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Highlights So what? EM elections bring opportunities as well as risks. Why? Emerging market equities will benefit as long as China’s stimulus does not fizzle. Modi is on track to win India’s election – which is a positive – though risks lie to the downside. Thailand’s next cycle of political instability is beginning, but we are still cyclically overweight. Indonesia will defy the global “strongman” narrative – go overweight tactically. Populism remains a headwind to Philippine and Turkish assets. Wait for Europe to stabilize before pursuing Turkish plays. Feature Chart 1Risks of China's Stimulus Have Shifted To The Upside China’s official PMIs in March came at just the right time for jittery emerging market investors awaiting the all-important March credit data. EM equities, unlike the most China-sensitive plays, have fallen back since late January, after outperforming their DM peers since October (Chart 1). This occurred amid a stream of negative economic data and policy uncertainties: China’s mixed signals, prolonged U.S.-China trade negotiations, the Fed’s extended “pause” in rate hikes, the inversion of the yield curve, Brexit, and general European gloom. We have been constructive on EM plays since February 20, when we determined that the risks of China’s stimulus had shifted to the upside. However, several of the EM bourses that are best correlated with Chinese stimulus are already richly valued (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, etc). The good news is that a series of elections this spring provide a glimpse into the internal politics of several of these countries, which will help determine which ones will outperform if we are correct that global growth will find its footing by Q3. First, A Word On Turkey … More Monetary Expansion On The Way Local elections in Turkey on March 31 have dealt a black eye to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. His ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has lost control of the capital Ankara for the first time since 2004. Erdogan has also (arguably) conceded the mayoralty of Istanbul, the economic center of the country, where he first rose to power in 1994. Other cities also fell to the opposition. Vote-counting is over and the aftermath will involve a flurry of accusations, investigations, and possibly unrest. Erdogan’s inability to win elections with more than a slim majority is a continual source of insecurity for him and his administration. This weekend’s local elections reinforce the point. The AKP alone failed to cross 45% in terms of popular votes. Combined with its traditional ally – the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) – it received 51.6% of the total vote (in the 2015 elections, the two parties combined for over 60% of the vote). While losing the local elections will not upset the balance in parliament, it is a rebuke to Erdogan over his economic policy and a warning to the AKP for the future. Erdogan does not face general elections until 2023. But judging by his response to the first serious challenge to his rule – the Gezi Park protests of May 2013 – his reaction will be to double down on unorthodox, populist economic policy. Chart 2Erdogan Will Respond With Populist Politics Back in 2013, the government responded to the domestic challenge through expansive monetary policy. The central bank gave extraordinary liquidity provisions to the banking system. Chart 2 clearly shows that the liquidity injections began with the Gezi protests. These provisions only paused in 2016-17, when global growth rebounded on the back of Chinese stimulus and EM asset prices rose, supporting Turkey’s currency and enabling the central bank to hold off. Today, the severe contraction in GDP (by 3% in Q4 2018), with a negative global backdrop, will likely end Erdogan’s patience with tight monetary policy.1 To illustrate how tight policy has been, note that bank loan growth denominated in lira is contracting at a rate of 17% in real terms. Given the authorities’ populist track record, rising unemployment will likely lead to further “backdoor” liquidity easing. A new bout of unorthodox monetary policy will be negative for domestic bank equities, local-currency bonds, and the lira. As one of the first EM currencies and bourses to begin outperforming in September 2018, Turkey has been at the forefront of the EM mini-rally over the past six months. But with global growth still tepid, this mini-cycle is likely to come to an end for the time being. Watch for the bottoming in Chinese followed by European growth before seeking new opportunities in Turkish assets. Erdogan’s domestic troubles could also prompt him to renew his foreign combativeness, which raises tail risks to Turkish risk assets, such as through U.S. punitive measures. Last year, Erdogan responded to the economic downswing by toning down his belligerent rhetoric and mending fences with Europe and the U.S. However, a reversion to populism may require him to seek a convenient distraction. The U.S. is withdrawing from Syria and the Middle East, leaving Turkey in a position where it needs other relationships to pursue its interests. Russia is a key example. Currently Erdogan is bickering with the U.S. over the planned purchase of a missile defense system from Russia. But the consequence is that relations with the U.S. could deteriorate further, potentially leading to new sanctions. Bottom Line: Turkey is still in the grip of populist politics and will respond to the recession and domestic discontent with easier monetary policy which would bode ill for the lira and lira-denominated assets. The stabilization of the European economy is necessary before investors attempt to take advantage of the de-rating of Turkish assets. India: Focus On Modi’s Political Capital We have long maintained that Modi is likely to stay in power after India’s general election on April 11-May 19. His coalition has recovered in public opinion polling since the Valentine’s Day attack on Indian security forces in Indian Kashmir (Chart 3). The government responded to the attacks by ordering airstrikes on February 26 against Pakistani targets in Pakistani territory for the first time since 1974. The attack was theatrical but the subsequent rally-around-the-flag effect gave Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) a badly needed popular boost. The market rallied on the back of Modi’s higher chances of reelection. Modi is the more business-friendly candidate, as opposed to his chief rival, Rahul Gandhi of the Indian Congress Party. Nevertheless, election risks still lie to the downside: Modi and his party are hardly likely to outperform their current 58% share of seats in the lower house of parliament, since the conditions for a wave election – similar to the one that delivered the BJP a single-party majority in 2014 – do not exist today. While the range of outcomes is extremely broad (Chart 4), the current seat projections shown in Chart 3 put Modi’s coalition right on the majority line. Meanwhile his power is already waning in the state legislatures. Thus Modi’s reform agenda has lost momentum, at least until he can form a new coalition. This will take time and markets may ultimately be disappointed by the insufficiency of the tools at his disposal in his second term. Indian equities are the most expensive in the EM space, and only more so after the sharp rally in March on the back of the Kashmir clash and Modi’s recovering reelection chances (Chart 5). Additional clashes with Pakistan are not unlikely during the election season, despite the current appearance of calm. This is because Modi’s patriotic dividend in the polls could fade. Since even voters who lack confidence in Modi as a leader believe that Pakistan is a serious threat (Chart 6), he could be encouraged to stir up tensions yet again. This would be playing with fire but he may be tempted to do it if his polling relapses or if Pakistan takes additional actions. Chart 5...And Lofty Valuations Further escalation would be positive for markets only so long as it boosts Modi’s chances of reelection without triggering a wider conflict. Yet the standoff revealed that these two powers continue to run high risks of miscalculation: their signaling is not crystal clear; deterrence could fail. Thus, further escalation could become harder to control and could spook the financial markets.2 Even if Modi eschews any further jingoism, his lead is tenuous. First, the economic slowdown is taking a toll – even the official unemployment rate is rising (Chart 7) and the government has been caught manipulating statistics. There is no time for the economy to recover enough to change voters’ minds. Opinion polls show that even BJP voters are not very happy about the past five years. They care more about jobs and inflation than they do about terrorism, and a majority thinks these factors have deteriorated over Modi’s five-year term (Chart 8). Chart 7Manipulated Stats Can't Hide Deteriorating Economy If the polling does not change, Modi will win with a weak mandate at best. A minority government or a hung parliament is possible. A Congress Party-led coalition, which would be a market-negative event, cannot be ruled out. The latter especially would prompt a big selloff, but anything short of a single-party majority for Modi will register as a disappointment. Bottom Line: There may be a relief rally after Modi is seen to survive as prime minister, but his likely weak political capital in parliament will be disappointing for markets. The market will want additional, ambitious structural reforms on top of what Modi has already done, but he will struggle to deliver in the near term. While we are structurally bullish, in the context of this election cycle – which includes rising oil prices that hinder Indian equity outperformance – we urge readers to remain underweight Indian equities within emerging markets. Thailand: An Outperformer Despite Quasi-Military Rule A new cycle of political instability is beginning in Thailand as the country transitions back into civilian rule after five years under a military junta. However, this is not an immediate problem for investors, who should remain overweight Thai equities relative to other EMs on a cyclical time horizon. The source of Thai instability is inequality – both regional and economic. Regionally, 49% of the population resides in the north, northeast, and center, deprived of full representation by the royalist political and military establishment seated in Bangkok (Map 1). Economically, household wealth is extremely unevenly distributed. Thailand’s mean-to-median wealth ratio is among the highest in the world (Chart 9). Eventually these factors will drive the regional populist movement – embodied by exiled Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his family and allies – to reassert itself against the elites (the military, the palace, and the civil bureaucracy). New demands will be made for greater representation and a fairer distribution of wealth. The result will be mass street protests and disruptions of business sentiment and activity that will grab headlines sometime in the coming years, as occurred most recently in 2008-10 and 2013-14. Chart 10Social Spending Did Not Hinder Populism The seeds of the next rebellion are