at risk of selling off further. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Turkey: Is The Mean-Reversion Rally Over? Turkish financial markets have rebounded to their respective falling trend lines (Chart II-1). Are they set to break out or is a setback looming? Chart II-1Back To Falling Trend Chart II-2TRY Is Cheap Pros The economy has undergone a considerable real adjustment and many excesses have been purged: The current account balance has turned positive as imports have collapsed. Going forward, lower oil prices are likely to help the nation’s current account dynamics. The lira has become cheap (Chart II-2). According to the real effective exchange rate based on unit labor costs, the currency is one standard deviation below its fair value. Core and headline inflation have fallen, allowing the central bank to cut interest rates aggressively. However, the exchange rate still holds the key: if the currency depreciates anew, local bonds yields will rise and the ability of the central bank to reduce borrowing costs further will diminish. Finally, private credit and broad money growth have decelerated substantially and are contracting in inflation-adjusted terms (Chart II-3). Chart II-3Money & Credit Have Bottomed Chart II-4Banks Have Been Aggressively Buying Government Bonds The recent gap between broad money and private credit growth has been due to commercial banks buying government bonds (Chart II-4). When a commercial bank purchases a security from non-banks, a new deposit/new unit of money supply is created. Banks’ purchases of government bonds en masse have capped domestic bond yields. However, if pursued aggressively, such monetary expansion could weigh on the currency’s value. Cons Presently, potential sources of macro vulnerability in Turkey are: Foreign debt obligations (FDOs) – which are calculated as the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months – are at $168 billion, which is sizable. The annual current account surplus has reached only $4 billion and is sufficient to cover only 2.5% of FDOs, assuming the capital and financial account balance will be zero. Clearly, Turkey needs to both roll over most of its foreign debt coming due and attract foreign capital to finance a potential expansion in its imports if its domestic demand is to recover. Critically, $20 billion of net FX reserves, excluding gold, swap lines with foreign central banks and net of domestic banking and non-banking corporations’ foreign exchange deposits, are not adequate either to cover foreign debt obligations. Even though headline and core inflation measures have fallen, wage inflation remains rampant (Chart II-5). If wage inflation does not drop substantially very soon, rapidly rising unit labor costs will feed into inflation leading to negative ramifications for the exchange rate. This is especially crucial in Turkey given President Erdogan has undermined the central bank’s credibility and is resorting to populist measures to revive his popularity. Finally, Turkish banks