apparent in the results of the election on March 24. The junta has sought to undercut the populists by increasing infrastructure spending and social welfare (Chart 10), and controlling rice prices for farmers. Yet the populists have still managed to garner enough seats in the lower house to frustrate the junta’s plans for a seamless transition to “guided” civilian rule. The final vote count is not due until May 9 but unofficial estimates suggest that the opposition parties have won a majority or very nearly a majority in the lower house. This is despite the fact that the junta rewrote the constitution, redesigned the electoral system to be proportional (thus watering down the biggest opposition parties), and hand-picked the 250-seat senate. Such results point to the irrepressible population dynamics of the “Red Shirt” opposition in Thailand, which has won every free election since 2001. Nevertheless, the military and its allies (the “Yellow Shirt” political establishment) are too powerful at present for the opposition to challenge them directly. The junta has several tools to shape the election results to its liking in the short run.3 It would not have gone ahead with the election were this not the case. As a result, the cycle of instability is only likely to pick up over time. Investors should note the silver lining to the period of military rule: it put a halt to the spiral of polarization at a critical time for the country. The unspoken origin of the political crisis was the royal succession. The traditional elites could not tolerate the rise of a populist movement that flirted with revolutionary ideas at the same time that the revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej drew near to passing away. This combination threatened both a succession crisis and possibly the survival of the traditional political system, a constitutional monarchy backed by a powerful army. With the 2014 coup and five-year period of military rule (lengthy even by Thai standards), the military drew a stark red line: there is no alternative to the constitutional monarchy. The royalist faction had its bottom line preserved, at the cost of an erosion of governance and democracy. The result is that going forward, there is a degree of policy certainty. Chart 11Thai Confidence Has Bottomed Chart 12Strong Demand Sans Risk Of Being Overleveraged The long-term trend of Thai consumer confidence tells the story (Chart 11). Optimism surged with the election of populist Thaksin in the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis in 2001. The long national conflict that ensued – in which the elites and generals exiled Thaksin and ousted his successors, and the country dealt with a global financial crisis and natural disasters – saw consumer confidence decline. However, the coup of 2014 and the royal succession (to be completed May 4-6 with the new king’s coronation) has reversed this trend, with confidence trending upward since then. Revolution is foreclosed yet the population is looking up. Military rule is generally disinflationary in Thailand and this time around it initiated a phase of private sector deleveraging. Yet the economy has held up reasonably well. Private consumption has improved along with confidence and investment has followed, albeit sluggishly (Chart 12). The advantage is that Thailand has had slow-burn growth and has avoided becoming overleveraged again, like many EM peers. Chart 13Thailand Outperformed EM Despite Military Interference Furthermore, Thailand is not vulnerable to external shocks. It has a 7% current account surplus and ample foreign exchange reserves. It is not too exposed to China, either economically or geopolitically: China makes up only 12% of exports, while Bangkok has no maritime-territorial disputes with Beijing in the South China Sea. In fact, Thailand maintains good diplomatic relations with China and yet has a mutual defense treaty with the United States (the oldest such treaty in Asia). It is perhaps the most secure of any of the Southeast Asian states from the point of view of the secular U.S.-China conflict. Finally, if our forecast proves wrong and political instability returns sooner than we expect, it is important to remember that Thailand’s domestic political conflicts rarely affect equity prices in a lasting way. Global financial crises and natural disasters have had a greater impact on Thai assets over the past two decades than the long succession crisis. Thailand has outperformed both EM and EM Asia during the period of military interference, though democratic Indonesia has done better (Chart 13). Bottom Line: Thailand’s political risks are domestic and stem from regional and economic inequality, which will result in a revived opposition movement that will clash with the traditional military and political elite. This clash will eventually create policy uncertainty and political risk. But it will need to build up over time, since the military junta has strict control over the current environment. Meanwhile macro fundamentals are positive. Indonesia: Rejecting Strongman Populism We do not expect any major surprises from the Indonesian election. Instead, we expect policy continuity, a marginal positive for the country’s equities. However, stocks are overvalued, overexposed to the financial sector,4 and vulnerable if global growth does not stabilize. The most important trend since the near collapse of Indonesia in the late 1990s has been the stabilization of the secular democratic political system and peaceful transition of power. That trend looks to continue with President Joko Widodo’s likely victory in the election on April 17. President Jokowi defeated former general Prabowo Subianto in the 2014 election and has maintained a double-digit lead over his rival in the intervening years (Chart 14). Prabowo is a nationalist and would-be strongman leader who was accused of human rights violations during the fall of his father-in-law Suharto’s dictatorship in 1998. Emerging market polls are not always reliable but a lead of this size for this long suggests that the public knows Prabowo and does not prefer him to Jokowi. In fact he never polled above 35% support while Jokowi has generally polled above 45%. The incumbent advantage favors Jokowi. Household consumption is perking up slightly and consumer confidence is high (see Chart 11 above). Wages have received a big boost during Jokowi’s term and are now picking up again, in real as well as nominal terms and for rural as well as urban workers. Jokowi’s minimum wage law has not resulted in extravagant windfalls to labor, as was feared, and inflation remains under control (Chart 15). Government spending has been ramped up ahead of the vote (and yet Jokowi is not profligate). All of these factors support the incumbent. Real GDP growth is sluggish but has trended slightly upward for most of Jokowi’s term. Chart 15Favorable Economic Conditions Support Incumbent Jokowi Jokowi has been building badly needed infrastructure with success and has been attracting FDI to try to improve productivity (Chart 16). This is the most positive feature of his government and is set to continue if he wins. A coalition in parliament has largely supported him after an initial period of drift. The biggest challenge for Jokowi and Indonesia are lackluster macro fundamentals. For instance, twin deficits, which show a lack of savings and invite pressure on the currency, which has been very weak. The twin deficits have worsened since 2012 because China’s economic maturation has forced a painful transition on Indonesia, which it has not yet recovered from. There is some risk to governance as Jokowi has chosen Ma’ruf Amin, the top cleric of the world’s largest Muslim organization, as his running mate. Jokowi wants to counteract criticisms that he is not Islamic enough (or is a hidden Christian), which cost his ally the governorship of Jakarta in 2017. However, Jokowi is not a strongman leader like Erdogan in Turkey, whose combination of Islamism and populism has been disastrous for the country’s economy. As mentioned, Jokowi will be defeating the would-be strongman Prabowo, who has also allied with Islamism. In fact, Indonesia is a relatively secular and modern Muslim-majority country and Amin is the definition of an establishment religious leader. The security forces have succeeded in cracking down on militancy in the past decade, greatly improving Indonesia’s stability and security as a whole (Chart 17). Governance is weak on some measures in Indonesia, but Jokowi is better than the opposition on this front and neither his own policies nor his vice presidential pick signals a shift in a Turkey-like, Islamist, populist direction. Bottom Line: We should see Indonesian equities continue to outperform EM and EM Asia as long as China’s stimulus efforts do not collapse and global growth picks up as expected in the second half of the year. Peaceful democratic transitions and economic policy continuity have been repeatedly demonstrated in Indonesia despite the inherent difficulties of developing a populous, multi-ethnic archipelago. Nationalism is a constant risk but it would be more virulent under Jokowi’s opponent. The Philippines: Embracing Strongman Populism The May 13 midterm elections mark the three-year halfway point in President Rodrigo Duterte’s presidential term. Duterte is still popular, with approval ratings in the 75%-85% range. These numbers likely overstate his support, but it is clearly above 50% and superior to that of his immediate predecessors (Chart 18). Further, his daughter’s party, Faction for Change, has gained national popularity, reinforcing the signal that he can expand his power base in the vote. The senate is the root of opposition to Duterte. His supporters control nine out of 24 seats. But of the twelve senators up for election, only three are Duterte’s supporters. So he could make gains in the senate which would increase his ability to push through controversial constitutional reforms. (He needs 75% of both houses of parliament plus a majority in a national referendum to make constitutional changes.) In terms of the economy, we maintain the view that Duterte is a true “populist” – pursuing nominal GDP growth to the neglect of everything else. His fiscal policy of tax cuts and big spending have supercharged the economy but macro fundamentals have deteriorated (Chart 19). He has broken the budget deficit ceiling of 3%, up from 2.2% in 2017. His reflationary policies have turned the current account surplus into a deficit, weighing heavily on the peso, which peaked against other EM currencies when he came to power in 2016 (Chart 20). Inflation peaked last year but we expect it to remain elevated over the course of Duterte’s leadership. He has appointed a reputed dove, Benjamin Diokno, as his new central banker. Chart 19Reflationary Policies Created Twin Deficits... Chart 20...And Twin Deficits Weigh On The Peso Rule of law has deteriorated, as symbolized by the removal of the chief justice of the Supreme Court for questioning Duterte’s extension of martial law in Mindanao. Duterte also imprisoned his top critic in the senate, Leila de Lima, on trumped-up drug charges. He tried but failed to do so with Senator Antonio Trillanes, a former army officer and quondam coup ring-leader who has substantial support in the military. The