remain under-provisioned. Currently, the banking regulator is requiring banks to boost their non-performing loans (NPL) ratio to 6.3% of total loans.This a far cry from the 2001 episode when the NPL ratio shot up to 25% (Chart II-6). Even though interest rates rose much more in 2001 than last year, the private credit penetration in the economy was very low in the early 2000s. A higher credit penetration usually implies weaker borrowers have borrowed money and heralds a higher NPL ratio. Typically, following a credit boom and bust, it is natural for the NPL ratio to exceed 10%. We do not think Turkish banks stocks, having rallied a lot from their lows, are pricing in such a scenario. Chart II-5Surging Wages Are A Risk Chart II-6NPL Ratio Is Unrealistic Investment Recommendation We recommend both absolute-return investors and asset allocators not to chase Turkish financial markets higher. Renewed market volatility lies ahead. Given we expect foreign capital outflows from EM, Turkish companies and banks will encounter difficulties in rolling over their external debt and attracting foreign capital into domestic markets. This will produce a new downleg in the exchange rate. In turn, currency depreciation will weigh on performance of local bonds as well as sovereign and corporate credit. Stay underweight. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Footnotes Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations
Turkish financial markets have rebounded to their respective falling trend lines (Chart II-1). Are they set to break out or is a setback looming? Chart II-1Back To Falling Trend Chart II-2TRY Is Cheap Pros The economy has undergone a considerable real adjustment and many excesses have been purged: The current account balance has turned positive as imports have collapsed. Going forward, lower oil prices are likely to help the nation’s current account dynamics. The lira has become cheap (Chart II-2). According to the real effective exchange rate based on unit labor costs, the currency is one standard deviation below its fair value. Core and headline inflation have fallen, allowing the central bank to cut interest rates aggressively. However, the exchange rate still holds the key: if the currency depreciates anew, local bonds yields will rise and the ability of the central bank to reduce borrowing costs further will diminish. Finally, private credit and broad money growth have decelerated substantially and are contracting in inflation-adjusted terms (Chart II-3). Chart II-3 Chart II-4Banks Have Been Aggressively Buying Government Bonds The recent gap between broad money and private credit growth has been due to commercial banks buying government bonds (Chart II-4). When a commercial bank purchases a security from non-banks, a new deposit/new unit of money supply is created. Banks’ purchases of government bonds en masse have capped domestic bond yields. However, if pursued aggressively, such monetary expansion could weigh on the currency’s value. Cons Presently, potential sources of macro vulnerability in Turkey are: Foreign debt obligations (FDOs) – which are calculated as the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months – are at $168 billion, which is sizable. The annual current account surplus has reached only $4 billion and is sufficient to cover only 2.5% of FDOs, assuming the capital and financial account balance will be zero. Clearly, Turkey needs to both roll over most of its foreign debt coming due and attract foreign capital to finance a potential expansion in its imports if its domestic demand is to recover. Critically, $20 billion of net FX reserves, excluding gold, swap lines with foreign central banks and net of domestic banking and non-banking corporations’ foreign exchange deposits, are not adequate either to cover foreign debt obligations. Even though headline and core inflation measures have fallen, wage inflation remains rampant (Chart II-5). If wage inflation does not drop substantially very soon, rapidly rising unit labor costs will feed into inflation leading to negative ramifications for the exchange rate. This is especially crucial in Turkey given President Erdogan has undermined the central bank’s credibility and is resorting to populist measures to revive his popularity. Finally, Turkish banks remain under-provisioned. Currently, the banking regulator is requiring banks to boost their non-performing loans (NPL) ratio to 6.3% of total loans.This a far cry from the 2001 episode when the NPL ratio shot up to 25% (Chart II-6). Even though interest rates rose much more in 2001 than last year, the private credit penetration in the economy was very low in the early 2000s. A higher credit penetration usually implies weaker borrowers have borrowed money and heralds a higher NPL ratio. Typically, following a credit boom and bust, it is natural for the NPL ratio to exceed 10%. We do not think Turkish banks stocks, having rallied a lot from their lows, are pricing in such a scenario. Chart II-5Surging Wages Are A Risk Chart II-6NPL Ratio Is Unrealistic Investment Recommendation We recommend both absolute-return investors and asset allocators not to chase Turkish financial markets higher. Renewed market volatility lies ahead. Given we expect foreign capital outflows from EM, Turkish companies and banks will encounter difficulties in rolling over their external debt and attracting foreign capital into domestic markets. This will produce a new downleg in the exchange rate. In turn, currency depreciation will weigh on performance of local bonds as well as sovereign and corporate credit. Stay underweight. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com
ハイライト
トランプ大統領が共和党内で支持され、決定的な証拠がないことは罷免を阻むだろう。
弾劾手続きでトランプ氏の支持率が恩恵を受け、米国経済が底堅ければ、貿易リスクは高まるだろう。
欧州本土の政治リスクは低下している。しかしロシアとトルコには注意が必要で、英国の10年物対2年物ギルトをショートせよ。
スペインの新選挙は政治的膠着を解消しない可能性がある。
香港ハンセンのショートで利益を確定する。
特集
米国のドナルド・トランプ大統領に対する弾劾手続き、露骨なイランによるサウジ攻撃、貿易戦争リスクの残存、そして中国と欧州からの追加の弱いデータは、投資家は当面リスク回避の姿勢を維持すべきであることを示唆している。具体的には、トランプ氏の弾劾は彼を国外での気晴らしに駆り立てる可能性があり、始まったばかりの積極的な対外・貿易政策からの戦術的撤退を放棄することになり得る。