army is pushing back against any prosecution of Trillanes, and against Duterte’s ongoing détente with China, prompting Duterte to warn of the risk of a coup. Duterte’s China policy is to attract Chinese investment while avoiding a conflict in the South China Sea. His administration has failed to downgrade relations with the U.S. thus far, but further attempts could be made. This strategy could make the Philippines a beneficiary of Chinese investment if it succeeds. However, China knows that the Philippine public is very pro-American (more so than most countries) and that Duterte could be replaced by a pro-U.S. president in as little as three years, so it is not blindly pouring money into the country. Pressure to finance the current account deficit will persist. If pro-Duterte parties gain seats in the senate the question will be whether he comes within reach of the 75% threshold required for constitutional changes. His desire to change the country into a federal system has not gained momentum so far. He claims he will stand down at the end of his single six-year term but he could conceivably attempt to use any constitutional change to stay in power longer. If the revision goes forward, it will be a hugely divisive and unproductive use of political capital. Bottom Line: The Philippine equity market is highly coordinated with China’s credit cycle and so should benefit from China’s stimulus measures this year (as well as the Fed’s backing off). Nevertheless, Philippine equities are overvalued and macro fundamentals and quality of governance have all deteriorated. Duterte’s emphasis on building infrastructure and human capital is positive, but the means are ill-matched to the ends: savings are insufficient and inflation will be a persistent problem. We would favor South Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia over the Philippines in the EM space. Investment Implications We expect China’s stimulus to be significant and to generate increasingly positive economic data over the course of the year. China is a key factor in the bottoming of global growth, which in turn will catalyze the conditions for a weaker dollar and outperformance of international equities relative to U.S. equities. Caveat: In the very near term, it is possible that China plays could relapse and EM stocks could fall further due to the fact that Chinese and global growth have not yet clearly bottomed. We are structurally bullish India, but recommend sitting on the sidelines until financial markets discount the disappointment of a Modi government with insufficient political capital to pursue structural reforms as ambitious as the ones undertaken in 2014-19. Go long Thai equities relative to EM on a cyclical basis. Stay long Thai local-currency government bonds relative to their Malaysian counterparts. Go long Indonesian equities relative to EM on a tactical basis. Maintain vigilance regarding Russian and Taiwanese equities: the Ukrainian election, Russia’s involvement in Venezuela, and the unprecedented Taiwanese presidential primary election reinforce our view that Russia and Taiwan are potential geopolitical “black swans” this year. Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 See BCA Emerging Markets Strategy, “Turkey: Brewing Policy Reversal?” March 21, 2019, available at www.bcaresearch.com. 2 See Sanjeev Miglani and Drazen Jorgic, “India, Pakistan threatened to unleash missiles at each other: sources,” Reuters, March 16, 2019, available at uk.reuters.com. 3 The junta can disqualify candidates and rerun elections in the same district without that candidate if the candidate is found to have violated a range of very particular laws on campaigning and use of social media. Also, the Election Commission is largely an instrument of the Bangkok establishment and can allocate seats according to the junta’s interests. 4 See BCA Emerging Markets Strategy, “Indonesia: It Is Not All About The Fed,” March 7, 2019, available at www.bcaresearch.com. Geopolitical Calendar
Indian share prices are weak and are underperforming the emerging markets benchmark in U.S. dollar terms (Chart II-1, top panel). Small cap stocks are in a full-fledged bear market (Chart II-1, bottom panel). The latest earnings season turned out to be disappointing. Many companies missed their earnings estimates. Chart II-2 shows that net profit margins of listed non-financial companies have turned down and overall EPS growth is weakening. Chart II-1Indian Stocks Are Weak Chart II-2Indian Corporate Profits Are Sluggish Disappointing corporate earnings are confirmed by macro data as well. Chart II-3A shows that manufacturing production is decelerating and intermediate goods production is contracting. Further, sales of two-wheelers, three-wheelers, passenger and commercial vehicles, as well as tractors, are either slowing or contracting (Chart II-3B). Chart II-3ACyclical Spending Is Decelerating Chart II-3BCyclical Spending Is Decelerating This weakness emanates from rural areas. The basis is that food prices have been falling since the summer of 2018 – and are deflating for the first time since the early 2000s. This is hurting rural incomes. Several indicators confirm considerable weakness in rural income growth and the latter’s underperformance versus urban income and spending: The top panel of Chart II-4 illustrates that our proxy for spending in rural areas relative to urban areas has deteriorated massively along with the decline in Indian food prices. This measure is calculated as revenue growth of four rural-exposed listed companies minus the revenue growth of four urban-exposed listed companies. In both cases, the companies largely operate in the consumer goods space. Credit growth in rural areas has lagged that of urban areas, explaining the underperformance of rural spending (Chart II-4, bottom panel). Corroborating this, stock prices of these urban-exposed companies have outperformed their rural peers substantially (Chart II-5). Chart II-4Rural Spending Is Weaker Than Urban One Chart II-5Urban-Exposed Stocks Have Outperformed Rural Ones Such a slump in rural income is posing a challenge to Modi’s re-election in May. His government – which lost three key state elections in late 2018 – is aware of these ominous trends and is acting boldly to revive income growth in rural areas. The government announced an expansionary budget that appeases rural voters. In particular, the budget aims to strengthen farmers’ support schemes, cut taxes for low- and middle-income earners and introduce a pension scheme for social security coverage of unorganized labor. However, there is a significant risk that the authorities’ fiscal and monetary stimulus are too late to lift growth before May’s elections. According to the past relationship between fiscal spending and India’s business cycle, higher government expenditure growth will only begin to have an effect on the economy in the second half of this year – i.e. after the elections are held (Chart II-6). Hence, the BJP could lose its majority, meaning it would either rule in a minority government or be forced to turn over power to the Congress Party and its allies. Beyond the elections, food prices might be approaching their lows. Well-below average rain will likely result in weak agricultural production and, hence, higher food prices in the second half of 2019 (Chart II-7). Chart II-6Government Expenditures To Lift Growth In H2 2019 Chart II-7Below Trend Monsoon = Food Prices Will Likely Rise Therefore, in the second half of 2019, both fiscal easing and higher food prices will revive rural incomes and spending. In the meantime, monetary easing and credit growth acceleration will support demand in urban areas. Overall, Indian financial markets will likely remain in a risk zone until the elections as economic growth and corporate profits will continue to disappoint. If the opposition Congress Party’s alliance wins the election, Indian stocks and the currency will initially sell off. After this point, Indian assets could offer a buying opportunity because growth will likely revive in the second half of 2019. Bottom Line: For now, we continue to recommend an underweight position in Indian equities relative to the EM equity benchmark. Weakening growth, the very low interest rate differential versus U.S. rates and political uncertainty ahead of the general elections, pose risks of renewed rupee depreciation. A weaker rupee will continue to benefit India’s export-oriented software companies. Therefore, we also reiterate our long Indian software / short EM stocks recommendation. Finally, fixed-income investors should stay with the yield curve steepening trade. The central bank could further cut rates in the near term. However, long-term bond yields will not fall substantially and will likely start drifting higher sooner than later. The widening fiscal deficit, expectations of growth revival in the second half of 2019, and eventually higher food prices and inflation expectations, will all lead to a continuous steepening in the local yield curve. Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com
Highlights Please note that analysis on India is published below. Even if the recent upturn in the Chinese credit impulse is sustained, there will likely still be a six- to nine-month lag between the impulse’s trough and the bottom in the mainland’s business cycle. EM corporate earnings cycles typically lag Chinese stimulus efforts by about nine months. Therefore, EM profits will be contracting in the first three quarters of 2019. This will short-circuit the current rebound in EM share prices. EM equity valuations are not cheap enough to shield stocks from profit contraction. Feature China’s credit growth was very strong in January. We contend that even if the upturn in the credit impulse proves to be persistent, there will likely be a six- to nine-month lag between its low point and the bottom in the mainland’s business cycle. Chart I-1 demonstrates that the credit impulse leads both nominal manufacturing output growth and the manufacturing PMI’s import subcomponent by roughly nine months. Chinese imports are the most pertinent variable to gauge China’s economic impact on the rest of the world. Chart I-1China: Credit Impulse Leads Business Cycle By Nine Months In the meantime, will financial markets exposed to Chinese growth look through the valley of the ongoing growth deceleration and continue to rally? Or will they experience a major relapse in the coming months? In our opinion, corporate profits will be the key to broader financial market performance. So long as corporate profits do not shrink, investors will likely look beyond weak macro data, and any weakness in stocks will be minor. However, if corporate profits contract in the next nine months, then share prices will plummet anew. EM Profits Are Heading Into Contraction Chart I-2 illustrates that China’s credit impulse leads both EM and Chinese corporate earnings per share (EPS) by at least nine months and that it currently foreshadows EPS contraction in the first three quarters of 2019. Even if the recent upturn in the credit impulse is sustained, EM and Chinese EPS growth will likely bottom only in August – while they are in negative territory. Chart I-2EM EPS Is Beginning To Contract EM corporate earnings growth has already dropped to zero and will turn negative in 