ホットスポット以外の地政学リスクは低下しており、特に欧州で目立つ。ノーディール・ブレグジットのリスクは当社の予想に沿って急落した。イタリアとドイツは市場を安心させるためにポピュリズムなき財政刺激を提示し、市場を喜ばせた。フランスではエマニュエル・マクロン大統領の人気が回復している。そして本レポートで論じるように、スペインの選挙は重大な懸念材料を追加しないだろう。
以下では新しいGeoRisk指標を紹介し、過去1か月にわたる当社のすべての指標からのシグナルを概観し、その後スペインに焦点を当てる。
恐れるべきは米国政治であって弾劾自体ではない
下院民主党によるトランプ氏の弾劾決定は、投資家がリスク資産に対して慎重であり続けるもう一つの理由を与える。なぜ強気になれないのか？確かに、弾劾が決定的な証拠なしに行われれば、トランプ氏の再選確率は高まりうる。これは民主党の勝利に比べれば市場にとってプラスである。トランプ大統領は、共和党が引き続き91%の支持率で支える限り、事実上民主党の弾劾手続きに対して無敵である（チャート1）。このような状況では上院議員が離反することはなく、トランプ氏は職を追われることはないだろう。
共和党の支持が高い限り、トランプ氏は弾劾手続きに対して無敵である。
さらに、ウクライナ大統領ヴォロディミル・ゼレンスキーとの電話会話の議事録は決定的な一撃にはならなかった。トランプ大統領が軍事支援を差し止める代わりにジョー・バイデン前副大統領やその息子ハンターに関する捜査を要求するという明確な「見返り」は示されていない。従って不正行為があったかどうかは、さらなる証拠を待つまでは議論の余地がある。これは「内部告発者の申し立て」を超える証拠を含み得るもので、同申し立てはトランプ陣営が前述の電話議事録の情報を抑えようとした可能性を示唆している。重要なのは、草の根の共和党と上院がこの議論の最終的な裁定者であるという点である。
問題は、スキャンダルと弾劾が株式市場のボラティリティに供給されることが依然として考えられることである（チャート2）。下院民主党は弾劾に全面的に注力し、情報機関の内部告発者からの証言を聴取する過程で新たな証拠を掘り起こす可能性がある。
チャート1
共和党はまだトランプを弾劾する用意がない
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの短期滞在 – GeoRisk Update: 2019年9月27日
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの短期滞在 – GeoRisk Update: 2019年9月27日
弾劾はまた、民主党の大統領予備選を通じて市場にネガティブな影響を与える。エリザベス・ウォーレンはまだ初期の民主党予備選でバイデンを押しのけていない。
チャート2
弾劾手続きはボラティリティを高める可能性
弾劾手続きはボラティリティを高める可能性が高い
弾劾手続きはボラティリティを高める可能性が高い
もし彼女（ウォーレン）がバイデンを追い落とせば、市場には大きなネガティブ・インパクトが生じるだろう。トランプ大統領は依然として再選で僅かに有利であるに過ぎない。いかなる場合でもこの選挙は極めて接戦であり、財政政策と規制に対して重大な影響を持ち、従って2020年11月まで多くの不確実性を生むだろう。内部告発者を巡る一連の出来事は、この不確実性をむしろ悪化させている。
レポート冒頭でも述べたように、もし弾劾手続きが何らかの勢いを得れば、それはトランプ氏を国外での気晴らしに駆り立てる可能性があり、始まったばかりの積極的な対外・貿易政策からの戦術的撤退を放棄させることになり得る。
最後に、トランプ氏の再選は代替案より市場に優しいため安心ラリーを引き起こす可能性が高いが、一見したほど強気ではない。第2期のトランプ政策は第1期ほど企業に有利ではないだろう。選挙上の懸念から解放されつつも下院が民主党であるという状況では、減税は実現困難だが、対外・貿易政策をさらに攻撃的に進める可能性が高い。これは米国の長期的利益に資するか否かに関わらず、市場にとってプラスの見通しではない。
結論：トランプ大統領の共和党有権者間での支持率が重要な指標である。彼らが信頼を捨てない限り上院は反転せず、トランプ氏の支持はむしろ上がる可能性がある。しかしそれは強気転換の理由にはならない。今後1年は米国の政治的機能不全の恐怖劇が不可避であり、ボラティリティと潜在的に海外での紛争エスカレーションを引き起こすだろう。
発表…当社の米中貿易リスク指標
今週、米中貿易戦争のための新しいGeoRisk指標を導入する（チャート3）。この指標は、全体の先進国株式が中国エクスポージャーの高い銘柄群に対してどの程度アウトパフォームしているか、および中国の民間クレジット成長（「社会総融資」）に基づいている。チャートの説明が示すように、この指標は貿易戦争を通じた事象の推移と整合している。また、報道記事中の重要語のカウントなど別の貿易リスクの測度ともかなり相関している。
チャート3
ここから貿易リスクは上昇するだろう
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの短期滞在 — GeoRiskアップデート：2019年9月27日
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの短期滞在 — GeoRiskアップデート：2019年9月27日
執筆時点で当社の指標は貿易戦争関連のリスクが増加していることを示唆している。過去1か月、トランプ氏は選挙前の経済リスクを抑えるために対外・貿易政策で戦術的撤退を行ってきたが（経済リスク管理のため）、当社の指標はこれが既に織り込まれていることを示している。
問題は、トランプ再選のリスクが中国にとって一層厳しい交渉を可能にすることであり、これはFedExの従業員拘束（米企業を困らせ得るシグナル）やモンタナ、ネブラスカでの農場視察のキャンセルにより暫定的に確認されている。これらは大事件ではないが、中国がトランプの躊躇を嗅ぎ取り、交渉で攻勢に出ていることを示唆している。
主要交渉担当者は10月上旬に極めて重要な協議ラウンドで会合する予定である。これが実質的な進展の公表や、4月にほぼ完成しているドラフト文書が仕上がることを示せば、11月のAPECサミット（チリ・サンティアゴ）で習近平国家主席とドナルド・トランプ大統領の首脳会談が設定される可能性がある。この時点で、我々は2020年11月までに合意が成立する確率を上方修正する必要があるだろう（当社は40%と見積もっている）。
もし協議が前向きな公的成果で終わらなければ、投資家はそれを軽視すべきではない。第4四半期の交渉は米国選挙前の最後の合意の試みである可能性があり、トランプ＝習の首脳会談の話がない場合、我々のエンドゲームに対する悲観的見通しが裏付けられることになる。
米中貿易協議が決定的で持続的な合意を生む可能性は低い。
最終的に我々は、米中貿易協議が貿易戦争リスクと不確実性を実質的に取り除くような決定的かつ持続的な合意を生むとは考えていない。特に世界的な金融緩和の中で金融市場・経済圧力が十分に強くなく、政策決定者を妥協に駆り立てない場合にはその可能性は低い。しかし、弾劾手続きがトランプの戦術的撤退を持続させ、中国からの相互措置を引き出している兆候があれば、見通しはより楽観的になるだろう。
結論：大統領の支持率が民主党の弾劾手続きから恩恵を受け、かつ我々が予想するように米国経済が底堅ければ、トランプ氏は中国との浅い合意に屈することを回避できる。ここから貿易リスクは上昇し得る。
同様に、弾劾手続きは最終的にトランプ氏に再び戦術を変えさせ、対外政策でより攻撃的な姿勢を取らせる可能性がある。弾劾に勢いがつくか、ベアマーケットが発生すれば、彼は大統領就任以降で最も攻撃的になることがあり得る—その攻撃は中国（あるいはイラン、北朝鮮、ベネズエラ、その他の国）に向けられるかもしれない。
我々の見方に対するリスクは、中国が自国経済の猶予を得るためにトランプの貿易姿勢を受け入れ、両者がAPECサミットで合意に達することである。
欧州のリスクは低下、ロシアとトルコのリスクはこれ以上ほとんど下がらない
その他の地域では、当社の地政学リスクの測定は多数の先進国および新興国で緊張の低下を示している（付録参照）。ドイツではリスクは現状からやや上昇し得るが概ね抑制されている—これは短期を除けば英国では当てはまらない。ロシアとトルコでは、これ以上リスクが下がる余地はほとんどない。
まずドイツだが、メルケル首相の与党連立が気候変動対策として500億ユーロの財政支出パッケージで合意したことで政治リスクは低下した。この合意は、ドイツ政治が基本的に安定している一方で、行政は刺激策を先取りして打つというよりは反応的に行動するだろうという当社の評価を裏付けるものだ。
欧州がドイツの財政政策における真の「ゲームチェンジャー」を待つには、世界的な危機、あるいは新たなドイツ政府が必要だろう。世論調査で急伸している緑の党が、メルケルを気候支出へ駆り立てたため、そのような展開を可能にするかもしれないが、まだ早すぎる。
一方で、メルケルの退任間際の状態と外部要因が政治リスクを完全には収束させないだろう。我々は、米国車の関税が現状より高まる確率を30%以下と見ている—少なくとも米中の緊張が続く限りは。
対照的に、英国の政治リスクは今月大きく改善したにもかかわらず、抑制されているとは言えない。9月25日の最高裁判所による首相ボリス・ジョンソンの議会休会（プログ）無効判決は、合意なきEU離脱で国を引き裂くという彼の脅しの棺にもう一打を加えた。これはEUから譲歩を引き出すための賭けだったが、完全に失敗した。1 これが、最も説得力のあるノーディール離脱の脅威であったため、その失敗は英国と近隣国の政治リスク低下の一歩を意味するはずだ。
しかし逆説的に、我々のGeoRisk指標は夏を通じておよび現在のポンドの急落を裏付けられなかった。理由は、夏の間ポンドの減価率は比較的横ばいであった一方、当該指標の説明変数の一つである英国製造業PMIは世界的な製造業の急落に伴いもっと速く低下したためである。その結果、当社の指標は政治リスクの低下としてこれを記録した。世界はノーディールよりも景気後退を恐れており、市場の判断は正しかった。しかし状況は逆転し得る：世界成長が改善し、新たな英国選挙が予定されれば、後者はノーディールのリスクを再燃させる可能性がある（特にトーリー党が薄い過半数で連立政権として戻った場合はなおさらだ）。
真実は、ブレグジットの物語は終わっておらず、英国は選挙、左派政権の可能性、そして最終的には離脱も残留も中間層の不安を解決しないことが明らかになればポピュリズムの粘り強さに直面するだろう。我々のGBP-USDのロング推奨は必然的にタクティカルであり、1.30ドルで売りに転じる予定である。
新興市場では、ロシアとトルコの政治リスクは非常に低下しており、何らかの政治展開が起こらない限りこれ以上低下するのは難しい。最新の評価に基づけば、トルコは近い将来リスクが急上昇する可能性が高い。これはエルドアン大統領に対する国内政治的連携の形成や、脆弱な米国とトルコのシリア協定を巡る外的リスクの高まりによって生じ得る。イランとの緊張はオイルショックを引き起こし、経済を弱体化させ野党を勢いづける可能性もある。
ロシアについては、我々のベースケースはロシアが対外目的を軽視して国内問題に注力し続けることであり、これが地政学リスクを低位に保つのに寄与するというものだ。米国の政治が混乱し、対イランの紛争が視野に入る中で、モスクワが自ら敵対的注目を浴びる理由はない。しかしながら、プーチン時代を通じてモスクワは予測不可能で攻撃的であり、トランプに対する忠誠心は本物ではなく民主党の怒りの標的となり得るし、中東やアジア太平洋で火種を煽る誘因も持つ。したがって地政学リスクがこれ以上大幅に下がることを期待するのは運を天に任せることになる。
結論： 欧州の政治リスクは低下している が、メルケルの退任間際の状態と貿易戦争により、政権基盤が安定しているにもかかわらずドイツのリスクはここから上昇し得る。
英国は今夏のノーディール・リスクの回避という幸運な結論にもかかわらず、世代的に高まった政治リスクに直面している。英国の10年物対2年物ギルトをショートしなさい。
ロシアは当面静かであり続けるべきだが、トルコはほぼ確実に政治リスクの上昇を経験するだろう。
スペイン：選挙は驚きをもたらすかもしれないがリスクは低い
政党幹部が恒久的な政府樹立で合意できなかったため、スペインの有権者は11月10日に4年で4度目の投票に向かうことになる。
スペイン社会労働党（PSOE）は4月の解散総選挙で350議席中123議席を獲得して以降、暫定政権を務めている。
新たなスペインの選挙は現在の政治的膠着を解消しないだろう。
首相でありPSOE党首のペドロ・サンチェスは7月に承認を得られず、それ以来左派の反体制政党ポデモスと政権協定を模索してきた。ただしPSOEは完全な連立を求めているわけではなく、単に少数与党として引き続き統治するための外部支持を求めているに過ぎない。したがって交渉でPSOEはポデモスに閣僚ポストではなく非閣僚の機関を提供する程度にとどめ、ポデモスや他党は選挙の準備を整えている。
今後の選挙の結果は4月の選挙と大きくは変わらないかもしれない。スペインの有権者は変化を求めていない。失業と不完全雇用は減少しており、賃金上昇は2014年以降プラスで推移している（チャート4）。世論調査では各党への支持は大きく変動していない（チャート5、上段）。PSOEは依然としてかなりの差でリードしている。
チャート4
スペイン有権者は変化を求めていない
スペインの有権者は変化を求めていない
スペインの有権者は変化を求めていない
とはいえ選挙は不都合な時期に不確実性を高め、驚きを生む可能性がある。PSOEの支持は7月下旬以降わずかに低下しており、これはポデモスとの交渉がこじれ始めた時期に一致する。
チャート5
世論調査に大きな変化はない…
世論調査に大きな変化なし...