2019. Chart I-3A reveals that EPS in U.S. dollar terms are already contracting in six out of 10 sectors – industrials, consumer staples, consumer discretionary, telecom, utilities and health care. Chart I-3AEM EPS By Sector Chart I-3BEM EPS By Sector EPS growth has not yet turned negative for financials, technology, energy and materials (Chart I-3B). Notably, corporate earnings within these four sectors collectively account for 70% of EM total corporate earnings, as shown in Table I-1. Over the course of 2019, these sectors’ EPS are also set to shrink: Technology (accounts for 20% of MSCI EM corporate earnings): NAND semiconductor prices have been plunging for some time, and DRAM prices are also beginning to drop (Chart I-4). This reflects broad-based weakness in global trade – global auto sales are shrinking for the first time since the 2008 global financial crisis, global semiconductor sales are relapsing and global mobile phones shipments are falling (Chart I-5). Chart I-4Semiconductor Prices Are Falling Chart I-5Broad-Based Weakness In Global Trade Semiconductors accounted for 77% of Samsung’s operating profits in the first three quarters of 2018, suggesting the potential drop in DRAM prices will be devastating for its profits. Next week we will publish a Special Report on Korea and discuss the outlook for both semiconductors and Korean profits in more detail. In addition, the ongoing contraction in Taiwanese exports of electronics parts confirms downside risks to EM tech earnings (please refer to top panel of Chart I-3B). In brief, the ongoing decline in semiconductor prices will bring about EPS contraction in the EM technology sector. Financials/Banks (financials make up 31% of EM corporate earnings): Banks’ profits often correlate with fluctuations in economic activity, because the latter drive non-performing loan (NPL) cycles (Chart I-6). NPL cycles outside Brazil, Russia and India – where the banking systems have already gone through substantial NPL recognition and provisioning – will deteriorate, and push banks to increase their provisions. The latter will be a major drag on EM banks’ profits. Chart I-6EM Banks EPS And Economic Activity Regarding Chinese banks in particular, if the credit revival in January is sustained, it would strongly suggest that the government is resorting to its old, credit-driven growth playbook. Following 10 years of an enormous credit frenzy and a 20-year capital spending boom, it is currently difficult to find many financially viable projects. Hence, a renewed credit binge will once again be associated with further capital misallocation and more NPLs. Many of these projects will fail to generate sufficient cash flow to service debt. NPLs will thus rise considerably and the need to raise capital will dilute the banks’ existing shareholders. Of course, this will happen with a time lag. Chart I-7 shows that the gap between Chinese banks’ EPS and non-diluted profits has once again widened, and that EPS are beginning to contract. Chart I-7Chinese Banks: Earnings Dilution Chinese banks could issue perpetual bonds – discussed in great detail in last week’s report – to recapitalize themselves. Nevertheless, this will be negative for existing shareholders. In a nutshell, despite low multiples, share prices of Chinese banks will drop because more credit expansion amid the lingering credit bubble is negative for existing shareholders. The basis is that it will ultimately lead to their dilution. Chinese banks make up 4.5% of the MSCI’s EM equity market cap and 10% of aggregate EM profits. Hence, their EPS contraction will have a non-trivial impact on overall EM EPS. Resource sectors (energy and materials together make 20% of EM corporate earnings): The ongoing slowdown in China will exert renewed selling pressure in commodities markets. As shown in Chart I-9 on page 8, base metals prices lag the turning points in the Chinese credit impulse by several months and are still at risk of renewed price decline. Hence, profits of firms in the materials sector are at risk. Energy companies’ trailing EPS growth is still positive because the late-2018 carnage in oil prices has not yet filtered through to corporate earnings announcements (Chart I-3B on page 3). More importantly, the recent oil price rebound can be attributed to both Saudi Arabia’s output cuts as well as stronger demand – in the form of a surge in Chinese imports of oil and petroleum products. Chart I-8 illustrates that growth rates of China’s intake of oil and related products approached zero when crude prices were rising but has dramatically accelerated following their plunge. This is consistent with China’s pattern of buying commodities on dips. The point is that the upside in oil prices will be capped by China, which will likely moderate its oil purchases going forward, as crude prices have recently rallied. Chart I-8China And Oil Bottom Line: EM profit cycles lag Chinese’s stimulus by about nine months. EM profits will be contracting in the first three quarters of 2019. This will short-circuit the current rebound in EM share prices. China’s Credit Cycles And Financial Markets What has been the relationship between China’s credit cycle and related financial markets over the past 10 years? The time lag between turning points in China’s credit impulse and relevant financial markets can be anywhere from zero to 18 months. Chart I-9 illustrates historical time lags between the Chinese credit impulse on the one hand and EM share prices, base metals prices and the global manufacturing PMI on the other. The time lag has not been consistent over time. Chart I-9Chinese Credit Impulse And Financial Markets: Understanding Time Lags In late 2015-early 2016, the rebound in China’s credit impulse led financial markets by six months. At the recent market peak in January 2018, the credit impulse led financial markets and the global manufacturing PMI by about 18 months. In the meantime, in the 2012-13 mini cycle, EM share prices and commodities markets did not rally much, despite the meaningful upturn in China’s credit impulse. Finally, at the 2010-2011 peak, the credit impulse led EM stocks and base metals prices by 12 months. In short, the credit impulse led those financial markets by a few months to as much as a year and a half. Further, not only do time lags to the stimulus vary, but the impact on both economic activity and financial markets varies as well. This is because both economic activity and financial markets are driven by human psychology and behavior; iterations in stimulus, economic activity and financial markets are chaotic and complex in nature and do not follow well-defined patterns. Given the poor state of sentiment among Chinese consumers, business managers and entrepreneurs, more stimulus and more time may be required to turn the mainland’s business cycle this time around. Besides, unlike in previous episodes, there has not been any stimulus for the property market and no tax reductions on auto sales. Finally, although China and the U.S. may strike a deal on trade, it is unlikely to be a comprehensive agreement that is sustainable in the long run. This would be consistent with our Geopolitical Strategy team’s view that China and the U.S. are in a long-term and broad geopolitical confrontation – not a trade war. The trade war and tariffs are just one dimension of this. Hence, Chinese consumers and businesses, as well as the global business community may well look through this potential deal and not significantly alter their cautious behavior, at least for some time. In other words, the genie of geopolitical confrontation is out of the bottle, and the presidents of the U.S. and China are unlikely to succeed in putting it back. Bottom Line: Turning points in China’s credit impulse generally lead financial markets exposed to Chinese growth by several months. Given that the improvement in the credit impulse is both very recent and modest, odds are that China-related plays including EM risk assets will go through a major selloff before putting in a durable bottom.1 EM Equity Valuations In terms of the ability of EM stocks to withstand profit contraction, would cheap valuations not shield share prices from a considerable drop? We do not think EM equities are cheap; their valuations are neutral. Hence, there is no real valuation cushion in EM stocks to help them endure a period of negative EPS growth. We have written frequently about valuations and will touch on the topic only briefly here. Market cap-based multiples indeed appear very low. However, some segments of the EM universe such as Chinese banks and state-owned companies in Russia, Brazil, China and India have had low multiples for years. In other words, they are a value trap and their multiples are low for a reason. We elaborated above why Chinese banks are chronically “cheap”. For many other companies, low multiples are due to structural issues such as the lack of focus on profitability and shareholder value, or the high cyclicality of profits. Many of these stocks have large market caps, which pull down the EM index’s aggregate multiple. To remove market-cap bias, we have calculated 20% trimmed-mean multiples by ranking 50 MSCI EM industry groups (sub-sectors) and cutting off the top and bottom 10%. Then, we calculate the equal-weighted average of the remaining 80% of the sub-sectors. We did this calculation for the following five ratios: trailing P/E, forward P/E, price-to-cash earnings, price-to-book value and price-to-dividend. Then, we combined them into a composite valuation indicator (Chart I-10, top panel). This indicator shows that EM equity valuations are neutral. Chart I-10EM Equity Valuations In Absolute Terms In addition, we calculated the median and equal-weighted composite valuation indicators (Chart I-10, middle and bottom panels). They also remove market cap bias and tell the same message: EM stocks are trading close to their fair value. EM equities are also close to their historical average relative to developed markets (DM). Chart I-11 illustrates relative EM versus DM valuation indicators based on 20%-trimmed mean, median and equal-weighted metrics. Chart I-11EM Equity Valuations Versus DM In sum, EM valuations are not cheap neither in absolute terms, nor relative to DM. According to both measures, valuations are neutral. Hence, valuations will not prevent share prices from falling as profits begin to contract. This is why we continue to recommend a defensive strategy for absolute-return investors, and we continue to underweight EM versus DM within a global equity portfolio. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com India: Beware Of Rural Growth Lapse Indian share prices are weak and are underperforming the emerging markets benchmark in U.S. dollar terms (Chart II-1, top panel). Small cap stocks are in a full-fledged bear market (Chart II-1, bottom panel). Chart II-1Indian Stocks Are Weak The latest earnings season turned out to be disappointing. Many companies missed their earnings estimates. Chart II-2 shows that net profit margins of listed non-financial companies have turned down and overall EPS growth is weakening. Chart II-2Indian Corporate Profits Are Sluggish Disappointing corporate earnings are confirmed by macro data as well. Chart II-3A shows that manufacturing production is decelerating and intermediate goods production is contracting. Further, sales of two-wheelers, three-wheelers, passenger and commercial vehicles, as well as tractors, are either slowing or contracting (Chart II-3B). Chart II-3ACyclical Spending Is Decelerating Chart II-3BCyclical Spending Is Decelerating This weakness emanates from rural areas. The basis is that food prices have been falling since the summer of 2018 – and are deflating for the first time since the early 2000s. This is hurting rural incomes. Several indicators confirm considerable weakness in rural income growth and the latter’s underperformance versus urban income and spending: The top panel of Chart II-4 illustrates that our proxy for spending in rural areas relative to urban areas has deteriorated massively along with the decline in Indian food prices. Chart II-4Rural Spending Is Weaker Than Urban One This measure is calculated as revenue growth of four rural-exposed listed companies minus the revenue growth of four urban-exposed listed companies. In both cases, the companies largely operate in the consumer goods space. Credit growth in rural areas has lagged that of urban areas, explaining the underperformance of rural spending (Chart II-4, bottom panel). Corroborating this, stock prices of these urban-exposed companies have outperformed their rural peers substantially (Chart II-5). Chart II-5Urban-Exposed Stocks Have Outperformed Rural Ones Such a slump in rural income is posing a challenge to Modi’s re-election in May. His government – which lost three key state elections in late 2018 – is aware of these ominous trends and is acting boldly to revive income growth in rural areas. The government announced an expansionary budget that appeases rural voters. In particular, the budget aims to strengthen farmers’ support schemes, cut taxes for low- and middle-income earners and introduce a pension scheme for social security coverage of unorganized labor. However, there is a significant risk that the authorities’ fiscal and monetary stimulus are too late to lift growth before May’s elections. According to the past relationship between fiscal spending and India’s business cycle, higher government expenditure growth will only begin to have an effect on the economy in the second half of this year – i.e. after the elections are held (Chart II-6). Hence, the BJP could lose its majority, meaning it would either rule in a minority government or be forced to turn over power to the Congress Party and its allies. Chart II-6Government Expenditures To Lift Growth In H2 2019 Beyond the elections, food prices might be approaching their lows. Well-below average rain will likely result in weak agricultural production and, hence, higher food prices in the second half of 2019 (Chart II-7). Chart II-7Below Trend Monsoon = Food Prices Will Likely Rise Therefore, in the second half of 2019, both fiscal easing and higher food prices will revive rural incomes and spending. In the meantime, monetary easing and credit growth acceleration will support demand in urban areas. Overall, Indian financial markets will likely remain in a risk zone until the elections as economic growth and corporate profits will continue to disappoint. If the opposition Congress Party’s alliance wins the election, Indian stocks and the currency will initially sell off. After this point, Indian assets could offer a buying opportunity because growth will likely revive in the second half of 2019. Bottom Line: For now, we continue to recommend an underweight position in Indian equities relative to the EM equity benchmark. Weakening growth, the very low interest rate differential versus U.S. rates and political uncertainty ahead of the general elections, pose risks of renewed rupee depreciation. A weaker rupee will continue to benefit India’s export-oriented software companies. Therefore, we also reiterate our long Indian software / short EM stocks recommendation. Finally, fixed-income investors should stay with the yield curve steepening trade. The central bank could further cut rates in the near term. However, long-term bond yields will not fall substantially and will likely start drifting higher sooner than later. The widening fiscal deficit, expectations of growth revival in the second half of 2019, and eventually higher food prices and inflation expectations, will all lead to a continuous steepening in the local yield curve. Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 This is the view of BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy team and it is different from BCA’s house view on China-related assets and the global business cycle. The primary source of the difference is the outlook for China’s growth. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
The first concern is the unemployment rate. Even the official unemployment rate is rising despite the fast clip of economic growth and the pro-growth reforms. A leaked government statistical report suggests that unemployment has indeed gone up and labor…
India inherited liberal democracy and rule of law from the British. Its own revolutionary leaders built on this foundation, providing relative stability despite its patchwork of languages, ethnicities, and castes. Democratic checks and balances have led to…
The target set for the “Make in India” initiative is unrealistic. In fact, the manufacturing sector’s contribution to GDP has slightly come down in recent years. Economists blame the demonetization drive and the chaotic, complicated and unclear roll out of…
As the world’s second most populous country with an economy projected to grow over 7% annually, India’s potential as a commodity consumer is massive. However, years of distortionary and unfriendly policies have held back the Indian manufacturing sector – the prime consumer of commodities. This has translated into weak “consumption intensity” of industrial commodities. The past four years have witnessed a shift to more business-friendly policies. These policies and an eventual expansion of the manufacturing base will support steeper demand for industrial commodities over the longer term. India’s economic model stands in stark contrast with China’s, which became a voracious consumer of commodities as it industrialized. It is not “the next China” when it comes to metals demand, but it will play an important and growing global role. In terms of agricultural commodities, favorable demographic trends will raise aggregate demand, regardless of the success of India’s industrialization. Highlights Energy: Overweight. Russia’s production was down 42k b/d in January, a trifle compared to the ~ 450k b/d reduction by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) in December. Officials indicate Russia will cut production by 228k b/d in 1Q19. Base Metals/Bulks: Neutral. Indian steelmakers are seeking relief from increasing imports in the form of higher duties, as slowing Asian demand leads to higher shipments from China, Korea, and Japan, according to Reuters.1 Precious Metals: Neutral. Gold markets appear more confident in the Fed’s capitulation on its rates-normalization policy, at least in 1H19, as prices rallied above USD 1,320/oz in end-January. Gold traded slightly lower this week. We remain long as a portfolio hedge. Ags/Softs: Underweight. The USDA releases its WASDE report tomorrow. Feature The impact of China’s rapid industrialization since 2000 on commodity markets is well known. Its share of global consumption of copper and crude oil rose from a modest 10.9% and 6.0% in 2000 to 51.1% and 13.5%, respectively (Chart of the Week). As such, China fueled global demand growth over this period (Chart 2) and, in large part, is responsible for the commodity price boom that ensued. Chart of the WeekChina Now Dominates Industrial Commodity Demand With such a large chunk of demand originating in China, its economic health remains a dominant variable in accurately predicting the path of industrial commodity prices globally. However, with economic priorities shifting from the industrial sector to consumer-driven services, the era of insatiable Chinese commodity demand growth looks to be nearing its end. In search of a replacement to take up the slack, India has often been singled out as a potential leading source of commodity demand growth going forward, and for good reason: India is massive. In terms of population, it is roughly on par with China, boasting a population of 1.3 billion people. And while its share of global wealth is dwarfed by China’s, India’s economy is growing at a rapid pace. According to the most recent IMF projections, its GDP will expand at a 7.5%, and 7.7% clip this year and next – faster than China’s projected 6.2% for both years. Typically, as low income economies develop, their manufacturing sector outpaces economy-wide growth, raising the contribution of industry to overall GDP. Stronger activity in this sector correlates well with industrial commodity demand, which rises accordingly. Meanwhile ag demand is determined by both population and income growth. India, however, has missed the boat (Table 1). Its share of global demand is disproportionate to its current size and its future potential. Table 1India’s Consumption Of Industrial Metals Stands Out As Disproportionately Low In fact, the intensity of commodity usage per dollar of GDP is low even relative to countries at similar income levels (Chart 3). This is most clear in the case of metals. It can be put down to the relatively small role of manufacturing in India’s economy. India did not follow the traditional path of growing its manufacturing base first before re-orienting its economy towards services. Rather, the manufacturing sector has been held back by poor infrastructure and distortionary policies. In fact, services – such as financial services, business services, and telecom – already dominate India’s economy, accounting for 53.9% of GDP, compared to 16.7% in the case of manufacturing (Chart 4). This is in stark contrast with other economies such as China, Korea, and Thailand, in which manufacturing accounts for 29%, 28%, and 27%, respectively (Chart 5). Chart 5No Pickup In Manufacturing Yet Given that the services sector is relatively less metals- and energy-intensive, India’s contribution to global demand for industrial commodities has been disproportionately low. Bottom Line: India’s growth model to date is oriented toward the services sector. As a result, the intensity of industrial commodity demand there – measured as consumption per dollar of GDP – is significantly lower than its peers. This has prevented India from playing a larger role in global commodity markets. The Case For Greater Commodity Demand: Theories And Evidence Economist Walt Whitman Rostow postulated that economies develop through five distinct phases: Traditional society: subsistence agriculture, low level of technology, labor-intensive Preconditions to takeoff: regional trade, the development of manufacturing Take off: the beginning of industrialization Drive to maturity: rising living standards, economic diversification, strong use of technology High mass consumption: mass production and consumerism Along this path, economies in phases (2), (3), and (4) are the most notable in terms of rising appetite for industrial commodities. During these stages, the industrialization and urbanization processes require an expansion of electricity