世論調査に大きな変化なし...
たとえPSOEとポデモスが統治協定を結んだとしても、両者の合計支持は主要な保守系3党の合計支持を大きく上回るわけではない。保守系は国民党（Partido Popular）、シウダダノス（Ciudadanos）、Voxであり（チャート5下段）、彼らはマドリードの地域政府を共同で支配することで協力できることを最近示した。
チャート6
…しかし投票率低下は左派に打撃を与える可能性
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの滞在 – GeoRiskアップデート：2019年9月27日
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの滞在 – GeoRiskアップデート：2019年9月27日
社会党はシウダダノスから際どい有権者を取り込むことを望んでおり、特にシウダダノスの右派ポピュリズムへの転向やカタルーニャ問題に対する強硬姿勢に懐疑的な有権者を狙っている。しかしシウダダノスの有権者の半分を取り込めたとしても、PSOEの支持は約37%にとどまり、単独過半数政権を形成するには程遠い。
PSOEに打撃を与え得るもう一つの要素は投票率である。スペインの有権者は4月選挙以降、いずれの党も支持することへの関心が薄れている。投票率の低下は左派にとって最も打撃になり得る。なぜなら有権者は政府形成失敗をポデモスとPSOEの責任と見なす割合が、PPやシウダダノスよりも高いからである（チャート6）。
最も可能性の高い結果は現状維持か、あるいはPSOE–ポデモス連合だ。しかし保守派の勝利を排除することはできない。前者2ケースでは短期的にはやや拡張的な財政が実施されやすくなるが、長期的には改革の勢いを失うリスクがある。
文脈を示すと、スペインの政治は国内志向であり、欧州統合への脅威とはなっていない。スペインの有権者は通貨やEU加盟に関して大陸で最も親欧的な層の一つである（チャート7）。スペインはイタリアとともにEU予算配分の主要な受益国である。極右のVoxですら「強硬なユーロ懐疑主義者」と見なされてはいない。
ただし国内に目を向けると政治的分断が問題である。不平等や社会的流動性の欠如はイタリア、英国、米国ほど極端ではないにせよ懸念材料だ。さらにカタルーニャ独立問題は対立を生む。新たなカタルーニャ州議会選は2022年まで予定されていないが、共和主義左派（Republican Left of Catalonia）とカタルーニャ・シーの親独立連合は世論調査で勢いを増しており、シウダダノスの支持は今年初めに同党がカタルーニャに対する姿勢を強硬化して以来急落している（チャート8）。カタルーニャが独立するという状況では全くない—独立支持は2013年にピークに達している—が、それでもスペイン政治の原動力であり続けている。
チャート7
スペイン人は欧州を好む
スペイン人はヨーロッパを愛している
スペイン人はヨーロッパを愛している
チャート8
カタルーニャは分裂を招く問題
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの滞在 — GeoRiskアップデート：2019年9月27日
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの滞在 — GeoRiskアップデート：2019年9月27日
ごく短期的には、選挙の麻痺は財政政策にクロスウインドを生む。一方では地方政府は支出削減を強いられる可能性がある。地域は昨年より50億ユーロ多く受け取ると期待しており、その一部は医療や教育に使われる予定だった。安定（あるいは少なくとも暫定）政権が2019年予算を承認できるまでは、地域は2019年予算を昨年の数値に基づいて作成するため、予定されていた支出増加を削らざるを得ない。
しかし他方で、税収が回収できないため予算赤字は拡大するだろう。2018年末にスペインは年金、公務員給与、最低賃金の引き上げを法令で実施したが、2019年予算で実施されるはずだった対応する歳入増加は政権が確立するまで実現しないため、赤字は上方圧力を受ける。
選挙を越えれば、大陸の景気減速を受けてやや大きめの財政的押し上げが期待される。スペインには多少の財政余力があり、2019年に財政赤字は2%、2020年に1.1%へ低下すると見込まれている。2 欧州委員会のより保守的な見積もりでも2019年と2020年の赤字はそれぞれ2.3%と2%と予想されている（チャート9）。これは、スペインが過去10年の緊縮の後に歓迎される変化として、2020年に過度の赤字手続きを起動させることなく追加で約100～150億ユーロ分の刺激を提供できることを意味する。