grids, infrastructure and housing. As such, these stages are characterized by high base metals demand. Yet as illustrated by the sigmoid, or S curve, the period of exponential growth in commodity demand eventually slows down and in many cases falls after the country reaches a certain level of GDP per capita (Chart 6). Evidence from metals and oil corroborate this theory. In fact, if we single out the commodity intensity path of DM economies as their incomes were rising, we find that commodity intensity there has already started to decline (Chart 7). This S-curve is also evident in the commodity intensity of emerging economies (Chart 8). China’s path to development stands out as an extreme case of high consumption usage. While not all economies follow China, the paths are similar. In the case of oil, it appears that the consumption intensity of countries that have developed more recently peaked at both a lower income level and a lower oil usage level than countries that developed earlier. This is clearly the case for Korea and Malaysia, and suggests that technology has raised the efficiency of oil. On this basis, we do not expect India’s commodity intensity to reach the same peaks as its more wealthy peers. However, India’s usage has remained stagnant and in some cases fallen. This highlights the relatively muted role of manufacturing in India’s economy. As India’s economy grows and evolves, this should change. We project India’s commodity intensity path as it grows its manufacturing base (Chart 9). Based on this exercise, we find that by the year 2040, India’s consumption of refined copper will account for 12% of global consumption -- up from 2% today. The impact is more muted in the oil sector -- we expect it will account for almost 12% of global crude oil demand, from the current 5%. This trajectory reveals that the scope for rising demand is greater for metals than for the oil sector, implying that industrial commodities are set to benefit in the case of a boom in Indian manufacturing. Bottom Line: Both theory and evidence suggests that the intensity of India’s commodity usage is set to rise over time as its manufacturing sector expands. This is especially true in the case of metals. Even in our most conservative projection, India’s copper consumption is set to rise more than 10-fold by 2040. The Path Forward: “Make In India” While the Rostow model is instructive in framing our thinking on the path to development, it is a crude theory – not all countries will necessarily follow the same path to development. These are the lessons from economist Alexander Gerschenkron’s theory of economic backwardness, which highlights that countries’ growth paths may not be identical or replicable due to cross-country differences, and differences in the state of technology available at varying points of time. Applying these ideas to India means that while India is able to access current technology, which supports a more rapid industrialization process, its economic model is also very different. The China model rested on a powerful single-party state, with privileged access to the American market, that used its control of the financial system to funnel a swell of national savings into an aggressive industrialization effort. On the other hand, the India model required the government to move forward incrementally. Indian leaders had to pursue industrialization while grappling for democratic consensus in the context of extreme social diversity and a more restrictive trade environment. Thus, India is likely to mimic the circuitous path of emerging markets like Brazil or Mexico. Over the past four years, Indian policymakers have tried to unwind unfavorable business policies and spur growth in the manufacturing sector. The “Make in India” initiative of Prime Minister Narendra Modi seeks to encourage both foreign and domestic investment, and to raise the manufacturing sector’s contribution to GDP to 25% by the year 2025. In the process it aims to create 100 million jobs. This target is unrealistic. In fact, the manufacturing sector’s contribution to GDP has come down slightly, with economists blaming the demonetization drive and the chaotic, complicated and unclear roll out of the new Goods and Services Tax. Modi also faces tough elections this spring, which could put his initiative on ice. Nevertheless, there is a positive omen in the automobile industry. According to figures from the Society of Indian Automobile Manufacturers, roughly 4 million cars were manufactured last year – up from 3.2 million just five years ago (Chart 10). This is in line with India’s Automotive Mission Plan 2026, which aims for the auto industry to become one of the top three, accounting for 40% of the manufacturing sector and contributing 12% to India’s GDP by 2026. Chart 10An Encouraging Trend For Manufacturing Moreover, Modi’s impact has been a net positive in making India more welcoming for investment. While poor infrastructure, red tape, and restive labor laws are still constraining industry, measures of institutional performance are improving (Chart 11). This is a prerequisite for a brighter manufacturing future. As for the election, even if India’s opposition Congress Party should come to power, it will have learned from its five years in the political wilderness that Modi’s message of economic development resonates with the public. Their current stance on economic policy calls for import substitution, economic liberalization, and a faster pace of development – consistent with a growing manufacturing sector. Chart 11The Business Environment Is Improving The Business Environment Is Improving Bottom Line: While the “Make In India” campaign says as much about Modi’s flair for public relations as anything, India’s business environment is now more conducive to growth and investment. This bodes well for commodity demand going forward. Ags In The Age Of Manufacturing While a much-needed push in India’s manufacturing sector would clearly have a direct impact on its demand for industrial metals, the resulting improvement in the economy and employment would also raise incomes. In theory, this would support the consumption of agricultural commodities. Nonetheless, a couple of observations suggest that India is less of an opportunity for ags as it is for metals (Chart 12): In terms of the level of ag consumption per capita, rice usage is actually relatively high in India. While corn intensity levels are still quite low, wheat consumption per capita is near the level at which China plateaued. The differences across these grains likely reflects differences in preferred sources across countries and implies there is not as much room for catch up. Furthermore, ag consumption per capita generally plateaus at fairly low-income levels, in stark contrast to the industrial metals. A clear outlier is corn consumption in the United States, where high-usage patterns can be put down to the rising use of corn for ethanol production on the back of biodiesel mandates. We do not expect growth in ag consumption intensity on the back of rising incomes. Nevertheless, India’s population is projected to continue rising, in turn supporting aggregate food consumption there. That said, policies promoting India’s self-sufficiency in agriculture have generally prevented rising demand from spilling over into global markets. In fact, in terms of the trade balance, India is usually a net exporter of these grains, especially in the case of rice (Chart 13). This is a positive for India – in that it has so far avoided the risk of food shortage that occasionally rears its head – but it is a negative for global ag demand. Chart 13Self-Sufficiency Policies Insulate The Indian Ag Sector Bottom Line: Unlike industrial commodities, we do not anticipate a rise in per capita ag consumption in India. Nevertheless, a rapidly growing population will mean that aggregate demand for ags will grow briskly. Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Commodity & Energy Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger, Senior Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com Pavel Bilyk, Research Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy PavelB@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see “Exclusive: Indian steel firms seek higher duties on steel imports as prices drop,” published by Reuters.com on February 5, 2019. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Trade Recommendation Performance In 4Q18 Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Summary of Trades Closed in 2018
Highlights So What? Our best and worst calls of 2018 cast light on our methodology and 2019 forecasts. Why? Our clients took us to task for violating our own methodology on the Iranian oil sanctions. Sticking to our guns would have paid off with long Russian equities versus EM. We correctly called China’s domestic policy, the U.S.-China trade war, Europe, the U.S. midterms, and relative winners in emerging markets. Feature It has been a tradition for BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy, since our launch in 2012, to highlight our best and worst forecasts of the year.1 This will also be the final publication of the year, provided that there is no global conflagration worthy of a missive between now and January 9, when we return to our regular publication schedule. We wish all of our clients a great Holiday Season. And especially all the very best in 2019: lots of happiness, health, and hefty returns. Good luck and good hunting. The Worst Calls Of 2018 A forecasting mistake is wasted if one learns nothing from the error. This is why we take our mistakes seriously and why we always begin the report card with our zingers. Our overall performance in 2018 was … one of our best. The successes below will testify to this. However, we made three notable errors. A Schizophrenic Russia View Our worst call of the year was to panic and close our long Russian equities relative to emerging markets trade in the face of headline geopolitical risks. In early March, we posited that Russia was a “buy” relative to the broad EM equity index due to a combination of cheap valuations, strong macro fundamentals, orthodox policy, and an end to large-scale geopolitical adventurism. This call ultimately proved to be correct (Chart 1). Chart 1Russian Stocks Outperformed In The End What went wrong? The main risk to our view, that the U.S. Congress would pursue an anti-Russia agenda regardless of any Russian sympathies in the Trump White House, materialized in the wake of the poisoning of former Russian military intelligence officer Sergei Skripal with a Novichok nerve agent in the United Kingdom. As fate would have it, the incident occurred just before our bullish report went to clients! The ensuing international uproar and sanctions caused a selloff. Our bullish thesis did not rest exclusively on geopolitics, but a thaw in West-Russia relations did form the main pillar of the view. Our Russia Geopolitical Risk Index, which had served us well in the past, was pricing as low of a level of geopolitical risk as one could hope for in the post-Crimea environment (Chart 2). Naturally the measure jumped into action following the Skripal incident. Chart 2Geopolitical Risk Was Low Prior To Skripal The timing of our call was therefore off, but we should have stuck with the overall