リスクは、スペインの構造改革の勢いが失われ、長期的に悪影響を及ぼす可能性があることだ。2012年、スペインは痛みを伴う労働市場と年金改革を実行し、それが印象的な経済回復を支えた。我々の報告が示す通り、経済は同業国平均より速く成長し続け、失業は過去6年で12%低下し、輸出競争力は2008年以降ヨーロッパで最も急速に回復した国の一つである（チャート10）。この回復は現在減速し始めており、現時点の政治的膠着は改革が市場の望むより深く巻き戻されるリスクを生んでいる。
チャート9
スペインにはある程度の財政余地がある
スペインにはいくらかの財政余地がある
スペインにはいくらかの財政余地がある
保守派が政権に戻るという驚きが起これば、これは回避される可能性が高いが、その場合は短期的に緩和的な政策は少なくなるだろう。
チャート10
回復は減速し始めている
回復が鈍化し始めている
回復が鈍化し始めている
結論：当社の地政学リスク指標はスペインに関して抑制されたリスク水準を示している。これは、選挙が大きな変化をもたらさない可能性があり、いずれにせよ同国は不安定な均衡状態にとどまるだろうという点に適合している。政治は米国、英国、イタリアのようなポピュリズムに侵された国々よりも基本的に安定している。しかし、左派政権が生じれば短期的にはより大きな財政的緩和が行われ、その代償としてスペインが最近達成した構造改革の進展が損なわれるというリスクがある。
事務連絡
香港ハンセンのショートで利益を確定している。混乱はまだ終わっていないが、10月1日の中華人民共和国建国記念日が近づくにつれてピークに達し、北京は強硬な介入を避けようとするだろう。
エカテリーナ・シュトレヴェンスキー、リサーチ・アナリスト ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com
マット・ガートケン、副社長 地政学ストラテジスト mattg@bcaresearch.com
脚注
1 最高裁はジョンソン政権による議会休会が、正当な理由なく議会の主権的立法者としての役割および政府監視の役割を不当に骨抜きにする違法な手段であると判断した。通常より大規模な11人の裁判官が全会一致で休会の無効を判決した。歴史的に見て休会の使用例や、議会が10月31日のブレグジット日までに行動する時間がまだあったこと、そして首相の対外関係や条約に関する歴史的権限を考えれば、我々は少なくとも判決は接戦になると予想していた。しかし最高裁はブレグジットの混乱の中で議会の麻痺によって生じた権力の真空を埋める役割を果たし、首相が重要な局面で議会の役割を縮小できるという新たな前例になり得るものを「打ち砕いた」。実務的な短期的帰結はノーディール退出の政治的・経済的リスクの低下であるが、長期的帰結は英国の絶えず進化する憲法制度における司法の重要性の高まりかもしれない。
2 「Stability Programme Update 2019-2022, Kingdom of Spain」を参照、入手先は www.ec.europa.eu。
英国：GeoRisk指標
英国：GEORISK 指標
英国：GEORISK 指標
フランス：GeoRisk指標
フランス：GEORISK指標
フランス：GEORISK指標
ドイツ：GeoRisk指標
ドイツ：GEORISK指標
ドイツ：GEORISK指標
スペイン：GeoRisk指標
スペイン：GEORISK指標
スペイン：GEORISK指標
イタリア：GeoRisk指標
イタリア：ジオリスク・インジケーター
イタリア：ジオリスク・インジケーター
ロシア：GeoRisk指標
ロシア：ジオリスク・インディケーター
ロシア：ジオリスク・インディケーター
トルコ：GeoRisk指標
トルコ：GEORISKインジケーター
トルコ：GEORISKインジケーター
ブラジル：GeoRisk指標
ブラジル：ジオリスク・インディケーター
ブラジル：ジオリスク・インディケーター
台湾：GeoRisk指標
台湾：GEORISK指標
台湾：GEORISK指標
韓国：GeoRisk指標
韓国：GEORISKインジケーター
韓国：GEORISKインジケーター
地政学的レーダー上の注目点は？
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの短期滞在 — GeoRisk アップデート：2019年9月27日
弾劾、貿易戦争、そしてスペインへの短期滞在 — GeoRisk アップデート：2019年9月27日
第III部：地政学カレンダー