view. The U.S. imposed preliminary sanctions that lacked teeth. While Washington accepted the U.K.’s assessment that Moscow was behind the poisoning, the weakness of the sanctions also signaled that the U.S. did not consider the incident worthy of a tougher position. There are now two parallel sanction processes under way. The first round of sanctions announced in August gave Russia 90 days to comply and adopt “remedial measures” regarding the use of chemical and biological weapons. On November 9, the U.S. State Department noted that Russia had not complied with the deadline. The U.S. is now expected to impose a second round of sanctions that will include at least three of six punitive actions: Opposition to development aid and assistance by international financial institutions (think the IMF and the World Bank); Downgrading diplomatic relations; Additional restrictions on exports to Russia (high-tech exports have already been barred by the first round of sanctions); Restrictions on imports from Russia; A ban on landing rights in the U.S. for Russian state-owned airlines; Prohibiting U.S. banks from purchasing Russian government debt. While the White House was expected to have such sanctions ready to go on the November 9 deadline, it has dragged its feet for almost two months now. This suggests that President Trump continues to hold out for improved relations with President Putin. A visit by President Putin to Washington remains possible in Q1 2019. As such, we would expect the White House to adopt some mix of the first five items on the above list, hardly a crushing response from Moscow’s perspective. The U.S. Congress, however, has a parallel process in the form of the Defending American Security from Kremlin Aggression Act of 2018 (DASKAA). Introduced in August by Senator Lindsey Graham, a Russia hawk, the legislation would put restrictions on Americans buying Russian sovereign debt and curb investments in Russian energy projects. The bill also includes secondary sanctions on investing in the Russian oil sector, which would potentially ensnare European energy companies collaborating with Russia in the energy sector. There was some expectation that Congress would take up the bill ahead of the midterm election, but nothing came of it. Even with the latest incident – the seizing of two Ukrainian naval vessels in the Kerch Strait – we have yet to see action. While we expect the U.S. to do something eventually, the White House approach is likely to be tepid while the congressional approach may be too draconian to pass into law. And with Democrats about to take over the House, and likely demand even tougher sanctions against Russia, the ultimate legislation may be too bold for President Trump to sign into legislation. The point is that Russia has acted antagonistically towards the West in 2018, but in small enough increments that the response has been tepid. Given the paucity of Russian financial and trade links with the U.S., Washington’s sanctions would only bite if they included the dreaded “secondary sanction” implications for third party sovereigns and firms – particularly European, which do have a lot of business in Russia. This is highly unlikely without major Russian aggression. We cannot completely ignore the potential for such aggression in 2019, especially with President Putin’s popularity in the doldrums (Chart 3) and a contentious Ukrainian election due for March 31. However, we outlined the constraints against Russia in 2014, amidst the Ukrainian crisis, and we do not think that these constraints have been reduced (they may have only grown since then). Chart 3Non-Negligible Risk Of Russian Aggression Regardless of the big picture for 2019, we could have faded the risks in 2018 and stuck to the fundamentals. Russia is up 17.2% against EM year-to-date. The lesson here, therefore, is to find re-entry points into a well-founded view despite market volatility. Chart 1 shows that Russian equities climbed the proverbial “wall of worry” relative to EM in 2018. Doubting Jair Bolsonaro Our list of mistakes keeps us in the EM universe where we underestimated Jair Bolsonaro’s chances of winning the presidency in Brazil. The answer to the question we posed in the title of our September report – “Brazil: Can The Election Change Anything?” – was a definitive “yes.” Since the publication of that report, BRL/USD is up 2.9% and Brazilian equities are up 18.5% relative to EM (Chart 4). Chart 4Bolsonaro Rally Losing Its Luster Already To our credit, the question of Bolsonaro’s electoral chances elicited passionate and pointed internal debate. But our clients did not see the internal struggle, just the incorrect external output! A bad call is a bad call, no matter how it is assembled on the intellectual assembly line. That said, we still think that our report is valuable. It sets out the constraints facing Bolsonaro in 2019. He has to convince the left-leaning median voter that meaningful pension reform is needed; bully a fractured Congress into painful structural reforms; and overcome an unforgiving macro context of tepid Chinese stimulus and a strong USD. If the Bolsonaro administration wastes the good will of the investment community over the next six months, we expect the market’s punishment to be swift and painful. In fact, Chart 4 notes that the initial Bolsonaro rally has already lost most of its shine. Brazilian assets are still up since the election, but the gentle slope could become a steep fall if Bolsonaro stumbles. The market is priced for political perfection. To be clear, we are not bearish on Bolsonaro. We believe that, relative to EM, he will be a positive for Brazil. However, the market is currently betting that he will win by two touchdowns, whereas we think he will squeak by with a last-second field goal. The difference between the two forecasts is compelling and we have expressed it by being long MXN/BRL.2 Not Sticking To Our Method In The Case Of Iran Throughout late-2017 and 2018 we pointed out that President Trump’s successful application of “maximum pressure” against North Korea could become a market-relevant risk if he were emboldened to try the same strategy against Iran. For much of the year, this view was prescient. As investors realized the seriousness of President Trump’s strategy, a geopolitical risk premium began to seep into oil prices, as illustrated in Chart 5 by the red bar. Every time we spoke to clients or published reports on this topic, we highlighted just how dangerous a “maximum pressure” strategy would be in the case of Iran. We stressed that Iran could wreak havoc across Iraq and other parts of the Middle East and even drive up oil prices to the point of causing a “geopolitical recession in 2019.” In other words, we stressed the extraordinary constraints that President Trump would face. To their credit many of our clients called us out on the inconsistency: our market call was über bullish oil prices, while our methodology emphasized constraints over preferences. We were constantly fielding questions such as: Why would President Trump face down such overwhelming constraints? We did not have a very good answer to this question other than that he was ideologically committed to overturning the Iranian nuclear deal. In essence, we doubted President Trump’s own ideological flexibility and realism. That was a mistake and we tip our hat to the White House for recognizing the complex constraints arrayed against it. President Trump realized by October how dangerous those constraints were and began floating the idea of sanction waivers, causing the geopolitical risk premium to drain from the market (Chart 6). To our credit, we highlighted sanction waivers as a key risk to our view and thus took profit on our bullish energy call early. Chart 6Sanction Waivers Caused A Collapse In Oil Prices That said, our clients have taken the argument further, pointing out that if we were wrong on Trump’s ideological flexibility with Iran, we may be making the same mistake when it comes to China. However, there is a critical difference. Americans are more concerned about conflict with North Korea than with Iran (Chart 7), while China is the major concern about trade (Chart 8). Second, railing against the Iran deal did not get President Trump elected, whereas his protectionist rhetoric – specifically regarding China – did (Chart 9). Getting anything less than the mother-of-all-deals with Beijing will draw down Trump’s political capital ahead of 2020 and open him to accusations of being “weak” and “surrendering to China.” These are accusations that the country’s other set of protectionists – the Democrats – will wantonly employ against him in the next general election. Chart 9Protectionism, Not Iran, Helped Trump Get Elected Ultimately, if we have to be wrong, we are at least satisfied that our method stood firm in the face of our own fallibility. We are doubly glad to see our clients using our own method against our views. This is precisely what we wanted to accomplish when we began BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy in March 2012: to revolutionize finance by raising the sophistication with which it approaches geopolitics. That was a lofty goal, but we do not pretend to hold the monopoly on our constraint-based methodology. In the end, our market calls did not suffer due to our error. We closed our long EM energy-producer equities / EM equities for a gain of 4.67% and our long Brent / short S&P 500 for a gain of 6.01%. However, our latter call, shorting the S&P 500 in September, was based on several reasons, including concerns regarding FAANG stocks, overstretched valuations, and an escalation of the trade war. Had we paired our S&P 500 short with a better long, we would have added far more value to our clients. It is that lost opportunity that has kept us up at night throughout this quarter. We essentially timed the S&P 500 correction, but paired it with a wayward long. The Best Calls Of 2018 BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy had a strong year. We are not going to list all of our calls here, but only those most relevant to our clients. Our best 2018 forecast originally appeared in 2017, when in April of that year we predicted that “Political Risks Are Understated In 2018.” Our reasoning was bang on: U.S. fiscal policy would turn strongly stimulative (the tax cuts would pass and Trump would be a big spender) and thus cause the Fed to turn hawkish and the USD to rally, tightening global monetary policy; Trump’s trade war would re-emerge in 2018; China would reboot its structural reform efforts by focusing on containing leverage, thus tightening global “fiscal” policy. In the same report we also predicted that Italian elections in 2018 would reignite Euro Area breakup risks, but that Italian policymakers would ultimately be found to be bluffing, as has been our long-running assertion. Throughout 2018, our team largely maintained and curated the forecasts expressed in that early 2017 report. We start the list of the best calls with the one call that was by far the most important for global assets in 2018: economic policy in China. The Chinese Would Over-Tighten, Then Under-Stimulate Getting Chinese policy right required us, first, to predict that policy would bring negative economic surprises this year, and second, once policy began to ease, to convince clients and colleagues that “this time would be different” and the stimulus would not be very stimulating. In other words, this time, China would not panic and reach for the credit lever of the post-2008 years (Chart 10), but would maintain its relatively tight economic, financial, environmental, and macro-prudential oversight, while easing only on the margin. Chart 10No Massive Credit Stimulus In 2018 This is precisely what occurred. BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy’s “China Play Index,” which is designed to capture any reflation out of Beijing, collapsed in 2018 and has hardly ticked up since the policy easing announced in July (Chart 11). Chart 11Weak Reflation Signal From China Our view was based on an understanding of Chinese politics that we can confidently say has been unique: From March 2017, we highlighted the importance of the 2017 October Party Congress, arguing that President Xi Jinping would consolidate his power and redouble his attempts to “reform” the economy by reining in dangerous imbalances. We explicitly characterized the containment of leverage as the most market-relevant reform to focus on. We stringently ignored the ideological debate about the nature of reform in China, focusing instead on the major policy changes afoot. We identified very early on how the rising odds of a U.S.-China conflict would embolden Chinese leadership to double-down on painful structural reforms. Will China maintain this disciplined approach in 2019? That is yet to be seen. But we are arming ourselves and clients with critical ways to identify when and whether Beijing’s policy easing transforms into a full-blown “stimulus overshoot”: First, we need to see a clear upturn in shadow financing to believe that the Xi administration has given up on preventing excess debt. Assuming that such a shift occurs, and that overall credit improves, it will enable us to turn bullish on global growth and global risk assets on a cyclical, i.e., not merely tactical, horizon (Chart 12). Chart 12A Shadow Lending Surge Would Mean A Big Policy Shift Second, our qualitative checklist will need to see a lot more “checks” in order to change our mind. Short of an extraordinary surge in bank and shadow bank credit, there needs to be a splurge in central and especially local government spending (Table 1). The mid-year spike in local governments’ new bond issuance in 2018 was fleeting and fell far short of the surge that initiated the large-scale stimulus of 2015. Frontloading these bonds in 2019 will depend on timing and magnitude. Table 1A Credit Splurge, Or Government Spending Splurge, Is Necessary For Stimulus To Overshoot Third, we would need to see President Xi Jinping make a shift in rhetoric away from the “Three Battles” of financial risk, pollution, and poverty. Having identified systemic financial risk as the first of the three ills, Xi needs to make a dramatic reversal of this three-year action plan if he is to clear the way for another credit blowout. Trade War Would Reignite In 2018 It paid off to stick with our trade war alarmism in 2018. We correctly forecast that the U.S. and China would collide over trade and that their initial trade agreement – on May 20 – was insubstantial and would not last. In the event it lasted three days. Our one setback on the trade front was to doubt the two sides would agree to a trade truce at the G20. However, by assigning a subjective 40% probability, we correctly noted the fair odds of a truce. We also insisted that any truce would be temporary, which ended up being the case. We may yet be vindicated if the March 1 deadline produces no sustainable deal, as we forecast in last week’s Strategic Outlook. That said, correct geopolitical calls do not butter our bread at BCA. Rather, we are paid to make market calls. To that end, we would point out that we correctly assessed the market-relevance of the trade conflict, fading S&P 500 risks and focusing on the effect on global risk assets. Will this continue into 2019? We think so. We do not see trade conflict as the originator of ongoing market turbulence (Chart 13) and would expect the U.S. to outperform global equities again over the course of 2019 (Chart 14). This view may appear wrong in Q1, as the market digests the Fed backing off from hawkish rhetoric, the ongoing trade negotiations, and the likely seasonal uptick in Chinese credit data in the beginning of the calendar year. Chart 13Yields, Not Trade War, Drove Stocks Chart 14U.S. Stocks Will Resume Outperformance However, any stabilization in equity markets would likely serve to ease financial conditions in the U.S., where economic and inflation conditions remain firmly in tightening territory (Chart 15). As such, the Fed pause is likely to last no more than a quarter, maybe two at best, leading to renewed carnage in global risk assets if our view on Chinese policy stimulus – tepid – remains valid through the course of 2019. Chart 15If Financial Conditions Ease, Tightening Will Be Back On Europe (All Of It… Again) In 2017, our forecasting track record for Europe was stellar. This continued in 2018, with no major setbacks: Populism in Italy: Our long-held view has been that Europe’s chief remaining risks lay in Italian populists coming to power. We predicted in 2016 that this would eventually happen and that they would then be proven to be bluffing. This is essentially what happened in 2018. Matteo Salvini’s Lega is surging in the polls because its leader has realized that a combination of hard anti-immigrant policy and the softest-of-soft Euroskepticism is a winning combination. We believe that investors can live with this combination. Our only major fault in forecasting European politics and assets this year was to close our bearish Italy call too early: we booked our long Spanish / short Italian 10-year government bond trade for a small loss in August, before the spread between the two Mediterranean countries blew out to record levels. That missed opportunity could have also made it on our “worst calls” list as well. Pluralism in Europe: To get the call on Italy right, we had to dabble in some theoretical work. In a somewhat academic report, we showed that political concentration was on the decline in the developed world (Chart 16), but especially in Europe (Chart 17). Put simply, lower political concentration suggests that a duopoly between the traditional center-left and center-right parties is breaking down. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, we argued that Europe’s parliamentary systems would enable centrist parties to adopt elements of the populist agenda, particularly on immigration, without compromising the overall stability of European institutions. As such, political pluralism, or low political concentration, is positive for markets. Immigration crisis is over: For centrist parties to be able to successfully adopt populist immigration policy, they needed a pause in the immigration crisis. This was empirically verifiable in 2018 (Chart 18). Chart 18European Migration Crisis Is Over Merkel’s time has run out: Since early 2017, we had cautioned clients that Angela Merkel’s demise was afoot, but that it would be an opportunity, rather than a risk, when it came. It finally happened in 2018 and it was not a market moving event. The main question for 2019 is whether German policymakers, and Europe as a whole, will use the infusion of fresh blood in Berlin to reaccelerate crucial reforms ahead of the next global recession. Brexit: Since early 2016, we have been right on Brexit. More specifically, we were corrent in cautioning investors that, were Brexit to occur, “the biggest loser would be the Conservative Party, not the EU.” As with the previous two Conservative Party prime ministers, it appears that the question of the U.K.’s relationship with the EU has completely drained any political capital out of Prime Minister Theresa May’s reign. We suspect that the only factor propping up the Tories in the polls is that Jeremy Corbyn is the leader of Her Majesty’s Most Loyal Opposition. We have also argued that soft Brexit would ultimately prove to be “illogical” and that “Bregret” would begin to seep in, as it now most clearly has. We parlayed these rising geopolitical risks and uncertainties by shorting cable in the first half of the year for a 6.21% gain. Malaysia Over Turkey And India Over Brazil Not all was lost for our EM calls this year. We played Malaysia against Turkey in the currency markets for a 17.44% gain, largely thanks to massively divergent governance and structural reform trajectories after Malaysia’s opposition won power for the first time in the country’s history. Second, we initiated a long Indian / short Brazilian equity view in March that returned 27.54% by August. This was a similar play on divergent structural reforms, but it was also a way to hedge our alarmist view on trade. Given India’s isolation from global trade and insular financial markets, we identified India as one of the EM markets that would remain aloof of protectionist risks. We could have closed the trade earlier for greater gain, but did not time the exit properly. Midterm Election: A Major Democratic Victory Our midterm election forecast was correct: Democrats won a substantial victory. Even our initial call on the Senate, that Democrats had a surprisingly large probability of picking up seats, proved to be correct, with Republicans eking out just two gains in a year when Democrats were defending 10 seats in states that Trump carried in 2016. What about our all-important call that the election would have no impact on the markets? That is more difficult to assess, given that the S&P 500 has in fact collapsed in the lead-up to and aftermath of the election. However, we see little connection between the election outcome and the stock market’s performance. Neither do our colleagues or clients, who have largely stopped asking about the Democrats’ policy designs. In 2019, domestic politics may play a role in the markets. Impeachment risk is low, but, if it rears its head, it could prompt President Trump to seek relevance abroad, as his predecessors have done when they lost control of domestic policy. In addition, the Democratic Party’s sweeping House victory may suggest a political pendulum swing to the left in the 2020 presidential election. We will discuss both risks as part of our annual Five Black Swans report in early 2019. U.S. domestic politics was a collection of Red Herrings during much of President Obama’s presidency, and has produced strong tailwinds under President Trump (tax cuts in particular). This may change in 2019, with considerable risk to investors, and asset prices, ahead. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist roukayai@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For our 2019 Outlook, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, “2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge,” dated December 14, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. For our past Strategic Outlooks, please visit gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 In part we like this cross because we also think that Mexico’s newly elected president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, is priced to lose by two touchdowns, whereas he may merely lose by a last-second field goal.